In actuality, the strategic position of the Volga River was even more significant. As Russia¡¯s mother river, it could connect Moscow and St. Petersburg by waterway. However, when frozen in winter, it was of no use.
After pondering for a moment, Matetorski furrowed his brow and responded, ¡°Tell them not to worry, we will fulfill our promise!¡±
Clearly, he did not wish to cooperate with the Prussians. If there was a choice, Matetorski would not have bargained away Russia¡¯s interests.
The geographical location of Moscow was extremely important, not only as Russia¡¯s secondrgest industrial base but also as a crucial thoroughfare connecting east and west, and one of the most important grain-producing regions in the Empire.
Now, the three main grain-producing areas of the Russian Empire were the Polish Region, the area surrounding Moscow (including the Volga River Basin), and the Ukraine Region, with other regions still undeveloped.
Pnd was already a lost cause; if the areas around Moscow were also plunged into chaos, the Tsarist Government would only have Ukraine left.
Therefore, a shortage of grain would be a major problem for the Tsarist Government, an unsolvable one at that. When the time came, it wouldn¡¯t just be the soldiers at the front going hungry, but St. Petersburg would not hold out for long either.
The Prussians sent them to the Moscow area intending to cut off the Russians¡¯ logistical support, thereby weakening the Tsarist government¡¯s war potential.
Without domestic replenishment and relying on imports from abroad, setting aside whether the Tsarist Government¡¯s wallet could sustain the cost, their transport capacity simply could not meet the demand.
Matetorski did not want to be a puppet; his intention was to overturn the rule of the Tsarist Government and establish a free country.
Upon arriving in the Moscow area, he deliberately distanced himself from the Prussians, iming it was for the sake of secrecy when in fact he did not wish to cede territory.
However, he could not do without the support of the Prussians, and even less without the backing of the British behind the scenes. He had no choice but to behave as if he were deeply grateful.
In that era, Russia¡¯s industries were not yet developed, and the number of workers was not substantial. Overturning the rule of the Tsarist Government was far from possible.
Topensate for theck of strength, Matetorski set his sights on the numerous peasants. Alexander II emancipated the serfs and won everyone¡¯s support, presenting the greatest challenge for the uprising.
¡°Clearing the Emperor¡¯s Side¡± was a slogan generously sponsored by an international friend. The purpose was obviously to attract more people to the uprising since the Tsar had a good reputation among the people and a direct rebellion would not be epted.
This contradicted Matetorski¡¯s ideals. Due to European cultural traditions, flying this g meant that even if the government was overthrown, the Tsar would still be the Tsar, and at most, a constitutional monarchy could be used to impose some constraints.
Nichs I reimed Constantinople and left Alexander II with a sufficient political legacy. Alexander himself announced the abolition of serfdom and secured the support of tens of millions of newly freed Russian peasants.
Matetorski seriously doubted that even if the current government was overthrown, Alexander II could still hold considerable power.
While ¡°Clearing the Emperor¡¯s Side¡± was an appealing slogan, it ced him under the Tsar. Once the monarchy-subject hierarchy was established, he would naturally be at a political disadvantage.
Yet, this slogan gained the support of numerous international friends. The reason was self-evident, as all were monarchies and naturally upheld this system.
¡°Ah!¡±
He sighed deeply and resignedly chose topromise. The Revolutionary Party was no longer a monolith, with various factions already established; he as a leader could not reign with absolute authority.
The bourgeois ss supporting them just wanted to take control through the revolution, without any intention of toppling the Tsar.
Most members within the Revolutionary Party were in favor of retaining the Tsar. Without the Tsar, how could they overturn their fates to be nobility?
Do not expect their ideological consciousness to be high. Most revolutionaries rebelled due to dissatisfaction with their reality and not from any noble ideal of liberating humanity.
Matetorski could not go against the will of the people; otherwise, it would only take one meeting to rece the leader, perhaps following three or five days of arguments.
On December 12, 1866, under the leadership of Matetorski, many alliances of the Russian Revolutionary Partyunched the December 12 uprising in Moscow.
The rebel army used ¡°Clearing the Emperor¡¯s Side¡± as their political manifesto, calling on all Russian people to rise up, execute the corrupt officials, and return governance to the Tsar.
Chapter 598: Not the Main Character Anymore
After extensive research and discussions, Franz finally reached an unexpected conclusion: the British were starting to feel the strain.
This ¡°strain¡± didn¡¯t mean the British Empire was on the verge of copse. In fact, the empire was at its peak, with no one yet capable of threatening its global dominance.
However, the core purpose of a colonial empire is to generate profit. Now, with frequent international conflicts, countries were constantly undermining each other and setting traps, which significantly increased the costs of maintaining colonies.
As investments rise, the returns have not kept pace and, at times, have even diminished due to unrest. In this context, it is understandable that the British government would seek to halt unnecessary conflicts and reduce colonial expenses.
In the original timeline, there was also a colonial conference (the Berlin Conference), initiated by the Belgians, where King Leopold II sessfully capitalized on the rivalries among powers to acquire the Congo region.
Now that the Congo region has long fallen under Austrian control and most of Africa has been divided, Leopold II would naturally refrain from engaging in futile efforts. Without the Berlin Conference, the major colonial empiresck a significant opportunity tomunicate deeply and mediate their conflicts.
Although Britain, France, and Austria have formed an alliance, they¡¯ve only reached agreement on core issues, and there hasn¡¯t been time to discuss the details of every single colony.
Just because the three powers hold an advantage in the division of colonies doesn¡¯t mean they can act with impunity. In reality, none of the colonial empires are easy to deal with.
While their military strength may not match that of the three nations, they can still discreetly undermine them by promoting nationalism and supporting independence movements in the colonies.The recent surge of uprisings in colonies serves as clear evidence of this trend. Statistics would reveal a year-on-year increase in the frequency of colonial revolts.
If this situation persists, no one should expect to profit easily, especially the British, who possess the most colonies and thus incur the highest costs of governance.
The Austrian government does not feel the impact significantly, which is due to Austria¡¯s colonial policies and its unique geographical situation.
Although Austria has a considerable colonialnd area, the indigenous poption is rtively small. With so few people, how much chaos can they really create?
Rebellions that can be suppressed by the police are hardly worth mentioning. In contrast, the British face a tragic situation. Not only do they have thergest territories, but also the highest poptions.
In recent years, nearly half of the colonial uprisings have urred in British colonies, so it would be problematic if the British government were not concerned.
This situation is a result of the resentment the British have fostered everywhere. On the surface, other nations may not dare to confront them, but they feel little hesitation in secretly undermining them.
For instance, Austria invests millions annually to promote various ideologies and thoughts abroad, with a significant portion aimed specifically against the British.
The British government has attempted to retaliate, but the issue lies in their inability to find suitable allies. Otherwise, they wouldn¡¯t be so determined to support the Ottoman Empire.
The British have benefited the most from colonial endeavors but have also offended the most people. Now, it¡¯s not just Austria, almost all major European colonial empires are secretly plotting against them.
Such matters, as long as there is no solid evidence, leave the British government powerless except for covert retaliation.
Even if they wanted to find an excuse to apply diplomatic pressure on smaller nations, France and Austria would step in to mediate, leaving them with no outlet for their frustrations.
This is a downside of having arge poption. The British colonies have a total poption of around 400 to 500 million, while the French colonies only have about 40 to 50 million, and the Austrian colonies have fewer than 30 million¡ªthese figures are not evenparable.
In colonial ventures, the British receive the most substantial returns but also incur the highest governance costs.
The saying ¡°poption is wealth¡± is not always true. It requires a process of transformation. Only by effectively utilizing the poption can wealth be created.
Undoubtedly, the British cannot fully leverage the vast poption of their colonies. Otherwise, not just France and Austria, but even all European countriesbined would not be their match.
In terms ofbor utilization in colonial development, Austria has made the most efficient use of its workforce. This is not due to any exceptional ability of Franz or superior management by the Austrian government, but rather due to the quality of the poption.
Although the Austrian colonies have a small poption, European immigrants and their descendants make up more than half of the total poption.
This figure cannot be matched by France or Britain as theirrger poptions do not allow for such a high number of immigrants. Without enough immigrants and with local indigenous productivity being very low, the wealth created is naturally limited.
The French should feel this most acutely. Purely from a financial perspective, French colonies have been losing money for many years.
Such situations are not surprising. The financial losses in colonies are not unique to France but have been experienced by nearly all colonial empires.
Typically, these losses ur during the initial stages of colonial development, and once a certain level of development is reached, many colonies be profitable. Colonies that continue to operate at a loss are the exception rather than the rule.
Austria serves as a prime example, having incurred annual losses of tens of millions of guilders at its peak. Even today, many areas still operate at a loss, and overall, they have only achieved a bnce between ie and expenditure.
Of course, this is purely based on the direct fiscal revenue of colonial governments. If one were to consider the contributions of colonies to the domestic economy, the situation would change significantly.
The British are widely disliked because they upy the most fertilends. Even with the most primitive forms of governance, they can still turn a profit and earn more than anyone else.
In contrast, the French have fared poorly. Compared to the same period in history, they have managed their ¡°Desert Empire¡± even more thoroughly.
Given that it is a desert empire, one cannot expect thend to be particrly fertile. Until the natural resources underground were developed, French Africa was essentially a collection of wastnds.
If it weren¡¯t for Napoleon III moving immigrants from the Balkans and Italy to North Africa to develop it to some extent, it would have been even more disastrous.
However, having many deserts does have its advantages. At least in terms of governance costs, the French spend rtively little.
In other regions, bandits could roam everywhere and hide in ravines, but in the desert, as long as they were far from the oases, they would just perish. Therefore, French rule in North Africa remains quite stable.
After rifying his thoughts, Franz realized: negotiating to mediate international disputes and reduce conflicts has be an inevitable trend.
Driven by interests, almost all colonial empires have a desire to lower the costs of colonial governance. In this context, any obstruction would put one at odds with everyone else.
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Franz disliked futilely resisting the tide. Since this was amon goal, he might as well participate.
Austria, as a member of the colonial empires, would also benefit from reducing disputes, even if it wouldn¡¯t profit as much as the British.
Franz stated, ¡°Easing international conflicts and reducing colonial maintenance costs benefits everyone. There¡¯s no need for us to be the viins here. Now, let¡¯s think about what regions we can acquire this time.¡±
Can the costs of maintaining colonies really be reduced? Deep down, Franz did not believe it!
Perhaps there could be a short-term reduction, but in the long run, costs are bound to rise. Especially in densely popted areas where governance expenses will inevitably increase significantly.
Most matters can be managed, but ideologies and beliefs are uncontroble. Once they are spread, they cannot be retracted.
The seeds have already been sown, and no one knows when they will take root, sprout, and eventually bear fruit.
Prime Minister Felix said, ¡°Your Majesty, at this colonial division conference, we have essentially be spectators. There are too few territories that are suitable for us and that we can actually acquire.
The regions avable for colonization now are limited to the Ottoman Empire, Persia, parts of the Far East, parts of the Indochinese Penins, and some areas in East Africa.
South America is barely included, but they have already gained independence. Considering the costs of governance, these areas are only suitable as economic colonies.
The Ottoman Empire is the most suitable for us. Other regions either havepetitors that are too strong or are too far away for us to reach effectively. Even if we acquired them, it would not be worth the effort.
The British and French will not allow us to annex the Ottoman Empire, so it will be difficult for us to gain anything from this colonial feast.¡±
The term ¡°economic colony¡± is a new concept proposed by European schrs in response to the rising costs of colonial governance.
In simple terms, when direct governance bes too costly, it shifts to supporting proxy rule and extracting wealth through unequal trade agreements.
There are quite a few supporters of this idea. In everyone¡¯s understanding, colonies exist primarily for profit. As long as money can be made, the method of governance is not important.
Prime Minister Felix suggestedrge colonial territories. Besides that, there are many smaller scraps that are overlooked simply because they are too small orck significant economic value.
Among the regions up for division, the Far East is undoubtedly the wealthiest, but it is also the mostplex, with great powers vying for influence.
Austria has no established foothold there and has already missed its chance to participate. Furthermore, the distance exceeds Austria¡¯s capacity for investment.
Persia is viewed by the British as theirs for the taking, and being close to India, it is closely monitored by John Bull. Anyone who touched it would incur their wrath.
In the Indochinese Penins, the Kingdom of Prussia upies a corner, while the British and French are fiercelypeting. At this point, if Austria were to get involved, it would surely be pushed out.
The East African region is already a ¡°chicken rib¡± for Austria¡ªsomething that is dispensable. Its economic value is limited and will likely incur losses for a long time. Strategic locations have already been seized by the British, making acquisition nearly impossible.
While the South American countries were suitable as economic colonies, due to the distance factor, the influence of Britain and France was greater. Austria¡¯s influence was limited to the colonies near Central America such as Colombia.
Franz nodded helplessly. Austria was no longer a major yer in this colonial feast. Rushing in would only lead to being jointly excluded.
¡°I was too greedy. Austria has already gained enough benefits and has be quite unpopr. Now it¡¯s time to digest what we have.
In this colonial division feast, preserving our existing interests is sufficient. Any gains would be a pleasant surprise. If not, we shouldn¡¯t be upset. It¡¯s not worth getting worked up over scraps.¡±
With this timely adjustment in mindset, Franz felt much more rxed. Greed is humanity¡¯s original sin. If one cannot control their desires, they will inevitably walk down an irreversible path.
There were quite a few countries participating in this colonial distribution feast. While it may seem that there are substantial benefits left over, in reality, when distributed to any specific country, there isn¡¯t much to go around.
Chapter 599: Constitutional Monarchy (Bonus Chapter)
Notpeting does not mean not participating in thepetition. Even if one isn¡¯t particrly interested, it¡¯s still possible to join in just for the sake of it.
Given Austria¡¯s current strength, no one can ignore it, and it will certainly receive its share.
Even withoutpeting for colonies, Austria can still gain returns. By making concessions here, it canpensate for losses elsewhere.
The essence of international diplomacy is the exchange of interests. Wanting to take advantage without paying a price is simply unrealistic.
If all the benefits go to one country, how can others survive? If they can¡¯t afford to confront you, they will avoid you altogether and choose not to y.
We are not in an era of one dominant power and no country can cover the sky with one hand. To avoid bing isted, it is best to adhere to the established rules.
Once the rules are broken, the biggest losers will inevitably be those who set the rules. This is because the rules are established by the creators to protect their own interests, and no one can guarantee they will dominate if a reshuffle urs.
Coincidentally, Britain, France, and Austria are all established empires that have personally participated in and led the formtion of these rules. The current rules themselves represent Austria¡¯s interests.
With the main strategy in ce, Franz need not worry about the specifics of negotiations. What can be gained will only be known after negotiations take ce.Franz cannot assess each country¡¯s strategic objectives so any notion of advance nning ispletely nonsensical.
Just like British diplomacy, those who are unaware might think that the British have devised a series of ns, with the Foreign Office carrying out diplomatic work ording to a pre-established agenda.
However, from what Franz knows, there is no such thing as a long-term diplomatic n in British foreign policy. The core principle guiding their diplomatic efforts is national interest.
Specific ns are formted based on actual circumstances and are created on the fly. Detailed advance nning does not apply to diplomacy.
International diplomacy is ever-changing. Today¡¯s enemy might be tomorrow¡¯s friend. If one cannot even determine friend from foe, how can one ensure that other countries will follow your ns?
Any sessful diplomatic power will flexibly adjust its foreign policy around international interests rather than mechanically adhering to a set n.
Franz sees this clearly. Twenty years ago, Austria¡¯s most important diplomatic policy was the Austro-Russian alliance, but now it has transformed into an alliance among Britain, France, and Austria.
¡
Coordinating international rtions and easing conflicts among major colonial empires, as well as addressing the distribution of remaining colonies, is clearly not something that can be aplished overnight so this negotiation is bound to be a prolonged affair.
In Jerusalem, the conference among European nations to mediate the Ottoman-Persian conflict has already begun. Prior to the meeting, the Ottomans and Persians had exchanged fire multiple times along their borders.
However, both sides are exercising caution and restraint, with high-level officials in both countries suppressing the conflict.
Overall, both sides have seen victories and losses, with Persia suffering slightly more. This oue greatly disappoints Franz, who had initially intended to support Persia to create trouble for the British. Now he must reluctantly abandon that idea.
If they cannot achieve overwhelming advantages even against the weakened Ottoman army, then such a pawn isn¡¯t worth investing in.
It would be more practical to support Afghanistan, which, though it can only serve as a minor piece on the board, has already advanced forward. Its size may be small, but itsbat effectiveness remains reliable.
With support from Russia and Austria, Afghanistan has trained a new army in recent years. Unfortunately, Afghanistan is too poor. Constrained by finances, it has only managed to train three undermanned infantry divisions.
This is already a result of the Afghan government¡¯s militaristic approach and its partnership with Austrian funding. Otherwise, they would not even be able to maintain a single modern infantry division.
In contrast, Persia¡¯s situation is much better. Even though it has declined, its resources far exceed those of Afghanistan.
If the government is strong enough, training a modern army of 100,000 or 200,000 soldiers is not difficult. With such a military presence, it would be sufficient to deter British ambitions.
Overall, feudal agricultural states are not suited for the age of firearms. Their meager financial revenues determine their upper limits of power.
From the very beginning, the Jerusalem conference found itself in a predicament, as everyone understood that no results could be achieved here.
Whether it is the Ottomans or the Persians, both have great powers backing them. As long as the major yers behind the scenes continue to bicker, they can only hold on and wait.
Unfortunately, the British, French, and Austrians are still embroiled in their disputes, so no oues can be expected at the negotiation table.
Persia demands reparations from the Ottoman Empire, while the Ottomans requirepensation from Persia for pensions. The atmosphere is extremely tense, with representatives from both countries almost ready to duel.
¡
At the same time that the Jerusalem conference was in a deadlock, the British fulfilled their promise to the Ottoman Empire, with the first tranche of 3 million pounds in war loans now in ce.
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For Grand Vizier Midhat, this was the first piece of good news he had received since taking charge of the Ottoman Empire.
With this money, he could suppress domestic rebellions and restore order within the country. Following that, he could implement social reforms to revive the Ottoman Empire and seek revenge against Austria and Russia for past grievances.
Well, that might be a bit overly ambitious. But it¡¯s understandable for an idealist to have ambitions beyond their means.
An official from the Young Ottomans, Mehadra, reported quietly, ¡°Grand Vizier, in recent days, His Majesty has frequently summoned conservative and religious leaders.
All discussions are conducted in secret, but judging by the expressions on their faces as they leave, it seems they are having a pleasant conversation.
Afterward, these individuals have been unusually low-key, even reducing their daily social interactions.
At the same time, their covertmunications have increased, including contacts with several military generals. Our preliminary assessment is that their conspiracy is directed against us.¡±
The Young Ottomans came to power through a coup and had supported Abdul Hamid II¡¯s ascent to the throne.
However, this Sultan does not seem content. Before his ascension, he was supportive of the Young Ottomans. Otherwise, he would not have been able to take the throne. But after bing Sultan, the situation changed.
Abdul Hamid II was unwilling to be a puppet sultan. Originally close to the Young Ottomans, he naturally shifted towards the conservatives under the influence of power.
Now that the Young Ottomans held significant power, even though Abdul Hamid II attempted to court the conservatives, he still found himself somewhat powerless.
However, with the resolution of the refugee crisis, circumstances changed. The conservatives shifted all me onto the government, causing the Young Ottomans¡¯ reputation to plummet.
This gave Abdul Hamid II an opportunity to engage in subtle maneuvers, often making it difficult for the government led by the Young Ottomans to maintain its position.
Naturally, this sparked dissatisfaction among the Young Ottomans, leading to a very strained rtionship between the two sides. As a leading figure of the group, Grand Vizier Midhat was not one to sit idly by.
The Ottoman Empire is different from European countries. Every transfer of power is apanied by bloody violence. In this situation, taking a step back does not lead to a broad horizon but rather a bottomless abyss. It is no surprise that Midhat sent people to monitor the Sultan.
If it were not for the desire to avoid domestic turmoil, Midhat might have already sent someone to eliminate Abdul Hamid II. Having already deposed one sultan, he would not mind doing it again.
Midhat firmly stated, ¡°Notify the cab and all ministers that there will be a meeting here tomorrow afternoon to discuss constitutional reform.¡±
Not being able to depose Abdul Hamid II does not mean that Midhat cannot strike back. Reforming into a constitutional monarchy is the best option.
Currently, most European countries have adopted constitutional monarchies. However, there are many variations of constitutional monarchy. Some countries impose significant restrictions on royal powers, while others merely maintain a nominal monarchy without any real limitations.
Overall, in this era, monarchs still hold real power. No one has fallen so low as to be a mere figurehead. The authority of monarchs is currently at its peak, making them the most powerful individuals in their countries.
This does not prevent Midhat from using constitutional reform to marginalize Abdul Hamid II, as there is no unified standard for constitutional monarchy itself.
For example, in Austria, the constitutional monarchy effectively stiptes the emperor¡¯s pension, preventing him from using treasury funds for personal enjoyment.
In other respects, there are almost no restrictions, and some powers are even enhanced. The so-called constitutionalws were drafted by Franz himself, and the emperor retains the right to amend them at any time.
In contrast, the British constitutional monarchy imposes more restrictions on royal powers. However, overall, the king remains the supreme leader, wielding significant authority over the state.
The most striking example is the Russian constitutional monarchy, whichcks specific legal provisions to limit the tsar¡¯s powers. Manyter historians argue that Imperial Russia was a monarchy rather than a constitutional monarchy primarily because there was virtually no legal limitation on the tsar¡¯s authority.
These are minor issues. As long as they fly the g of constitutional monarchy, it suffices. Although Midhat is an idealist, he is not radical enough to arrogantly seek to abolish the Sultan and directly transition to a republican era.
Implementing a republic in a country like the Ottoman Empire, which is deeply rooted in religious beliefs, would be absurd. It could easily result in religious leaders being elected to power.
Therefore, under the guise of constitutional reform, reducing Abdul Hamid II to a mere figurehead would be sufficient. Going any further could lead to disastrous consequences.
Chapter 600: Speculator
Just as one wave calms, another rises.
While the Ottoman-Persian conflict remains unresolved, trouble has erupted in East Asia. The Japanese government, which has just begun preliminary social reforms, has shown its fangs to the outside world.
In May 1875, Japanese warships, including the Un''y¨, invaded Busan, Korea, staging a show of force. The decaying and ipetent Joseon Dynasty failed to organize an immediate counterattack and instead hoped for intervention from their overlord.
Unfortunately for them, their neighboring overlord was also in decline, embroiled in internal strife and unable to attend to such minor matters, further fueling Japan¡¯s ambitions.
To test the limits of their neighbor, in September, Japanese forces invaded the area around Ganghwa Ind. This time, there was no escaping and the Korean army was forced to resist.
After suffering two casualties, the Japanese forces achieved victory in the battle. Under the threat of military force, the Korean government quickly capitted.
(Note: Approximately 35 Korean soldiers were killed.)
The specifics of the incident were not detailed in the telegrams, and Franz did not bother to investigate further. Such childlike skirmishes, however, still managed to refresh his worldview.
It is worth noting that the Kingdom of Korea is a country with a poption of over ten million and a standing army of around 200,000. The fact that it surrendered after losing just apany of troops is astonishing.This practically signaled to everyone that East Asia held a fat sheep too timid even to kick back, ripe for the picking.
Ambition is always fostered by indulgence. The current Japanese government is merely testing the waters. It is not yet the mid-20th century Showa government that sought to dominate the world.
Austria has entered the Far East too recently and has almost no interests in East Asia, so this news is just a source of amusement for the Austrian government.
However, the situation is different for other European powers. At least neighboring Russia has already been provoked. If it weren¡¯t for the deep-seated conflicts with Prussia, the Russian government might have turned its attention eastward.
In the original timeline, the Russian Bear¡¯s eastward shift was indeed a response to provocation. The West was filled with hard bones that were difficult to chew, while the East, though a bit farther away, was all soft flesh!
Bears eat meat; only dogs gnaw on bones. This choice is easy to make, driven purely by instinct.
Compared to the original timeline, the current international situation has changed dramatically, with overall stability maintained on the European continent.
Britain, France, and Austria are in a tripartite bnce of power, while Prussia and Russia are two secondary powers in opposition to each other. Below them are three medium powers: Spain, the Nordic Federation, and the German Federal Empire. This arrangement is precisely what the British have long desired.
Any nation that wishes to disrupt this bnce must bear pressure from multiple sides. When power is bnced among various parties, stability naturally follows.
Once the conflicts among Europe¡¯s major colonial empires ease, other independent nations around the world will feel greater pressure, especially countries like the Joseon Dynasty that are viewed as ¡°fat sheep.¡±
¡°What do you think about the changes in East Asia? Will this affect the global situation?¡±
There¡¯s no way around it as almost every colonial empire has a stake in East Asia. Originally, Japan was seen as a fat sheep that everyone had their eyes on, but suddenly everyone realized that this sheep had evolved into a wolf, jumping out topete for meat.
There are only so many interests to go around. If you take more, I take less. Adding one more yer to the mix significantly impacts everyone.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg stated, ¡°Your Majesty, Japan is not a concern. Their small skirmishes are inconsequential. Once they overstep their bounds, the British and French will teach them what the rules are.
Our interests are primarily concentrated in the South Seas, and the Japanese can only loiter around their own doorstep. They have no foothold in the South Seas at all.
Moreover, the unequal treaties signed with various countries are shackles that restrict their development. As long as they remain bound by these shackles, they cannot develop effectively.
Addressing these issues alone will likely take decades. For Japan to truly be strong, they have a long road ahead.
The Meiji Restoration slogan may sound impressive, but aside from training a second-rate military force, I see little else of merit.
Japan¡¯s recent sess is filled with chance. If it weren¡¯t for the neighboring Far Eastern Empire being busy with internal strife, they wouldn¡¯t have had any opportunity to assert themselves.¡±
¡°Disdain¡± is amon view in European society towards Japan. In this era, ¡°white supremacy¡± was still in vogue, and people of color were inherently discriminated against.
Even among whites, there were divisions based on rank: regional discrimination, ethnic discrimination, and national discrimination... For instance, Western Europeans look down on Central Europeans, Central Europeans look down on Eastern Europeans, and Europeans collectively look down on overseas territories.
The reason why the theory of unification spread in the German region is primarily that the German people were considered second-ss citizens, and they needed a strong nation.
This was evident in the 19th century in the United States, where German immigrants faced discrimination and, like the Irish, Italians, and Eastern European immigrants, upied the lower rungs of society.
In the original timeline, this situation persisted until after the unification of Germany improved their status.
Now, the situation is changing more rapidly. With Austria¡¯s resurgence, the international status of the German people is rising as well.
This is also why Austria can maintain its influence in the German region.
It¡¯s one thing not to go abroad, but for capitalists engaged in international trade, not obtaining a nationality from the new Holy Roman Empire would leave them feeling uneasy.
By acquiring imperial nationality and enjoying the benefits thate with being part of a great power, these individuals naturally aligned themselves with Austria.
In this context, even though many of Austria¡¯s actions may seem very conservative to German nationalists and do not fully satisfy their ambitions, they are still recognized as legitimate.
It is no surprise that the Japanese are looked down upon. The Meiji Restoration has only just begun, and their so-called ¡°development¡± is rtive.
For impoverished Japan, progress in any industry was a great achievement, but from Austria¡¯s standpoint, it wasn¡¯t even worth mentioning.
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For impoverished Japan, any progress in any industry is a significant achievement. However, from Austria¡¯s standpoint, these developments are hardly noteworthy.
The total industrial output of all of Japanbined is still less than that of a single industrial park in Austria. If we consider output value, it might not even match that of arge corporation.
The ¡°elite navy¡± trained by the Japanese government may not even be on par with Austria¡¯s fleet stationed in its colonies. A single battleship could easily defeat them.
As for the so-called modern army, it consists of only a few tens of thousands of troops, with subpar equipment. Coupled with inherent disdain, many people might view Japan¡¯s elite forces as inferior to Austria¡¯s reserves.
Under such overwhelming pressure, it is impossible for the Austrian government to take Japan seriously. In the original timeline, Japan was recognized by the world only after the Russo-Japanese War, having climbed to prominence on the shoulders of the Russians.
Franz did not attempt to change everyone¡¯s perceptions. Trying to force his thoughts into others¡¯ minds would be incredibly difficult.
Moreover, Japan¡¯s rise is still far off. Even if it does rise, it poses no threat to Austria. The strength of Austria¡¯s colonies in the South Seas (TN: Nanyang Region/Southeast Asia) is something the Japanese cannot challenge.
However, Franz does admire the current Japanese government¡¯s capabilities. They have managed to develop a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country under such difficult circumstances.
For example, right now, the Japanese government has chosen a good moment to act. They are taking advantage of European countries being distracted by the Ottoman-Persian conflict to create a fait apli.
If they had waited one to two years, when Britain, France, and Austria reached an agreement on colonial divisions and the international situation began to stabilize, the Japanese government would likely have faced severe repercussions.
Simply put, the Japanese do not yet have the strength to challenge the international order. They can only y on the fringes before European powers establish an international order concerning East Asia.
The ¡°Un''y¨ Incident¡± opened Korea¡¯s doors, but the Japanese government did not monopolize the benefits. All major powers could gain from it, so there was naturally little resistance.
It may seem that there are not many gains, but the political significance is considerable. The Japanese government has seized this opportunity to gain a chance for external expansion.
The European powers tacitly epted the actions of the Japanese government, which means that the internationalmunity is willing to ept Japanese colonization of Korea,ying the groundwork for future colonial expansion.
However, with benefitse drawbacks. ¡°Spection¡± and ¡°gambling¡± can easily be addictive, and once one bes involved in it, it is hard to break free.
Winning a gamble can indeed yield substantial rewards, but luck eventually runs out. One loss, and all could be lost.
This is the plight of small nations. If they do not take risks, they will never have the opportunity to rise. Yet once they sit at the gambling table, it bes difficult to walk away.
Victory can cloud judgment. Once one is caught up in it, all they see is sess, making it hard to continue viewing issues rationally.
Franz said, ¡°Let¡¯s observe for now! If the Russians turn their attention eastward, then Japan¡¯s opportunity wille. Compared to the Far Eastern Empire, the British prefer to support such small yers.¡±
Whether or not the Russians will look eastward is a question no one can answer. Everything depends on the oue of the next Russo-Prussian War.
Currently, France and Austria are sharing hegemony on the European continent. If the Russian government suffers a pyrrhic victory, then withdrawing from continental struggles will be inevitable, and looking eastward will be one option.
If the Russian government suffers a disastrous defeat, then everything will be over. A defeated Russian Empire will inevitably be dismembered. Even self-preservation will be a challenge, let alone continuing expansion.
From Austria¡¯s perspective, it would naturally hope for a draw between the two countries or for one side to achieve a narrow victory. Eliminating two potentialpetitors at once would be ideal.
Chapter 601: Colonization
After six months of negotiations, the representatives of Britain, France, and Austria finally reached a preliminary agreement. On December 12, 1875, they signed the ¡°Memorandum on Mediating International Conflicts¡± in Paris.
This memorandum can essentially be viewed as a draft for an international treaty, outlining the rules for colonialpetition. While the principle of ¡°survival of the fittest¡± remains, it is now cloaked in a veneer of legal legitimacy. The key points are as follows:
One: Actual upation takes precedence; firste, first served.
Two: Current colonial spheres of influence are recognized; each party acknowledges the sovereignty of the others.
Three: Interference in each other¡¯s colonial internal affairs is prohibited (specifically, this includes supporting local factions, smuggling weapons, and promoting nationalism).
Four: For unimed territories,petition is based on capability; allies are obliged to provide certain assistance as long as their own interests are not affected¡
The first three points are crucial as they aim to ease colonial conflicts among the three nations, while the fourth point depends on interpretation.
Assistance will certainly be avable. However, the extent and effectiveness of that support will depend on the actual circumstances.
For instance, if a colonial expedition encounters an ident and ends up stranded in an ally¡¯s territory, it is likely that everyone would be willing to offer some aid as a favor.However, if there is a need topete for a strategic location or a prosperous colony, securing help from allies will require negotiating benefits.
Otherwise, the treaty would not have included the condition of ¡°as long as their own interests are not affected,¡± which serves as a disimer since the concept of interests is so broad.
This is quite normal. If allies were to offer help without any conditions, it¡¯s likely that anyone would feel uneasy. Britain, France, and Austria are not naive. Wanting to take advantage of others is never that simple.
Perhaps one might gain something here but lose elsewhere. In international diplomatic battles, one must always think twice before acting.
Often, what seems like an advantage can actually be a trap set bypetitors. Franz is particrly adept at making rivals happily jump into pitfalls.
In contrast, the British represent another extreme. They excel at sowing discord. Dealing with the British requires caution, as it¡¯s easy to be led astray.
French diplomacy is rtively bnced, performing well across various aspects butcking any particrly outstanding strengths.
Byparison, the Prussian-Polish Federation and the Russian Empire are much easier to deal with. They tend to be impulsive in their diplomatic actions and are particrly susceptible to provocation or falling into traps.
This is Franz¡¯s personal assessment, grounded in factual evidence. The Russian Empire has long been marginalized by European society, with ineffective diplomacy being a major reason for this exclusion.
Otherwise, the period of the Napoleonic Wars would have been their best opportunity to integrate into the European world.
After the war, as saviors of European nations, the Russians suddenly became continental hegemons yet remained excluded from mainstream circles¡ªthis reflects poorly on their diplomatic efforts.
The Prussian government was overly reliant on military force, neglecting the development of diplomatic rtions. This is evident from various aspects, particrly during the time of the Russo-Prussian War, when Prussia, acting as the hired thug, failed to secure any alliances with Britain or France.
They missed an obvious opportunity. It wasn¡¯t necessary for the terms of an alliance to be particrly advantageous. Merely having a nominal agreement could have yielded significant benefits in post-war negotiations.
One could argue that after Bismarck, the Prussian government¡¯s diplomatic efforts were inadequate. Of course, this was a long-standing issue. Prussia¡¯s diplomacy had never been particrly effective.
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Otherwise, the leadership of the German region would have changed hands long ago.
Unfortunately, while the Kingdom of Prussia achieved military victory, it suffered a diplomatic defeat. Austria was not crushed. Instead, itpleted internal reforms due to external conflict.
As a result, although Prussia appeared to expand its territory as a victor, it was ultimately a pyrrhic victory.
Not only did it gain a new enemy, but it also lost the goodwill of the German princes, bing viewed as a ¡°thief¡± and ¡°bandit¡± who betrayed their trust.
Such an image cannot sustain a dominant position. Subsequently, the Habsburg dynasty made a strongeback, even annexing Hungary and widening the power gap between the two states.
¡
¡°When will the international conference be held?¡±
Franz did not inquire about the location. It seemed that Napoleon IV had inherited the showy tendencies of Napoleon III, as he was particrly eager to convene international conferences after ascending to the throne.
The French are especially generous in this regard. Whenever an international conference is held in France, they cover all rted expenses.
These expenses only apply to the daily living and amodation of the delegations in France, as well as the costs associated with the conference itself.
While it may seem that the number of participants in international conferences during this era is small and the costs are minimal, over time, these expenses can umte into a significant sum.
Both Britain and Austria focus on practical benefits. Unless there are exceptional circumstances, they typically do notpete with the French over the conference location. After all, they are not celebrities in need of the spotlight.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg stated, ¡°This conference will be at the ministerial level, so we need to coordinate schedules. The n is for it to take ce in February of next year, though the exact date has yet to be determined.¡±
Franz nodded. When ites to matters of interest distribution and establishing a new international order, a high-level conference is essential.
If the delegation consists of individuals whock decision-making power and must constantly seek approval from their governments, then meaningful discussions would be impossible.
Negotiations involving interests often take a considerable amount of time. In contrast, high-ranking government officials possess greater authority and can make decisions independently, resulting in much more efficient negotiations.
Resolving international tensions has be imperative. With each passing day, colonial governments face significant economic losses, and everyone is feeling the urgency.
¡°Are there any signs of rapprochement between Britain and France? I mean, are they making contact behind the scenes?¡±
Before every international conference, countries will showcase their diplomatic skills, trying to rally allies for support in order to secure greater benefits during the discussions.
This time, Austria¡¯s interests are not substantial, so the Austrian government naturally cannot afford to spend heavily on public rtions. However, it is still necessary to keep an eye on Britain and France.
Wessenberg shook his head and said, ¡°There have been contacts between Britain and France, but they likely haven¡¯t reached any agreements. Currently, there are significant conflicts over colonial interests between the two countries.
If it weren¡¯t for our experience with the ¡®Anglo-Boer War¡¯ as a cautionary tale, both nations wouldn¡¯t be more concerned about potential losses and might have already engaged in colonial disputes by now.
Especially in the Sudan region where tensions are running high. It is said that there have also been conflicts of interest between Britain and France in the Indochina Penins and the Far Eastern Empire. We haven¡¯t focused much on that area and are unclear about the specific reasons.
This situation also involves private colonialpanies. When ites to interests, neither side is likely to back down easily. Even if both governments want to intervene, it would be difficult to make them stop.¡±
Private colonialpanies are a unique product of this historical era, with the most famous being the British ¡°East India Company,¡± which, at its peak, had armed forcesparable to those of a medium-sized nation.
In some respects, the East India Company resembled a state more than a mere enterprise.
This ¡°state¡± was ultimately consumed by bureaucrats, as bureaucratic practices and corruption led to severe losses for the enterprise, culminating in the dissolution of the renowned East India Companyst year.
Such colonialpanies exist under various gs and are the vanguards of overseas colonial expansion. They are influenced by their respective governments but are not entirely controlled by them.
Those engaged in overseas colonization are often fortune seekers willing to take risks. In the face of profit, government orders often have little sway over them.
Many of the conflicts that erupt in various colonies are instigated by private colonial teams. As long as there is profit involved, there is little they won¡¯t dare to do.
Competition among colonialpanies from the same country is equally fierce. If two colonialpanies engage in a fierce struggle, there¡¯s no need to panic or be surprised. It¡¯s a good sign that they have made significant discoveries.
The intensity of their conflicts typically corrtes with the potential profits at stake. If an open gold mine is discovered, internal strife within the colonial teams could very well ur.
In contrast, colonial governments directly overseen by various countries tend to be more restrained. They usually consider their international image and think carefully before taking action, rarely charging in recklessly.
Currently, the ongoing conflicts between Britain and France over colonial issues stem fundamentally frompeting interests. While ¡°firste, first served¡± is a valid principle, what happens when both sides arrive at the same time?
This is also why France and Austria are keen to delineate their spheres of influence in Africa. If they do not rify these boundaries in advance, who knows how many conflicts might arise along their lengthy colonial borders?
However, it could be said that it is the desert that has saved Franco-Austrian rtions. Most of the current boundary lines of their colonies run through desert regions.
Desert areas have low value, and normal people would not take risks crossing deserts for thrills. With deserts acting as barriers, encounters are minimized, naturally reducing the likelihood of conflict.
Chapter 602: Black Technology
The eternal theme of this world: interests. The conflict of interests between Britain and France is severe, and without sufficient external pressure, they cannot truly unite.
In the original timeline, the German Empire exerted significant pressure on the French, to the extent that the French government preferred to spend considerable resources to court the Russians rather than align with the British immediately, which illustrates the situation well.
After the Franco-Prussian War, both Germans and British became France¡¯s biggest enemies, and in the following decades, Britain and France nearly went to war several times.
The conflict between Germany and France could surpass that between Britain and Francergely due to Kaiser Wilhelm II¡¯s reckless provocations, which repeatedly stirred up French nationalism and were exploited by the British.
After realizing that the Germans posed a threat to their own interests, the British took the initiative to extend goodwill to the French.
Even so, the French government hesitated for a long time before lowering its pride to be a subordinate. Otherwise, it would not have been so easy for both sides topromise.
Now it goes without saying that a resurgent France does not feel threatened. Why would it want to y second fiddle to the British?
With this thought in mind, Franz felt reassured. The intertwining conflicts among Britain, France, and Austria create a more stable arrangement.
In a situation where there are significant conflicts of interest among them, the fact that Britain, France, and Austria can sit down together is truly a testament to how delicate diplomacy is.With external issues resolved, it was time to address internal matters. In recent years, Austria¡¯s economy seems to have taken flight, thriving on the tailwinds of the Second Industrial Revolution.
Not only Austria, but the entire European continent is experiencing robust economic growth. Taking the railway industry as an example, from 1870, the total railway mileage in Europe increased by 58%.
Among them, the Prussian-Polish Federation and the Russian Empire saw the fastest growth, followed closely by Greater France and the Nordic Federation. Britain and Austria, having developed their railways earlier, are now experiencing a slowdown in growth.
Of course, this growth rate is rtive to the existing infrastructure. Austria¡¯s slower growth does not mean it has built fewer railway miles than other countries.
Russia¡¯s growth was the most astounding. Other countries grew by percentages, but Russia¡¯s growth is measured in multiples.
This rapid growth is not due to the Russian government¡¯s prowess in railway construction but rather because Russia¡¯s railway industry has developed slowly. After the Russo-Prussian War, the total railway mileage in the Russian Empire was less than 3,000 kilometers, so doubling that figure is not particrly difficult.
In contrast, Austria had already surpassed 60,000 kilometers of operational railway mileage by 1870. Given this substantial base, its growth rate naturally slowed down.
Franz¡¯s initial proposal for a major railway n has now progressed beyond mere ns. After more than twenty years of effort by the Austrian government, it is nearingpletion.
Perhaps twenty years ago, a total of 100,000 kilometers of railway seemed like a distant dream. However, today, Austria¡¯s operational and under-construction railways have already exceeded 100,000 kilometers.
By the end of 1875, Austria¡¯s operational railway mileage reached as high as 76,000 kilometers. Within five years, it is expected to surpass 100,000 kilometers.
Of course, this significant increase in data can be attributed not only to rapid domestic economic development but also to the ¡°African Integration Strategy.¡±
As of now, a total of 23 cities and regions have been approved by the imperial parliament to be incorporated into the homnd, bringing the area of this territory close to one million square kilometers.
With the increase innd area, the demand for railways naturally grows. The operational railway mileage in this territory approaches 10,000 kilometers, with an additional 8,000 kilometers under construction.
This data is kept strictly confidential and once disclosed, it would undoubtedly shock the world.
Of course, ¡°confidential¡± is rtive to ordinary people and for politicians, it is not a secret. Railways cannot be hidden. If one wants to know, it is rtively easy to investigate.
In this era, railway mileage does not necessarily equate to national strength. Austria has the highest operational railway mileage in the world, followed closely not by Britain or France but by the United States.
If it weren¡¯t for the division of America, they would certainly have the most extensive railway mileage today, as the third-ranking in total railway mileage is held by the Confederate States of America.
This is somewhat frustrating. European countries have limitednd areas. While regional railway density might be higher than that of Americans, they cannotpete in total mileage.
Currently, the country with the highest railway density is Britain. The British Isles are surrounded by water and have an astonishing 23,000 kilometers of operational railways. This density is something Austria cannot hope to match. Not only now but even if Franz¡¯s grand railway n were fully realized, it would still fall short of the British.
Franz understood this but had no intention of emting them. The high railway density in Britain isrgely due to significant redundancy in construction.
The distribution of railways in Britain is extremely uneven, as capitalists tend to invest only in economically developed areas, leaving economically backward regions neglected.
In the British Isles, surrounded by water, there is no need for so many railways in just the economically developed areas. With proper nning and allocation, Britain¡¯s transportation could reach new heights.
Clearly, this is impossible. Capital follows profit. Lucrative ventures attractpetition, while unprofitable ones are ignored.
If it weren¡¯t for Franz initially using monopoly as bait to entice capitalists into the fold¡ªtying together the railways of developed and underdeveloped areas¡ªAustria¡¯s railway construction might have followed in Britain¡¯s footsteps.
Austria¡¯s railway bundling n encountered an economic crisis on the eve of its dawn. Capitalists who originally thought they would make huge profits ended up facing severe losses due to ack of funding.
Such a tactic can only be yed once. Before this, Austria had notpleted its industrialization andcked the qualifications to even enjoy an economic crisis, so people¡¯s vignce was naturally low.
Capitalists overlooked the risks of long-term investments and were lured by the term ¡°monopoly,¡± which led them to get caught up in it.
It¡¯s not just that local capitalistsck experience. Even international capitalists from countries like Britain and France fell prey to the allure of ¡°monopoly,¡± with hundreds of millions tied up in railway construction.
Those with substantial financial resources managed to hold on, while those with less strength were forced to sell off their investments, allowing the Austrian government to pick up the pieces at bargain prices and continue its unfinished railway ns.
Now, railway investment remains highly sought after, but it is no longer frenzied. The main factor is policy. The Austrian government has already intervened in railway freight pricing.
There is a maximum price limit set in various regions, and the government has also stipted that railways are public infrastructure with a certain public welfare nature. Railwaypanies are not allowed to exceed a 30% annual profit margin.
To be frank, this figure is still quite tempting. Aside from the financial sector, very few industries can achieve a 30% profit.
However, this is entirely different from the exorbitant profits that capitalists pursue. After all, railways are major investment projects, and profits are calcted based on revenue, not total investment.
If total investment were taken into ount, no railway in Austria would have an annual return rate exceeding 30%, and it would be impossible to achieve this anywhere in the world.
The only advantage is likely the stability of returns. The revenue from Austria¡¯s railways has been steadily increasing, with annual growth rates generally not falling below 3%.
Due to economic development, some sections have even experienced revenue surges of several dozen percent in a single year.
In addition to freight charges, railwaypanies have other profit models. For instance, real estate projects around stations are often part of the railwaypanies¡¯ assets or involve their investment.
Stations are not particrly grand structures so many ces can amodate them. Railwaypanies are not foolish. If there were no benefits, why would they build stations there?
Shifting a station slightly forward or backward does not affect the normal operation of the railway. In an era withoutpetition from airnes or cars, even if a station is a few kilometers away, people still have no choice.
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After briefly reviewing the reports, Franz disyed a satisfied smile. In 1875, Austria¡¯s economic growth rate once again exceeded 8%. The benefits brought by the Second Industrial Revolution had begun to take effect.
The electricity industry has performed exceptionally well, with an astonishing annual growth rate of 23.6%, clearly outpacing all others.
In contrast, the growth rate of traditional industries appears much weaker. For example, the textile industry, which rose to prominence during the early Industrial Revolution, now has a meager growth rate of only 1.8%.
However, behind these figures, Austria¡¯s textile industry has seen a capacity increase of 5.6%. This indicates that the growth rate of production capacity far exceeds the industry¡¯s revenue growth, suggesting that profits in the sector are declining.
Of course, technological advancements have also led to lower production costs, which could potentially increase profits for specificpanies.
Nevertheless, the slowdown in industrial growth is an undeniable fact. Aspetition intensifies in traditional industries, declining profits are bing inevitable.
This is not something that can be changed by human effort. As science and technology advance, the added value of products increases. Primary industries with low technological content will see their profits shrink, ultimately leading topetition based solely on cost.
There are exceptions, such as the steel industry, which has a history spanning thousands of years and is firmly established as a traditional sector. Yet, the steel industry continues to grow rapidly.
In 1875, Austria¡¯s steel production surpassed 8 million tons, leaving the British behind and securing its position as the world¡¯s leader.
The steel production figures for major countries during this period are as follows:
Austria: 8.23 million tons; steel output: 960,000 tons
Britain: 7.42 million tons; steel output: 760,000 tons
France: 2.74 million tons; steel output: 235,000 tons
German Federal Empire: 1.556 million tons; steel output: 315,000 tons (including the Rhinnd region)
United States: 1.54 million tons; steel output: 146,000 tons
Russian Empire: 1.042 million tons; steel output: 24,000 tons
Prussian-Polish Federation: 968,000 tons; steel output: 126,000 tons
Confederate States of America: 346,000 tons; steel output: 38,000 tons¡
The remaining countries can be ignored. Big data indicates that the French have fallen behind, and this gap continues to widen.
This is not because the French government is incapable of developing the economy. It is entirely due to the harsh realities they face. France¡¯s coal mines are located quite deep, with shallow seams and apanied by gas.
The extraction costs are inherently high, and the quality is poor. While it can be used for iron smelting, steel production is another matter and importing is the only viable option.
Under these circumstances, the French have turned to ¡°ck technology,¡± specifically charcoal iron smelting. As Franz knows, French steelpanies are also researching charcoal steelmaking.
This is no joke. A significant portion of France¡¯s steel productiones from charcoal. Many French metallurgical experts confidently assert in newspapers that iron produced from charcoal is of the highest quality.
There is no need to be surprised. Charcoal iron smelting is a traditional process with a history of over a thousand years.
Now, the French are still researching charcoal steelmaking technology and have achieved some preliminary results. Inboratory settings, they have sessfully produced steel of good quality using charcoal.
Unfortunately, mass production remains unattainable. During industrial trials, the quality of steel produced with this technology cannot be guaranteed, and the costs are exorbitant.
These practical issues have not dampened the enthusiasm of French capitalists. They continue to pursue this dead-end path with determination.
Capitalists have their reasons for doing so. France¡¯s coal production is insufficient and of poor quality, but the country has abundant forest resources. If they can have a breakthrough in charcoal steelmaking technology, they could instantly escape their predicament.
If France were to follow the examples of Britain and Austria, relying solely on imported coke would already render its steel industry upetitive due to the associated costs.
In a country like France, where the financial sector is well-developed, most steelpanies are publicly traded. Regardless of whether they seed, they must present a narrative that convinces investors of the viability of charcoal steelmaking.
Driven by profit, capitalists must firmly believe this is the right path. Otherwise, how could they drive up stock prices?
Compared to the same period in history, France¡¯s steel industry is still performing rtively well, with the most significant impact felt by the United States following its division.
The United States inherited most of America¡¯s industrial capacity, but its development has been quite challenging. Without the Southern market and needing to recover from the wounds of war, the economy of the United States has struggled.
The Union, which inherited two-thirds of America, has aprehensive national strength that is less than half of what it was historically. The shrinking market andbor shortages are major factors hindering economic development.
Due to the butterfly effect, in the past twenty years, the number of immigrants from Europe to America has been less than one-third of what it was historically.
Without people and markets, industries will inevitably shrink. This is beyond human control.
Additionally, political factors have yed a role. The federal government¡¯s prestige has plummeted due to its defeat in war, leading many federal states to disregard the central government.
Each federal state has its own leadership team, and the policies they formte are centered around their respective states. The so-called sense of therger picture is nonexistent.
It ismon to see certain federal states erecting trade barriers to protect their local industries, while others open their doors wide to allow products from around the world to enter.
These policies are all driven by self-interest. If local industries can produce certain products, the government will set up trade barriers to protect them.
For industrial products that cannot be produced locally and must be purchased from outside, the decision is naturally based on which supplier offers the best price and quality.
As a result of this series of factors, in the post-war period, thebor-short United States had no choice but to import arge number of people of color.
Cheap contractborers were highly sought after by capitalists. The workers provided by thesebor-exportingpanies, while having nominal personal freedom, were essentially no different from ves.
The current scale of the U.S. steel industry owes much to these inexpensive foreignborers.
However, the side effects are quite serious. This exploitative approach has exacerbated racial tensions within the United States.
Addressing these issues is not something that can be aplished overnight. At the very least, there needs to be a strong government to integrate the various federal states.
Chapter 603: Suffering
It was another Christmas, and this year¡¯s celebration was particrly lively due to the return of Jerusalem. The whole of Austria was immersed in joy andughter.
Merchants seized the opportunity to hold promotions, with discount signs filling the streets. Some shops even gave away free candies and sunflower seeds to attract customers.
Standing on the rooftop, Franz took up his binocrs and gazed at the bustling street below, feeling a twinge of longing.
The joy of an ordinary person strolling through the streets was something Franz could not experience. The life ofmoners was not suitable for an emperor. That was the price of holding such a high position.
Sneaking out would be irresponsible. The emperor represents not just himself but also the country.
If something unexpected were to happen, Austria could be thrown into chaos. Despite the apparent stability in Austria, Franz was well aware that there were many hidden dangers within the empire, merely masked by surface prosperity.
It is not frightening for a country to have hidden dangers as solving them is what matters. What is truly frightening is knowing that dangers exist yet turning a blind eye and recklessly pursuing disaster, which could lead to severe consequences.
Franz understood that there were many people dissatisfied with the government¡ªthose who lost in power struggles and those whose interests were harmed by reforms...
He couldpletely understand the resentment harbored by these individuals. Understanding or not, those who needed to be suppressed still had to be suppressed.Even if there was discontent, since these individuals had not revolted, time could wash away everything. Franz also did not resort to extreme measures.
There is a prerequisite for this: opportunities must not be given to them. The rest is simply a matter of biding time, gradually wearing down their fighting spirit with the mundane struggles of daily life.
Just like the Hungarian independence movement of the past, after enduring societal hardships, the once passionate revolutionaries were defeated by reality.
Deep down, Franz constantly reminded himself not to be reckless. In another ten or twenty years, once he had raised his son and passed on the throne, he would be free.
¡°What¡¯s so interesting about this? It¡¯s freezing cold, yet you¡¯re up here.¡±
A familiar voice interrupted him. Franz lowered his binocrs and turned to see who it was, smiling as he did so.
¡°It¡¯s Christmas, and I wanted to see how the people are celebrating.¡±
His seemingly rxed response was filled with resignation. People often reminisce only after they have lost something.
Empress Helene took the binocrs from Franz and looked in the direction he had been observing, then frowned.
¡°Well, there are a lot of people on the street, but they¡¯ve made Santa us look quite ugly¡ªthere¡¯s no sense of artistic taste at all.¡±
Franz couldn¡¯t help but chuckle. The concept of ¡°artistic taste¡± was something he barely understood as an emperor. How could ordinary people who struggled daily for their basic needs grasp it?
Hisughter irritated Empress Helene, who shot him a sharp re and said, ¡°You¡¯re mocking me, aren¡¯t you?¡±
Although her question was calm, her eyes conveyed to Franz that he better provide a reasonable exnation. Otherwise, this Christmas would not go smoothly for him.
Thinking quickly, Franz found an excuse, ¡°No, I just found the Santa us outside a bit funny. If you look closely, doesn¡¯t he seem to be missing an arm or a leg? If Santa us looks like that and has to go around spreading cheer, that would be quite a challenge for him.¡±
Seeing that Empress Helene continued to look through the binocrs, Franz quickly changed the subject, ¡°By the way, what brings you up here? Don¡¯t tell me it¡¯s just for leisure. I remember you¡¯re always busy during Christmas.¡±
This was true. The royal family also had to hold celebrations for Christmas, and these activities were managed by the empress. This included preparing Christmas gifts for friends and family and inviting guests for banquets.
As if recalling something, Empress Helene¡¯s expression changed, ¡°Oh no, I have so much to do. You enjoy yourself. I have to go.¡±
After saying this, she handed the binocrs back to Franz and turned to leave. However, she added, ¡°Frederick is almost 20 years old now. As his father, you should show some concern for his future.
Don¡¯t forget, we have many sons, but there are only a limited number of suitable princesses in Europe of the same age. If we don¡¯t settle this in advance, you¡¯ll have something to worry aboutter!¡±
After this small exchange, Franz lost interest in watching the festivities. He hadn¡¯t really paid attention to the fact that European royal families were experiencing a surplus of menpared to women.
This was a consequence of the butterfly effect. The Habsburg family had a notably high birth rate for males, especially since Franz had four sons, disrupting the gender bnce among European royals.
However, Franz quickly pushed this issue out of his mind.
Aside from his eldest son, who needed to consider political alliances and should marry someone of equal status, the other sons could marry someone of lower status or wait a few more years if suitable matches were not avable.
In Franz¡¯s view, this was not a problem at all. As long as he lowered the standards for potential brides by one tier, he could at least increase the number of candidates by double digits.
...
It seemed that God wanted to enhance the festive atmosphere. As night fell, snowkes quietly began to fall.
The cold wind did not dispel the holiday spirit. Every household hung wreaths on their doors and built snowmen, while Christmas trees adorned the interiors.
After a busy day, Rennes returned to his small bedroom, picked up the prepared materials, and began to make his own Christmas tree.
Starting preparations now was a bitte, but what could Rennes do? He was poor.
Rennes was not a local. He had onlye to Vienna this summer to make a living. With little savings in his pocket, this small room of less than ten square meters was one he had reluctantly rented.
There was no other choice. Although Vienna imed to be the city with the highest per capita ie in the world, the problemy in the ¡°per capita¡± aspect. As someone at the bottom of society, Rennes was undoubtedly one of those averaged out.
In Vienna, aside from working in high-ie sectors like finance, research, education, and healthcare, there were also poor people engaged in service industries.
ording to legal regtions, Christmas must be a holiday, with the service industry being the only exception. If businesses closed on Christmas, how would anyone celebrate?
Considering the overtime pay, Rennes decisively chose to work extra hours. He knew that during such holidays, even the stingiest bosses would give their overtime employees a Christmas gift.
Rennes was fortunate as his boss at the grocery store was a devout believer. This year, with Jerusalem¡¯s return bringing him good spirits, he gave Ryan a bag of flour weighing fifty pounds.
This was the best Christmas gift Rennes had ever received. With that bag of flour, he had secured his food supply for the next month, which was far more practical than candy or sunflower seeds.
In a good mood, Rennespleted the Christmas tree in the shortest time possible. It may have looked a bit ugly, but that did not hinder his pursuit of a better life.
The choir from the church had begun to sing Christmas carols in front of each parishioner¡¯s door, and Rennes felt very excited.
He had never experienced this. Although there were churches back in his hometown, there was only one priest, and choirs were something only cathedrals had.
After watching the choir leave, Rennes fell silent. Alone in a strange city, without friends or family nearby, he didn¡¯t know how to spend the time ahead.
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Looking at the prepared Christmas gifts, Rennes smiled bitterly. The city was different from his hometown. Everyone was quite guarded, and many people put on masks.
When he first moved in, Rennes had tried to get to know his neighbors. However, the tenants living here were all at the bottom of society, struggling daily for their livelihoods and having no energy to entertain more people or matters.
Though they spoke politely, their tone conveyed a sense of distance that made Rennes abandon any further attempts at friendship. He didn¡¯t have time for that, anyway.
Vienna was a city that never slept, which meant that those working in service industries had it tough. Although Austria¡¯s Labor Protection Law stipted an eight-hour workday, this existed only in theory.
An eight-hour wage might allow one to survive in Vienna, but if you wanted to save money, you had better be prepared to work overtime!
Like most service industries, the grocery store where Rennes worked operated on a two-shift system, remaining open 24 hours a day except for Christmas Eve when it closed.
With the daily shift schedule, the busy hours totaled up to 14 each day. And that was on a good day. Every three days, the grocery store would restock. The boss would never hire extra staff for that, so employees had to work an additional 3 to 5 hours. Considering the overtime pay, Rennes decisively chose to work extra hours.
He only had two days off each month, so he had no choice but to prepare for some much-needed sleep! This was the daily life of an ordinary service worker in Vienna.
Rennes neverined. The conditions in most factories were often worse. While the working hours might not be as long, thebor environment was certainly notparable.
In the store, at least here there was hope. He interacted with different people and experiences every day, which broadened his horizons. If he paid close attention, he could learn a lot.
If he were to enter a factory, he would need to quickly learn a trade! If he couldn¡¯t ovee that hurdle, his life would remain stagnant.
Holding back tears, Rennes took out half a roasted goose he had bought on the way home and heated it by the stove, flipping over some potatoes that were nearly cooked. This was hisvish Christmas dinner.
As night deepened, the Christmas bells began to ring.
Chapter 604: Institutional Reform
After Christmas, Franz became busy again. There were always many tasks at the end of the year, including the government¡¯s year-end summary, ns for theing year, and the budget...
While specific tasks were handled by subordinates, Franz still needed to oversee the overall direction. As apetent emperor, he had to ensure his control over the government.
Finance Minister Karl presented the report, ¡°Your Majesty, here is this year¡¯s financial report.
The total revenue of the New Holy Roman Empire for 1875 was 865.2 million guilders, with total expenditures amounting to 876.4 million guilders, resulting in a budget deficit of 11.2 million guilders.
Austria¡¯s total revenue for 1875 was 157.41 million guilders, with total expenditures of 155.04 million guilders, yielding a surplus of 2.37 million guilders.
Bavaria¡¯s total revenue in 1875 was 11.32 million guilders, with revenues and expenditures roughly bnced.
The Kingdom of Jerusalem had a revenue of 220,000 guilders and expenditures of 3.14 million guilders, resulting in a deficit of 2.92 million guilders.¡±
Although the Austrian government was essentially the central government of the New Holy Roman Empire, it was important to maintain a distinction in financial matters.
If finances were not separated, and if the central government faced a deficit, there would be no way to request funds from the various state governments.It wasn¡¯t just a matter of financial separation. In reality, their functions were also different.
The Austrian government is primarily responsible for governing Austria itself, handling matters such as taxation, maintaining public order, economic development, education, and infrastructure construction¡ These are all limited to Austrian territory.
The central government, on the other hand, has a different role. These specific administrative tasks fall under the responsibilities of the individual state governments and do not require their intervention.
However, the central government is responsible for the entire New Holy Roman Empire, with its main functions including mediating rtions between the various states, enactingws, overseeing the judicial system, conducting foreign affairs, training and managing the military, issuing currency, collecting tariffs, and managing colonies...
It is normal for the central government¡¯s financial revenue to be lower than that of the individual states. Aside from ie from colonies, the central government relies mainly on seigniorage and customs duties.
While arge colonial territory does not necessarily trante to high financial revenue, it is currently fortunate that the central government can basically achieve a bnce between ie and expenditure, with a slight surplus.
However, this surplus exists only on paper. Once it passes through the central government, it is quickly consumed by local construction projects.
In earlier years, when the central government faced significant deficits, it had to rely on contributions from state governments to cover these financial shortfalls. Extracting funds from others was always challenging.
During those times, the end of each year was particrly painful for the Austrian government. They had to patiently persuade state governments to willingly contribute funds.
With the development of colonial economies, this situation changed. There was no longer a need for the central government to subsidize expenses.
This change was not weed by state governments. Not having to pay meant a decline in their status within the empire.
Politics is quite realistic. Wth the central government¡¯s financial bnce achieved, merging the Austrian government and the central government is now on the agenda.
Regardless of whether people are willing or not, this is an inevitable oue. After all, how can one govern once the colonies are integrated?
While the central government can directly administer the colonies, if it were to take direct control of the integrated provinces, these provinces would then hold political status equal to that of the state governments.
Undoubtedly, with the vast expanse of the African continent, its future development potential will certainly surpass that of the maind.
If integration is not pursued now and the system is not established, once these provinces begin to develop, they will undoubtedly seek political rights.
If they eventually transition into an era of democracy and freedom where decisions are made by popr vote, then it would not be far-fetched for the Emperor to lose his throne.
The primary reason for cing the colonies under the empire rather than under Austria was to ensure that all states contributed financially and to have a legitimate im for enticing immigrants in German-speaking regions.
Now that this had been achieved, it was time to eliminate redundant structures. Politics is indeed this practical. Franz has already decided to merge the administrative powers of Austria, Bavaria, and Jerusalem.
The year 1875 will mark thest year of separate financial ounting. Thereafter, everything will be fully merged. The government will no longer need to deal with theplexities of maintaining two budgets.
Franz took the documents and began to read carefully. The soon-to-end year of 1875 had been a good one. It was the first time since his ascension that the Austrian government had recorded a budget surplus.
Despite being a mere two million guilders, this was still a significant victory.
In the years leading up to his ascension, Franz had often struggled with financial issues, only managing to escape his difficulties after the eruption of the First Near East War which allowed him to profit from the conflict.
Following that, he elerated the pace of colonial expansion, but the government continued to run annual deficits with the best situation being a bnce between ie and expenditure.
Now was the era of the gold standard, not a time for fiat currency. For the government to print money, it had to first consider its gold reserves.
Stimting the economy through fiscal deficits required careful consideration of how much money was avable. It was impossible to cover losses simply by printing more money as prolonged deficits would only increase government debt.
The government¡¯s capacity to bear debt was limited. Once it exceeded that threshold, financial copse would ensue.
Greece serves as a cautionary tale in this regard. The previous government had recklessly distributed benefits without considering the consequences of fiscal deficits, ultimately leading to default.
Undoubtedly, the Austrian government also carried a heavy debt burden. The so-called budget surplus existed only on paper and was insignificantpared to its massive debts.
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After a moment, Franz closed the document and said, ¡°Let¡¯s use this budget surplus to reduce our debt! Our debt pressure is still quite significant. If we encounter an unexpected situation, we will be in a very passive position.¡±
At the beginning of the New Holy Roman Empire, small states were concerned that the central government would use imperial finances to subsidize Austria at their expense.
To reassure everyone, Franz established a rule: the central government could not incur external debt, and any fiscal deficits would be borne by the state governments.
The effect was quite clear. The central government struggled to cover its own expenses and had to rely on the state governments each year. Every expenditure was strictly audited, eliminating any possibility of misappropriation.
As a result, the central government¡¯s fiscal deficit shifted onto the state governments. Austria, being thergest, had to contribute the most, and with its own investments in infrastructure, its debt continued to rise.
To date, Austria¡¯s total debt had reached 500 million guilders, nearly 3.2 times its fiscal revenue, surpassing even the Russian government¡¯s foreign debt.
Of course, this calction was not entirely reasonable. Some revenues were not included in the fiscal ie but could still be used for debt repayment.
However, this figure was still somewhat precarious. During periods of rapid economic growth, it might not pose a problem, but once entering a phase of economic stability or even recession, issues would arise.
Franz did not even mention the fiscal deficit of the Kingdom of Jerusalem as it was an inevitable oue.
With all agriculturalnd lying fallow and cities undergoing redevelopment, expenses were mounting. If Jerusalem were not a holy city, it likely wouldn¡¯t even generate that 220,000 guilders in revenue and would simply be a pure investment.
Finance Minister Karl replied, ¡°Yes, Your Majesty.¡±
After a brief pause, Karl added, ¡°Your Majesty, our n for financial consolidation has met with opposition from the state governments. There may be trouble in the imperial parliament.¡±
Merging the central government with Austria was an inevitable trend that everyone was mentally prepared for. Franz had already discussed it with the kings of the various states, and generally speaking, there was no significant opposition.
There were no issues with administrative consolidation. From the beginning, the Austrian government had effectively served as the central government, and in reality, both sides had long been one entity.
Given the established facts that had already urred, the state governments understood that their opposition would be futile. As long as their own interests were not harmed, they tacitly epted this arrangement.
However, finances are different. The state governments have continuously been funding the central government. After finally achieving a bnce between ie and expenditure, it feels unfair to have Austria reap all the benefits. Anyone would feel ufortable in such a situation.
There is no room forpromise on this issue. If the finances cannot be merged, how can integration be aplished?
After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a decision, ¡°If we cannot persuade the state governments to agree, then we will postpone merging the financials for now.
Let Jerusalem announce its reconstruction n and prepare the necessary documents to apply for membership in the New Holy Roman Empire at the imperial conference early next year.¡±
The Kingdom of Jerusalem had never been part of the New Holy Roman Empire, but if Jerusalem wanted to join, no one could oppose it.
No Catholic nation could refuse the inclusion of the holy city. Otherwise, public outrage could easily lead to the government being overthrown.
Adding Jerusalem to the empire would not only increase the influence of one more state but also introduce a significant challenge.
The Kingdom of Jerusalem was impoverished and just beginning its reconstruction efforts, which would require substantial funding. Undoubtedly, Jerusalem had no money of its own.
Rebuilding the holy city was a religious imperative. Once it joined the New Holy Roman Empire, those expenses would fall on the central government. ording to convention, this expenditure would ultimately be passed down to the state governments.
Franz had already devised a n to rely on the Vatican to raise funds for Jerusalem¡¯s reconstruction from around the world. To this end, he promised governance of the city of Jerusalem to the Holy See.
However, this was still under confidential negotiation. For the Vatican to gain control over Jerusalem, it needed to cooperate with Austria to stabilize the entire Middle East.
This did not prevent Franz from using the enormous costs of rebuilding Jerusalem to exert pressure on the state governments.
Chapter 605: Developing Lanfang
Alongside rapid economic development, many hidden challenges are emerging, with the widening wealth gap being one of the most concerning.
Currently, no specific index measures this disparity, so Franz relies on avable government statistical data. This data, essible only to the government¡¯s upper echelons, remains unaltered and confidential.
In 1875, the homnd¡¯s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was approximately 5.46 billion guilders, cing it at the top globally (including figures from integrated African territories and other states).
Looking at the data alone, the homnd¡¯s GDP is twice that of Great Britain¡¯s¡ªa seemingly impressive figure. However, a closer look at additional metrics reveals a less favorable picture.
Austria¡¯s European poption is around 78.26 million, with another 6.2152 million in the integrated African regions, totaling about 84.47 million,pared to Britain¡¯s 30 million.
While Austria¡¯s poption is 2.8 timesrger, its total economic output barely exceeds twice that of Britain. In terms of per capita ie, Austrians nowg behind the British.
Due to iplete data, the Austrian government estimates Austria¡¯s per capita ie at roughly 70% of Britain¡¯s.
The only constion is that it remains higher than France¡¯s. Italy¡¯s economic struggles have impacted France, resulting in a lower per capita ie than Austria¡¯s.
You can support the trantion at /dragonlegionStill, France¡¯s total economic output has increased. Like Austria, it leverages arge poption to raise its GDP beyond Britain¡¯s.
Comparing totals alone offers limited insights. Apart from Austria¡¯s own surveys, other countries¡¯ data are typically economist estimates, with a usual margin of error of one or two percent.
However, this one or two-percent margin is significant. Currently, Austria¡¯s economicmunity holds diverse views, though there is consensus on the world¡¯s top five economies: Austria, Britain, France, the Far Eastern Empire, and India.
The debate on their rankings, however, remains unsettled, with no side convincing the others.
One view ranks them as follows: Austria, France, Britain, the Far Eastern Empire, and India.
A second opinion states that the Far Eastern Empire and India were on par with Austria, France, and Britain.
A third opinion ranks them as the Far Eastern Empire, India, Austria, France, and Britain¡
(TN: The Far Eastern Empire most likely refers to Great Qing or the Qing Dynasty of China)
Without detailed survey data, each view has its own theoretical basis, and Franz cannot discern which one is most urate. Nheless, this does not deter the Austrian government from positioning itself at the top.
Even if Austria is not currently the world¡¯s leading economy, it is only a matter of time. This is the era of the Industrial Revolution, with rapid economic growth favoring industrialized nations over those still primarily agricultural.
Beyond domestic figures, Austria¡¯s colonial GDP also drew attention, with Franz surprised to discover that the output of the South Sea colonies nearly rivals that of Austrian Africa (excluding integrated regions).
It is worth noting that the Austrian government ces much greater strategic value on Austrian Africa than on the South Sea colonies, as their scales are vastly different.
Currently, Austria¡¯s territories in the South Seas include Borneo, New Guinea, and several smaller inds. While not among the wealthiest in the South Seas, these territories have nheless achieved substantial economic output.
Specific data:
Austrian Africa: 450 million guilders
Austrian South Seas: 360 million guilders
Austrian Central America: 250 million guilders
Austrian South America: 11 million guilders
Austrian ska: 54,000 guilders
(The Austrian Arabian Penins has not been fully upied and is in a state of chaos, so it has not been ounted for.)
From a data perspective, a gap of twenty percent remains¡ªsignificant, though it has narrowed by eight percentpared to five years ago.
Noticing Franz¡¯s confusion, Minister of Colonies Stephen exined, ¡°Your Majesty, the development of the Austrian South Seas has elerated remarkably in recent years, especially in the Lanfang Autonomous Province, where agriculture has seen impressive progress. ??¨¤??¨®?¨§?
The world¡¯srgest rubber ntation has been established there, along with new pepper ntations. Local residents have opened approximately 15 million hectares of farnd to cultivate rice, corn, pumpkins, and other crops.
Moreover, recent discoveries include several gold mines on the ind and coal mines in the southwest, which are already being actively mined.¡±
Franz was left even more perplexed. From his memory, while a few areas in Borneo were fertile, most of thend was not particrly suitable forrge-scale agriculture.
Of course, crops could be grown, but without the benefit of modern fertilizers, yields would likely be modest.
Franz knew that Chinese settlers were adept at farming but would still weigh the expected returns. With so much farnd now in use, he wondered¡ªdid Borneo truly have that much arablend?
Franz asked, ¡°What is the current poption of the Lanfang Autonomous Province? How is the output from that much farnd?¡±
Minister of Colonies Stephen replied, ¡°The poption in the Lanfang Autonomous Province is growing rapidly. It¡¯s currently around eight million and could exceed ten million within a few years.
Agricultural methods on the ind remain somewhat primitive, primarily relying on human and animalbor with minimal machinery. Despite this, the output is only slightly lower than that of the homnd.
I must say, the people of Lanfang are exceptional farmers. They¡¯re still highly motivated to clearnd. If other regions had even half their enthusiasm, there would be a surplus of food worldwide.¡±
Unlike the British, French, and Italians, the Germans showed a notable enthusiasm for farming, as reflected in the number of farms within their colonies.
In this era, most colonists are more interested in seeking fortune than farming, preferring to take risks over settling down to cultivatend.
Austria, however, has been fortunate. Many German farmers aspire to bendowners, and these individuals have be the backbone of Austria¡¯s colonial economic development.
Yet, they are practical: farming must be profitable. They would never work barrennd, and much of Borneo is indeed seen as unproductive.
Franz frowned slightly, ¡°How do they sustain food production? I remember the survey report described thend in the Lanfang Autonomous Province as barren,cking agricultural value.¡±
The Austrian government has assessed every colony, detailing areas suited for development and those that are not, providingprehensive data for colonial officials to reference.
The Lanfang Autonomous Province was no exception. After it raised the Austrian g, these foundational tasks became essential.
After a moment of thought, Stephen replied, ¡°Guano. Lanfang Province relies heavily on guano as fertilizer. We have several guano inds in the Pacific, near the Marshall Inds.
Initially, these inds were not under our control. Only after the Lanfang Province submitted a request did the Colonial Ministry include them in its jurisdiction.¡±
Franz nodded. Unless mistaken, this likely referred to what wouldter be known as Nauru.
Austria controls no fewer than ten thousand inds, and due to the butterfly effect, many ind names have changed entirely, making it difficult for Franz to recognize them.
¡°Well done. Guano is a valuable resource and ys a significant role in agricultural productivity. It¡¯s a gift of nature, and for long-term development, we need to protect and use it responsibly.
The colonial government should promptly draft regtions to prevent any hunting around the guano inds. Guano harvesting must also ur in the appropriate seasons to avoid disturbing bird poptions.
We should expand our efforts in this area. im more uninhabited inds. Even if they currently hold no value, at the very least, we establish a presence.
Consider it an extension of maritime territory. Given the current climate, after next year¡¯s international conference, the delineation of spheres of influence will likely include coastal areas.
Particrly for inds with ports, regardless of immediate utility, we should secure them first.¡±
Protecting the guano inds is essential. If the birds disappear, the guano industry disappears with them.
This unexpected wealth presents a valuable opportunity. With sustainable management, it could bring benefits for many years, so reckless exploitation must be avoided.
Seizing inds is crucial. In this era of ¡°g-nting,¡± those who act quickly will seed, while the slow will miss out.
Once the internationalndscape stabilizes and spheres of influence are established, such opportunities will be lost.
For Austria, this new order holds promise. Once international boundaries are recognized, the gold mines in ska can be developed.
Franz could hardly contain his anticipation. Unfortunately, ska is not well-suited forrge-scale settlement, with a harsh climate even in the valleys.
This makes it challenging for Austria to establish a strong foundation there. Although no one might openly attempt to seize the territory, the risk of covert sabotage remains.
Moreover, the long border between ska and Canada means that Austria cannot fully prevent gold smuggling.
When international order is established, however, the situation will change. Nations will sign treaties agreeing to avoid underhanded actions, forcing them to exercise restraint.
If they were to break these promises right away, they¡¯d undermine their own credibility on the world stage.
Although ska¡¯s gold reserves are substantial, they cannot be extracted all at once. The currently essible deposits are not worth risking John Bull¡¯s reputation over.
Of course, Austria¡¯s ability to retaliate is a key factor.
If the Austrian government were to abandon restraint and actively trouble John Bull, it might not destabilize their colonial empire, but it would certainly increase their governance costs by several million pounds each year.
Given current technology, it remains uncertain whether mining ska¡¯s gold could yield several million pounds in annual profit.
John Bull may be inclined to act in ways that harm others without clear benefit to himself, but the British government would hesitate to engage in actions that damage both sides.
Minister of Colonies Stephen added, ¡°Yes, Your Majesty. The Colonial Ministry will work diligently to bring as many uninhabited inds as possible under our jurisdiction before the Paris Conference concludes.¡±
Chapter 606: Resource Curse
The era of colonial expansion has ended, and the Austrian government¡¯s focus has once again shifted back to domestic issues. Austria¡¯s most pressing problem now is the uneven economic development within the country, leading to a widening wealth gap.
Looking solely at the per capita ie of 64.6 guilders, this figure is already quite substantial. After excluding children and the elderly, the per capita ie for thebor force exceeds one hundred guilders.
However, the reality is thatrge capitalists and nobles earn annual ies in the tens of millions, while the vast majority of ordinary workers have actual annual ies of less than 30 guilders.
Franz himself is also a beneficiary in this regard. As someone who has contributed to raising the average ie, he now finds himself troubled by the expanding wealth gap.
Vienna, for example, boasts the highest per capita ie in the world: its average annual ie is 328 guilders.
This ie level ces one in the middle ss and above in any country or region worldwide.
As Austria¡¯s financial, cultural, technological, and educational capital, it seems unsurprising that Vienna has reached this level with so many resources at its disposal.
However, statistical data tells Franz that this is merely superficial prosperity as serious internal issues exist.
Vienna has a poption of 1.06 million, with approximately 620,000 of them being of working age. Of these, less than 11.2% earn an annual ie of 328 guilders or more, and only 29.6% earn over 100 guilders, while 24.6% earn less than 30 guilders (calcted only for thebor force poption).This is still the capital. With such a number of low-ie individuals, other regions would likely be even more severe.
ording to statistical data, the number of people with an annual ie below 20 guilders has reached as high as 31.2%. This is not a figure one would expect from a developed country, yet reality is as such.
The stark wealth gap is only one aspect. The regional development imbnce is even more rming. The per capita annual ie in the poorest small counties is less than eight guilders.
This ie barely covers the cost of potatoes. This is still under the assumption that Austria is a grain-producing country. if it were in Britain, they would have to settle for foraging for wild vegetables.
Moreover, this disparity continues to grow. The poorer regions are getting poorer, while the richer regions are bing richer.
Old problems remain unresolved, and new issues are emerging. With economic development, the urban-rural gap is widening at an astonishing rate.
The five years from the abolition of serfdom in 1848 to 1854 were a golden period for rural economic development in Austria, with agricultural output increasing by 56% during that time.
However, rural economic growth slowed rapidly afterward, especially after the agricultural crisis of 1873, when Austria¡¯s rural economy even experienced negative growth for a time.
While the national economy surged, rural economic growth in 1875 was less than 1%, nearly stagnating.
With so many problems converging, Franz felt like he was losing his hair from worry. Solving these issues sounds simple, but how should they be addressed?
This is not just Austria¡¯s problem. No country in the 19th century was exempt from these issues and none managed to resolve them effectively.
Since Franz raised these issues, the Austrian government has been trying to find solutions, but reality remains harsh.
Franz even hesitated to order the bureaucrats to resolve these problems because once such an order was given, he feared he would no longer see the true data. ?
This is not the inte age. In this era of poormunication, covering up the truth is all too easy. All it takes is a stroke of the pen to tweak the numbers.
Deceiving superiors and concealing the truth is a skill that bureaucratic groups excel at, as exemplified by the neighboring Russian government. Since Alexander II pushed for reforms, the Russian Empire has shown astonishing growth on paper.
Looking solely at the figures, Russia¡¯s industrial strength has already surpassed Austria¡¯s and is likely to exceed that of continental Europe in just a few years. Perhaps during Alexander II¡¯s lifetime, the Russian Empire could even surpass the entire world.
Compared to the Russian bureaucrats, Austria¡¯s officials are still somewhat conscientious. While data falsification does ur, it is certainly not as extreme.
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This is Franz¡¯s achievement. As apetent emperor, it was necessary to have clear rewards and punishments, so he established a strict reporting reward system.
You can falsify data, but you must ensure that everyone cooperates. It is not enough to guarantee cooperation from just the next government, you must ensure that even future governments willply.
Under a lifetime ountability system, anyone who knows and fails to report bears collective responsibility. All honors received will be revoked, and they will spend the rest of their lives in prison together.
Whistleblowers will be promoted directly by three ranks and can work in investigative departments specifically tasked with rooting out data falsification.
As a sacrifice for this policy, the bureaucrats of the Bosnia and Herzegovina province were the first to suffer. An official whom Franz had originally held in high regard was also ced on the cab¡¯s list and fell victim to the fallout.
In a single sweep, over a thousand public officials were imprisoned, and the entire bureaucratic group in Bosnia and Herzegovina was implicated, resulting in nearly aplete copse.
Following this incident, everyone became more restrained, and the data quickly returned to normal.
In the political arena, who doesn¡¯t have a few political enemies? If local governments were all united, the Austrian government would have long since lost sleep over it!
With strict oversight from above, those below naturally dared not act recklessly. It¡¯s just statistical data so it¡¯s best to report it honestly. Falsifying data may yield political achievements but is far more likely to lead to imprisonment.
At the Vienna Pce, during an economic meeting, Franz mmed his hand on the table and said, ¡°The domestic economy is developing rapidly, but the wealth gap, regional disparities, and urban-rural divides are bing increasingly severe. It is now time to address these issues.
If we continue to dy, it will only be more difficult to handle in the future. I do not expect aplete resolution of these problems, but we must ensure that the situation does not continue to deteriorate.¡±
The bar is set low because, given the current state of productivity, Franz knows these issues can¡¯t be entirely resolved.
Not being able to solve a problem does not mean ignoring it. Regardless of how things go, taking action is better than inaction. Even maintaining the current status quo would be a significant achievement.
Prime Minister Felix responded hesitantly, ¡°Your Majesty, the biggest issue with regional economic development imbnce is the limitations imposed by natural conditions.
We can only adapt our policies to local circumstances and formte appropriate economic development strategies. A significant portion of these areas is constrained by natural conditions, making both agriculture and industry unsuitable for development.
From a broader perspective, we must make choices regarding these regions and focus on developing areas where progress is more feasible.
The widening urban-rural gap is a global issue. With the advancement of industrial technology, the disparity between agriculture and industry will only worsen.
In the short term, the most effective approach is to promotend consolidation and adoptrge-scale farming models to rece the smallholder economies prevalent in many areas.
However, this is also the least desirable solution. The social problems brought about bynd consolidation are far more severe than the widening urban-rural gap.
In fact, neither of these two issues is the key problem. The most important issue remains the expanding wealth gap and the increasing number of people living in poverty.
As long as we address the ie issues of the lower sses, both regional development imbnces and widening urban-rural gaps can be epted.¡±
This is a false proposition. If they do not address regional development imbnces and urban-rural disparities, how can they reconcile the wealth gap?
The three issues have always been interdependent. Ie differs from others as it is regted by the market, and the government cannot forcibly control it.
Franz was no longer an economic novice. He did not naively believe that simply setting a higher minimum wage would raise everyone¡¯s ie.
This was impossible, as thebor costs that each industry could bear varied significantly. For certain traditional industries, their marketpetitiveness relied on cheapbor.
Many countries inter years deindustrialized, and aside from the nominal excuse of ¡°environmental protection,¡± the primary reason was thatbor costs in developed countries were too high.
Or rather, unions had be tools for certain individuals to profit, and in pursuit of higher investment returns, capitalists had no choice but to relocate their factories.
Austria had not yet reached that point. Many capitalists were still in the phase of making money while lying down, and the profits in most industries were quite good.
The main reason why the ie of the lower sses remained stagnant was the supply-demand rtionship in thebor market. The notion thatbor costs affected marketpetitiveness was, in reality, quite absurd.
Currently,bor prices are rtively low. Labor costs ount for a very small proportion of total expenses. In many industries, apart frombor-intensive sectors,bor costs are less than one-tenth of product prices.
Compared to their Britishpetitors, Austria¡¯sbor costs are much cheaper, and raw material costs are also significantly lower, yet the retail prices of products in international markets are nearly the same.
This greatly dissatisfied Franz. With so many advantageous conditions, capitalists were failing topete with the British for market share. Clearly, the domestic market had already satisfied them, leading to ack of ambition.
If this situation is not changed and they do not develop a sense of crisis, Austria might get inflicted with the ¡°resource curse.¡±
In the original timeline, the capitalists of Britain and France were just like this. Since they could make money, why bother working harder?
Each one indulged in eating, drinking, and having fun,pletelycking a sense of crisis, and ultimately watched as Americans and Germans surpassed them.
Changing the current state ofcency among domestic capitalists is the core focus of this economic meeting.
Franz said, ¡°Addressing the wealth gap is indeed a core issue. What ns does the government have?¡±
Prime Minister Felix replied, ¡°In the short term, the simplest way to raise everyone¡¯s ie is through immigration. While there is an oversupply ofbor domestically, there has been a persistent shortage ofbor in the colonies.
We have been facilitating immigration in recent years, but we have not done enough. In the ind areas, we have hardly done any promotional work. This situation must change now.
The government ns to migrate ten million people from the homnd to the colonies within five years. This time, the primary areas for immigration will be rural regions with excessive poption density and impoverished remote areas.¡±
As desperation sets in and masses move to the colonies, the domesticbor market will inevitably see a shift in supply and demand, ending the era of capitalists¡¯ reliance on cheapbor.
Franz was not being ruthless. He was simply forced by reality.
The German Empire of the original timeline is the best example. Apart from coal and iron, itcked almost all other resources, had higherbor costs than the French, and had no colonies to plunder, yet it still managed to develop.
The talents obtained frompulsory education is one aspect, but more importantly, it is the crisis awareness of enterprises that drives everyone to push for technological innovation.
Austria has implementedpulsory education for many years, and the quality of its poption is not low. It also possesses a richer market and resources, so there¡¯s no reason it shouldn¡¯t seed.
The Second Industrial Revolution began in Austria, and logically, with Franz¡¯s encouragement, new technologies should have developed faster than in history. However, reality has proven otherwise.
In 1875, newly registered patents in Austria showed that royal industries ounted for one-third of the total, and this percentage has been rising year by year.
After conducting research, Franz discovered that the core issue was that businesses were toofortable. With profitsing easily, capitalists were simply unwilling to push for technological innovation.
This was driven by self-interest. Cheapbor, low raw material prices, and a vast market meant they could make money without effort.
On the other hand, investing in new technology research is fraught with uncertainty. Investments and returns do not necessarily corrte, and people are generally reluctant to take risks.
Without pressure, one must create pressure. In this era before the internationalization of capital, Franz was not afraid of capitalists fleeing.
Engaging in international trade requires government endorsement. Every multinational conglomerate has government backing. Even so, these groups are often taken advantage of by local yers.
There are many ssic examples of this: for instance, British and French capital invested in Austrian railways and infrastructure construction but ended up being exploited by Franz during an economic crisis.
Simrly, British capital invested heavily in railway construction in the United States and ultimately lost everything.
Those with backing can be exploited within the rules. As for those without backing¡ªthere¡¯s no need to be concerned about appearances.
Chapter 607: Labor Strike Movement
Immigrating ten million people sounds terrifying, but when spread out over five years, it amounts to only two million immigrants per year.
Considering Austria¡¯s current poption base and a growth rate of 2%, the native poption adds about 1.7 million each year, and it could be even more.
In an era without any entertainment activities, people were still keen on procreation. Coupled with the Austrian government¡¯s birth subsidies, Austria¡¯s poption growth rate has consistently ranked among the highest in the world.
Although the total native poption won¡¯t decrease significantly, the impact will still be considerable. We are currently at the cusp of the Second Industrial Revolution, where emerging industries are continuously expanding, leading to an increasing demand forbor.
Whilebor demand is rising, the supply is decreasing, which alters the supply-demand rtionship in thebor market and inevitably drives upbor costs.
Compared to traditional industries, the most notable characteristic of emerging industries is their vitality. During periods of rapid development,panies enjoy higher profits and can naturally afford to pay higher wages.
In this context, traditional businesses must innovate technologically if they do not want to be eliminated from the market.
In fact, many new production devices have already emerged. However, some capitalists are reluctant to rece them to save costs.
This is not a mere guess by Franz as there is evidence for it. Some capitalists have evenined in newspapers: Now that mechanical equipment is being updated so frequently, if we rece it today, it might be outdated again in a few years. Since our current equipment still works, it¡¯s better to wait for something better toe along before making aplete switch.For a long time, thefortable business environment has made capitalists conservative. Many even oppose technological progress because it increases uncertainty.
A typical example is the electric era. To save costs, many factories still insist on using gasmps.
It¡¯s not that capitalists are unaware of the advantages of electric lights, but they are unwilling to spend money on installing electrical equipment.
After all, they can continue using gasmps and still make profits, so whyplicate things?
In Austria, the impoverished poption is not primarily in the vast rural areas but concentrated in cities. The main reason for this situation is that everything is rising in price, yet wages remain stagnant.
From 1848 to now, Austria¡¯s per capita ie has increased by 2.3 times, but workers¡¯ wages have only risen by 56%, and in many factories, wages have not changed at all.
The economy is developing, but ies have not kept pace, so it¡¯s no surprise that people are falling into poverty.
Now Franz is resorting to immigration as a strategy, which is actually ast resort. If this situation does not change, it will inevitably lead to problems sooner orter.
¡
Mn, as the capital of the Kingdom of Lombardy, has always been the most prosperous city in Italy. No, it should now be said that it is the most prosperous area in the German region.
Geographical boundaries have always been artificially defined. Now that Austria is powerful, Franz has directly ssified Lombardy as part of the German region.
Regardless of whether people ept it or not, all official documents state that Mn is part of the German region. The theoretical basis for this is that the Lombards are a branch of the Germanic people.
Although there are more Italians in the area, it doesn¡¯t matter. History can be rewritten, cultural traditions can change, and ethnicity can be changed.
The internationalmunity has recognized that the Kingdom of Lombardy is indeed part of the German region. Along with Lombardy, many other areas have also been ssified as part of the region of Germany, such as neighboring Venice, and even further ces like Hungary and parts of the Balkans...
Even the Kingdom of Jerusalem is about to be part of the German region. Looking at the current map of the German region can make historians go red in the face.
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All those natural conditions and historical factors are nonsense. The real basis for division is very much a product of its time: anywhere within the range of Austrian artillery is considered part of the German region, or rather, the Austrian region.
It¡¯s just a name so calling it whatever doesn¡¯t affect anyone¡¯s interests. After hearing it a few times, people will get used to it.
The Dekker Textile Factory is a well-knownrge enterprise in the Mn area and ranks among the top three textile factories in Austria.
It includes more than a dozen factories such as silk mills, woolen mills, cotton mills, dyeing factories, and garment factories, employing over 130,000 workers.
In the Mn area, where there is an independent industrial park, factories would typically be bustling at this time, but now there is an eerie silence.
Those in the know understand that another strike has urred here.
Austria is promotingpulsory education, and the Kingdom of Lombardy is no exception. Thanks to the cultivation of a sense of discipline from a young age, the currentbor strike movements tend to be much more harmonious.
People havee to realize that machinery is essential for their livelihoods so vandalizing equipment only jeopardizes their own jobs.
This does not hinder their right to go on a strike legally. As long as it does not disrupt public order, going on a strike remains a fundamental right that does not require approval from anyone.
Mn has been heavily influenced by Italian maritime culture and is the birthce of the Renaissance. Compared to other regions in Austria, new ideas are much more vibrant here, and strikes are also more frequent.
Of course, this is not the main factor behind the strike at the Dekker Textile Factory. Like most traditional enterprises, the once-thriving Dekker Textile Factory has gradually fallen into decline.
With the onset of the Second Industrial Revolution, the Dekker Textile Factory did not seize opportunities and sided with conservatives, failing to update its equipment in a timely manner, which led to fatigue in marketpetition.
Due to declining profits, thepany has not raised wages since 1870, while prices have continued to rise without waiting for them, naturally leading to strikes.
Like mostpanies, the Dekker Textile Factory is a family business. The current head, Dekker Lanoue, is already an old man in his seventies.
In his youth, he was also a prominent figure. During the Austro-Sardinian War, he decisively bet on Austria, and after the war ended,petitors who chose the wrong side faced dire consequences. Dekker Lanoue took the opportunity to take over their factories and began a life of ease.
Taking advantage of the market gap, Dekker Textile Factory rapidly developed, at its peak employing over 180,000 workers and achieving annual production values that ced it among Austria¡¯s top 100panies.
However, this industry,cking core technology, shares amon problem: there are manypetitors.
After the Austrian government implemented the cultivation of mulberry instead of wheat, the Kingdom of Lombardy quickly became Austria¡¯s most important silk-producing region.
Being close to the source allowed the Dekker Textile Factory to enjoy the first wave of profits, as local production significantly reduced costs.
Even now, the Dekker Textile Factory upies more than half of Lombardy¡¯s silk processing market. With aplete industrial chain, it should be thriving.
However, with the arrival of the Second Industrial Revolution, circumstances began to change. Various mechanical devices were constantly being updated, but the aging and conservative Dekker Lanoue did not keep pace with the times in pursuit of greater profits.
Being slow to adapt led to being left behind. Capitalpetition is relentless, andpetitors would not leave them any opportunities.
New technologies not only improve productivity but also enhance product quality. When prices are simr, higher-quality goods are undoubtedly more popr.
In just a few short years, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s market share was eroded by one-third bypetitors, and thepany¡¯s profits plummeted.
After receiving news of the strike, Dekker Lanoue suddenly mmed his hand on the table and said, ¡°Another strike! These ungrateful people don¡¯t even think about who¡¯s supporting them!
If we go under, they won¡¯t have jobs at all. If they don¡¯t want to work, then fine. There are plenty of people who want to work in ourpany.
Send out the order that ording to the old rules, 10% of the strikers will be fired and order them to return to work immediately. Those who are thest to return are going to be kicked out!¡±
This was the method Dekker developed to deal with strikes. Among the workers, he had also bought off spies. Whenever this happened, as long as someone took the lead in returning to work, the strike would falter.
Typically, those who stayed until the end were the stubborn ones and they naturally needed to be fired. Whether or not he really intended toy off 10% was not important. What mattered was getting rid of the stubborn troublemakers, or the ringleaders, as a warning to others.
In this era ofpetition, Dekker believed he was doing quite well. At least he was following thew, which was much better than underground sweatshops.
Of course, this was limited to his personal view. In the eyes of the workers, he was a vampire. Complying with the Labor Protection Act? Sorry, norgepanies in Austria dared to break it and only small businesses took the risks.
There was no choice. The Austrian government kept a close watch, and enforcement was very strict. Moreover, the Labor Protection Act was not excessive. It effectively protected the interests of both parties.
It wasn¡¯t that no one threatened the Austrian government with factory closures, but it was utterly useless. When it came to upholding the dignity of thew, Franz was very thorough.
No matter what consequences arose, whether going to prison or not, one had to face it. If you threaten the government, you¡¯d better hope you have no skeletons in your closet, or you¡¯ll find your assets seized, leaving you with no factory to close.
Arge portion of Austria¡¯s state-owned enterprises were confiscated, and almost every few years, the Austrian government auctions off a batch of state-ownedpanies, most of which are small factories.
After these precedents,ter generations became much more cautious. It¡¯s one thing to exploit legal loopholes, but openly opposing the government? Forget it!
Although the bourgeoisie seems powerful, their actual strength is very limited. They rely on money to create an illusion of influence.
Not to mention, who can sessfully unite the bourgeoisie, which has severe internal conflicts of interest? Do you believe that someone won¡¯t turn traitor in a heartbeat?
This situation is most evident in Austria. After thew mandated that news must guarantee authenticity, capitalists have been much quieter.
Making empty promises and boasting alsoes with legal responsibilities. You can brag all you want, but newspapers won¡¯t dare to publish it.
The Young Lanoue objected, ¡°Father, this isn¡¯t right! Over the past year, we have already fired 20,000 long-time workers. Now, many of the new hiresck the necessary skills, and our defect rate has increased by two percent.
The rise in defect rates will affect our product reputation. Withpetition so fierce right now, if we can¡¯t ensure product quality, our market share will be taken by ourpetitors.
This creates a vicious cycle. It would be better to send someone to talk with the workers¡¯ representatives first and then fire these troublemakers afterward.¡±
As a qualified capitalist, profit is always the top priority.
After weighing the pros and cons, Dekker Lanoue shook his head, ¡°We cannotpromise since human desires are endless. Once this precedent is set, we will never have peace.
Do you remember that canning factory next door? McDougall, who was such a shrewd person,promised with the workers to rush an order, and then he was directly dragged down by highbor costs.
Remember, even if we need to raise wages, it must be initiated by us. Making concessions under their pressure will not earn us any gratitude.¡±
The Young Lanoue had heard this example many times before. However, his view was quite the opposite. Even though the canning factory closed down, McDougall was still living quite well, clearly not unable to affordbor costs.
The fact that there isn¡¯t a singlerge-scale canning factory in the Kingdom of Lombardy already speaks volumes. The vast majority of food factories in Austria are concentrated in Hungary and the Balkans, and the reason is simply proximity to raw material sources.
Are they going to use mulberries as raw materials for canning in Mn? Don¡¯t be ridiculous, who would they sell this stuff to?
Currently, the best-selling canned goods on the market are meat products. Canned fruits and vegetables are only procured by ship crew members. Unfortunately, Mn has no advantages in this regard.
However, he did agree with thest statement. Making concessions at this time would indeed fail to win people¡¯s hearts.
As for afterward, since they have already returned to work, why increasebor costs?
Chapter 608: Ludwig II (Bonus Chapter)
As times progress, so do people.
Since the Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s management announced its decision, the striking workers had begun to talk among themselves in small groups.
A in-looking young man sneered, ¡°Same old trick. Don¡¯t they know how to try something new?¡±
Clearly, the young man was still cautious, not daring to say any names. Everyone knew there were informants among the workers. Some people had been fired forining in private before.
But times were different now. If they got fired, so be it¡ªthey could always find work at another factory. If that failed, they could even go to the colonies. At least they wouldn¡¯t starve.
With this extra option, people had much more confidence. If the Dekker Textile Factory had offered good benefits, perhaps they wouldn¡¯t have been so willing to lose their jobs.
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Unfortunately, while the factory might have had decent benefits a decade ago, that was no longer the case.
A middle-aged man shot him a fierce re, ¡°Shut up, Ryker!¡±It was clear from his expression that the middle-aged man was worried. Factory management in these times was far from harmonious, and beatings were not umon.
The Lanoue family had a reputation for severity. They had zero tolerance for any challenge to their authority.
Although Ryker hadn¡¯t mentioned any names directly, word could easily spread, and he might still face repercussions.
Ordinary workers couldn¡¯t stand up to the capitalists. A few years ago, someone had even suffered an ¡°ident¡± after badmouthing the boss.
Officially, it was called an ident, but those in the know understood it had been arranged to make an example of him.
The so-called ident could never be traced back to the boss. The worker responsible for causing it took full me, the factory paid a sum inpensation, and the matter was closed.
Everyone had been on edge since then, knowing there were informants around and that trust was scarce unless it was among close friends.
In recent years, the Kingdom of Lombardy has begun cracking down on factory issues. Factories with frequent idents couldn¡¯t pass safety inspections, so the Lanoue family had been forced to rein in their behavior.
While they no longer dared to ¡°arrange idents,¡± unfair treatment and firings still urred often.
A young man, about fifteen or sixteen, spoke up nearby, ¡°Don¡¯t worry, Uncle Raoul. Ryker will be fine. With everything that¡¯s happening, who has time for these minor issues?¡±
That was true. With more than a hundred thousand people on strike, there were plenty ofints. If management wanted to retaliate, they¡¯d have to consider whether it would create mass panic.
Right now, management is too busy worrying about how to get people back to work. Petty reporting was on the back burner.
¡
In thepany¡¯s meeting room, the atmosphere was bleak. Theyoff strategy, once prized by Dekker Lanoue as the go-to solution, suddenly seemed ineffective.
In the past, they only needed to hold out for two or three days, and, with help from nted informants, workers would soon be driven topromise.
But this time, things were different. On the fifth day, less than a tenth of the workers had returned, and the rest seemed more willing to risk beingid off than to give in, creating a dilemma.
Firing all the remaining workers was easier said than done. Each day the factory remained shut, the economic losses were significant.
Recing all the workers on short notice would be nearly impossible, meaning it could take Dekker Textile Factory two to three years to restore production capacity.
In that time,petitors would easily seize their market share. Old Lanoue looked grim, his inability to bring the workers back to work was also a blow to his reputation.
The rapid growth of the Dekker Textile Factory was not solely due to the Lanoue family¡¯s efforts. Numerous partners had contributed along the way.
Especially after going public, the board had somewhat limited Old Lanoue¡¯s authority. Although he still presided over thepany, as the factory faced increasing difficulties, dissenting voices also grew louder.
Many began to believe that Old Lanoue was too old to continue leading thepany. Now, with this strike, the situation has only be more unfavorable.
The coffee¡¯s rich aroma on the table couldn¡¯t lift Old Lanoue¡¯s spirits. The question of whether to promise¡± or not was a frustrating one.
The impact of the factory¡¯s shutdown went far beyond the obvious. It affected thepany¡¯s brand reputation and market share as well.
The Dekker Textile Factory was a well-known brand, and if news of the strike got out, it would undoubtedly damage the brand¡¯s value and thus impact its market.
A middle-aged man dressed in fine clothing spoke up, saying, ¡°Mr. Lanoue, it¡¯s already the fifth day. If this strike doesn¡¯t end soon, we won¡¯t be able to keep it out of the media.
Dekker Textile Factory doesn¡¯t have the power to block every newspaper worldwide. Rumors are already spreading. Journalists might even be on their way as we speak.¡±
Largepanies often have intricate ties to the press, and capitalists have long since mastered the art of using capital to influence public opinion. Unfortunately, there are too many newspapers to control them all. If even one leaks the story, the lid is off.
If news of the strike gets out, the first to suffer will be the stock market, meaning that the wealth of everyone present here will take a significant hit.
In fact, if it weren¡¯t for Vienna¡¯s strict stock exchange regtions, some board members might already have sold their shares.
Dekker Textile Factory has been facing significant difficulties in recent years, no longer making it a sound investment. Now, with this incident, cashing out while the stock price is still decent seems a tempting option.
However, the Austrian government strictly forbids insider trading. Even if one wants to cash out, they must wait until the news is public.
Since the Dekker Textile Factory is listed in Vienna, it naturally falls under Austrian government regtion. Concealing information isn¡¯t impossible, but getting caught would mean forfeiting all earnings.
This ¡°earnings¡± would mean forfeiting all assets from the transaction. Franz felt that differentiating between ¡°legal¡± and ¡°illegal¡± earnings was tooplicated, so, to make things easier forw enforcement, they simply confiscated everything.
Harshly punishing offenders serves as a warning to others not to break thew.
There was once someone who, to pay less tax, conducted stock trades privately, intentionally lowering the contract amount. When caught, they couldn¡¯t distinguish which parts of their wealth were legally or illegally obtained, and they ended up losing their entire fortune.
Everyone here has a lot at stake, and they¡¯ve already climbed to the top. No one wants to risk their entire fortune.
Old Lanoue nodded, signaling he understood. This was expected as keeping a strike by tens of thousands of people a secret was simply impossible.
Although it hadn¡¯t made it into the papers yet, it was already an open secret in Mn. Perhaps the entire Kingdom of Lombardy already knew.
¡°Keep up the PR work with the press. We need more time.
Making concessions now would only fuel those ingrates¡¯ arrogance, and soon we wouldn¡¯t be able to manage the factory properly.
Today, they demand a wage increase. Tomorrow, they¡¯ll ask for better meals, and the day after that, they¡¯ll want shorter working hours and more vacation¡
Our wages may be low, but they¡¯re not the lowest. If the market has epted this wage, then it¡¯s proof that it¡¯s reasonable.
They can have higher wages, but only once the business improves. If thepany isn¡¯t profitable, where would we get the money to pay them?
Son, send someone to talk with the workers. Tell them that the factory is facing difficulties right now, but once we get through this, I¡¯ll give them a raise.¡±
Old Lanoue had already sensed the crisis. Although the Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s wages aren¡¯t the lowest, they¡¯re close. He had considered improving wages, but as Dekker Textile¡¯s performance continued to decline, raisingbor costs would only reduce profits further.
A poor earnings report would undoubtedly affect the stock price, and just getting past the board would be a challenge.
Most importantly, as Dekker Textile¡¯srgest shareholder, any drop in profits would hit him the hardest.
For argepany to be so cautious about increasing wages, it was highly unusual.
Young Lanoue understood the situation even better. He knew that a wage increase had be inevitable. The main reason was that workers could no longer make ends meet.
Austria has developed rapidly in recent years, creating a lot of new job opportunities. Recently, the Austrian government had even announced arge-scale immigration n.
These factors would inevitably affect thebor market. From his perspective, Young Lanoue. naturally opposedrge-scale immigration, as it would drive up domesticbor costs.
But there was nothing they could do. The influence of capitalists was still limited against government decisions.
Besides, not all capitalists were opposed. Some even saw this as an opportunity.
Asbor costs rise, stagnantpanies will gradually be edged out, while innovative ones can move forward.
On the one hand, thepetition would decrease. On the other hand, market purchasing power would grow.
When workers earn more, they¡¯ll spend more. With more money circting, it bes easier for everyone to earn. After making its rounds in the market, the money eventually returns to the capitalists¡¯ hands.
This is a healthy economic cycle. Higherbor costs don¡¯t necessarily mean everyone¡¯s profits will go down.
¡
The telegraph is a great invention, speeding up the spread of information. By the time Young Lanoue took action, it was already toote.
As soon as he entered the workers¡¯ district, Young Lanoue was surrounded by a group of reporters, including some from the official media.
¡°Mr. Lanoue, what are your thoughts on this strike?¡±
¡°Mr. Lanoue, will you be suppressing this strike?¡±
¡
Looking at the camera set up not far away, Young Lanoue felt a wave of helplessness.
Of course, he had his ¡°thoughts¡± on the matter, but there was no way he could share them!
¡°Suppression of the strike?¡± That was a joke! Especially with all these reporters here, who would dare suppress it?
Besides, even if they wanted to, they didn¡¯t have the means to break up a strike. With tens of thousands of workers, even if they were unorganized, any unrest would be earth-shattering.
The workers were striking legally, simply staying home or wandering around. Anyone who tried to escte the situation would be in for it with the Lombardy government.
They¡¯d bought off newspapers and tried to cover the story, and it seemed to be working¡ªexcept they had overlooked the feelings of the one in the royal pce.
What ruler would want an uncontroble situation on their hands?
King Ludwig II was no different. He couldn¡¯t confront them openly, but that didn¡¯t mean he wouldn¡¯t quietly make their lives difficult.
The sheer number of reporters here already pointed to deeper problems. Normally, journalists from across the country wouldn¡¯t arrive in such numbers unless someone was pulling strings behind the scenes.
The Dekker Textile Factory had significant power, with a solidly established local interest group that no ordinary person would dare provoke.
Strikes were amon enemy of capitalists. Evenpetitors wouldn¡¯t support abor movement now, as strikes had a way of spreading.
If Dekker Textile workers seeded in gaining rights, it would ripple to other factories nearby. Whoever exposed this would be an enemy to all capitalists.
The exception, of course, was the Lombardy royal family. The fragmented bourgeoisie at its core feared the powerful and preyed on the weak. When they encountered something they couldn¡¯t handle, they wisely turned a blind eye.
Young Lanoue didn¡¯t know who was working against them, but he knew that the Dekker Textile Factory was in serious trouble. If the news got out, the chance of workers backing down would only diminish.
They had initially nned to have management quietly speak to the workers, using intimidation and persuasion, but that was no longer an option.
Otherwise, if they encountered someone with enough backbone who leaked this to a journalist, he would find himself in a heap of trouble.
Chapter 609: Getting Worse and Worse
Once the newspaper published the story about the strike at the Dekker Textile Factory, it quickly became a hot topic in society.
The government of the Kingdom of Lombardy swiftly intervened, and the first to suffer were a few news agencies in Mn. The Government Press Bureau invited their heads for a ¡°chat over coffee.¡±
Newspapers have a responsibility to reveal the truth. Not reporting it may affect the newspaper¡¯s credibility but it does not constitute a crime. However, if there is a transaction of interests and deliberate cover-up of the truth, that is indeed a crime.
Reporters from news agencies all over the country have now arrived, yet the local newspapers in Mn remain silent, naturally arousing suspicion.
Undoubtedly, in the end, nothing substantial could be found. If they dared to help with the cover-up, they were certainly prepared for the investigation.
Newspapers and businesses have always had business dealings, and transactions of interest aren¡¯t always directly in cash. They¡¯re often dispersed within advertising contracts, making it very difficult to uncover the truth.
Take the Mn Daily, for example. They sent reporters far away early on, and aside from the regr staff, several chief editors went on vacation to Vienna.
With the senior management absent and reporters sent out of town, it seems somewhat understandable that they ¡°missed¡± the Dekker Textile Factory strike due to being understaffed.
Escaping the investigation does not mean the matter is resolved. For a news agency, the most important asset is credibility. Without credibility, who would subscribe to your newspaper?Many insightful people have alreadye to realize that this time, it is very likely that Ludwig II¡¯s focus isn¡¯t actually on the Dekker Textile Factory. After all, a major enterprise like this is crucial to the Kingdom of Lombardy¡¯s economic development. If it were to copse, it would lead to massive unemployment.
The King must also consider the consequences. It is far more likely that he is targeting the domestic news agencies.
In these times, controlling the press means controlling public opinion. It¡¯s only natural that Ludwig II would seek to strengthen royal authority by extending influence over the newspapers.
This trend was started by Franz, who began establishing newspapers even before ascending the throne. After bing monarch, his influence only grew, and now virtually every major Austrian newspaper falls under royal influence.
The results speak for themselves: the royal family¡¯s image has been greatly elevated in the press.
There were naturally many imitators. Monarchies are still at their peak across Europe, with royal families wielding significant power, making it all too easy to reach into the media.
The Lombard royal family, being neers, were a step behind. But after years of groundwork, the timing is finally right for them to exert influence over public opinion.
It¡¯s an open secret, but there¡¯s no evidence. Officially, the royal family has no connection to the press, and the government¡¯s warning to newspapers is proof enough.
Behind the scenes, though,pliance with the royal mandate is inevitable. Otherwise, they wouldn¡¯t have so easily ovee this recent challenge.
If someone wanted to probe deeper, they could look into advertising deals as a means of exchanging favors. Prices don¡¯t lie, and an investigation into ad rates could reveal a lot.
Ludwig II¡¯s actions were not hidden, and Franz in distant Vienna received the intelligence immediately.
However, this is an internal matter for the Kingdom of Lombardy, and Franz has no intention of interfering. A king influencing the press is a minor issue, after all.
In a way, this is a positive beginning. When ites to power, the emperor and kings are on the same side. As Ludwig II strengthens the authority of the monarchy, he also bolsters the authority of the emperor.
This alignment can be seen in Vienna¡¯s media: newspapers rarely criticize the country¡¯s kings. When criticism does appear, it¡¯s usually directed at the regional governments instead.
Franz is not concerned with Ludwig II¡¯s actions. Rather, it¡¯s the Dekker Textile Factory strike that worries him.
If the issue isn¡¯t resolved quickly, it could trigger a chain reaction. European workers tend to act in solidarity. Once one group takes a stand, imitators are never far behind. ?
¡°Your Majesty, this is an urgent telegram from the Kingdom of Lombardy.¡±
The voice of his attendant interrupted Franz¡¯s thoughts.
Taking the document and skimming it, Franz had to admit he had a ¡°crow¡¯s tongue¡± tendency.
¡°Good things don¡¯te true, but bad things always do.¡± He had just worried about the strike at the Dekker Textile Factory causing a chain reaction, and now it had happened.
Since Lombardy switched from cultivating wheat to mulberry, it has relied on domestic sources for grain. Compared to the grain-producing regions, prices are naturally higher.
A high cost of living doesn¡¯t necessarily mean high wages. Due to the proximity to Italy, Italian workers oftene for jobs, keeping wages in the Mn area from rising.
Compared to most regions of Austria, wage levels in the Kingdom of Lombardy are rtively low. Low iebined with high expenses inevitably leads to conflict.
The Dekker Textile Factory strike is just the tip of the iceberg. Lombardy has always been the region with the most strikes in Austria, by far.
Strikes are contagious, and due to the influence of the strike at the Dekker Textile Factory, workers at nearby factories are also joining in. Thebor movement is spreading across Lombardy.
Putting down the document, Franz ordered, ¡°Notify the cab to convene, and have the Minister of Labor join us as well.¡±
The crisis has erupted. Thete 19th century is not only a period of rapid economic growth but also one of the most intensebor-capital conflicts.
Strikes are frequent in this era. Some capitalists have even resorted to machine-gunning workers, while others have been killed by workers in turn. Overall, it¡¯s a chaotic time.
The eight-hour workday, as knownter, was won through the sacrifices of countless workers in this period. Due to Franz¡¯s influence, the eight-hour workday arrived somewhat earlier in this timeline, and now workers are fighting for better benefits.
Even with the Labor Protection Act in ce, wages and benefits remain low. The government cannot decide wages so workers must fight for it themselves.
Thew of supply and demand determinesbor market prices. Now, it¡¯s a time when workers are fighting for higher wages, but the oue remains uncertain.
The Labor Protection Act protects the interests of bothbor and capital: workers can demand better wages, and employers can refuse. Neither side can force the other.
Withpeting interests at stake, this struggle is bound to be prolonged. Soon, this issue won¡¯t just affect Austria and all industrialized European countries will face it. None will be spared.
¡
After reading the contents of the telegram, the people who had rushed in did not even take a moment to rest. Everyone was aware of the strike at the Dekker Textile Factory, but in just two days, it had spread throughout the entire Kingdom of Lombardy.
The number of people participating in the strike has now surpassed the initial 100,000 and has reached an astonishing 300,000, with the number still rising.
Franz said, ¡°You¡¯ve all seen the telegram. The situation is even more severe than we anticipated. It¡¯s not just in the Kingdom of Lombardy, other regions of Austria are facing the same problem.
If things go as expected, we are about to see a nationwide strike, and possibly even a Europe-wide strike.
This is something that cannot be stopped. What we can do is quickly implement emergency ns to avoid being caught off guard when the timees.
The Ministry of Labor has issued warnings to businesses with poorbor conditions. If they don¡¯t want to face arge-scale strike, they must proactively raise wages!
Tell them that the government will not interfere before the situation spirals out of control. But if the situation does get out of hand, they will be responsible for the consequences.¡±
Businesses with poorbor conditions are mostly traditional industries. Emerging industries, which are in a period of rapid growth, require higher-quality workers, so theirpensation is naturally better.
Now, the best way for capitalists to avoid a strike is to increase wages. How many capitalists will heed this advice, Franz isn¡¯t sure.
However, one thing is certain: if you stop production and yourpetitors continue, it won¡¯t take long before you lose your market share. On the other hand, you can take the opportunity to seize yourpetitor¡¯s market share.
This is both a crisis and an opportunity. Afterbor costs rise, if businesses continue to becent, it won¡¯t be long before they are eliminated by the market.
The era of ¡°survival of the fittest¡± is about to begin. In the uing marketpetition, businesses without core technology will find it much harder to stay afloat.
Prime Minister Felix proposed, ¡°Your Majesty, how about we raise the minimum wage standard to sound a warning to the capitalists so that some of them don¡¯t take it lightly?¡±
Franz hesitated. Raising the minimum wage standard is indeed effective. However, intervening in the market can easily lead to unforeseen consequences, and there is a certain risk involved.
¡°We could start by making an announcement, allowing local governments to set a minimum wage standard based on local conditions and submit it for approval.¡±
After careful consideration, Franz decided to test the waters first. Managing businesses these days is quite chaotic, and it¡¯s very difficult for outsiders to determine how much profit capitalists are making or how much they can afford inbor costs.
Some industries, clearly making huge profits, can easily make money, yet there are still some that are losing money. The core issue here is poor management.
Businesses with poor management are not isted cases but a widespread problem throughout society.
These businesses have very poor survival abilities and little risk tolerance. They can only make money due to favorable market conditions, lowbor costs, and cheap raw materials.
If any one of these factors goes wrong, they will immediately fall into difficulties. Right now, Austria¡¯s economy is in a transitional period, and under normal circumstances, these businesses would be eliminated by the market.
It¡¯s one thing to be eliminated by the market, but quite another to be eliminated by administrative intervention. These are two different concepts.
Franz didn¡¯t want to take the fall for the capitalists. If they mismanage their businesses and then me the government, it would turn into a textbook example of how government intervention in the market can go wrong, ording to the experts.
¡
At the headquarters of the Dekker Textile Factory, Lanoue Sr. sighed alone. The strike had begun to spread, and the situation was no longer under his control.
The situation had developed to this point, and the Dekker Textile Factory was now at a critical juncture. If not handled properly, the business he had worked so hard to build over most of his life could be destroyed.
Should he make concessions to the workers to resume production? He could have done that before the news spread, but now, if he were to do so, he would have to consider the consequences.
There was no way around it. This wave of strikes had been triggered by the Dekker Textile Factory. If he were topromise with the workers now, it would only further fuel the strike, and he would end up offending not just a few people, but many.
The capitalists whose interests had been harmed would certainly hold a grudge. Offending so many people, including many business partners, would make the future of Dekker Textile Factory look bleak.
Notpromising meant the factory would remain shut down, and it would lose at least tens of thousands of guilders each day. While this was a significant loss, Dekker Textile Factory, being arge enterprise, could afford it.
The real problem was that the Dekker Textile Factory didn¡¯t have much inventory left. Once the stock was sold out, if goods were not replenished in time,petitors would snatch away the market share.
For any business, short-term losses weren¡¯t that scary. What was truly frightening was losing market share.
Losing the market could be caused by one wrong decision and trying to regain it would depend on whether thepetitors would allow it.
Lanoue Jr. spoke in a low voice, ¡°Father, we can¡¯t sit idly by any longer. We¡¯ve reached this point, and we must make apromise now. At worst, we can give up some sharester and bring in more people. There¡¯s always a way to solve problems.
Dragging this out will only increase our losses, and it won¡¯t help the situation in any way. The strike is escting, spreading everywhere, and it may even surpass the great revolution of 1848.¡±
Faced with harsh reality, Lanoue Jr. had already advocated forpromise. Survival was the priority. Everything else could be discussedter.
If they had offended anyone, as long as they were willing to offer some concessions, everything could be resolved. In the game of capital, as long as there was enough to offer, enemies could be friends.
Lanoue Sr. walked back and forth and said, ¡°The situation now is different from 1848. Just look at the workers¡¯ actions, and you¡¯ll see that a revolution won¡¯t happen in Mn.¡±
Clearly, Lanoue Sr. had wavered. Just because Mn wouldn¡¯t revolt didn¡¯t mean Dekker Textile Factory would be safe. On the contrary, this meant they were in danger.
The Lombardy government would not allow this situation to continue. To stabilize the situation, Dekker Textile Factory, as the source of the storm, would likely be the sacrifice to quell the strike.
Despite theirrge size and economic importance in Mn, once the ruling ss made up their mind, they wouldn¡¯t even have the strength to resist.
After a brief pause, Lanoue Sr. added, ¡°Let the management negotiate with the workers, but it must be done separately.
Remember, we cannot let the workers unite. We must create divisions among them as much as possible. Especially these worker representatives. Afterward, we must find an excuse to dismiss them.¡±
Chapter 610: Containment
The capitalists conceded, bringing a sessful resolution to the Dekker Textile Factory strike.
This oue was inevitable. Workers in these times didn¡¯t ask for much and the strike was simply about being able to make a living. With the capitalists willing topromise, the strike naturally came to an end.
However, the impact was just beginning. The victory of the Dekker Textile Factory workers undoubtedly inspired workers in other regions, strengthening their determination to fight for better pay and benefits.
This was no longer just Austria¡¯s issue. Within a month, the strike wave had spread across the European continent, affecting every industrialized nation.
Facing an esctingbor movement, Franz began considering countermeasures. Finding an effective system to protect both workers¡¯ and employers¡¯ interests had be the most pressing issue for the Austrian government.
With so many interests at stake, Franz knew he had to be cautious when drafting policies.
Labor Minister Maggiore hurried over, saying, ¡°Your Majesty, something has happened. Even the police in Venice are on strike.¡±
¡°Police on strike?¡± Franz couldn¡¯t believe his ears. Worker strikes weremon, but it was the first time that government employees had joined.
Barely containing his anger, Franz asked, ¡°What are their reasons for striking?¡±Deep down, he had already decided to take action against the bureaucrats in Venice. If they couldn¡¯t even manage their own, they were truly a useless bunch.
Labor Minister Maggiore replied, ¡°They say the workload is too high. They haven¡¯t had a single day off for a month. They¡¯ve also demanded a pay raise.¡±
Since the strike movement began, police officers everywhere have faced increased pressure, with frequent overtime, and Venice was no exception.
Franz was still furious. ¡°High workload, no days off¡±¡ªthese were temporary issues, and it wasn¡¯t as if they weren¡¯t being paid overtime. Companies might sometimes withhold pay, but no one in the government would dare to shortchange anyone.
As forints aboutpensation, that was entirely unreasonable. Austrian public servants were well-paid, and police officers were generally above the average ie level. In major cities like Venice, theirpensation was even higher.
Franz mmed his hand on the table and said, ¡°If they want to go on a strike, they don¡¯t need toe back. Deploy the military to maintain order, and immediately dismiss all public employees involved in this strike.
No government agencies or state-owned enterprises are allowed to rehire these dismissed individuals.
Circte a notice nationwide to make an example of this incident. Inform all public employees to remember their responsibilities.
If they find the job too hard, they should vacate their positions for capable individuals. Disrupting and threatening the government at such a critical time is the kind of behavior that will not be tolerated.¡±
He had to take decisive action. The lessons from the February Revolution in France were still fresh in his mind. If not for the police¡¯s dereliction of duty, the Orl¨¦ans monarchy might still be standing.
The strike by Venice¡¯s police force was a clear warning. If he didn¡¯t suppress this trend early, Vienna¡¯s police could go on strike tomorrow.
This could even spread to other government departments. Such examples weren¡¯t rare in history. For instance:
Liberian healthcare workers went on strike during the Eb outbreak.
Ukrainian troops went on strike during the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
In Bolivia, police, dissatisfied with their pay, upied the National Riot Police headquarters, disguised themselves as civilians, covered their faces, attacked the National Intelligence Agency headquarters, broke windows, and took furniture, files, andputers before setting fires.
Brazil had simr instances with the police and military...
These disruptive actions made it necessary for Franz to stay vignt. As government employees, they needed to have a sense of the bigger picture. Issues could be raised, but letting things fall apart at a critical moment and threatening the government? Uneptable.
As for sry and benefits, as long as they weren¡¯t below the average ie and came with adequate benefits, public servants were effectively among the high-ie group. After all, the majority were at or below the average.
Labor Minister Maggiore replied, ¡°Yes, Your Majesty.¡±
There was no reason to oppose it as setting an example was necessary. The Venice police strike came at the worst possible time, right into the line of fire, bing the prime example. ?
Thanks to mandatory education, Austria never had a shortage of public servants. Recruiting new hires and reallocating some core staff from other regions would quickly restore the local police system.
After a sigh, Franz asked, ¡°Maggiore, how far has the strike wave spread? How many people are involved domestically, and how many cases have been resolved?¡±
Labor Minister Maggiore answered, ¡°Your Majesty, the strike wave has spread across the entire European continent. The situation is most critical in France, where, if the French government doesn¡¯t handle it well, a revolution might break out.
Domestically, the situation has somewhat improved. As of now, 1,876panies nationwide have gone on strike, with over three million workers participating.
Through negotiations, only about a third have resumed production. The rest are still in talks. The government has reinforced police presence to maintain order, and the situation is stable for now, with norge-scale unrest.
However, many negotiations betweenpanies and workers are at a standstill due to significant differences in demands, making it difficult to reachpromises in the short term.¡±
These numbers allowed Franz to breathe a sigh of relief. After all, a reduction in the number of strikers was a good start.
From the data, it seemed that quite a few capitalists had heeded the government¡¯s warning and taken steps to appease workers early on. Otherwise, the strike wave wouldn¡¯t have been contained.
Whether it was through raising wages, adding benefits, or merely offering empty promises, that was no longer Franz¡¯s concern.
¡°Well, continue to counsel both sides, but don¡¯t get directly involved. The government¡¯s role is just to mediate. If they can¡¯t reach an agreement, don¡¯t force it, or we¡¯ll end up being med by both parties.¡±
This reflected Franz¡¯s genuine outlook: forcing apromise without a mutual understanding would only lead to more problemster. Letting both sides go their separate ways in advance would be better.
Workers could choose to leave, and employers could opt toy off workers, as long as they followed the provisions of the Labor Protection Act.
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Therge-scale immigration n was already underway, so even if a wave of unemployment erupted, it could be quickly absorbed. With the changing dynamics ofbor supply and demand, wages would naturally rise.
Allowing the market to adjust wages was far preferable to government interference.
The differences among individuals were significant. Even among workers, productivity levels varied. Some had better skills, while othersgged behind. Imposing uniform treatment without regard to productivity would create a far bigger problem.
...
As the birthce of revolution, Paris has always been at the heart of every Europeanbor movement. This time was no different. Although this strike wave started in Mn, the enthusiasm of the Parisian workers could not be contained.
Unlike Austrian workers who would strike and be done with it, Parisian workers were already marching with banners on the streets, staging demonstrations that brought the city¡¯s transportation to a standstill.
At the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV was feeling exasperated. If workers wanted a raise, they should take it up with their employers, not protest outside the pce!
Finance Minister in advised, ¡°Your Majesty, this strike is unlike any other. Since the Dekker Textile Factory strike, all of Europe has been thrown into chaos. The demonstrators are appearing in front of the pce, likely due to someone¡¯s deliberate instigation. We must stay vignt to prevent a repeat of the February Revolution.¡±
The French government appeared stable, but the revolutionary zeal of Parisians was another matter. With the outbreak of the strike wave, any instigator could easily stir up unrest.
Napoleon III may have gone, but his adversaries remained. The Legitimists, the Orl¨¦anists, and the Republicans were all enemies of Napoleon IV.
These adversaries weren¡¯t just external as the French government itself had many internal opponents. The checks and bnces Napoleon III designed had a hidden purpose: to reveal enemies in waiting.
Enemies in the shadows are far more dangerous than those in in sight. The Orl¨¦ans monarchy was a textbook example of this. Without internal coboration, the February Revolution would not have seeded so easily.
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, Napoleon IV clenched his teeth and ordered, ¡°Deploy the Fifth Division into the city. ce Paris under full lockdown, and ban all demonstrations. At the same time, send invitations to worker and employer representatives for negotiations. We must resolve this crisis as quickly as possible.¡±
Keeping his position secure was Napoleon IV¡¯s top priority. Any negative consequences were secondary.
Minister of Police Sansouci quickly advised, ¡°Your Majesty, please reconsider. The situation hasn¡¯t escted that far yet. Deploying the military in the city could very well intensify the conflict and push the situation further out of control.¡±
Paris is unlike other cities¡ªdemonstrations and protests are almost a way of life here, a necessary part of daily life.
While it hadn¡¯t yet reached the point where people protested out of boredom or whim, participating in a protest every week or two was practically a routine, even considered beneficial for mental well-being.
Restricting people¡¯s right to demonstrate would likely cause significant discontent. If anyone were to exploit this, the consequences could be unpredictable.
Napoleon IV shook his head, ¡°As long as we control the army carefully, we hold the situation in our hands. These agitators aren¡¯t capable of causing real trouble. The immediate priority is to end the strike wave as many cities are already paralyzed, and the ongoing losses are severe.¡±
Since Napoleon III¡¯s passing, Napoleon IV had felt insecure, even doubling the pce guard to feel safe. He hade to see the army as his only source of security.
Whether this reliance on the military was ultimately good or bad remained to be seen, but it had undeniably strengthened his ties with the armed forces.
Chapter 611: Signs of Stock Market Crash
Watching Europe engulfed in a wave of strikes, Franz felt deeply unsettled. Anyone who hadn¡¯t experienced the Revolution of 1848 couldn¡¯t truly understand this sense of unease.
The first ce to spark serious trouble was Rome, where an Italian independence group took advantage of the strike wave to incite an uprising.
The bizarre part was that they actually seeded. When Franz heard the news, he was stunned. Most likely, so was the leadership of the Italian independence group.
With just a few rallying cries, they had managed to reim Rome. It seemed unbelievable, considering they hadn¡¯t even prepared adequately. They¡¯d only intended to proim the idea of national independence.
Reality was indeed unpredictable. Rome¡¯s police force, mostly locals, had long been discontented with the French presence, so they simply turned a blind eye and allowed the uprising to unfold.
The French garrison was stationed outside the city and consisted of only an infantry battalion. When the uprising began, the French forces awaited orders, but with the telegraph lines cut, they received themand toote.
It wasn¡¯t themander¡¯s fault for not acting independently since this was the French military protocol. Any troop movement required an order from above, and lower-ranking officerscked the authority to mobilize forces, even in the event of a rebellion.
To be honest, with the current international situation, Italy wasn¡¯t ready for an independence uprising. The Paris Conference had only recently begun, with everyone focused on reconciling conflicts and reducing international tensions.
By staging an uprising now, the Italian independence movement would find it difficult to gain support internationally. Even their biggest backer, the British, would hesitate to assist at this moment.Without external intervention, how could the Italian independence organization possibly achieve victory with its limited strength?
The French were no pushovers, and even if Italy were already independent, it wouldn¡¯t be a match for the French.
To Franz, this uprising seemed like a farce. A messy sess, but only on the path to being inevitably suppressed by the French. Its only real impact might be to weaken Napoleon IV¡¯s authority and intensify France¡¯s instability.
On March 12, just a week after the Rome uprising, another riot broke out in the Rhinnd.
This time, it wasn¡¯t just the working ss involved, capitalists joined as well, primarily in opposition to immigration.
The Prussian government¡¯s immigration policies were clearly unpopr, as they cut off the locals¡¯ economic prospects. With skilled workers being drawn away, how were the remaining capitalists supposed to thrive?
Capitalists had long been wanting to fight back butcked the strength to confront the Prussian government directly. The wave of strikes now gave them an opportunity.
They shifted the me for stagnant wages onto the government, openly criticizing its high taxes and immigration policies, iming that these left businesses unable to afford higherbor costs.
Some capitalists even promised that, if they could drive out the Prussian government, everyone¡¯s wages would be raised by fifty percent.
From the capitalists¡¯ response, Franz could tell that Prussia¡¯s immigration efforts must have been very effective. Otherwise, they wouldn¡¯t have pushed the capitalists to take a stand in this conflict personally.
Sess or failure aside, Prussian-German rtions had already be tense. For Austria, this was also an opportunity.
The Customs Union had always posed a threat, and Franz had long wanted to dismantle it. Unfortunately, several previous ns had fallen through at thest minute.
Now, with the addition of the Rhinnd, the situation had changed. If the Prussian government didn¡¯t crush these capitalists, the Rhinnd would likely be a staunchly anti-Prussian region in the future.
But if Prussia did eliminate these capitalists, that would also create significant issues, as it would leave every capitalist in the German region feeling threatened.
Before Franz could take action, a new crisis arose in Spain. Republicans in Madrid staged an uprising in an attempt to overthrow Alfonso XII. Although the rebellion was suppressed, it added to the growing instability in Spain.
In the first half of 1876, the mostmon words in European newspapers were ¡°uprising,¡± ¡°riot,¡± ¡°revolution,¡± and ¡°suppression.¡±
In just half a year, Europe saw a preliminary count of 36 uprisings with over a thousand participants each, while smaller uprisings were too numerous to count. ?
Even Austria wasn¡¯t immune as its own police had to suppress a ¡°great empire¡± and two kingdoms. This ¡°empire¡± was hardly more than a fanciful joke, with a poption of just over two digits.
For the sake of political appearances, Franz had to send these people to mental hospitals. Of course, from a rational standpoint, these individuals may indeed have been mentally unstable.
No ordinary person would engage in such behavior. One of these ¡°empires¡± had been ¡°in hiding¡± for seven years in a manor on the outskirts of Prague.
The manor¡¯s owner dered himself emperor, his wife was the empress, and their three sons were all crown princes. The manor residents included ministers, generals, guards, and maids¡
Franz had encountered hidden ¡°empires¡± in remote forests before, but this was the first time he¡¯d heard of an ¡°empire¡± nestled in the suburbs.
No wonder they hadn¡¯t been discovered, it was an absolute farce. The neighbors who noticed probably thought they were putting on an opera.
Their cover was blown when a traveling merchant tried to sell goods at the manor and was forced to pay a tax, which he reported to the Prague police.
This immediately changed everything. Until then, the manor owner had dutifully paid taxes to the government. Even though he considered himself an emperor and his family as ministers, everyone assumed they were just theater enthusiasts.
Once they started imposing taxes, it became a case of rebellion, which caught the attention of the Prague police. The investigation¡¯s findings were so startling that the case eventually reached Franz.
When he reviewed it, Franz found it both amusing and exasperating. If they wanted to act like emperors in private, fine. But why go so far as to collect taxes?
If they had just kept to themselves, they could have exined it away as ¡°acting enthusiasts¡± if caught. Without any real action, the police wouldn¡¯t havebeled them as ¡°rebels.¡±
In Austria, there was a threshold for being a ¡°rebel¡± and not just anyone was qualified. These people clearly didn¡¯t meet the standard.
Better aedy than a revolt, Franz thought. A bit of humor to lighten the tense national mood wasn¡¯t bad.
It proved that as long as themon people had enough to eat, they wouldn¡¯t rebel.
Austrians weren¡¯t yet starving, and even those who were truly destitute and struggling could still sign up for immigration.
Many colonialpanies were actively recruiting, and signing a contract meant meals were provided. The requirements weren¡¯t high. Anyone able-bodied, of any age or gender, could join.
After all, the colonies were desperate for people. Even if the quality was lower, the colonialpanies couldn¡¯t afford to be picky.
...
In Mn, Lanoue Sr. was worrying over the stock market. Due to the impact of the strike, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock price had plummeted.
Even though the strike had ended, the stock continued to fall. No wonder as they were now infamous.
As the origin of this wave of strikes, Dekker Textile Factory had be widely known across Europe, even more famous than some small countries.
Unfortunately, it wasn¡¯t good publicity. Both the bourgeois-leaning and the worker-leaning newspapers were ruthlessly criticizing them.
Although they had resolved the strike, only Austrian papers covered it. Foreign media pretended not to notice.
Lanoue Sr. knew perfectly well why this was happening. Dekker Textile Factory had made a lot of enemies, and disgruntled capitalists were taking it out on them.
Regardless of how newspapers framed their content or which ss they favored, the papers were still owned by capitalists. Broadcasting Dekker Textile Factory¡¯spromise would only encourage workers to strike more.
These negative factors were hitting Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock price hard. This quarter¡¯s financial report was still in Lanoue Sr.¡¯s hands, and he dared not release it.
Due to the strike¡¯s impact, Dekker Textile Factory reported its first loss in a decade. Although the loss was minor, releasing this news would shake market confidence.
Lanoue Jr. cautioned him, ¡°Father, we can¡¯t release this quarter¡¯s report publicly. The stock market is already in a slump. If we publish this news, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock will copse.
If it triggers a market-wide crash, we¡¯re finished. The major financial consortiums haven¡¯t fully pulled out yet. If the market crashes now, they¡¯ll suffer huge losses, and they definitely won¡¯t let us off the hook.¡±
The term ¡°financial consortium¡± has many definitions, but it generally refers to a coalition ofrge conglomerates and banks controlled by financial oligarchs, often involving the alliance of several wealthy families.
In a certain sense, the Dekker Textile Factory is also part of such a consortium. They, too, have allies, though they haven¡¯t adopted the official ¡°consortium¡± title.
Consortiums aren¡¯t as unified as people imagine. They are often rife with internal conflicts and only align when mutual interests are at stake.
The reason consortiums became so powerful inter times was that, as cooperation deepened, their interests intertwined. They reached a point where each group was bound within the other, gradually easing internal conflicts.
The Dekker family, simrly, has deep coborative ties with several prominent Lombard families. Lanoue Sr. once aspired to form a consortium, but the others were nobles, while he was merely a capitalist.
They could work together for mutual benefit, but to truly be epted, he still needed the ¡°entry ticket¡± of nobility.
Many capitalists have transformed into nobility, but far more have failed, and among them was the Dekker family.
During the African colonial expansion, the frugal Lanoue Sr. hired a cheap Italian mercenary force to cut costs.
The oue was predictable: they were cheap but ineffective. After years of struggle on the African continent, they gained no achievements and almost faced total defeat.
However, there was some silver lining. Lanoue Sr. soon saw a business opportunity and made a fortune inbor exports, followed by establishing cotton ntations, creating a self-sustaining supply chain.
Opportunities don¡¯t wait. While he made money, he missed the chance to enter the noble ss. The gains and losses are hard to judge from the outside, but Lanoue Sr. often regrets his choices.
After a moment of hesitation, Lanoue Sr. shook his head and then said, ¡°It¡¯s not that simple. Everyone is well aware that we had a strike this year. Countless eyes are on us. If we falsify our financial report now, it¡¯ll be easy for others to spot issues.
A stock market crash is just a potential oue, and the consortiums can prop up the market if needed. But if a falsified report gets exposed, we¡¯re finished.
As for retaliation, at worst, we can give up part of our overseas market. Do you really think they would dare to make moves in Mn?
Or do you believe that domestic consortiums would have the guts to manipte the market on that scale?¡±
He paused, then added, ¡°Remember, what you see isn¡¯t necessarily the truth. It might be exactly what others want you to see.
Those finance folks have a far keener sense of the market than you¡¯d imagine. Their withdrawal rate is faster than you¡¯d think.
If not, someone would¡¯ve warned us by now. They¡¯re probably fully prepared, just waiting for us to deal the final blow to the market.
As for the apparent losses from a stock market crash, that¡¯s just for the public to see. Later, you¡¯ll find that what they gained far outweighs any losses.¡±
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Despite saying this, Lanoue Sr. still felt uneasy. Given the current situation, Dekker Textile Factory was likely to be the scapegoat once the dust settled.
Legally, they wouldn¡¯t be responsible for a stock market crash, but public opinion could be another matter. Sometimes, public scorn alone can ruin a business. If thepany¡¯s reputation suffers, doing business will be much harder.
There are plenty of simr products on the market. Why would people choose the infamous ¡°Dekker Textile Factory¡± brand?
This isn¡¯t like modern times, where any publicity, good or bad, can lead to profit.
People today are rtively straightforward. Many still believe that a reputablepany has quality products, while one with a bad reputation must have poor products.
If the public starts to boycott their goods, and their products go unsold, then they¡¯re truly done for.
Chapter 612: One Misfortune Begets Another
Today is thest Friday of May, and the Vienna Stock Exchange entrance is packed with people.
The Austrian Securities Management Act clearly stiptes that listedpanies must publish financial reports every three months, with the release scheduled for the following month.
Becausepanies went public at different times, the reporting periods vary, and severalpanies release their financial statements at the end of each month.
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Friday is the preferred day, as the stock market is closed on Saturday and Sunday, allowing the market time to react and preventing investors from impulsively selling everything at once.
If there¡¯s good news, of course,panies don¡¯t wait until the end of the month. They can announce it anytime.
Financial newspapers also publishpany reports, but theye out a few hourster than the stock exchange, so it¡¯s usually less crowded.
Today is an exception. Over the past few months, strikes have swept across Europe, and the affectedpanies¡¯ performance has undoubtedly suffered, so everyone is already braced for bad news.
Maldonado is an investor. Under normal circumstances, he doesn¡¯t check the reports at the stock exchange. It being Friday, even if he did, it wouldn¡¯t make much difference.But today is different. Thepany he holds the most shares in, Dekker Textile Factory, is about to release its financial report. Deep down, Maldonado hopes Dekker Textile Factory has minimized its losses.
There¡¯s nothing he can do as his investments are already trapped. Since the strikes began, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock price has been on a steady decline, with far more people selling than buying.
The stock price hasn¡¯t hit rock bottom, as Dekker Textile Factory is argepany with aplete industrial chain, strong risk resistance, and still maintains some investor confidence.
Seeing the crowded scene, Maldonado decisively entered the coffee shop across the street to wait. Just as he reached the third floor, he heard someone calling him.
¡°Maldonado, over here!¡±
Maldonado walked over.
¡°You¡¯re all here. Seems like today¡¯s results aren¡¯t looking too good.¡±
The few of them were old friends from the stock market who¡¯d been in the industry for years. They only gathered like this to wait forpanies to release their financial reports when they had low confidence in the market.
A balding middle-aged manined, ¡°Damn it, can¡¯t you say something nicer? Even a little sugar-coating would be better than being so blunt.¡±
Maldonado shrugged, ¡°Come on, Caron. Fooling you isn¡¯t easy. If you were optimistic about today¡¯s market, you wouldn¡¯t be here either.¡±
Clearly, the two knew each other well and spoke very casually.
As retail investors, they might look morous on the surface, but in reality, they live in constant anxiety, not daring to rx over any small change in the market.
Just looking at their receding hairlines, it was clear they¡¯d been under a lot of stress.
An elderly man nearby pointed to the exchange across the street and then said, ¡°Looks like it¡¯s been announced.¡±
As seasoned investors, they had their own ways of interpreting market trends. For instance, while others were still pushing through the crowds below, they just observed the crowd¡¯s reaction from here to get a sense of the news.
Caron set down his coffee, sighing, ¡°It¡¯s bad news, as expected. Maldonado, I have to say your mouth brings bad luck!¡±
Maldonado smiled bitterly and retorted, ¡°It¡¯s not like I wanted this. Now I have to go down there and confirm just how bad it is. Anyone want to join me?¡±
The group exchanged nces, and the elderly man replied, ¡°Let¡¯s wait a bit longer. The market¡¯s already closed, and it¡¯s crowded down there anyway. A few minutes won¡¯t make much difference.¡±
Time passed quickly, and by the time their coffee had gone cold, the crowd had mostly dispersed. Only then did they head downstairs.
They soon realized that it wasn¡¯t just small investors like them. Several big yers in the industry had shown up as well. Clearly, many people were interested in thepany¡¯s financial report.
With a heavy heart, Maldonado looked over Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s report, his eyes freezing on the bold ¡°LOSS: 1.248 MILLION.¡± He closed his eyes, unable to look any further.
The reason didn¡¯t matter anymore. This astronomical loss had far exceeded his expectations, leaving only one thought in his mind: ¡°Cut my losses.¡±
For context, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s entire profitst year didn¡¯t exceed 1.5 million guilders. This single loss essentially wiped out any hope of breaking even this year.
Maldonado could already hear people cursing, angrily condemning Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s management as ipetent and inflexible.
¡
If he had a choice, Lanoue Sr. wouldn¡¯t have released the financial report at this time. But there was no alternative. Failing to release the report on schedule would not only result in fines but also trigger an investigation by regtory authorities.
Fewpanies could withstand such scrutiny, and Dekker Textile Factory was no exception. Even a minor finding could deal a fatal blow to the business. Too many eyes were on them now, and even the smallest issue could be blown out of proportion so Lanoue Sr. didn¡¯t dare falsify the report.
With over a month of continuous strikes, it would be suspicious if thepany didn¡¯t report a loss.
Shipment volumes, transaction totals, and tax payments were all verifiable figures. Attempting to manipte them wouldn¡¯t be easy.
In theory, a product worth one guilder could be sold for ten thousand guilders legally, but thepany would need to pay taxes based on the transaction value.
When items are sold at well above market prices, they¡¯re ssified as luxury goods, which are subject to luxury taxes¡ªmuch higher than standard taxes.
So, in theory, apany could easily achieve positive earnings if it were willing to spend extravagantly to inte its performance. In practice, however, no sane business would do this as the cost of falsifying records would be far beyond what capitalists were willing to bear.
Following the disastrous news of Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s significant losses, Monday brought a wave of selling on the Vienna Stock Exchange as soon as trading opened.
The market was flooded with sell orders, with virtually no buyers in sight, causing the stock price to plunge. By the afternoon close, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock price had dropped by 14.7%.
It might seem like this drop was manageable, but in reality, this was the nth time Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s stock price had fallen since the onset of the strike. The stock had already hit rock bottom, and with thistest drop, Dekker Textile Factory¡¯s market value was only 63% of its peak.
Dekker Textile Factory wasn¡¯t the onlypany affected. All businesses saw declines in their stock prices, with those facing strikes experiencing the biggest losses. Investors believed thatpanies affected by strikes, like Dekker Textile Factory, would suffer severe losses.
In a market economy, everything is interconnected. When apany¡¯s production suffers, so do the suppliers upstream and the sales channels downstream. Not one will get away unscathed.
Stock declines tend to spread, and manypanies with good performance records also suffer undeserved losses. By the end of that day¡¯s trading, the Vienna Stock Exchange¡¯s overall index had dropped by 4.2%, with widespread distress across the market.
As the market¡¯s negative factors persisted, Vienna¡¯s stock market continued to hemorrhage value over the next several days. Manypanies¡¯ stocks plummeted to mere ¡°bargain prices,¡± marking the official onset of a stock market crash.
By Friday¡¯s close, the Vienna Stock Exchange¡¯s index had fallen by 11.8%, with Austria¡¯s stock market losing hundreds of millions of guilders in just five days.
The stock market crash had arrived!
With the help of newspapers, news of the stock market crash in Vienna quickly spread across the European continent, and smart investors immediately began selling off their stocks.
With economic growth, the ties between European economies had be ever closer, and Austria¡¯s stock market crash meant that other European nations could not remain unaffected.
A strange scene unfolded: in London and Paris alike, there was a flood of stock sell-offs, yet buyers were few and far between. No matter how much experts and schrs tried to promote optimism, the markets continued to plummet.
¡°Bailout¡± became the next big topic after the strikes, yet before it could happen, the strike issue had to be resolved.
Ifpanies couldn¡¯t resume production, how could stock prices be stabilized? The capitalists grew anxious. Only a select few were in a position to benefit from the market crash, while most were simply victims of it.
To restore production quickly, capitalists tried various strategies.
Some chose to negotiate andpromise with workers while others resorted to bribery and divide-and-conquer tactics. Some even had hired thugs to arrest workers¡¯ family members to coerce them back to work, while the most ruthless brought out Gatling guns, firing on strikers and forcingborers back through bloody violence¡
All manner of tactics yed out across Europe, bringing bothughter and bloodshed to the public.
Where there is oppression, there is resistance. Bloody repression brought not only reluctant returns to work but also wave after wave of worker uprisings.
It was chaos¡ªtotal chaos¡ªEurope was like a boiling cauldron. A variety of radical ideologies spread swiftly, creating an atmosphere of frenzy and upheaval.
In the Vienna Pce, Franz was troubled as he observed the turbulent situation. The Austrian government¡¯s early intervention had preventedrge-scale worker uprisings in Austria, but the stock market crash was painful enough on its own.
Due to the stock market crash, manypanies found themselves in financial difficulty. If this wasn¡¯t resolved, it could lead to a new wave of economic crisis.
If it were merely a cash flow issue, thesepanies could simply seek bank loans. However, many of these cash-strappedpanies also had serious internal problems.
These issues included chaotic management, unresolved strikes, conservative business strategies, outdated machinery, and more.
With all theseplicationsbined, banks naturally concluded that these were high-risk ventures.
When the market is strong, banks don¡¯t mind high-risk ventures as high risk often brings high returns. As long as the potential profit is big enough, banks are willing to take risks.
But with the stock market crash, the situation was different. Many banking operations were already impacted, and most banks were tightening their credit. Even low-risk loans were hard to secure, and loans without coteral were simply out of the question.
Franz was powerless in this situation. He couldn¡¯t just direct banks to issue loans knowing thesepanies had major problems.
Doing so wouldn¡¯t solve the crisis. It would only dy its eventual eruption.
In the short term, this might benefit economic development, but in the long run, it would drag the entire economy into hell.
Hoping thesepanies would be reborn from their struggles seemed overly optimistic. Franz felt it might be better to let them copse and rebuild from scratch. It would at least be cheaper and consume fewer social resources.
Survival of the fittest is a fundamental market principle, and Austria¡¯s market wasn¡¯t limitless. Rescuing thesepanies also sacrificed the interests of other simr businesses, inherently undermining the principle of fairness.
Chapter 613: The Trigger
The dazzling and splendid sun high in the sky, the gentle and refreshing breeze that stirs the heart, the ancient and lingering chimes, the vast, silent night sky, and the brilliant, radiant stars¡ªall thesee together to adorn the vibrant splendor of early summer.
A concert was taking ce at the Vienna Pce, one of the few forms of entertainment of the time and the most prestigious musical event in Austria.
Originally, Franz had nned to hold an awards ceremony, but after considering his own tastes, he decided to abandon the idea. Judging music is notoriously tricky, as personal preferences vary widely, and a misstep could easily lead to embarrassment.
Following the Revolution of 1848, Austria was experiencing a golden age of musicposition, with many ssic pieces emerging.
Franz wasn¡¯t very familiar with the Western music scene. He couldn¡¯t distinguish which pieces originated in the original timeline and which were products of the butterfly effect.
But he was content to simply enjoy the music. The privilege of performing at Vienna Pce was itself a mark of recognition. This asion wouldn¡¯t beplete without mentioning thete Marshal Radetzky as every concert¡¯s signature piece was the Radetzky March.
Composed in 1848 by Austrianposer Johann Strauss Sr., the march celebrated the Austrian army¡¯s victory in the Austro-Sardinian War,posed to honor this triumph.
The piece carried an undertone of Habsburg military pride, andbined with thete marshal¡¯s legacy, it also conveyed political significance.
Thanks to the Austrian government¡¯s promotion, the Radetzky March had already spread across much of the world, bing a symbol of Austrian music.Franz was also very fond of this march. It was the closing piece at every concert in the Vienna Pce, highlighting its significance in Austrian music.
With an economic crisis looming, Franz had little mind to enjoy the concert. The high-ranking officials of the Austrian government were simrly upied and had to regretfully miss this musical event.
They couldn¡¯t entirely miss it, though, as they were meeting next door, where they could still hear the music, even while in discussion.
Franz asked in a serious tone, ¡°Has the situation spiraled out of control?¡±
Prime Minister Felix replied, ¡°Domestically, the situation is still rtively stable. The strike incidents are calming down, and mostpanies have reached agreements with workers, allowing production to resume.
Internationally, however, things are in turmoil. Several countries have already deployed their military to suppress strikes, making the situation very tense. Now, with the stock market crash on top of it, an economic crisis seems unavoidable.¡±
Using military force to suppress strikes was not unusual in the 19th century as it happened often. Bismarck, known as the ¡°Iron Chancellor,¡± had earned the ¡°iron¡± part of his reputation by suppressing strikes.
There were manyplexities in these incidents. They couldn¡¯t be judged simply as right or wrong. Unlike Austria, which had strong control over its regions with police arriving immediately to maintain order, other countries were often unresponsive when strikes broke out.
They let the capitalists handle it on their own, and escting conflicts became almost inevitable, eventually leading to incidents of smashing machines, destruction of infrastructure, and more.
Some strikes were brutally suppressed by the capitalists, while others ended in victory for the workers. But victory didn¡¯t mean the end as human nature often falters under such trials.
If there were someone among the workers to restrain the crowd, they could rationally pursue their rights. However, once that restraint is lost, even one or two impulsive people could cause the situation to quickly spiral out of control.
To stabilize the situation swiftly, the government would likely resort to suppression. At that point, questions of right or wrong be irrelevant; officials simply need to quell the chaos and restore order.
Later, when me is assigned, it¡¯s often the ordinary workers¡ªwhock any voice¡ªwho suffer. Even if some in the government sympathize with them, they¡¯re likely overwhelmed by the capitalists¡¯ influence.
In Franz¡¯s view, the main culprit behind such tragedies is often government inaction or deliberate favoritism toward capitalists.
Due to his influence, most European countries now havebor protectionws. If governments intervened early to mediatebor conflicts within a legal framework, major upheavals could likely be avoided.
But this makes it harder for capitalists to seek greater profits, as mostpanies do not meetborw standards. Otherwise, a strike wave wouldn¡¯t be sweeping across Europe.
Austria managed to curb its strike wave, not only because capitalists feared disruptions in production but also because they feared the government would intervene and find them in vition ofborws.
Many capitalists took timely steps at the first sign of strikes, offering better terms to cate workers.
As for thosepanies that faced strikes, some failed to recognize the danger, while others hesitated in the face of profits and were too slow to act.
In reality, wages often rise and fall with market trends. If all other factories improve their conditions while one doesn¡¯t, the skilled workers will likely leave before long.
With economic growth,bor costs naturally rise. This pressure drives progress in productivity. Without it, capitalists wouldn¡¯t voluntarily pursue technological innovation.
Strikes affect not only production but also shrink consumer markets. Without wages during strikes, workers must tighten their belts, and purchasing power declines ordingly.
Adding the stock market crash into the mix could lead to broken cash flows and even bankruptcies for somepanies, raising unemployment for a time.
The conditions for an economic crisis are all in ce. Austria was already in a fragile state, and with international markets struggling, not even divine intervention could prevent a crisis.
Franz nced out the window and made a hard decision, ¡°The sooner we cut out this malignant tumor, the better!¡±
The sooner such a tumor is treated, the faster the recovery. Letting it grow uncontrobly could prove fatal.
Economic crises have both drawbacks and benefits. Each crisis brings significant losses but also new opportunities.
In essence, an economic crisis is a market¡¯s way of self-regting and correcting, bringing an off-course economy back on track.
And with the mass migration strategy just beginning, no matter how many people be unemployed in this crisis, there will always be somewhere for them to go.
¡
Following Franz¡¯smand, the Austrian government adopted a conservative economic approach, abandoning its initial n to bail out the market.
On June 18, 1876, to stabilize the financial market, the Austrian Central Bank announced a tightening of the money supply and raised the benchmark deposit interest rate by 0.16%.
Restricting the money supply during a liquidity crunch was hardly a ¡°bailout.¡± It was more like adding insult to injury.
Austria had many banks, and the Central Bank functioned simrly to the Federal Reserve inter eras, able to regte and influence the financial market. While the Central Bank could suggest a rate increase, it couldn¡¯t mandate that all banks raise their deposit rates.
In reality, to attract deposits, most banks offered interest rates higher than the benchmark.
Previously, Austria¡¯s one-year deposit benchmark interest rate was 1%, so even with a 0.16% increase, it only reached 1.16%.
This rate was still below what many major banks offered, yet the impact was profound.
Through the Central Bank¡¯s actions, it became clear that the Austrian government would not be funding a market bailout, leading many investors to despair.
Astute individuals realized an economic crisis was now unavoidable and began gathering funds to brace for a downturn, causing the stock market to decline further.
On June 24, 1876, the Munich Vida Textile Factory, due to a broken cash flow, applied for bankruptcy restructuring with the Munich government, which approved the request¡ªmarking the official onset of the economic crisis.
In just a single month, over 200panies, including 30 publicly listed ones, applied to the government for bankruptcy restructuring, while more than 400panies dered bankruptcy outright. The economic crisis had fully erupted across Austria.
Withpanies going bankrupt on arge scale, the wave of strikes naturally came to an end, reced by a wave of unemployment.
Social opinion became chaotic, with capitalists desperately shifting the me, attributing the entire economic crisis to the workers¡¯ strikes.
But this had no effect. At the peak of the Second Industrial Revolution, failing to keep up with the times and choosing to go against the flow meant inevitable elimination by the market.
The ¡°strike incident¡± was merely a trigger. Crises and opportunities inherently coexisted at this juncture of transition between old and new.
Affected by Austria¡¯s economic crisis, the Russian Empire and the German Federal Empire soon followed suit, each experiencing economic crises of their own.
And this was only the beginning as the rest of the European countries were quickly drawn in. By August, the crisis reached London, and every industrial nation in Europe was engulfed.
Seeing everyone suffer together, Franz felt at ease. This was simply the nature of capitalist economic cycles, and it had been nearly a decade since thest crisis. How could the market not encounter issues?
It was clear that problems had long been umting, just waiting for a spark to ignite.
Another round of ¡°big fish eat small fish¡± began. Watching the power of the financial conglomerates grow relentlessly, Franz couldn¡¯t tell if this was a blessing or a curse.
Chapter 614: Immigration
Prime Minister Felix reported, ¡°As of now, there have been 1,876 business bankruptcies nationwide, and unemployment has reached over 2.47 million people¡ªa historic high.
The cotton textile industry has suffered the most, with one-quarter of textile mills going bankrupt and over half announcing production cuts, reducing output by 37%.
Next in line is the shipbuilding industry. Due to a decline in international trade, shipyards have received almost no new orders in recent months. Even many existing orders have been canceled or dered in default due to the economic crisis.
Steel¡¡±
The bad news continued to echo in Franz¡¯s ears¡ªan inevitable oue of the economic crisis.
During a major recession, market contraction forces businesses to cut production andy off workers to survive, which in turn shrinks the market further, creating a vicious cycle.
The solutions are straightforward: either find a new market to shift the crisis or wait for natural market recovery.
In the current situation, it¡¯s clear that all of Europe has been affected by Austria¡¯s crisis, leaving no ce to shift the burden. Recovery will have to rely on the market¡¯s self-regtion.
After the process of natural selection, outdated capacity will be eliminated, leaving only thosepanies with strong management or advanced technology. Each economic recovery is also a period of technological boom.Unlike previous crises, this time, the Austrian government hasn¡¯t increased investment in public infrastructure or created new jobs after the economic downturn. Instead, it has allowed the market to regte itself freely.
Franz asked, ¡°How is the immigration effort progressing?¡±
A crisis isn¡¯t frightening, the real threat lies in the unemployment it creates. In these times, the working ss has very limited resilience. A few months without work might be manageable, but a year or more without ie could lead to serious problems.
Getting through the crisis is simple enough: encourage migration. The colonies are under development and urgently need arge workforce.
Under normal circumstances, only the restless or fortune-seekers are willing to leave home for the colonies. Simply put, the golden period for making a fortune in the colonies has passed. As development continues, living conditions improve, but opportunities for quick wealth are dwindling.
Early immigrants who were willing to work hard and managed to survive usually seeded. Now, while opportunities are still somewhat better than at home, they aren¡¯t as abundant as before.
To achieve sess now requires not only courage and hard work but also a sharp mind and a bit of luck.
With diminished allure, enthusiasm for immigration has also dropped. Even though Austria had begun a colonial integration policy, the colonies¡¯ infrastructure was still far behind what was avable at home, especially in transportation, healthcare, and education.
The transportation issues stem from the short development period, while the healthcare and education challenges are due to ack of skilled personnel.
It¡¯s not that Austria has a shortage of doctors and teachers. Rather, those professionals already have afortable life at home andck the motivation to venture into the colonies.
To address these issues, the Austrian government has established schools on the African continent to train doctors and teachers locally.
This solution, however, won¡¯t show immediate results. It requires time to yield a substantial workforce. Training doctors, in particr, is a lengthy process. Under Austria¡¯s current education system, medical programs take no less than seven years, with at least a decade needed to produce a qualified doctor.
This isn¡¯t due to Franz setting high standards, it¡¯s a necessity of the times. In an eracking advanced medical equipment, doctors rely heavily on personal skills, making quick training impossible.
Colonial Minister Stephen reported, ¡°As of now, the number of people registered for immigration has surpassed 1.2 million, and we¡¯ve already relocated 680,000. Registrations continue to increase, and given the current economic situation, the total number of immigrants might exceed three million.¡±
This is typical of an economic crisis. Early on, people can rely on savings, but as time goes on, life bes increasingly difficult.
In such a climate, registering for immigration bes a logical choice. If it were up to pure voluntary interest, there likely wouldn¡¯t be many willing to leave Austria for the colonies.
The Austrian government has worked tirelessly to promote immigration. Many colonialpanies offered two options for recruits: direct immigration or going to Africa for work.
Most people choose the second option. Even though the Austrian government offers relocation subsidies for direct immigrants, it doesn¡¯t sway many.
Many still harbor dreams of working in Africa for a few years, saving enough money, and then returning home to buy property. However, the reality is that most end up staying in Africa after a few years.
There¡¯s little choice¡ªie is the main factor. With a shortage ofbor in Africa, wages for ordinary workers are naturally higher than at home.
Once ustomed to high wages, going back to lower pay¡ªand thus a lower standard of living¡ªis hard to ept for most.
To attract more people, the colonial government even encourages immigrants to bring their families. Africa is no longer a wilderness. For convenience, many even relocate their entire households.
Franz nodded, ¡°Keep pushing on with immigration efforts. Now is the best opportunity. Once the economic crisis ends, it won¡¯t be easy to get this many immigrants again.
What¡¯s the situation abroad? How far has the Paris Conference progressed, and is there any chance of an agreement in the short term?¡±
¡°Yes, Your Majesty! The Colonial Ministry has ns to absorb as many immigrants as possible during the economic crisis,¡± Stephen replied.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg replied, ¡°Your Majesty, all European countries are deeply mired in economic troubles, and times are difficult for everyone.
However, overall, the situation has been stabilized. The French suppressed the Italian uprising, and Napoleon IV ced Paris under direct military rule. Although the opposition has intentions of stirring up unrest, theyck the power to act.
It¡¯s worth noting that rtions between Prussia and the German Federal Empire have deteriorated sharply,rgely due to the outbreak of the Rhinnd uprising, which has broken thest fragile link between the two.
ording to agreements, the Rhinnd was nearing the official transfer period at the time of the uprising. The German Federal Empire wanted toplete the transfer early, but the Prussian government refused.
To gain more immigrants, the Prussians dispatched troops to suppress the uprising, forcibly relocating arge number of people.
From the intelligence we¡¯ve gathered, the Prussian government has essentially drained the Rhinnd of its most valuable resources, capturing engineers, scientists, doctors, teachers, and other skilled professionals in one sweep.
Due to intervention from various European countries, the Prussian government has only just begun the transfer to the German Federal Empire, though the process is very slow.
You can support the trantion at /dragonlegion
Our preliminary estimate is that the Prussian government might drag this process out until after the new year. Meanwhile, they¡¯re using the remaining time to ¡®extract¡¯ people, so that when the German Federal Empire finally takes over, they may be left without even technical workers.
The economic crisis is also hampering the Paris Conference. Most governments are distracted, and some even have delusional ideas about using their colonies to escape the crisis.
Regarding colonialpetition, no one is willing topromise, and the British are making matters worse by stirring the pot, hoping to benefit from the chaos. This only dims the prospects of the Paris Conference further.¡±
Franz nodded. The Kingdom of Prussia relocating over a million people from the Rhinnd was surely a major blow to the German Federal Empire.
Prussia¡¯s ¡°resource extraction¡± was undercutting the German Federal Empire. The Rhinnd¡¯s true value lies not in its mineral resources but in its highly skilled poption. It¡¯s remarkable the two sides haven¡¯t alreadye to blows.
As for the British sowing discord among nations, that¡¯s a familiar pattern, a ssic maneuver. If they weren¡¯t doing it, Franz would find it suspicious.
Although the Paris Conference was officially convened to mediate international conflicts and reduce tensions, from Britain¡¯s perspective, its true goal was to lessen conflicts involving Britain itself.
Do they care if other colonial empires sh? Not at all. Stirring up trouble among nations is second nature for John Bull. If all European countries had no more conflicts and enjoyed peaceful, neighborly rtions, could the British government even sleep at night?
Chapter 615: The Smart Ones
The impact of the economic crisis was even greater than Franz had anticipated. Due to the butterfly effect, global industrial output was significantly higher than in the same period in history, yet market demand hadn¡¯t increased by much.
When the economic crisis hit, these hidden issues came to light. By the end of 1876, the economic crisis had crossed the ocean and spread to the Americas.
Ironically, it was the Southern ntation owners, not the Northern capitalists, who were hit first.
The downturn in the textile industry wasn¡¯t unique to Austria. It was affecting all European countries. This led to a sharp decline in demand for cotton, causing the South¡¯s cotton to pile up unsold for the first time on arge scale.
Although this seemed like an ordinary event, its implications were far-reaching. In the Confederate States, calls for developing their own cotton textile industry began to rise, and some even started taking action.
Southern ntation owners, in pursuit of greater profits, were no longer content to be mere raw material suppliers and began extending their reach into downstream industries.
Upon receiving the intelligence, Franz merely smiled. The Confederacy developing its own industry posed little impact on Austria. In some ways, it was even a positive development.
This trend would mean that the power disparity between the North and the South would gradually narrow. In recent years, European countries have tacitly limited immigration to the North to maintain this bnce.
Even with this assistance, the bnce only just held. The North still had a clear advantage.You can support the trantion at /dragonlegion
Were it not for the deterrence of Britain, France, and Austria, which restrained the ambitions of Northern capitalists, a second civil war between the North and South might already have begun.
From Austria¡¯s perspective, it was preferable for the Southern government to have some industrial capacity, allowing it to counterbnce the North, rather than relying solely on Europe¡¯s support.
In case a major event in Europe ever left them unable to focus on the Americas, the South would at least need enough strength to defend itself.
Franz wasn¡¯t worried about the military¡¯sbat effectiveness. History had already proven that the Northern capitalists couldn¡¯t defeat the Southern ntation owners. However, modern warfare now depended on industry and organizational capacity.
Among these, ¡°industry¡± was the prerequisite. Without sufficient industrial capacity, ensuring a steady supply of weapons and ammunition would be impossible, and organizational strength would be meaningless.
Naturally, this development came with both benefits and drawbacks. While industrial development in the South would add apetitor to the international market, disrupting it, the first to suffer would undoubtedly be the British. After all, they were the dominant force in the textile industry.
The Austrian government had already bet on the Second Industrial Revolution, with its core industries transitioning to emerging sectors. In this regard, Austria was not afraid ofpetition.
It wasn¡¯t just the Americans, even Britain and Francegged behind. The gap wasn¡¯t in technology but in talent cultivation.
Even when new technologies were developed, Austria could industrialize them within months, while Britain and France required 2 to 3 years of preparation.
In Austria, you could find potential engineers walking down almost any street, whereas in Britain and France, this ratio was significantly lower.
As for the Confederate States, their education system was even more backward. The most suitable path for them now was to emte European countries.
Initially, they could rely on pirating technologies to grow their industrial foundation. Once it reaches a certain scale, quantitative changes could lead to qualitative leaps, eventually paving the way for independent innovation.
This was the same path Austria initially took. However, it had the advantage of catching the wave of the Second Industrial Revolution, allowing it to leap forward and save considerable time. ??
¡
¡°Immigration¡± was a hot topic in 1876, with the government heavily promoting the benefits of relocating to Africa and publicizing the high wages avable there.
In a Vienna general store, the shopkeeper Lars was busy trying to dissuade his staff from considering immigration.
¡°Africa isn¡¯t as wonderful as they make it sound,¡± he began, ¡°There are venomous insects, dangerous beasts, and brutal, savage cannibal tribes. One misstep, and you could end up on a spit over a fire.
Don¡¯t be fooled by how good it looks in the newspapers. If it were so easy to strike it rich, I¡¯d already have moved there myself¡¡±
After his long-winded speech, many of his employees started second-guessing their ns to emigrate. Everyone understood that while Africa might not be as bad as Lars described, it certainly wasn¡¯t as idyllic as portrayed.
Even the newspapers never imed that Africa was paradise. They mainly emphasized the ¡°high wages¡± and ¡°opportunities,¡± downying the risks.
Even up to now, Africa¡¯s mortality rate was still higher than in Austria. Despite the dangerous conditions in domestic sweatshops, they couldn¡¯tpare to the toll diseases took in Africa.
This information wasn¡¯t a secret. Newspapers covered it, and the government even distributed a ¡°Survival Handbook for Africa¡± outlining precautions and tips for staying alive.
All of this proved that Africa was no paradise and that making money required survival first.
Seeing that his audience was starting to waver, Lars nodded in satisfaction.
Vienna wasn¡¯t an industrial city, so it felt a smaller impact from the economic crisis. Aside from a slight effect on the financial sector, other industries were mostly unaffected, and business at the general store was still holding up.
Unlike previous downturns, when cutting wages was an option, now Lars¡¯ first concern was retaining his staff.
While being a shop assistant might seem like unskilled work, it wasn¡¯t something just anyone could do.
First, good memory was essential. They had to know exactly where each item was so they could quickly locate products for customers.
Second, some basic literacy and numeracy skills were needed to keep the ounts in order.
Finally, they needed a sharp eye. In an era without surveince cameras, spotting and catching shoplifters was crucial.
For someone with natural talent, it might take only a few days to master the job. For thosecking it, even years of training could still result in frequent mistakes.
Most shop assistants held lifetime positions,rgely because hiring new staff posed risks. If someone ipetent or dishonest came on board, it could lead to significant losses for the owner.
Just as Lars was feeling pleased with his persuasive speech, a familiar voice interrupted.
¡°Mr. Lars, I¡¯ve signed up to immigrate.¡±
Lars said, ¡°It¡¯s okay, Rennes. Even if you¡¯ve signed up, you can still withdraw. Immigration is entirely voluntary so no one will force you.¡±
After a brief moment of silence, Rennes lowered his head, ¡°I¡¯m sorry, Mr. Lars. Thank you for looking after me, but I still want to go out and try my luck.¡±
Lars was fuming internally, but to maintain his gentlemanly demeanor in front of everyone, he suppressed his anger, ¡°You¡¯d better think this through. Once you take this step, it will be hard to turn back.¡±
Rennes kept his head down, seemingly too nervous to respond.
Seeing Rennes¡¯ demeanor, Lars knew he had made up his mind. With a sigh, Lars feigned magnanimity and said, ¡°Fine, since you¡¯ve decided, go out and give it a shot!
If things don¡¯t go well out there, you can alwayse back. This will always be your second home. May God bless you!¡±
Seeing the expressions of gratitude on everyone¡¯s faces, Lars¡¯ anger finally subsided. Losing Rennes might have been a setback, but he had won over the goodwill of the others.
Unlike factories where workers could be driven by the whip, a general store couldn¡¯t be managed that way. Losing the trust of the staff could lead to significant losses, as any employee could sabotage the business if they wanted.
Lars had learned this lesson from observing countless failed businesses. Over time, he had grown his operation by avoiding those pitfalls.
Now, Lars owned five general stores across Vienna, all running smoothly thanks to his ability to perform such public disys of generosity. It was the cheapest way to earn loyalty.
The incident at the general store was just a small episode. Few people were leaving Vienna for immigration. The highest number of emigrants came from the highly industrialized Bohemia region, followed by Lombardy, Via, and Bavaria.
The main group of immigrants now consists of unemployed workers. Affected by the wave of unemployment, many people, after losing their jobs and sources of ie, have no choice but to seek opportunities elsewhere.
The departure of unemployed workers hasn¡¯t raised much concern. For many, they couldn¡¯t be happier to see these people disappear entirely.
During every economic crisis, unemployed workers are the most unstable factor in society. With fewer of them around, public security has significantly improved.
But for capitalists, the situation is different. Watchingrge numbers of people emigrate has left many business owners deeply worried. If the workforce leaves, where will they find cheapbor?
Originally, many nned to use the economic crisis to suppress the recent rise in wages. Now, they wouldn¡¯t dare to act on that thought.
They fear pushing workers too hard and causing their factories to empty out entirely. There are already cautionary tales about this, as covered in the newspapers.
For instance, the Dessendier Machinery Factory in Bavaria failed to negotiate abor dispute, leading to workers resigning or emigrating en masse.
The newly hired workerscked the necessary skills, resulting in a high defect rate in production. This loss of productpetitiveness eventually forced the factory to shut down.
There are plenty of simr stories of reckless decisions reported in the newspapers, including cases where promises of better wages were broken, prompting workers to strike again.
While such negative oues exist, there are also positive effects. Due to rising wages, the domestic market, which should have shrunk during the economic crisis, instead experienced unexpected growth.
Although some of the poption has emigrated, the purchasing power of those remaining has increased. For the first time in Austria, the economic theory of ¡°cultivating the market¡± has shown significant results.
Aside from industries heavily reliant on exports, most businesses focused on the domestic market had begun to gradually recover from the crisis by the end of 1876.
Chapter 616: The Paris Conference on the Edge of Collapse
As the world¡¯srgest import and export trading nation, Britain can be considered the biggest victim of this economic crisis.
Domestic strikes had not yet subsided when the contraction of international markets caused export volumes to plummet. This led to a sharp rise in unemployment and intensified social tensions.
To ease domestic conflicts and divert public attention, the British Parliament decided to hold an early election.
Unsurprisingly, the Liberal Party, led by dstone, was defeated in the election, making way for the Conservative Party under the leadership of Benjamin Disraeli.
This seems to follow the pattern of British politics. Except for the first Prime Minister, Robert Walpole, who served for twenty years, most other terms have not exceeded eight years.
(Author¡¯s Note: The term for British Prime Ministers and Parliament is five years.)
Returning once again to 10 Downing Street, Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli found joy only on the first day after the election victory. The rest of his time has been consumed by the headaches brought on by the domestic economic crisis, which has turned more of his hair white.
Colonial Secretary Robert said, ¡°The domestic economy is already in a very precarious state. To survive this crisis, we must findrger markets for our goods. I propose the resumption of the Persian War. Having just experienced a refugee crisis, Persia is now at its weakest. This is highly advantageous for our military operations.¡±
Chancellor of the Exchequer Arthur Balfour said, ¡°The government¡¯s finances remain robust, providing us with ample funding for war efforts. I propose that, whileunching the Persian War, we should also resume the Ethiopian War.In the previous conflict, we only achieved a nominal victory. Most of Ethiopia remains outside our control. In recent years, the Austrians have been steadily infiltrating Ethiopia. If we don¡¯t act swiftly, one day we might wake up to find Austrian gs flying over Ethiopia.
It¡¯s not just Ethiopia, the entire East Africa is in jeopardy. If we don¡¯t act promptly, France and Austria certainly won¡¯t hesitate to capitalize on this.¡±
First Lord of the Admiralty John Vassall added, ¡°It¡¯s not just East Africa, Asia is also at stake. The French are expanding into the Indochinese Penins, and they are on the verge of reaching India¡¯s borders.
We must take preemptive action to seize control of the Konbaung Dynasty. This region is the gateway to India, and if it falls into French hands, the consequences would be dire.¡±
(Author¡¯s Note: Burma was under the Konbaung Dynasty during this period, referred to as the Third Burmese Empire by Westerners.)
¡
Prime Minister Benjamin is hailed as a staunch defender of colonialism, so having a cab full of pro-war memberses as no surprise. The vast British colonial empire was built through war and conquest, and historically, pro-war and pro-colonial factions have always been inseparable.
For Britain, relying on domestic demand to weather the economic crisis is out of the question.
The poption of the British Isles limits the size of the domestic market, meaning that oveing the economic crisis requires external markets.
With its vast colonies, Britain could emerge from the crisis with rtive ease but that takes time.
To recover quickly from the economic crisis, the only option is to wage war and shift the burden elsewhere.
Foreign Secretary Edward said, ¡°Hold on. I agree that everyone has valid points, and the issues raised are indeed pressing for Britain, but the reality doesn¡¯t allow for such actions.
Let¡¯s not even discuss whether our national resources can support multiple simultaneous wars, the diplomatic troubles alone would exhaust us.
If we don¡¯t want to see every European power tripping us up, we must prioritize and act in sequence. Engaging in multi-front wars brings nothing but heightened risks and pressure with no added benefit.¡±
The driving force behind Britain¡¯s wars has always been profit. Everyone understands that the British government cannotunch multiple wars simultaneously, yet such proposals continue to emerge.
This reflects the ongoing struggles between different factions, including the military, political officials, and capitalists.
The campaign chosen tomence first not only determines who ¡°benefits¡± first but also reflects the strategic importance of that region in the eyes of the British government.
Colonial Secretary Robert said, ¡°I believe we should prioritize the Persian War. The situation in Persia is the mostplex, involving both Russia and Austria.
The Russian Empire is currently bogged down by the Prussian-Polish Federation and cannot intervene in Persia in the short term. But Austria is a different story as they¡¯ve already extended their influence into the Persian Gulf.
Although their immediate focus is on the Ottomans, that doesn¡¯t mean theyck ambition for Persia.
The Persian government is doing everything it can to court the major powers. If we don¡¯t stay vignt, Austria might one day expand its influence into the Persian region.
Looking at the map, it¡¯s clear that if the Ottoman Empire copses, the entire eastern Mediterranean coast will likely fall into Austria¡¯s hands. At that point, Persia would border Austria directly.
If we don¡¯t secure Persia as a buffer in advance, India will face immense pressure.¡±
First Lord of the Admiralty John Vassall objected, ¡°Sir Robert, you¡¯re exaggerating. We already hold an absolute advantage in Persia. Unless the Ottoman Empire copses tomorrow, Austria has no way topete with us there.
From the current situation, the Ottoman Empire can survive for at least another twenty years. If theyplete internal reforms, they might even endure indefinitely.
The greater threat lies in Indochina. The Konbaung Dynasty haspletely weakened and can no longer resist French advances.¡±
Chancellor of the Exchequer Arthur Balfour intervened, ¡°Gentlemen, let¡¯s not overstate the urgency. It¡¯s not as if we¡¯ll be at war with France and Austria tomorrow.
Right now, the three of us remain allies. Without sufficient incentive, they wouldn¡¯t risk provoking us unnecessarily.
The immediate priority is oveing the economic crisis. We should all consider the situation more from an economic perspective.
Since the Suez Canal opened, trade between East and West has grown rapidly. Nearly 40% of European maritime trade now passes through the Suez Canal.
This golden waterway has be vital to Britain¡¯s economic lifeline. Unfortunately, we failed to pay enough attention, allowing control of the Suez Canal to fall entirely into French and Austrian hands.
Of course, this was the responsibility of our predecessors, but we are the ones who must bear the consequences.
For France and Austria, the Suez Canal is their lifeblood, and it¡¯s impossible for us to intervene directly. The only option now is to adopt an indirect strategy and expand our influence over the Red Sea Strait.
In recent years, the French have been expanding into Sudan, and the Austrians into Ethiopia. The two have reached an understanding and are jointly squeezing our sphere of influence.
If we allow this situation to continue, we will eventually lose our foothold in East Africa. Even with our naval superiority, we would only be able to hold on to areas immediately surrounding key ports.
Take the Cape of Good Hope, for instance. Although it appears under our control, if rtions with Austria were to deteriorate, it could fall at any moment.¡±
¡°Sir Arthur, this joke is not funny at all. The idea that France and Austria could truly unite is the biggest joke of the century.
Unless one of them abandons the pursuit of continental dominance, the two nations will never genuinely align. Right now, they see each other as their greatest rival!¡± Colonial Secretary Robert retorted.
Abandoning continental dominance sounds simple enough, but why would anyone believe it?
Unless one of them loses the power topete for dominance, verbal promises are entirely unconvincing. And unless one of the two powers declines, the struggle for continental dominance will persist.
Currently, their ability to coexist peacefully is only because they appear evenly matched, and the presence of third, fourth, or even fifth parties makes neither side willing to start a war and risk benefiting others.
Foreign Secretary Edward responded, ¡°Sir Robert, the possibility of France and Austria forming an alliance is very real. When the stakes are high enough, anything can happen.¡±
¡°Sir Edward, I¡¯m not saying that France and Austria cannot form an alliance, but that under the current international circumstances, such an alliance is impossible.
What appears to be friendly Franco-Austrian rtions is actually riddled with underlying tensions. If we wanted to, provoking conflict between France and Austria wouldn¡¯t be difficult,¡± Colonial Secretary Robert exined.
¡°No, Sir Robert, what we need is precisely the current situation: France and Austria appearing friendly on the surface but secretly hostile toward each other.
Provoking a Franco-Austrian conflict that leads to a continental war and disrupts the bnce of power in Europe is not in our interest. So that option is off the table.
We recognize the importance of the Suez Canal, and so do France and Austria¡ªlikely even earlier than we did.
Over the past decade, we have repeatedly attempted to acquire shares in the canalpany, only to be rejected. This alone speaks volumes.
If we fail to act, France and Austria might very well join forces over control of the Suez Canal and push us out of East Africa.
This wouldn¡¯t be unprecedented. They¡¯ve worked together before, and we were nearly ousted from the Mediterranean,¡± Foreign Secretary Edward warned.
This is the most troublesome aspect. On one hand, Britain needs France and Austria to remain in conflict to prevent them from aligning; on the other hand, they must avoid exacerbating their tensions to the point of triggering a continental war, which would upset the European bnce.
From Britain¡¯s perspective, whether France or Austria emerges victorious in a war, it would spell disaster. The current three-way bnce is the most suitable for Britain¡¯s continental strategy.
Benjamin interrupted the argument, ¡°Gentlemen, no one seems able to persuade the other, so let¡¯s put it to a vote. Continuing this debate endlessly won¡¯t solve anything, and time is of the essence.¡±
While this appeared to be a neutral approach, it subtly revealed his stance. Support for the resumption of the Ethiopian War was evidently stronger, driven by the demands of overseas trade.
Expanding in East Africa would increase Britain¡¯s influence in the Red Sea and enhance its leverage in matters rted to the Suez Canal.
If rtions with France and Austria ever deteriorated, Britain would still have the ability to flip the table rather than be entirely at their mercy.
This may have been one of the most efficient decisions ever made by the British government. From identifying the issue to reaching a resolution, the Cab took only a single day.
Under normal circumstances, the process of initiating a war would involve months of debate, sometimes stretching to three or five years without any conclusion.
This time, however, was an exception. The economic crisis was pressing, and the Cab quickly reached a consensus, immediately submitting the proposal to Parliament.
As expected, the proposal passed with record speed. The government didn¡¯t even need to lobby the members of parliament as capitalists were already restless.
The sooner the war began, the sooner the economic crisis could be resolved.
The downfall of the previous administration wasrgely due to dstone¡¯s insistence on resolving colonial disputes through the Paris Conference beforeunching any colonial wars.
While this approach reduced international pressure, the Paris Conference was not something that could be wrapped up overnight. With the economic crisis already underway, the capitalists simply couldn¡¯t afford to wait.
In a sense, they were also caught in Franz¡¯s trap. If the Austrian government hadn¡¯t deliberately triggered the crisis, the economic downturn wouldn¡¯t have erupted so quickly.
Politicians must have integrity, especially once they are in power. Political positions should not change arbitrarily. Constantly shifting policies not only undermines the government¡¯s prestige but also leads to public disdain.
The dstone administration made a misjudgment by proposing colonial expansion after the Paris Conference before the economic crisis had even erupted.
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There was nothing inherently wrong with this proposal, and it gained widespread domestic support. Unfortunately, the timing was bad. Shortly after it was put forward, the economic crisis broke out.
To quickly ovee the crisis, Britain needed tounch a war abroad, which meant a change of government was necessary.
The Benjamin Cab was filled with war hawks, not because they were naturally pro-war, but because the situation demanded it.
On November 28, 1876, the British Parliament passed the ¡°Resumption of the Ethiopian War¡± proposal.
International public opinion was in an uproar, condemning the British. Britain¡¯s actions were also a heavy blow to the ongoing Paris Conference.
The world was once again thrown into turmoil. If the British could use the excuse of not having signed a treaty tounch colonial wars during the Paris Conference, other European countries could do the same and expand their colonial territories during the talks.
Originally, there had been hopes of negotiating and demarcating spheres of influence to divide up the remaining unimed territories. Now, it had returned to an era where power determined who seized what.
Chapter 617: The Struggles of an International Student (Bonus Chapter)
At the Vienna Pce, ever since the British broke the unwritten rules, Franz¡¯s desk had been flooded with requests for military action.
Don¡¯t misunderstand¡ªthese weren¡¯t aimed at fighting the British. The Austrian military wasn¡¯t so bold as to challenge the might of the Royal Navy, which still held significant deterrence.
The target of these requests, naturally, was the unimed territories yet to be divided. Since it was a game of strength, the Austrian military wasn¡¯t about tog behind.
Franz casually remarked, ¡°The military¡¯s operational ns are all here, covering nearly every unimed territory. If anything has slipped through, it¡¯s likely beyond our reach. Now, you can just pick one from this list!¡±
The fervent colonial race, which had stirred up greatmotion elsewhere, seemed like a trivial matter here. Franz¡¯s nonchnt demeanor betrayed no sense of urgency.
Colonial Minister Stephen spoke up, ¡°First, we can rule out Persia. The British have been entrenched there for a long time, with India as their stronghold. Asters, we would find it very difficult topete with them.
Next, the Indochina Penins can also be excluded. British, French, and Prussian forces are all deeply entangled there, creating a highlyplex situation.
Oh, and ording to our intelligence, the French and British arepeting intensely, and the Prussians are about to be squeezed out. If we were to intervene, we would likely meet the same fate.
This leaves East Africa and South America as the most viable options.In South America, the countries have already gained independence and are recognized by the European powers. Taking action against them could spark fear among smaller European states, damaging our international image.
Byparison, expansion into East Africa is much easier. With the British nning to target Ethiopia, we can seize the opportunity to im our share, perhaps by upying the Horn of Africa (the Somali Penins).¡±
Hearing ¡°Horn of Africa,¡± Franz¡¯s first reaction was to think of it as ¡°chicken ribs¡±¡ªof little value but hard to discard entirely.
What does the Somali Penins have to offer?
The answer: pirates!
That was Franz¡¯s main impression of Somalia. Well, that and poverty. There might be some resources or minerals, but they¡¯re certainly not abundant. Otherwise, Franz wouldn¡¯t have such a nk impression of the region.
Its only value, perhaps, lies in its ¡°significant¡± strategic importance. However, even this so-called significance depends on the context. For example, right now, the strategic value of the Somali Penins isn¡¯t very evident.
While it appears to be on the critical route of the Suez Canal, the British are already blocking the way ahead.
Austria already controls the Arabian Penins, but with its navy not being a match for the Royal Navy, the Somali Penins¡¯s strategic importance is greatly diminished for the Austrian government.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg weighed in, ¡°From an international perspective, East Africa remains the most suitable region for us to colonize. Beyond Britain and France, there are no significantpetitors.
The French are focused on Sudan and haven¡¯t extended their influence this far so they won¡¯tpete with us for the Somali Penins.
While the British ce importance on East Africa, their resources for operations in Africa are limited. Engaging in a war with Ethiopia means they won¡¯t have the capacity to contest the Somali Penins with us.
The only drawback is that the Somali Penins has very little economic value and will bring us minimal tangible benefits.¡±
East Africa was already dominated by the British, French, and Austrians¡ªa yground reserved for the three major powers. Naturally, no smaller nations would dare intrude, andpetition was sparse.
However, this also meant limited returns. Were it not for the opening of the Suez Canal, the British likely wouldn¡¯t even nce at Ethiopia.
Franz nodded in agreement, ¡°Then the Somali Penins it is. Even if it has no economic value, its ability to curtail British expansion makes the strategic benefits sufficient to justify the costs.¡±
With such low expectations, there was no room for disappointment. The world had already been carved up, leaving only scraps. As long as the venture wasn¡¯t a financial loss, it would be considered a sess.
¡
Austria had made its move, and other nations were not sitting idly by. A new web of alliances and rivalries began to unfold while the Paris Conference devolved into a farce. ?
Perhaps, once the final wave of colonial partition wasplete, the Paris Conference might yield some results. The reason the conference hadn¡¯t been officially dered over yet was due to the British diplomatic effort.
The British government cared about maintaining appearances. The Paris Conference had been convened at Britain¡¯s initiative, and if it copsed because of their breach of agreements, Britain¡¯s reputation would bepletely tarnished.
Even if it was mere self-deception, they were determined to keep this fig leaf intact. However, no one took the conference seriously anymore. One by one, delegations returned to their respective countries, leaving only the resident diplomatic staff in Paris to continue the charade of negotiations.
¡
The University District of Vienna is Austria¡¯srgest educational hub. It is home to more than 30 universities and boasts the world¡¯s most advanced education system.
Today, the influence of Austrian universities extends far beyond their borders. International students from all over the world bring a vibrant, cosmopolitan atmosphere to the city.
In this era, studying abroad in Austria is no simple matter. Not only do students need outstanding academic performance, but they must also pay high tuition fees, and admissions are subject to strict quotas.
The Ministry of Education has clearly stipted that the number of international students admitted to universities must not exceed 4% of the total enrollment.
Austrian universities typically enroll between 500 and 1,000 students annually. To ensure the quality of education, even thergest institutions do not admit more than 1,500 students per year.
This means each university can ept no more than 60 international students annually. On paper, this number might seem sufficient, considering Austria has over a hundred universities.
In reality, the distribution is far from bnced. The majority of international student slots are taken by students from the German Federal Empire and the Kingdom of Prussia, who ount for 43% and 29% of the total, respectively.
Following them are students from the Swiss Confederation, who make up 5% of the total, leaving the remaining slots for students from other countries.
The disparity in numbers isn¡¯t due to the superior education systems of these three regions, but rather because of shared cultural ties, easier ess to student visas, and the Austrian government offering them student loans.
In this era, most countries adhere to an elitist approach to education, making universities inessible to the average person.
When ites to international students, the situation is even more restricted. Local education resources are barely sufficient for domestic needs, let alone for foreigners.
Nearly all international students are required to pay exorbitant tuition fees. For instance, at the University of Vienna, international students must pay annual tuition fees ranging from 2,000 to 3,000 guilders, depending on the program.
This is no small sum, especially considering that Austria¡¯s per capita annual ie is less than 70 guilders. For an average person, a lifetime¡¯s earnings wouldn¡¯t be enough to cover even one year of university tuition.
Of course, this only applies to international students. Tuition fees for domestic students are much more affordable, typically ranging from 50 to 500 guilders, with student loans avable to ease the financial burden.
As long as students are admitted, finances aren¡¯t an issue. For some specialized fields in high demand, the government even covers the tuition fees.
Austria is not the only country with limited international student admissions. Other nations follow simr practices, primarily admitting students from Europe, with very few slots for overseas students.
The impression that this era had many international students isrgely a misconception. While some students did study abroad, whether they gained a real education is another question entirely.
Schools, too, are divided into various tiers. Prestigious universities admit only a small number of international students, but less reputable institutions impose no such restrictions.
There are even ¡°universities¡± specifically targeting international students. They employ so-called ¡°renowned schrs,¡± who are often far from credible and teach dubious content.
Failing exams? No problem. These schools offer special packages for struggling students¡ªpay the fees, and you¡¯ll get your diploma.
As for acquiring genuine knowledge? Don¡¯t count on it. Most of the teachers at these schools, despite their grandiose presentation, have never attended university themselves.
Austria naturally has its share of these ¡°profit-oriented universities.¡± Aside from their degrees not being recognized by the Austrian government, they appear superficially simr to regr universities, which is sufficient to deceive international students.
Take, for example, the Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy. This is a ssic diploma mill, borrowing credibility by mimicking the names of the Austrian Army Advanced Command Academy and the Austrian Navy Advanced Command Academy.
The difference of a single word marks a world of disparity. Anyone with basic knowledge knows that the army and navy are entirely separate systems, requiring distinct training programs.
Training both army and navymanders simultaneously isn¡¯t impossible, but it¡¯s nearly impossible to excel at both.
Just like individuals, a school¡¯s resources and focus are limited. Franz prioritizes cultivating specialists rather than generalists. Austrian universities ce a particr emphasis on developing specialized talent.
This is evident even in Austria¡¯s entrance examinations. High scorers are admitted to universities, but students who excel in a specific subject can also gain direct admission.
Thetter category even admits more students as it¡¯s moremon to find individuals strong in one subject than those excelling across all areas.
However, this system isn¡¯t without limitations. Those admitted for their specialization have very few options for majors¡ªthey essentially have no choice.
After graduation, switching fields is also challenging, as theyck foundational knowledge in other areas.
These individuals are typically suited for technical roles, with most bing engineers in their specialized fields and a select few joining research institutions.
Students who are well-rounded have much broader career options, appearing in various industries, but generalists are far fewer in number.
In the short term, Austria¡¯s education model has proven sessful. By focusing on specialized training within limited educational resources, it maximizes cost efficiency and increases the sess rate of producing skilled professionals.
¡
Morse became a victim of a diploma mill. With excellent grades, he managed to stand out among countless others and finally earned the opportunity to study abroad in Austria.
To save on tuition, he chose to enroll in the impressive-sounding Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy to study military science.
Compared to other European countries, Austria¡¯s diploma mills are rtively less exploitative. At the very least, their basic military training is passable.
Thanks to the universal conscription system, the school¡¯s instructors had actually served in the military, retaining some degree of professional skills.
While theirmand abilities might not be particrly strong, they excelled at bluffing. With a theoretical manual in hand, they could lecture for hours without pause, sounding entirely convincing.
This semnce of authenticity made the diploma mills appear somewhat more legitimate. Morse quickly fell for the illusion and dismissed external criticisms of the school.
However, over time, doubts began to creep in. He noticed that the school was almost entirely popted by international students, with only a handful of Austrian locals.
The few local students rarely took the crucial strategy courses seriously, often goofing off during ss, which frustrated Morse.
Something felt off. If the officers trained here were really this ipetent, Austria¡¯s military might as well devolve into the chaotic ranks of Mexican warlords.
Yet reality painted a different picture. Morse had visited Austrian military camps and was deeply impressed by their rigorous training and advanced equipment.
As a Mexican studying abroad in Austria, Morse¡¯s choice was deeply tied to his background.
His ancestors were immigrants from the German region, and Austria, being the most powerful nation in the German cultural sphere, appealed to his sense of heritage and nostalgia.
In this era, international students in continental Europe were not highly regarded and often faced discrimination. However, thanks to his German lineage, Morse quickly integrated into social circles.
Just two hours ago, he received shocking news. While gathering with a few ssmates at a tavern, a local student, emboldened by alcohol, revealed the truth to him.
The Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy, which Morse believed to be highly professional, was essentially a hollow facade and not officially recognized by the Austrian government.
Well, not entirely unrecognized¡ªgraduates could earn a diploma equivalent to a vocational school degree, at best.
The institution didn¡¯t produce high-ranking officers but rather trainedpetent soldiers, with top-performing graduates potentially qualifying as junior officers.
This became evident in various ways. Most of the day was spent on military drills, whilemand courses were limited to theoretical lectures.
When the instructors discussed small-unit tactics, they were eloquent and full of confidence. But when it came to analyzingrge-scale battles, their ideas were often as fanciful as ¡°cows flying in the sky.¡±
This wasn¡¯t surprising, given that the instructors had only ever served as junior officers. They could speak with authority on what they¡¯d experienced firsthand, but for subjects outside their expertise, they relied heavily on exaggeration.
Most of the local students studying here are connected to influential people, allowing them to attend without paying tuition. They were here because they didn¡¯t perform well enough academically to get into a proper military academy.
Although this ce is somewhatx, some of the knowledge it provides is still useful. Gaining some basic military knowledge before serving in the army can help them stand out more quickly once they enlist.
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This also exins why Morse noticed many local students cking off. It¡¯s not that they¡¯rezy¡ªwhen the teachers cover professional knowledge, they do work hard.
As for the so-called ¡°strategy sses,¡± everyone knows it¡¯s just fluff, so naturally, they don¡¯t take it seriously.
Calling the Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy a military academy isn¡¯t wrong. Its military training isn¡¯t fake, and every year, it does produce a batch of qualified soldiers for the Austrian military. About half of them go on to be junior officers.
As his ssmates put it, excellent graduates from this academy can expect to bepany or toon-level officers in the Austrian army. If they¡¯re lucky and distinguish themselves in war, they might climb a few more rungs up thedder.
To reach higher levels ofmand, however, further education is required. The Austrian military has a veryprehensive officer training system. As long as someone is capable enough, they can continue to advance through further studies.
While nomoner marshal has emerged from this system, there have been severalmoner generals. These individuals are the role models for ordinary soldiers to strive toward. Though the chances are slim, the possibility still exists.
For Morse, however, this is a disaster. The Mexican military doesn¡¯t have such a training system. The military knowledge gained here, which is limited topany and toon-levelmand skills, isn¡¯t going to be of much use.
He came here to learn military knowledge to build a strong Mexico, not to serve as a junior officer.
Yet, he chose this path himself. He could have gone to a proper military academy, but to save money, he jumped into this massive pit.
Chapter 618: The Restoration Clique
In the 19th century, those who could study abroad were naturally not ordinary people. These diploma mills were designed to exploit such individuals, so the costs were by no means low.
On the surface, the tuition seemed cheaper, but additional services all came with fees. In the end, the total expenses often exceeded those of legitimate universities.
Morse had clearly been scammed. Austria¡¯s regr universities nevercked students. At most, they recruited from the German region. Who would go out of their way to recruit in Mexico?
Not even during the reign of Maximilian I did Austria extend such privileges, so it was even less likely now. The high tuition fees for Austrian foreign students primarily stemmed from the fact that the Ministry of Education did not allocate funding for them.
It wasn¡¯t that Franz didn¡¯t understand the importance of cultivating international students, it was simply that the timing wasn¡¯t right. On one hand, the costs were too high; on the other, Austria had no intention of training futurepetitors.
This wasn¡¯t unique to Austria. Most European colonial empires followed simr policies, typically only admitting students from Europe. It wasn¡¯t that they were blind to the benefits of training international students; they just didn¡¯t see it as worthwhile.
In the original timeline, Americans educated international students to upset the global bnce while the Japanese did so for their own strategic goals¡
For now, Austria prefers recruiting students from German-speaking regions. This was partly to foster pro-Austrian sentiment, but more importantly, many of these students eventually stayed in Austria.
This differentiated treatment was essentially a way to win hearts and minds.For international students like Morse¡ªa passionate young man from Mexico¡ªthere was a high chance he would eventually return to Mexico.
The Austrian government naturally wasn¡¯t willing to spend big to train talent for other countries. Otherwise, the so-called Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy wouldn¡¯t have dared to scam him.
In truth, it wasn¡¯t exactly a scam. Austria¡¯s education system was still tightly regted, and even diploma mills were ces where some knowledge could be learned.
After graduation, while one might not achieve great sess, one would at least have enough credentials to impress others back home. Otherwise, these lecturers wouldn¡¯t be known as ¡°renowned schrs¡± in society.
The school hired them primarily because they were skilled at boasting. Whether what they said was urate or not, it was usually good enough to fool ordinary people.
While these individuals might seem unimpressive, their misfortune was being born in the wrong ce. If they had lived in the United States, many of them would likely have be congressmen, maybe even climbed their way to the presidency.
Their sess generally stemmed from two key traits: being able to talk their way through anything and having no scruples.
The circle of international students was rtively small, and it wasn¡¯t easy to meet fellow countrymen in a foreignnd. Through social gatherings, Morse had made quite a few acquaintances and even joined the Mexican International Student Mutual Aid Association.
Now that he understood the situation, it was only natural for him to seek help from them.
¡
¡°Mr. Morse, many people have experienced situations like yours. Studying in Austria is not easy, and admission to regr universities is highlypetitive.
Even if you passed the initial test beforeing to Austria, it doesn¡¯t guarantee admission; it only qualifies you to sit for the entrance exam.
In reality, the probability of passing the entrance exam on the first attempt is less than 10%. Most students need to study in Austria for several years before earning a spot at a university.
The vast majority of international students end up enrolling in vocational institutions. The Austrian Army and Navy Advanced Command Academy you¡¯re attending now is also a vocational institution, though it ranks rtively low.
You now have two options: either continue your studies until graduation or self-study and reapply to an Austrian regr university.
These universities have no age restrictions for international applicants, but the costs are significant. Each application requires a registration fee of 500 guilders.
Each institution has its own application schedule, so theoretically, you could apply to all 137 regr universities in Austria at the same time,¡± exined Brian Haig.
After hearing this, Morse was silent for a while before asking, ¡°Isn¡¯t this just extortion? Why is the registration fee so high?¡±
Brian Haig nodded helplessly, ¡°That¡¯s right, it¡¯s extortion! The schools don¡¯t take us seriously. To them, we¡¯re just a flock of cash cows.
If you don¡¯t want to take the exams, you can pay a direct admission fee of 30,000 to 100,000 guilders to enroll. Generally, liberal arts programs are cheaper, while science, engineering, and military academies cost more.¡±
There was no helping it; reality was just that harsh. Austria had implementedpulsory education for over two decades, producing over a million candidates annuallypeting for 50,000¨C60,000 spots. The quality of local applicants was guaranteed.
As for international students, their abilities varied widely. The top performers could match Austria¡¯s best students, while the weaker ones were rejected even by the higher-ranking vocational schools.
Top students are naturally weed, and free admission isn¡¯t unheard of. Even after graduation, the Austrian government might make efforts to retain them. On the other hand, underperforming students not only fail to contribute but also risk damaging the school¡¯s reputation aside from the revenue they generate.
Geniuses are always a minority and most people are average. While most students study hard, their ultimate sessrgely depends on the educational environment.
Morseined, ¡°Damn it, with so few slots for international students, why can¡¯t we take the same entrance exams as locals?¡±
Brian Haig didn¡¯t answer, fearing he might upset Morse. It wasn¡¯t umon for international students to try and obtain residency to qualify for local entrance exams. However, the oue of most of these attempts was disastrous.
Others had been studying under Austria¡¯s system for over a decade so how could one expect to match them with ast-minute effort? As for prior education back home, unfortunately, it didn¡¯t align with Austrian standards.
At this time, discrepancies between countries¡¯ textbooks were vast. It wasn¡¯t unusual for the same problem to have entirely different answers depending on where you learned.
This issue was especially pronounced in science and engineering, where rapid advancements required frequent updates to textbooks, sometimes annually.
For humanities and history, the situation was even more pronounced. Austrian schools based their content on local textbooks, meaning interpretations of historical events could starkly contradict ounts from elsewhere.
When it came to exams, Austrian schools didn¡¯t bother amodating such differences and they simply tested students ording to their standards.
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This educational gap naturally led to lower scores for international students, reinforcing the perception that they were less capable¡ªa frustrating cycle with little recourse.
Brian Haig shook his head andforted Morse, ¡°There¡¯s nothing we can do about it. Mexico is just too weak. Even with the same scores, international students from major powers are given priority for admission. But don¡¯t despair, Morse. When Mexico bes stronger, this situation will improve.¡±
Morse nodded vehemently, filled with shared indignation, ¡°Exactly! It¡¯s all because of those damn warlords! They¡¯re always fighting for power, tearing great Mexico apart!¡±
Finding a shared grievance, the two quickly hit it off and soon became good friends.
¡
After seeing Morse off, the smile on Brian Haig¡¯s face vanished. He jotted down the following in his notebook:
Morse ¡ª Male ¡ª 19 years old, patriotic and idealistic youth, progressive in thought, with a clear anti-warlord stance. His stance on monarchy remains unclear and requires further observation. Rmended for close monitoring.
He quickly put the notebook away, locked it in a drawer, and resumed his other tasks as if nothing had happened.
Indeed, Brian Haig was a member of Maximilian I¡¯s restoration clique. He wasn¡¯t alone¡ªmany Mexican international students had also joined the organization.
This wasrgely thanks to the efforts of Maximilian I¡¯s loyal followers. After arriving in Austria, these individuals had not faded into obscurity. Instead, they remained actively engaged in their mission to restore the monarchy.
Although Maximilian I had be disheartened and withdrawn, primarily focusing on fundraising, hisck of meddling allowed his followers to operate more effectively.
Europe at this time was still a stronghold of monarchies. Even in France, the cradle of revolutionary thought, monarchy remained the dominant ideology.
Against this backdrop, it was inevitable that pro-monarchist ideas would influence students studying in Europe.
Moreover, the worsening chaos in Mexico, with warlord conflicts surpassing even those of Maximilian I¡¯s era, had caused many to question the viability of a republican system.
Seizing the moment, Franz took the opportunity to rehabilitate Maximilian I¡¯s reputation, pinning the me for his failures entirely on conservatives and opportunists.
To sway these idealistic youths, Franz went as far aspiling and promoting the policies and decrees issued during Maximilian I¡¯s reign. And thus, many were convinced.
After all, Maximilian I hadn¡¯t actually done anything overtly harmful. Even though his policies had their ws, those issues werergely behind the scenes. On the surface, his actions appeared to be for the good of the country and its people.
While this narrative might not work on seasoned skeptics, it was quite effective in persuading passionate, idealistic young people.
Since the emperor¡¯s policies seemed meless and there were no allegations of decadence, the me for the country¡¯s troubles naturally fell on the conservative factions and opportunists who opposed reform.
The current chaos of warlordism in Mexico conveniently reinforced this narrative. Many people began to assume that Maximilian I, as a foreign ruler, had been isted and undermined upon his arrival, rendering him powerless against the ambitions of local factions.
No additional embellishment from Franz was needed. The restoration clique had already gathered plenty of solid evidence showing that many individuals had defied the emperor¡¯s orders.
As international students, who generally came from the upper echelons of society, absorbed this perspective, they began drawing their own conclusions, connecting the dots further.
The result was the expansion of the restoration clique. From its original 200-300 members, it had grown to over 4,000 members.
How many of them genuinely supported the emperor, and how many were simply opportunists, was difficult to determine.
Without the steady stream of funding¡ªwhich convinced outsiders that the Habsburg monarchy was still interested in backing Maximilian I¡¯s restoration¡ªthe group would likely have dwindled to just a handful of members.
Even Franz himself wasn¡¯t entirely sure whether a restoration was the right course of action. The funding for the restoration clique came only partially from Franz; Maximilian I himself raised the majority.
Despite hisckluster abilities, Maximilian I had a way of endearing himself to people. ording to Franz, both Archduke Karl and Archduchess Sophie, their mother, had essentially emptied their coffers to support Maximilian¡¯s costly restoration efforts.
If this investment failed, there was a high likelihood that Maximilian¡¯s two other brothers would face the unfortunate reality of having no inheritance to fall back on.
That said, this was a minor issue. The Habsburg family was well-educated and cultivated, unlikely to make a public spectacle over an inheritance dispute that could tarnish their reputation.
Still, the rtionship between Maximilian I and his two brothers was understandably strained. The issue wasn¡¯t purely about money¡ªnone of them were exactly poor¡ªbut about jealousy.
When parents favor one child over the others, it¡¯s natural for resentment to simmer beneath the surface. Had Maximilian I been the eldest son, this favoritism might have been easier to ept, aligning with the Germanic tradition of primogeniture.
Unfortunately, Maximilian I wasn¡¯t the eldest, and his parents¡¯ obvious bias inevitably caused discontent among his brothers. Though they masked their feelings well and maintained the appearance of harmony, Franz could see through the facade.
While Franz was fully aware of the tensions, he had no intention of addressing them. Favoritism is part of family dynamics, and there isn¡¯t always a clear right or wrong. Pretending not to notice was the best course of action as exposing the issue would only make things awkward for everyone involved.
Besides, the investment hadn¡¯t failed yet. Maximilian I may have fallen short, but he still had a son, Maximilian II, who was only a child. Perhaps this ¡°alt ount*¡± might achieve what the main one could not.
TN: *alternate ount, gaming reference.
Chapter 619: The Canal Issue
Chapter 619: The Canal Issue
After the bnce of power was disrupted, the chaos many anticipated did not ur. The only nations actively vying for colonial territories were Britain, France, and Austria.
It wasn¡¯t that other colonial empires didn¡¯t want topete¡ªthey simplycked the strength. Most were barely able to hold onto their existing territories, let alone participate in the scramble for new ones.
With fewerpetitors, the situation was naturally more favorable. If these disputes had been resolved through negotiations, Britain, France, and Austria likely wouldn¡¯t have been able to monopolize the spoils.
The British government¡¯s seemingly reckless behavior was, in fact, the result of careful calction. At present, the only losers are the smaller nations. While they may harbor resentment, they had no choice but to swallow their discontent.
Vienna Pce
Foreign Minister Wessenberg reported, ¡°Your Majesty, news has just arrived from South America. The French are in talks with the Colombian government to revive the Panama Canal project.¡±
Franz frowned, ¡°Do we know France¡¯s true intentions?¡±
The Panama Canal has long been a troubled endeavor, with ns existing for centuries but making little progress.
As early as 1534, the Spanish conducted surveys and even built a trail to facilitate canal construction. However, the n was abandoned when war erupted in Europe.In 1814, the Spanish once again revisited the canal project, only for it to be interrupted by the outbreak of colonial uprisings.
The Republic of Colombia also proposed a canal project, but when Austria established control over Central America, the ns were shelved yet again.
From the perspective of the Republic of Colombia, the opening of the Panama Canal could indeed bring substantial economic benefits, but strategically, it would greatly increase the pressures they face.
Treasure always invites trouble.
Before the canal¡¯s construction, the Panama region held limited value and wasn¡¯t worth coveting. Once the canal bes operational, the situation will change drastically. What could the Republic of Colombia rely on to secure Panama?
Rely on the French?
That would be akin to inviting a wolf into the house. If the canal became a reality, France would undoubtedly be among those vying for control of the Panama region.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg said, ¡°At present, our intelligence is insufficient to determine France¡¯s true intentions. On the surface, it appears to be the independent initiative of capitalists, with no overt involvement from the French government. This could very well be a test.¡±
Franz nodded. This seemed to be the most reasonable exnation.
Austria had been operating in Central America for two decades, firmly entrenching its influence, which had already extended into the Panama region.
Since the French strategic failure in Mexico, their influence in the Americas had plummeted, making it nearly impossible for them topete with Austria.
While the prospect of building the Panama Canal offered immense benefits, it also carried significant risks. If Austria decided to deploy its military and seize the Panama region, the French investment would likely suffer a massive loss, if not be entirely worthless.
After some thought, Franz remarked, ¡°No matter what the French are nning, we will ignore them. If the canal project is initiated, we will fabricate an excuse to dere war on Colombia and directly take over the Panama region.¡±
Under Franz¡¯s ¡°butterfly effect,¡± the international situation had bepletely unrecognizable. The advantage of familiarity with historical events had long since vanished.
Without the benefit of foresight, the only option was to adapt to changing circumstances. Whatever France¡¯s intentions, one thing was certain: ensuring the Panama Canal never bes operational is the right course of action.
¡
Since the French proposed opening the Panama Canal, President Aquileo Parra G¨®mez of the Republic of Colombia has been gued with headaches.
The immense economic value that the Panama Canal could bring was obvious to him. But the prerequisite was that Colombia had the strength to secure it.
Austria¡¯s infiltration into Colombia was no secret, especially in the Panama region, where thergest demographic group was German immigrants.
With so many local coborators, should war break out, the Panama region would likely fall within days. Everyone was aware of this underlying threat, but no one dared address it.
The Republic of Colombia was mired in internal strife, having gone through twelve presidents in the past thirteen years, averaging almost one president per year.
Originally, President Aquileo Parra G¨®mez had no ns to deal with this issue. The fact that Austria hadn¡¯t yet targeted them was already a stroke of luck. Who would dare provoke trouble?
However, the arrival of the French exposed this buried problem. Domestic capitalists were enthusiastically promoting the benefits of opening the Panama Canal, paying no mind to the apanying risks.
Of course, from the standpoint of the capitalists, opening the Panama Canal was indeed advantageous. Even if the Panama region were lost, it wouldn¡¯t stop them from conducting business.
Colombian capitalists were not purely local nationalists andpradors dominated, with influences from Britain, France, Austria, the United States, and Spain all present.
Aquileo Parra G¨®mez said, ¡°Mr. Nino, I cannot approve your canal proposal. Unless your government can convince the Austrians, we cannot restart the Panama Canal project. It is a matter of our territorial and strategic security.¡±
Nino smiled faintly, ¡°Mr. President, the Austrians are pressing aggressively and have already infiltrated the Panama region. Don¡¯t you want to free yourself from the Austrian threat?
Once the Panama Canal is opened, your country will have the canal as a bargaining chip. The major European powers won¡¯t sit idly by and let Austria control this golden waterway.
By introducing the involvement of various powers, even if Austria wanted to act, they would have to consider the positions of the other European nations.
The Austrian government isn¡¯t reckless. A single Panama Canal isn¡¯t enough to make them take such risks. The danger isn¡¯t as great as you imagine.¡±
No matter how much Nino tried to persuade him, Aquileo Parra G¨®mez remained unmoved. No matter how enticing the French made it sound, it was nothing but castles in the air.
Indeed, once the Panama Canal was opened, other powers might prevent Austria from monopolizing the canal, but that didn¡¯t mean they would let the Republic of Colombia control it either.
And let¡¯s not forget, wasn¡¯t all this French effort aimed at securing the dominant role over the Panama Canal for themselves?
Aquileo Parra G¨®mez was well aware of Colombia¡¯s limitations. Given its strength, the Republic of Colombia would have no way to gain control over the canal, nor even im much economic benefit from it.
Without sufficient benefits, why take the risk? Austria wasn¡¯t an easy target. If they provoked the Austrian government and it retaliated by crushing them, what would they do then?
In these times, might makes right and weakness is a sin. Aquileo Parra G¨®mez certainly didn¡¯t believe the French would go to war with Austria over Colombia¡¯s interests.
Aquileo Parra G¨®mez said, ¡°Mr. Nino, that is merely your personal judgment and does not represent the positions of the governments of European nations.
The Panama Canal is still only a theoretical concept. We have sent people to conduct surveys, and it is far from simple to dig arge canal in Panama.
Your country has excavated the Suez Canal, so you should understand the difficulty of such a project. The conditions in Panama are even worse and would require massive investments.
Without Austria¡¯s consent, this canal might never be navigable if they chose to interfere. European countries would not oppose Austria over an unnavigable canal. Even your nation might not be willing to support us in such a scenario.¡±
This was the crux of the issue: the value of the Panama Canal could only be realized after it became operational. At this stage, when nothing yet existed, hoping to win support through rhetoric alone was an insult to everyone¡¯s intelligence.
The Panama region wasn¡¯t the only ce in Central America where a canal could be dug. However,pared to other locations, Panama offered the narrowestnd passage.
This was its advantage, but it also came with disadvantages. For instance, Panama was rife with venomous insects, which would pose a severe threat to the safety of the workers.
In this era, human lives might be cheap, but widespread casualties would still increase costs significantly.
These issues might not have been apparent to the French, but they were impossible to hide from the local power, the Republic of Colombia. Otherwise, Colombia wouldn¡¯t have given up on developing this golden waterway themselves.
Nino realized that trying to get something for nothing was out of the question. Without substantial benefits, it would be difficult to gain the cooperation of the Colombian government.
¡°Mr. President, if your nation grants us the rights to develop the canal, these problems will no longer be issues.
You can rest assured. Given the immense investment required for the canal project, we would never risk wasting our own funds.
As a return, we are willing to persuade the Banque de Paris to provide your nation with an interest-free loan of 100 million francs to help you weather the economic crisis.¡±
Aquileo Parra G¨®mez¡¯s face darkened. This was no offer of assistance. It was clearly an attempt to exploit their situation and strike while the iron was hot.
Following the spread of the economic crisis, European countries such as Britain, France, and Austria flooded overseas markets with their surplus goods at low prices. South America was among the hardest-hit regions, and the Republic of Colombia was no exception.
Chapter 620: Dominance
Taking advantage of the situation wasn¡¯t so easy, especially when it involved national strategic security. President Aquileo Parra G¨®mez dared not make a hasty decision.
¡°Apologies, Mr. Nino. If the safety of the Panama region cannot be guaranteed, we will not restart the canal project.¡±
¡
Unable to reach an agreement, Nino frowned as he left. He was certain that President Aquileo Parra G¨®mez had been tempted when the loan was discussed, but ultimately, he still refused the negotiations.
Indeed, the 100 million francs of interest-free loans were not the French bottom line but merely a bait. Unfortunately, the Colombian government didn¡¯t bite.
After exiting the presidential pce, Nino climbed into a luxurious carriage and instructed the driver, ¡°To the French Embassy.¡±
The earlier experience made it clear: without official involvement, the Colombian government would not take the risk.
Since tasting the benefits of the Suez Canal, the French financial sector had be keen on canal projects. After careful consideration, they ultimately chose the Panama Canal.
Nino was the executor of the Panama Canal project. He had initially believed that convincing the Colombian government to restart the canal during an economic crisis would be easy. However, he hadn¡¯t expected to fail even at obtaining authorization.Now, he had no choice but to seek government assistance. Deep down, Nino was reluctant to involve the French government because it meant more people would want a share of the pie.
While the economic crisis was a disaster for many, it was also a feast of capital for a select few.
Having feasted, it was now time to digest. Limited resources and frequent protests made domestic investment in France less appealing, with returns being far too low.
Without the indemnity from the original timeline¡¯s Franco-Prussian War, France¡¯s capital surplus was even more pronounced, and the empire of high-interest loans was emerging.
Loans weren¡¯t handed out recklessly. For instance, in cases like Russia, which dared to default on debts, the French financial sector wouldn¡¯t risk lending them money.
High-quality clients were few, and capital surplus had be a shared problem for both British and French financial sectors. The Panama Canal project, however, was undoubtedly a promising endeavor with a bright future.
French capitalists weren¡¯t monolithic. They had long been divided into factions, withplex and intertwined rtionships. If the government didn¡¯t intervene, they would monopolize the project.
Now that government involvement was needed, it meant that major domestic aristocrats and even royal capital would get involved, reducing the share of profits for everyone.
Nino was well aware that monopolizing such a massive project was highly unlikely. In the future, the French government would inevitably need to provide support and protection for the venture.
This was simr to entrepreneurship. The earliest participants in a project secured the founder¡¯s shares, whileter entrants represented funding rounds.
The former could acquirerge amounts of shares with minimal capital investment, while thetter had to consider paying a premium to obtain a stake.
Unquestionably, acquiring canal authorization marked the first surge in thepany¡¯s valuation. Before that, this empty shell canalpany was just a ceholder.
¡
French Ambassador Tom said, ¡°Mr. Nino, your n is overly ambitious. You have no real understanding of Colombia. The political situation in this country is extremely unstable.
Perhaps you¡¯ll reach an agreement with them today, but tomorrow there could be a new government. In my three years here, Bogot¨¢ has seen thirteen coups where three seeded, and ten failed.
Based on Colombia¡¯s history, I¡¯ve done the math. From 1830 to now, they¡¯ve changed presidents 31 times, with an average government tenure of less than a year and a half.¡±
Nino shook his head, ¡°Ambassador, the instability of Colombia¡¯s government has nothing to do with us. Do you think they would dare to deny the agreements they¡¯ve signed with us?¡±
Nino had no interest in Colombia¡¯s political turmoil. During this era, most South American countries were politically unstable, but no matter how often governments changed, no one dared to infringe on the interests of the great powers.
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To him, Tom¡¯s words seemed like a way to inte his own importance, trying to prove his value and secure a share of the benefits.
French Ambassador Tom frowned, ¡°Mr. Nino, it¡¯s not as simple as you think. While they might not dare to openly deny agreements signed by previous governments, they can make the terms effectively void.
Without cooperation from the locals, are you certain the Panama Canal could operate smoothly? Don¡¯t forget how muchbor the Suez Canal required.
If you have to hire workers from abroad, think about how much that will increase costs. You should understand the implications.
Moreover, the bigger issue isn¡¯t even the Colombian government, it¡¯s the Austrians.
In recent years, Austria has been increasingly infiltrating Colombia, particrly the Panama region, where half the poption is of German descent.
France might be able to intimidate the Colombian government, but it won¡¯t scare Austria. If you don¡¯t handle these issues properly, once you¡¯ve dug the canal, Austria might swoop in to reap the rewards.
All it would take is a well-orchestrated coup, and Panama could be an Austrian colony. Then, your canal would be on Austrian territory. Are you sure you¡¯d still retain control over it?¡±
Nino¡¯s face changed dramatically. If the canal ended up being built on Austrian colonial territory, forget about retaining control, recovering the investment costs would be questionable.
After pausing to collect himself, Nino asked, ¡°If Austria¡¯s influence here is so great, why hasn¡¯t the Colombian government taken any action?¡±
French Ambassador Tom shook his head, ¡°It¡¯s not that the Colombian government hasn¡¯t acted, it¡¯s that every government that dared to act was overthrown.
Right now, multiple warlord factions in Colombia are receiving Austrian support. If the government dares to make any rash moves, they¡¯ll be removed from power immediately.¡±
It wasn¡¯t just Austria supporting proxies, France also had its representatives in the region. However, Austria¡¯s Central American colonies were much closer, giving it a geographical advantage that allowed it to dominate.
The word ¡°cooperation¡± briefly shed through Nino¡¯s mind. However, given Austria¡¯s overwhelming local power, any coboration would likely see control of the canal falling entirely into Austrian hands.
The financial capitalists backing Nino weren¡¯t just after a canal, they wanted the broader benefits it would bring.
Controlling this golden waterway would mean controlling the economic lifeline of much of the Americas. With the canal as a hub, French capitalists could extend their reach into countless industries.
Anyone who dared refuse their investments would face retaliation. Even a minor blockade at the canal could ruin a business.
This would be especially devastating for shippingpanies operating on Pacific routes, leaving them with no room for resistance.
The French financial world was ying a grand chess game. If the n seeded, they would control the economic lifelines of multiple countries in the Americas.
After hesitating for a moment, Nino promised, ¡°Ambassador, what solutions do you have to address our current problem? Rest assured, we would never let a friend suffer losses. Once this is sessful, there will definitely be generous rewards. We¡¯ve always believed you have the potential to be France¡¯s Foreign Minister.¡±
This was a tant temptation. Not only money but also a promise of support for his career, suggesting he could rise to the position of Foreign Minister.
Of course, thetter was just an empty promise. While the capital forces backing Nino were substantial, they didn¡¯t have the power to dictate the appointment of a Foreign Minister.
Their ¡°support¡± would merely amount to helping build momentum and increasing the likelihood of sess.
Tom¡¯s heart leaped with joy but quickly returned to reality. While the promised rewards were enticing, the task itself wasn¡¯t easy.
He replied candidly, ¡°Mr. Nino, for the canal project to proceed smoothly, it would be best to bring Austria on board. Given our current capabilities,pleting this task alone will be very difficult.
Of course, finding other partners is also an option. If the British were willing to go all in, a joint effort between our two countries might seed, but the price we¡¯d have to pay would be much greater.¡±
Upon hearing this, Nino¡¯s brow furrowed, and his expression turned grim.
France¡¯s power in the Americas was insufficient topete with these two rivals. Whether partnering with Austria or the British to develop the canal, France would not hold the dominant position.
Without control, merely receiving a share of the canal¡¯s profits, even though the returns would still be good, it was not worth the immense effort they were putting in.
After a moment of silence, Nino said, ¡°Ambassador, this matter is significant, and I must report it to my superiors. Let¡¯s temporarily set aside the idea of joint development.
For now, we need your help to secure canal development authorization from the Colombian government as quickly as possible.¡±
¡°No problem. Supporting enterprises in overseas endeavors and securing maximum benefits for France is my duty,¡± replied French Ambassador Tom.
¡
Leaving the embassy, Nino felt even more conflicted. Based on the current situation, the original n was no longer feasible, and now he had to seek partners to share the burden.
The most suitable options, Britain and Austria, were ruled out first, leaving few remaining choices for potential coborators.
Spain was barely a possibility, given its notable presence in the Caribbean. However, Spain was already in decline, and even a Franco-Spanish alliance might not be enough to intimidate Austria.
Moreover, the political implications needed to be considered. If France and Spain aligned, it would trigger rm across Europe, with Britain likely being the first to react.
The French government would not risk driving Britain and Austria closer together just to promote the Panama Canal project. Without the French government¡¯s backing, the n stood no chance of sess.
Aside from these options, the only other influential powers in the Americas were the United States of America (Union) and the Confederate States of America.
Bringing these two countries on board seemed like a viable solution, but it was impossible.
By now, the enmity between the Union and the Confederacy was irreconcble. If their governments dared to cooperate, they would face usations of treason at home.
On the international stage, whatever the Union supported, the Confederacy opposed, and vice versa. For the sake of political correctness, both sides opposed each other purely out of principle. Aligning with one would inevitably put them in opposition to the other.
This division was precisely what Britain, France, and Austria sought to maintain. The animosity between the Union and the Confederacy was fueled not just by their own history but also by the covert maneuvering of these three powers.
Furthermore, neither the Union nor the Confederacy would join blindly. Without sufficient incentives, they wouldn¡¯t even consider it.
Undoubtedly, these benefits would have toe from the canalpany. Dilution of shares would be inevitable, and the proportion would not be small. They might even have to give up some control.
Essentially, the Panama Canal project was a scheme to fleece the countries of the Americas.
The more Nino thought about it, the more his head ached. Given the current circumstances, securing control of the Panama Canal seemed an incredibly difficult task.
Chapter 621: Journey to America
In the era of imperialism, embassies of the major powers often doubled as intelligence-gathering outposts. After sending off Nino, Ambassador Tom got busy reviewing relevant intelligence reports.
There was no choice. France¡¯s interests in Colombia were limited, and in diplomatic affairs, Colombia ranked very low on the priority list.
Being posted as an ambassador here was essentially a sinecure, a role where one could coast along idly. Over time, Ambassador Tom had growncent. Even though intelligence was collected, whether he bothered to review it depended entirely on his mood.
Now, however, obtaining the development rights to the Panama Canal from the Colombian government required understanding the opponent¡¯s weaknesses.
As time ticked by, Tom gained a general understanding of Colombia¡¯s recent developments.
As for more detailed intelligence? Unfortunately, with the embassy¡¯s limited budget, conducting in-depth investigations wasn¡¯t feasible. The information gathered so far was essentially on par with what one could read in the newspapers.
After putting down the intelligence reports, Ambassador Tom furrowed his brow. Clearly, the information on hand wasn¡¯t what he was hoping for.
¡°Dissev, bring me the intelligence on Austrian activities in Colombia and anything rted to the Panama Canal project,¡± he ordered.
Secretary Dissev replied calmly, ¡°Ambassador, we only have intelligence on Austrian activities. The Panama Canal project isn¡¯t within our current intelligence-gathering scope.If needed, we could acquire publicly avable data from the Colombian government within a week, but for in-depth information, additional funding would be required.¡±
Ambassador Tom¡¯s expression darkened. While the French government was wealthy, the French embassy in Colombia was impoverished.
This was evident from the embassy¡¯s staffposition, which totaled fewer than ten people, including a cleaner, a cook, and two guards.
In this era of limitedmunication, foreign ambassadors wielded significant authority, including hiring local staff as part of their duties.
The small number of embassy personnel was primarily due to insufficient operating funds. Otherwise, Ambassador Tom wouldn¡¯t have minded hiring a few more staff members.
Ack of money meant many tasks couldn¡¯t be aplished, such as intelligence gathering, which had to focus selectively on priorities, while secondary intelligence was abandoned.
Under normal circumstances, Colombia¡¯s canal project wouldn¡¯t involve France. The French influence in the region was minimal, leaving no opportunity to benefit from such endeavors.
The current situation, however, was clearly abnormal. Internally, Ambassador Tom couldn¡¯t help but grumble at the recklessness of the capitalists, who seemed to act without considering the realities.
Nevertheless, for the sake of money, having already made a promise, Ambassador Tom intended to keep it. That was part of his professional integrity.
¡°No problem. I¡¯m authorizing a special budget of 10,000 francs. You must quickly investigate and gather detailed information on Colombia¡¯s canal project.¡±
Secretary Dissev was puzzled. This sudden generosity was uncharacteristic of the ambassador he knew.
In Dissev¡¯s impression, Ambassador Tom was usually as frugal as possible. Especially when it came to the intelligence department, not a single professional spy was employed, and embassy staff had to gather intelligence themselves.
Ten thousand francs might not be a massive amount, but for the intelligence department, it was record-breaking.
Over the past three years, the total budget for all intelligence activities at the embassy had been less than five thousand francs.
You get what you pay for. With such limited funding, expectations for results were naturally low. Most of the time, the intelligence reports consisted of notes from newspapersbined with gossip overheard at banquets,piled into something that would pass as apleted assignment.
While puzzled, Dissev had no intention of questioning further. Regardless of the reason, his priority was securing the funds first.
¡°As you wish, Ambassador. Within three days, you¡¯ll have the relevant materials.¡±
Money makes things easier. As soon as the funding was allocated, efficiency instantly improved.
Having spent years in Colombia, Dissev had already built a solidwork of connections. Moreover, the Colombian government was like a sieve,pletelycking any sense of confidentiality. Getting hold of some unimportant intelligence was remarkably easy.
If one were willing to throw money around, it would even be possible to bring out original documents. However, Dissev had no intention of spending extravagantly.
Given his position, obtaining ess to non-critical information was as simple as visiting the Colombian government archives directly.
If anyone dared refuse him, he¡¯d create trouble and spark a diplomatic incident. It was a tried-and-true tactic, as the Colombian government was particrly fearful of international disputes.
¡
Nino¡¯s background was modest, belonging to the middle ss at best. To climb the socialdder, he had worked tirelessly. For him, the canal project was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity.
The powerful figures behind the scenes had promised that if he could handle the preliminary work and convince all parties to restart the canal project, he would be the first president of the canalpany, overseeing the excavation and operations of the canal.
This promise carried significant credibility. People of influence would not go back on such a rtively minormitment, and there was already a precedent: the first president of the Suez Canal Company.
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High rewards naturallye with high difficulty. If this task were easy, it wouldn¡¯tmand such a price.
Analyzing the avable data, Nino quickly realized that the Panama Canal was of little importance to the Confederate States, as their coastline was primarily concentrated on the eastern seaboard.
On the contrary, the United States of America, with territory spanning both east and west coasts, is busy building railways to strengthen trade andmerce.
Opening the Panama Canal would shorten the distance between the Antic and Pacific Oceans, bringing immense economic and strategic value to the United States.
In an era where national rtionships were dictated by interests, the United States¡¯ interests clearly aligned with the canal project, making it the ideal partner for coboration.
After much deliberation, Nino concluded that an alliance between France, the United States, and Spain to counter Austria in Colombia had a high chance of sess.
Compared to partnering with Britain and Austria, a coalition with the United States and Spain was more likely to ensure French dominance. Even if problems arose, France had the strength to impose its will.
After sending a telegram to the country exining the situation, Nino wasted no time. He boarded a ship to the United States, determined to bring them into the fold.
¡
The United States suffered a devastating blow from its defeat in the Civil War, with the federal government on the verge of bankruptcy. The financial groups that supported the government during the war naturally suffered significant losses.
After the war, the prestige of the federal government was severely diminished, and individual states began to act independently, with local protectionism bing widespread. In the original timeline, a few financial conglomerates dominated the scene, but now it has evolved into andscape of fiercepetition among numerous yers.
Nino faced a daunting task this time. Not only did he need to persuade the federal government, but he also had to secure the support of these capitalists.
Despite its weakened state, the Morgan financial group, once the king of Wall Street, remained the leading financial entity in the Union though its influence was no longer as overwhelming as in the original timeline.
To demonstrate hismitment, Nino chose the Morgan estate as the first stop on his mission.
¡
¡°Mr. Nino, I admit that what you¡¯re saying makes sense. The opening of the Panama Canal would indeed benefit the U.S. economy, but what¡¯s in it for us?¡± Morgan asked directly.
Morgan showed little interest in this unexpected visitor. Based on his knowledge, no such figure existed in the French financial world. If it weren¡¯t for the rmendation from the French ambassador, he would have assumed he was dealing with a fraud.
Nino smiled slightly, put down his coffee, and calmly replied, ¡°I¡¯ve heard that local protectionism is rampant in your country, and the Morgan financial group has faced considerable challenges in recent years.
If the Panama Canal is opened, that will change. Trade between the East and West coasts will inevitably flourish. Once the Morgan financial group has a voice in the canal, why worry about other businesses not cooperating?¡±
It was an empty promise. If the canal¡¯s control were secured, achieving such influence wouldn¡¯t be difficult.
But the problem was, with the limited strength of the U.S., on what basis would the Morgan financial group gain control of the canal after its opening?
Just because they have money?
Unfortunately, at this time, French financial groups had far more resources. On the European continent, the Morgan financial group was at best a second-tier entity.
Without control, as a minor shareholder, they would be lucky to receive dividends. If they tried to disrupt things, they might not even get that.
In that case, not only would they fail to exploit other businesses, but the Morgan financial group itself might have to ept French capital investments, further losing its autonomy.
Morgan shook his head and said, ¡°Mr. Nino, this matter is too significant, and relying solely on us won¡¯t make it happen. We would need to form alliances with others. But the more participants there are, the less influence we¡¯ll have.
If I may ask bluntly, how much equity are you willing to offer? If it¡¯s too little, there¡¯s no need to waste anyone¡¯s time.¡±
Nino hesitated for a moment before giving what he believed to be a generous offer, ¡°Developing the Panama Canal involves many nations. We must have multiple partners. The United States can receive up to 21% of the equity.¡±
Developing the Panama Canal required cooperation from the local power yers. No matter what, the Colombian government would need a share. Spain would also need to be brought on board with its own portion.
From the French perspective, maintaining control of the canal meant holding over half the equity. This left only a small fraction to be divided among the other three nations.
In reality, this was just an optimistic figure. If other European nations¡¯ capital got involved, further shares would need to be allocated.
That 21% was essentially an empty promise. In the end, the U.S. would likely receive even less equity, and after an IPO, their stake would be further diluted.
Morgan waved dismissively and said, ¡°Apologies, Mr. Nino. Morgan will not be participating in this venture.
With only 21% equity, it is impossible to persuade all parties. The risks we would need to bear are entirely disproportionate to the rewards.
As I understand it, Austria has been very attentive to the Panama region and has a significant immigrant poption there. They could take control of Panama at any time.
If Panama were to fall into Austrian hands, our investments would have no protection. Is your country prepared to go to war with Austria to safeguard our interests?¡±
Nino frowned slightly and said, ¡°Mr. Morgan, the likelihood of such a scenario urring is very small. The Panama Canal involves the interests of four parties: Colombia, Spain, France, and your country.
If the four nations join forces, the resources we can bring to bear in the Panama region would not be any weaker than Austria¡¯s.
The Austrian government is not reckless. Even if they harbor ambitions for the Panama region, they would not act rashly without assurance of sess.¡±
Nino avoided making any empty promises. Everyone at the table was well aware of the realities, and attempting to deceive Morgan would be futile.
If he were to im, ¡°France will protect everyone¡¯s investments,¡± Morgan would likely dismiss him outright.
As a representative of a capitalist interest, Nino had no authority to speak on behalf of the French government.
Even though France¡¯s capitalists were powerful, their influence was far from sufficient to dictate national policy on a whim.
Not now, and even at the peak of corporate influence, financial groups could only influence government decisions, not make them outright.
Chapter 622 - 195: Capital Operation
Paris, within a luxurious club not open to the public, several titans of the French financial world gathered together.
A kindly-looking old man asked with a chuckle, "I heard that little Nino ran into some trouble, how is he now, has hepleted the task?"
If you weren¡¯t familiar with him, you¡¯d never know that this benign-looking elder was the biggest bloodsucker in the French financial sector.
The most frightening thing was that, no matter the circumstance, he always had a chuckling demeanor, even whenmitting murder.
"Enough, Old Duke, save that look, we¡¯re all old acquaintances here, who doesn¡¯t know whom? Acting every day, aren¡¯t you tired? We¡¯re all fed up watching."
Thement came from Dumas, who often shed with him due to conflicting interests.
Conflict aside, it didn¡¯t stop everyone from coborating to make money. For the sake of the Panama Canal project, they were all sitting together again.
To prevent the esction of conflict, Bales, the host of this meeting, decisively steered the conversation back to business, "Gentlemen, the matter at hand is more pressing. Let¡¯s discuss the canal project first."
"We all understand the Suez Canal; originally thought to be a loss-maker, the project recouped its entire investment in less than seven years after opening.
Now, it provides a handsome return to investors every year, and the revenue continues to grow with the expansion of overseas trade. Unless something unexpected urs, this revenue is expected tost for centuries."
Of course, that¡¯s an exception. The Mediterranean¡¯s unique geography is not found just anywhere, and replicating the sess of the Suez Canal is nearly impossible.
"The Panama Canal should be the closest thing to the Suez Canal. Once opened, it will shorten the distance between the East and West Pacific significantly, and the profits are readily imaginable."
Old Duke shook his head, "It¡¯s not that simple. The Panama Canal is different from the Suez Canal, politically, weck support.
The Austrians do not wish to see the canal opened, the British, too, and even the Paris Government might not support the opening of the Panama Canal.
You should understand why. The major beneficiaries of the Suez Canal were the Mediterranean countries, with both France and Austria profiting, which is why they pushed the project forward despite British pressure for strategic reasons.
But what about the Panama Canal? The primary beneficiary is the United States of America, followed by the Republic of Colombia, and other American countries will gain to some extent.
But the profits for Ennd, France, and Austria are too minimal; aside from the canal itself, France has almost no gain.
The area of Austria in Central America is notrge, and their transport needs can be met with railways; without this demand, they would have taken matters into their own hands and dug the canal themselves, just as a canal could be cut through the Nicaragua region.
And as for British-Canada, with its vastnds and scarce poption, there simply aren¡¯t enough goods to transport.
In the eyes of politicians, starting such a project, which indiscriminately benefits others, might not be worth it.
As for the profits of the canal, I¡¯m sorry, but I don¡¯t believe the Panama Canal can catch up to the Suez Canal.
Looking at the economy of America, the number of ships passing through annually might not even match the number of ships from just one of ourpanies that pass through the Suez Canal.
If the economies of the American countries developter on, perhaps it could turn a profit. But if we go by the current situation, this project is almost guaranteed to be a loss."
This was the reality. There were indeed hidden interests behind the Panama Canal, but these were not what governments could get their hands on.
Compared to the high investment, merely collecting tolls for passage ¨C the canal, in this era, would indeed be a tremendous loss; otherwise, in the original timeline, it would not have waited until before World War I to open.
Without government involvement and facing sabotage from other countries, it would be odd if the Panama Canal managed to open smoothly.
Bales smiled slightly, "Whether the Panama Canal makes money or can be opened, what does it have to do with us?
As long as the outside world believes this project has great potential, just like the current Suez Canal ¨C that it can make a fortune ¨C that¡¯s enough.
I¡¯ve made a preliminary estimate. If this project gets under way, it could move ten to twenty billion francs in capital. And if we include peripheral gains, that figure can be even higher.
We just need to bite off a piece of the action ¨C whether the canal n seeds or fails, we¡¯ll leave it to God to decide."
Everyone began calcting how much they could profit. There was no doubt that this was a colossal swindle, but this was also the most basic operation of capital. If they didn¡¯t conjure a dream, how would investors be willing to fall into the trap?
For financial capital, the sess or failure of a project was never a concern. As long as they could get it listed, they could reap a substantial return; long-term management was never a problem they needed to consider.
Old Duke nodded in agreement, "You make a good point; we are not God, how could we know if the Panama Canal project will be a sess?
I think it¡¯s better to secure the canal rights as soon as possible, then proceed to get it listed."
If it¡¯s possible, it would be best to bring Anglo-Austrian capital into this. Only by erging the cake, can we secure the most delicious slice for ourselves.
Especially on the Austrian side, someone must lobby the Vienna Government, at the very least to dy their intervention."
Bales, "This is precisely why I¡¯ve summoned everyone here. For a project of this magnitude, there are too many rtionships that need to be coordinated. Only through sincere cooperation can we achieve sess."
Clearly, this was not as simple as it appeared on the surface; just another Panama Canal project, truly not warranting such a conglomerate of French financial tycoons.
Once the bubble has been inted, it¡¯s no longer just about the canal project. It will involve maritime transport, manufacturing, banking...
Perhaps when the project kicks off, it will herald a new bull market; and when the project copses, the stock market crash will erupt.
...
There are indeed many shrewd individuals, and Morgan in New York, with his keen financial market acumen, swiftly noticed that something was amiss.
The building of the Panama Canal simply does not require the United States of America¡¯s involvement; even if it did, besides providing money, there¡¯s nothing they could do.
With the Federal government beset with internal conflicts and weak, it simply does not have the capacity to marshal the true strength of the nation. Moreover, with the United States lurking with rapacious intent, they dare not make any rash move.
Were it to trulye to a head with Austria, the Federal government would be left with nothing but protests and would be powerless to do anything else. Without government intervention, what can these consortia do? Organize mercenaries to defend the Panama area?
Morgan wasn¡¯t underestimating himself, the consortium¡¯s power was indeed significant, but it depended on the context. If it were to organize mercenaries to frontally confront a major power, it was likely that they would die a very miserable death.
It wasn¡¯t just the United States; Spain wasn¡¯t faring much better either. It appeared that Spain held considerable sway in the Caribbean Sea, but in reality, its colonies in the area had long been the object of the United States¡¯ covetous gaze.
Theck of action on their part was partly due to fear of the power of Ennd, France, and Austria, worried about bing the target of animosity from the European nations; on the other hand, it was due to mutual restraint with the United States, where making a rash move would likely give the enemy an opportunity to exploit.
Even if the Panama Canal were a lucrative opportunity, the Spaniards could not afford to offend Austria at this time and draw significant trouble upon themselves.
Let¡¯s not even talk about the Southeast Asian region¡¯s Philippines lying under Austria¡¯s watchful eye. The Spaniards¡¯ ability to hold onto this territory relies on the good diplomatic rtions between the two, not so-called military power.
Since both potential allies are unreliable, the French¡¯s intention to involve them makes the issue quite apparent.
Having surmised the truth, it even reinforced Morgan¡¯s resolve to coborate with the French. Money thates knocking at one¡¯s door should not be turned away; as for who would eventually scheme against whom, that would be a matter of tactics.
It should be known that the Morgan consortium had reached its current scale precisely by exploiting the British during their misfortune; if they could scheme against the British, then certainly, scheming against the French naturally had no pressure.
...
At the Vienna Pce, Franz hesitated as he examined the intelligence in his hands, unsure if he should cooperate with these consortia.
Looking strictly from a profit standpoint, he saw no reason to refuse. The benefits promised by the French were quite substantial.
Yet to proceed would be to break his bottom line. While the royal consortium also engaged in financial operations, it had never yed any such monumental scams.
After much hesitation, Franz reached a decision, "Tell those below that we can cooperate with the French, but the Panama Canal cannot be listed in Austria. They can decide on their own whether to participate beyond that point."
Moneyid before our door should not be ignored; as long as we do not allow the Panama Canal Company to be listed in Austria, even if there¡¯s an impact, the consequences will not be too severe.
If investors rush to buy stocks, then they deserve to be fleeced.
The Austrian Securities Regtory Commission is quite strict, and apany with not a single feather to its name simply cannot pass the listing review unless it¡¯s backed by the government.
Franz did not believe that the Vienna Government would vouch for the Panama Canal. The higher-ups in the government are acutely aware that unless Austria changes its national policy, this project stands no chance of sess.
The French intention to draw the Austrian consortium into the fray was primarily to keep Vienna from causing trouble; listing in Austria was never really in their ns.
The reason is straightforward. ording to the newest securities regtions set by the Vienna Government: apany listed in Austria must meet strict performance requirements, which, unless it is a government-approved project, must be continuously profitable for three years, exceeding 100,000 Divine Shield.
No matter how the Panama Canal project is maneuvered, capitalists couldn¡¯t possibly produce financial statements of continuous three-years profits prior to the canal¡¯s navigation.
Of course, the benefits are not so easily attained. There are definitely additional conditions; wanting to make money without effort is impossible. What exactly needs to be done requires further negotiations to determine, and that no longer concerns Franz.
Input and yield are proportional; as this n was orchestrated by the French, they naturally stand to reap the major share. Other participants will divide the spoils ording to their contributions.
This is only a preliminary distribution intention; how much profit can actually be secured, in reality, it stilles down to tactics. Capital is always bloodstained, andpetition is omnipresent.
Chapter 623 - 196, Human Nature
In 1877, Ennd, France, and Austria eachunched expansionary wars on the African Continent, engulfing Sudan, Ethiopia, and the Somalia Penins in warfare.
Compared to the sweeping advances of France and Austria, the British encountered trouble. The famous "Warrior Emperor" became a nightmare for the British Army.
Due to underestimating the enemy and acting rashly, the British Army was ambushed shortly after the outbreak of war and suffered heavy losses.
Looking at the battle report in his hands, British Armymander Ismail trembled with anger. Less than a month into the war, over five thousand troops had been lost. The losses among the colonial troops could be overlooked, but a British Infantry Regiment had also been decimated.
"Idiots, all of you are idiots!"
"You can¡¯t even defeat a bunch of natives; you¡¯vepletely disgraced Britannia. What use is it for the country to keep you?"
...
A young military officer bravely tried to exin, "General, the natives of Ethiopia are extraordinary. They too possess modernized weapons and have undergone formal military training."
"p!"
Ismail mmed the table furiously and cursed, "It must be those Austrians and the low-down French doing this, no one else could be so shameless!"
Everyone refrained from broaching the subject, knowing full well that it was the British who first helped train the Ethiopian army; France and Austria had only infiltrated their influence after the previous Ethiopian war had ended.
Ethiopia had a well-trained army, and the British themselves had contributed to this. If this thin veil of deceit was pierced, the government would face significant public pressure.
ming France and Austria directly was the best course of action; it wasn¡¯t forck of effort on their part, but rather because the enemy was too "powerful."
After venting his frustrations, Ismail cooled down.
This war had been prepared for based on experiences from thest conflict. Clearly, that approach was outdated now.
Times had changed; Menelik II had fought his way to unite most regions of Ethiopia. How could an army battle-hardened like that be an easy target?
The Paris Conference had not yielded any results, and in the absence of a treaty to bind them, it was perfectly normal for France and Austria to stab them in the back.
Ismail harbored a strong suspicion that the Ethiopian army was now led by French or Austrianmanders; otherwise, how could the British have lost to natives?
After assessing the forces at his disposal, Ismail reluctantly came to the conclusion that it would be very difficult to achieve victory with the current troop levels; even if they could win, it would be a Pyrrhic victory.
If they had been fighting against the European powers, a "Pyrrhic victory" might have been eptable, but their enemies now were African natives. To achieve such a result against them would mean facing a military tribunal.
Without a doubt, in order to achieve victory, Ismail made the decisive choice to request reinforcements from home.
...
Paris, after several years of political struggles and by ying a bncing act, Napoleon IV gradually took control of the nation¡¯s power.
In this respect, the n of Napoleon III had seeded. He had used the power struggle to ensure a smooth transition of imperial power.
But with every advantagees a disadvantage; after years of political struggles, those who remained were the old foxes ustomed to politicalbat.
Having seized power, Napoleon IV couldn¡¯t simply rece all these people; internal strife became the French government¡¯s most significant problem.
Left with no choice, Napoleon IV continued the bncing act. He was powerless to stop the infighting among bureaucratic groups.
Perhaps internal strife among the bureaucracy was a good thing for the imperial power, but this was conditional on it being limited in scope.
Once the bottom line was breached, it would turn into a disaster. If everyone stabbed each other in the back, how could the state continue to develop normally?
This could be seen from France¡¯s economic development in recent years. Since the death of Napoleon III, France¡¯s economic growth rate had plummeted, with the Paris Government almostpletely inactive.
Inactivity was better than reckless action. Overall, France was stable, just that the economic growth was slow.
This was something the proud and ambitious Napoleon IV found difficult to ept. After gaining control, he began to focus on economic construction.
France¡¯s economic slowdown was due to many factors; it wasn¡¯t something the government could improve simply by wanting to.
The biggest problem was an energy crisis, with a severe shortage of coal production within the country, unable to meet the growing economic demand.
The coal shortage wasn¡¯t just domestic; even the French African colonies werecking coal. That meant they had to import, which, unsurprisingly, drove up industrial production costs.
As costs increased, marketpetitiveness naturally declined. In international trade, France¡¯s market share was rapidly dwindling.
At its peak, France once ounted for one-fifth of the total volume of global import and export trade; now, it had fallen to just 15.7 percent.
And it wasn¡¯t over; the French market share continued to fall. It might not be long before their position as the thirdrgest trading nation was in jeopardy.
Napoleon IV asked, "Are you certain that the opening of the Panama Canal will stimte the export of domestic industrial andmercial products?"
It must be said, French capitalists are indeed powerful, doing their work right up to the Emperor¡¯s ear.
Finance Minister Allen said, "Your Majesty, the situation of the Panama Canal is very simr to that of the Suez Canal. Only with the opening of the Suez Canal did we see thest round of economic prosperity.
Following the opening of the Suez Canal, domestic import and export trade grew at a rate of more than 7% for five consecutive years, greatly boosting national economic development.
Now it is the same with the Panama Canal. Once the canal opens, the journey from the Antic Ocean to the Pacific will be shortened by tens of thousands of nautical miles, which will greatly stimte the growth of domestic export trade."
Telling lies without batting an eye, it must be acknowledged, politicians indeedck integrity. The opening of the Suez Canal did indeed greatly stimte economic development in France, but the Panama Canal does not have that much of an impact.
A nce at the map shows that the greatest beneficiary of the Panama Canal is the United States of America; next is Colombia, while other countries can only pick up scraps.
It¡¯s notpletely without effect, however. If the Panama Canal had be navigable a decade earlier, it¡¯s likely that the French government wouldn¡¯t have needed to give up on Mexico.
Time can¡¯t flow backwards; now the most the Panama Canal could do is to shorten the distance to the West Coast.
In this era, considering the economic development of the West Coast of America, even if exports were stimted, this growth would be very limited.
Besides, there¡¯s thepetition from other European countries. French industrial andmercial products are losing their internationalpetitiveness, and they really can¡¯t gain much advantage.
Against this backdrop, investing heavily in the development of the Panama Canal is actually a loss-making deal for the French.
Napoleon IV shook his head, "No, my Finance Minister. You have only seen the benefits for us, but have not considered the consequences; in reality, the greatest beneficiary is not us.
A look at the map will tell you, the biggest beneficiary is the United States of America. Suppressing the development of American Countries has been themon imperial policy of Ennd, France, and Austria, with the United States especially targeted for suppression.
It is clearly stipted in the triple alliance treaty that the three countries must maintain the bnce of the American Continent, prohibiting the unteral strengthening of any one country¡¯s power.
Regardless of whether we support the United States or not, this kind of action that strengthens the power of the United States will be seen as a betrayal by Ennd and Austria. We cannot neglect long-term development for short-term gains."
Clearly, Napoleon IV was not easily cheated; such a wed argument could not deceive him.
Finance Minister Allen said, "Your Majesty, these are only the overt benefits; the underlying benefits are actually greater.
In the short term, the opening of the Panama Canal will benefit the United States the most. But the canal is under our control; as trade increases, the economic lifeline of the United States will also fall into our hands.
The benefits behind this are our greatest gain. In the future, we can use the Panama Canal to open the gates of American countries, capturing more interests for the Empire.
Developing the Panama Canal doesn¡¯t directly strengthen the power of any one country; this is merely bending the rules, and the Anglo-Austrian two countries aren¡¯t likely to make a fuss over it."
The potential benefits are indeed tempting; the world has almost been carved up already, with the remaining independent countries difficult to disturb.
Seizing benefits through economic means has be an inevitability for the future world. Controlling the economic lifeline of American Countries will undoubtedly give France an advantageous position in the next round ofpetition.
Napoleon IV asked, "How do we ensure our leading position over the Panama Canal? In the Colombian Region, whether against the British or the Austrians, we can¡¯t win thepetition!"
This is the crux of the problem; Francecks sufficient strength in Colombia to ensure control over the canal.
Ennd, France, and Austria are allies, but that is merely a union of interests. When the stakes are high, allies can turn into enemies.
If we let the Anglo-Austrian countries join the canal project, we would instantly lose our leading position. Napoleon IV would rather not undertake a project that amounts to making a wedding dress for someone else.
Finance Minister Allen said, "Your Majesty, the government doesn¡¯t have to step in for this; it would be better for private capitalists to take on the task.
Working alone with either Ennd or Austria, we won¡¯t have the leading position, but if more countries participate, the situation changes.
We may not have the leading position as the initiators, but obtaining the most significant say is not difficult.
The government only needs to..."
...
After a lot of persuasions, Finance Minister Allen finally convinced Napoleon IV. Deep down, he had already decided not to involve himself in such matters anymore; whoever wanted to could go ahead, but he was not nning to continue.
Though the profits promised by the capitalists were great, there were also significant risks involved. If Allen didn¡¯t know that Napoleon IV intended to rece him and that he wanted to secure a nice sum before retiring, he would never have cooperated with the capitalists.
Keep in mind, in public, he was a representative of the grassroots ss. Only by restoring power with Napoleon III did he achieve a dramatic reversal of life.
A politician¡¯s public persona cannot bepromised. As a representative of themon people in the government, conspiring with capitalists, if the news leaked, Allen would immediately find himself abandoned by all.
It was indeed because of this status that Allen could suggest this to Napoleon IV. If it were a minister representing capitalist interests instead, persuading him would probably not have been so easy.
Chapter 624: 197. Political Art
```
The French government¡¯s energy was far greater than that of a few capitalists. Once they received authorization from the Paris Government, Envoy Tom¡¯s confidence surged.
In less than a month, he had obtained the Panama Canal rights from the Colombian Government, paying merely an aid package in return.
It was mainly military supplies; the main reason the armed forces within Colombia did not engage was due to external pressure.
Everyone feared the outbreak of a civil war that could provide an opportunity for others to take advantage, causing the country to once again fall into colonial rule.
This fear particrly concerned neighboring Austria, as the Austrian Central American Colony already possessed military forces threatening their existence.
Given the precedents set by other Central American countries, the Colombian Government was even cautious about European immigration, lest their power be toppled from within.
With its poption already sparse and hesitant to widely wee European immigrants, Colombia¡¯s economic development was naturally slow.
Now, by granting the Panama Canal rights to the French, besides seeking material aid, they also intended to bnce Austrian power.
These were minor issues; France and Austria hardly took Colombia seriously. To maintain a bnce, one must also be capable of control, or face bacsh.
If the Panama Canal were already navigable, then for the sake of interests, France and Austria might indeede into conflict. Unfortunately, the canal only existed on paper at that time.
It was imusible for two great powers to sh over potential benefits. inly put, digging a canal needed certain conditions to be met, and if the geological conditions were unsuitable, it would not be surprising if the canal couldn¡¯t be constructed.
Everyone was highly pragmatic, considering events ten or twenty years in the future was already visionary.
Considering what might happen a hundred yearster is mere nonsense. With the world changing so rapidly, who could predict the future?
The price offered by the French was appealing, and the Vienna Government did not interfere.
The establishment of the Canal Company went smoothly, with President Nino, the scapegoat, energetically organizing personnel for the survey of the terrain.
At the Panama Canal Company Headquarters in Paris, preparations were already underway for listing thepany to raise funds. There were neither exploration reports nor design ns, yet the listing ns had already been released.
This was no joke but rather the reality. In the face of profits, these procedures are unimportant; capitalists have their ways to skirt around them.
There are many such swindles in the capital markets; the sess or failure of a project is irrelevant as long as there is money to be made.
Nino did have some capacity, or else he wouldn¡¯t have be the scapegoat. Looking at the survey report in his hands, President Nino began to feel a headacheing on.
The Panama Straits belong to a tropical marine climate, with plentiful rainfall and loose soil.
Purely from a construction standpoint, loose soil might seem beneficial, allowing easy excavation. However, for canal construction, it spelled disaster.
In President Nino¡¯s view: "Abundant rainfall + loose soil =ndslides + silt." This implied not only a rise in construction costs but also future operational costs.
Beyond that, the local jungles were teeming with poisonous insects and diseases frequently broke out, posing serious hurdles for canal construction.
"Dead men" did not concern President Nino. With the Suez Canal as a ssic example, he was well aware that the Panama Canal might note to fruition without tens of thousands of lives being lost.
The Panama Straits seemed narrower, a mere 61 kilometers, only slightly over one-third of the Suez Canal, yet the construction challenges were, in fact, greater.
Upon preliminary evaluation of the iplete data at hand, Nino reluctantly arrived at this conclusion he least wanted.
Secretary Ralph reported solemnly, "President, the embassy just informed us that the Colombian Government, citing a shortage ofbor, has refused to provide us with workers."
Everyone knew that digging the canal would result in high casualty rates, and the death of hundreds of thousands ofborers in the construction of the Suez Canal was no secret among the upper echelons.
Naturally, the Colombian Government had heard of this, and the Egyptian Government had fallen into this very pitfall, which left its people in dire straits and allowed the French to take advantage of Egypt¡¯s vulnerable state.
```
The poption of Colombia is too small, it¡¯s simply impossible for them to supply hundreds of thousands ofborers.
Conscripting nativeborers is one thing, but if they dare to use white people asborers, it¡¯s estimated that before enough workers are gathered, there would already be chaos within the country.
Nino frowned, "Contact the embassy, have them continue tomunicate with the Colombian Government. No matter what, we must have them provide a batch ofborers for emergency use.
The board of directors is trying to find cheapbor, just to get through the initial phase of the project. After that, we won¡¯t be needing them."
There¡¯s no way around it, there are too many pitfalls these days, and investors are not easy to deceive. We must start construction earlier, so we can go public sooner and raise money.
How can a project on paperpare with one that¡¯s already underway? The Panama Canal Company¡¯s stock prospectus has been exaggerated to the skies, with the board of directors urging me to start construction every day.
Secretary Ralph: "Yes, President."
Just as he was about to leave, Nino added, "Wait, report the survey data we have in hand to the board of directors.
Remember, omit the part about the potential outbreak of diseases. Even the local area could experience diseases¡ªremarks like that are something shareholders wouldn¡¯t want to see."
Without conducting a cost analysis, Nino was also aware that the canal n had already exceeded the original cost estimates. It¡¯s simply a pipedream to attempt building a canal with just a third of the Suez Canal¡¯s funds.
It was not easy to be the person in charge of this project, and Nino did not want to see the canal n fall through. If he missed this opportunity, he might never have the chance to advance further in his lifetime.
The best strategy is to get the canal project started. Once more funds are invested, capitalists would be reluctant to give up and would have no choice but to continue, regardless of the difficulties.
As for offending the powerful figures behind the scenes, Nino was not worried at all. The Panama Canal Company was going to be listed for fundraising, and those costs could be shifted onto the investors.
It¡¯s normal for work to have ws, and as long as there¡¯s a hefty return for everyone, nothing is a problem.
Nino was full of confidence in the Panama Canal project, believing that he could recoup the investment within ten years once the canal was operational.
That¡¯s just the visible profit. The hidden earnings would likely be several times the revenue from canal tolls. Such lucrative returns would be enough to quell any resentment among the shareholders.
...
In London, Prime Minister Benjamin was worrying over the war report, already bracing for what tomorrow¡¯s newspapers would say.
The Opposition Party would surely seize the opportunity to create trouble and strike at the government¡¯s prestige.
This is how everyone operates: work hard while in power, implement their political ideas, and grab whatever benefits they can; and when out of power, do everything to undermine thepetition.
In a Cab meeting, Prime Minister Benjamin threw the telegram onto the table: "This is a plea for help from that useless Ismail. The war has just begun, and we¡¯ve lost one fifth of our troops, including a whole Army corps that has been crippled.
As for the results, they are truly glorious, annihting two hundred thousand of the enemy.
I would rather believe the sun would rise from the west than believe this report is true. If they¡¯ve annihted two hundred thousand of the enemy, why the need for reinforcements? Does the enemy have several million troops?"
Exaggerating the enemy¡¯s casualties has be a chronic problem for the British Army. Especially after suffering defeats, to escape responsibility, they fabricate a glorious report.
But this time, the embellishment was a bit too much. If they had reported eight or ten thousand, the London Government might have let it slide. After all, if the lid is lifted, the government would also be criticized.
Adhering to the principle of downying major issues and glossing over minor ones, issues like these are usually quietly covered up.
Army Minister Fox said with an embarrassed look, "Prime Minister, it¡¯s possible that the signal operator made a mistake and added an extra zero.
We¡¯ve already sent people to verify it. Our losses are 5,876 men, of which three-quarters were from the Indian Colonial Army, and a total of 15,796 enemy troops were annihted, which just rounds up to twenty thousand."
This data is much more eptable. Losing a little over five thousand men while annihting nearly three times the enemy¡¯s number, that could be considered a passable result.
Chapter 625 - 198: Complex Politics
Political struggle is ruthless, and the Ethiopian War was entirely instigated by the Benjamin Cab. They dug the hole, so they must bear the responsibility to fill it in.
The British public is proud; they can tolerate defeat to any European power but cannot ept losing to African natives.
To avoid being caught by the Opposition Party and subjected to public criticism, the military¡¯s false battle reports had to be grudgingly epted by the Benjamin Cab.
"Exclude the losses of the Indian Colonial Army from the casualty numbers, and don¡¯t release the death toll yet. Spread the losses over subsequent battles.
Mobilize all our resources to guide public opinion as much as possible, keeping the impact to a minimum. If we can¡¯t control the situation, create a sensational news story to divert public attention."
Having no alternative, Benjamin did not want to be shamefacedly driven from office just after taking up the post.
After hearing Benjamin¡¯s words, Army Minister Fox said, "I apologize, Prime Minister. The battle report I just read was from the previous Anglo-Ebura war.
This one is the report sent from the front lines. After a month of bitter fighting, our forces eliminated 9,568 enemy troops at the cost of 351 dead and 1,126 wounded.
However, Ethiopia is truly vast, and France and Austria are covetously watching. In order to upy Ethiopia before France and Austria, the frontline troops are requesting 80,000 reinforcements."
Seeing the Army Minister producing another battle report, everyone was already unsurprised. In politics, it wasmon to be prepared for all kinds of strange events.
It was Fox¡¯s third term as Army Minister, and even when the Anglo-Ebura war was disastrously lost, he managed toe out unscathed. How much less would this minor defeat affect him?
If the Cab decided to pursue ountability, Fox would likely sacrifice those frontline officers; now if the Cab was preparing to assign me, naturally, Fox would help cover for them.
Benjamin¡¯s reason for choosing Fox as Army Minister was because of his adaptability.
The same battle report, when spun differently, suddenly changed the whole situation.
Even the requests for reinforcements had seemedpetent. What was originally a defeated frontline now instantaneously turned into preparations to prevent France and Austria from seizing the spoils of war.
Undoubtedly, this narrative was more eptable to the British public. Should the British Army suffer heavy losses in future battles, all excuses for facing criticism were already prepared.
No matter the defeat, just shift the me to France and Austria, and the London Government¡¯s responsibility would be greatly reduced.
Even the Opposition Party would have nothing to say. The British Army was only so strong; the main force of the colonies was the cannon fodder army, and it was normal not to win against militarized nations.
Prime Minister Benjamin said, "That¡¯s how we¡¯ll announce it externally! Order Ismail to give me a harsh lesson to those ***, our boys¡¯ blood must not have been shed in vain."
...
Foreign Minister Edward said, "The Foreign Office has just received a piece of information that might be of help to us.
The French are getting restless again; they¡¯ve taken the Panama Canal development rights from the Colombian Government and are preparing the Canal Company, which looks like they¡¯re getting ready to make trouble."
Smiling at each other, Prime Minister Benjamin made a decision: "That¡¯s right, the French forcibly took the development rights of the canal from the Colombian Government, openly trampling on the sovereignty of a nation.
For the sake of world peace and stability, the government should promptly ry the news to the media and expose the shameless actions of the French."
This was like being delivered a pillow while dozing. The London Government was worried about diverting public attention, and there the French were, making a big news story.
Whether the French legitimately acquired the rights to develop the canal was not important; what mattered was that the London Government needed them to be seen as illegitimate now.
Even if it was a stretch, it didn¡¯t matter; controversy creates discussion. Just stir it up for a few months, and the public would forget about this minor defeat.
After all, Ennd and France have been rivals for hundreds of years, and the ndering between the public has never ceased. Everyone is used to berating each other, and popr animosity won¡¯t affect the rtions between the two countries.
Even if it did have an impact, Prime Minister Benjamin didn¡¯t care. As long as it could divert public attention, minor problems weren¡¯t worth mentioning.
In Prime Minister Benjamin¡¯s view, the Panama Canal issue waspletely a farce concocted by the French.
The Austrians were right next door, long considering the Panama area as within their sphere of influence; how could they possibly allow the French to gain control over the canal?
Joint development was out of the question, wasn¡¯t it?
The Panama Canal, unlike the Suez Canal, was not of great strategic significance to France and Austria and wasn¡¯t considered indispensable.
Without ample profits, how can there be cooperation?
Neither Anglo-Austria benefited from the opening of the Panama Canal, and following the principle of harming others for self-benefit, the London Government didn¡¯t want to see the canal open, and the Vienna Government presumably felt the same.
Now everyone can enjoy the show: let the French dig the canal until it¡¯s nearlyplete, then jump out and cause trouble, just at the right moment to trap them.
...
In the Vienna Pce, Franz seemed to be on someone¡¯s mind today, sneezing several times.
Aside from sneezing, there were no other symptoms. Franz didn¡¯t seek medical attention, as he had full distrust in the medical standards of the era, preferring not to take any medicine if he could avoid it.
Unlike inter times, nearly all medicines now have side effects. A lot of pharmaceuticals are rushed to the market with immature production techniques.
In fact, many people are not dying from diseases but from the treatments. It¡¯s not that doctors are irresponsible; rather, that each individual¡¯s constitution is unique. Most can withstand the side effects of the drugs, but a portion of people cannot.
If one is wealthy enough to have a personal doctor avable at all times, most issues could be identified early, preventing the continued use of harmful medication.
For the average household, that¡¯s not the case. Even if a problem urred, many would continue taking the medicine, never suspecting that the side effects could worsen the disease, which is why medical idents are so frequent.
These problems are hard to solve, and there¡¯s no way to manage them effectively. In this era, there are too few types of medicine. Banning those with severe side effects would leave many diseases without any treatment options.
It¡¯s not just the ingredients in the medications that are the issue but also the undeveloped industrial technology. During industrial production, anything from temperature variations, to the quality of raw materials, to measurement errors in dosage could increase the chances of side effects.
Unsolvable problems must naturally be put aside. For patients, it¡¯s better to take a gamble than to wait for death; the most frightening thing is to be without hope.
Franz has been working for many years to establish aprehensive healthcare system, but unfortunately, it still only covers seventy percent of the poption.
That¡¯s still just an idealistic number. In reality, only those in the middle ss and higher can expect effective treatment.
Commoners at best could treat minor illness; anything serious, and they would have to rely on divine intervention. It¡¯s not ack of medical resources, but ack of money.
The most crucial issue is that seeing a doctor doesn¡¯t guarantee reliability. Take Franz, for example; he often consults with doctors but rarely takes medication, especially chemically-produced Western drugs.
Often, he¡¯d rather drink a bowl of traditional Chinese medicine. Regardless, in this era, Chinese medicine still holds itspetitive edge. Though slower, it has fewer side effects!
For the sake of his life, Franz maintained a professional medical team that included both traditional Chinese and Western medicine practitioners.
The Western medicines used by the royal family were specially produced, and some medicines with high technical demands were directly manufactured inboratories to guarantee maximum safety.
...
Colonial Minister Stephen reported, "Your Majesty, the British have decided to reinforce Africa with 80,000 troops. We can now confirm that the previous rumors of the British army¡¯s defeat are true.
The British Army is limited in size; they will have to pull some troops from home and some colonial troops from India to reinforce Africa.
It will take at least a month for these troops to reach the African continent. We could seize the opportunity to take a chunk out of Ethiopia before the British arrive. What do you think?"
Franz shook his head, "There¡¯s no need. We¡¯ve already nibbled away quite a bit of Ethiopia, and continuing to grab morend will only make the British desperate.
Moreover, the Ethiopian natives are not so easy to deal with. To cause trouble for the British, we didn¡¯t hold back in enhancing theirbat abilities over the past few years.
Now it¡¯s time to test the results and see if our investment was worthwhile; to learn from our experiences and lessons."
Compared to other regions of Africa, Ethiopia indeed has made progress. Despite the low assessments given by the military training instructors, that¡¯s only rtive to the Austrian army.
If the British didn¡¯t reinforce, Franz would have had faith in the "Warrior Emperor" to manage the Indian Colonial Army well enough.
But now the situation has changed, and the London Government seems to be getting serious. The decisive factor is not the strength of Ethiopia, but rather how much attention the British are willing to give it.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Stephen responded.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg reported, "Your Majesty, the Panama Canal Company, established by the French, has proposed a business coboration with us. They hope to import two hundred thousandborers from Austria within three years to help with the canal¡¯s excavation.
They¡¯re offering a good price: a transfer fee of 30 Divine Shields perborer, with transportation being their responsibility."
This was what everybody had agreed upon: If French capitalists want to profit from the stock market, they need to cooperate with the Austrian Government, which naturallyes with a fee. Otherwise, the canal project wouldn¡¯t even get off the ground.
Importingbor is just a pretext. Officially, this money is counted as the workers¡¯ sries, but in reality, it ends up in the Vienna Government¡¯s pocket.
Franz said, "Agree to the French request. Thebor will be drafted from the natives of the Somalia Penins, supplemented by other areas if necessary. In the future, the Foreign Ministry can agree directly to simr situations."
The peak period ofbor exportation has ended, and now the native poption in Austro-Africa isn¡¯trge; some are even trained enforcers for the colonial government.
If it weren¡¯t for the recent acquisition of the Somalia Penins, Franz doubted if the African Continent of Austria would be able to muster two hundred thousandborers.
Chapter 626 - 199: Marriage Considerations
At the hunting grounds of the Vienna Pce, Franz¡¯s marksmanship remains as steady as ever.
Perhaps he loved life too much and couldn¡¯t bear to kill, which is why every time he fired his gun, the unlucky victims were the flowers and grass around him.
"Franz," a familiar voice rang out, "how many times have I told you, that¡¯s not how you use a gun! Can¡¯t you aim a little better?"
Undoubtedly, the speaker was Archduke Carl, as no one else would dare to be so unrestrained.
Franz argued confidently, "Hunting is, after all, a game, why take it so seriously?
The game has already diminished greatly; if we continue this havoc, it won¡¯t be long before they¡¯re extinct."
One must not lose face, and after many years of political grooming, Franz had long since mastered the art of remaining unfazed.
In no time at all, he found a suitable excuse. The hunting grounds of the Imperial Pce were small, so naturally, there weren¡¯t many wild animals.
Archduke Carl was also a keen hunter, and many of the clever wild animals had fled. Only the less intelligent ones remained, and now the hunting yield was getting smaller and smaller.
Of course, fleeing wasn¡¯t necessarily a good option. In these times, without any wildlife protectionws, the animals might die even quicker outside.
Archduke Carl nodded thoughtfully, "No wonder my yield is getting smaller; the game is decreasing. It indeed requires attention."
After a pause, he had a sudden realization, "Hold on, Franz, stop diverting the topic. Your trick is worn out.
With your terrible shooting skills, if you were on the battlefield, who knows how manyrades you¡¯d identally harm. Don¡¯t you feel any shame?"
Franz retorted, "Don¡¯t worry, Father. Such a scenario could never happen. If it really came to me going to battle, do you think marksmanship would still matter?"
Seemingly angry, Archduke Carl red at Franz and scolded, "You and your twisted logic! Do as you wish. Just don¡¯t say that you learned shooting from me; I can¡¯t afford to lose that face."
Franz responded very cooperatively, "No problem, if you hadn¡¯t mentioned it just now, they wouldn¡¯t even know."
Archduke Carl¡¯s face changed colors as if he had lost face. Seeing the expression of the others who wanted tough but dared not, he snorted coldly.
This kind of verbal sparring had urred many times. Especially as he aged, Archduke Carl enjoyed nitpicking his sons more and more, and Franz had long since gotten used to it.
When it came to marksmanship, Archduke Carl could indeed be proud. Evenpared to the sharpshooters in the military, he wouldn¡¯t fall short.
Using a specialized sniper rifle, Carl could achieve effective hits from beyond five hundred meters, undeniably the first in marksmanship within the Royal Family.
This was also Archduke Carl¡¯s most frustrating aspect; he had no heir to his shooting prowess.
The younger members of the Habsburg Family approached learning marksmanship with a yful attitude, and most were only slightly better than Franz.
In Franz¡¯s view, this was the normal state of affairs; sharpshooters couldn¡¯t be that numerous,mon people were the mainstream.
The Habsburg Family was known for its politics and diplomacy; even having one sharpshooter was an exception, so mass production was out of the question.
In reality, the previous generation of the Habsburg Family could be considered the most hard-pressed.
Uncle Ferdinand suffered from a congenital disease, and my father, Archduke Carl, had no political talent whatsoever; all of his talents were focused on marksmanship, and none of his other brothers had much ability either.
In Franz¡¯s generation, the situation had slightly improved. Even though they had the idealist Maximilian, everyone¡¯s intelligence was still normal.
The next generation was still too young to fully determine their abilities, but Franz believed there should be progress, at least there was no one with congenital diseases.
That made sense; such a small probability, it shouldn¡¯t hit every time. Unless it¡¯s a hereditary family disease, then there¡¯s no helping it, the chance of being ill is high regardless of whom you¡¯re with.
It¡¯s not easy being a parent, and Franz had experienced this firsthand. For the sake of his sons¡¯ marriages, Franz had also put in a lot of effort.
Especially the marriage of his eldest son, Frederick, which was a major trouble. A political marriage was necessary; it was the duty and obligation of the Crown Prince.
Choosing whom to marry was a headache for Franz. He had to consider not just the political impact, but also the upbringing of the potential spouse. Being Empress was no easy task, even a prospective Empress needed a certain personal capability.
Otherwise, it¡¯s not an asset but a dragging liability. As people often say on the inte inter ages, marrying the wrong woman can ruin three generations, but for a Crown Prince to marry the wrong wife, it could destroy more than just three generations; it could ruin an entire nation.
Franz didn¡¯t expect to gain much assistance, he only asked for no added trouble.
Even this modest requirement was actually quite difficult to meet. Now Franz finally understood why the European Royal Family preferredte marriages; they were forced into it.
Every political marriage was a test for the Royal family, and once the wrong choice was made, the resulting disaster was irreversible.
Love, let¡¯s put that aside for now! ording to past experiences, the vast majority of Royal family members¡¯ marriages had nothing to do with love.
One requirement of marrying within one¡¯s social ss blocks out the majority of love matches. If you lower the standard, it¡¯s feasible for the second son to y around as long as he¡¯s not inheriting the throne.
But the Crown Prince doesn¡¯t have that luxury. It¡¯s not just the Royal family that would oppose, but all sectors of society, and the most troublesome part is that the public would not ept it either.
The romantic love stories of the Royal Family that are passed down inter ages, who knows how much sorrow lies behind them, or how much political trouble they caused?
Nobody knows how much blood and sacrifice lie behind the creation of a heartwarming love story.
This is duty and obligation; having enjoyed the benefits of a Royal family birth, one must pay the price, and marriage is just a part of it.
...
In the Vienna Pce, a stack of photographs appeared in Franz¡¯s hands, all depicting princesses from various countries, with annotations on the back containing their details, all meticulously chosen by Queen Helen.
Alright, there wasn¡¯t really much to choose from. She had merely filtered out those with poor health or unsuitable ages, and the rest were here.
The youngest was only five, and the oldest no more than twenty. Franz was almost speechless, only able toment: this is like finding a bride in a kindergarten, the youngest are students, and the eldest are teachers.
Of course, this wasn¡¯t just for finding Frederick a bride, potential brides for his other sons might also be among them. Only if no suitable candidates were avable would they consider lowering the standards.
Lowering standards is easy to say but very difficult in practice. At least Queen Helen was firmly against it, believing it would bring significant trouble to her sons¡¯ lives in the future.
...
Chapter 627 - 200: Marriage Alliance Partner
"""
After reviewing the information, Franz had to admit that Frederick was indeed very unlucky. Suitable matches for him were far too few, leaving hardly any room for choice.
Under the current international circumstances, the most suitable alliance for the Habsburg dynasty would be with the Russian royal family, unfortunately, there were no princesses of the right age.
The daughters of Alexander II were already married off, and the daughter of Alexander III had not even been weaned yet, and it was uncertain whether she would survive to adulthood. Naturally, Frederick couldn¡¯t possibly wait that long.
There were no princesses in the French royal family either. But that didn¡¯t matter, the Bonaparte family was never considered by Franz in the first ce.
As the stronghold of the Conservative, the Austrian public simply could not ept a parvenu as the future empress, or to put it another way, the Austrian nobility could not ept a woman of insufficiently noble blood as the wife of the Crown Prince.
The Bonaparte family rose to prominence toote and Napoleon I had offended too many people, while Napoleon III was an elected Emperor, both challenging the traditional hereditary session.
To the legitimate nobility, this was an illegitimate ascension to power. Therefore, the Bonaparte family was excluded from the European nobility circle, not epted by the mainstream even when the French Empire was at its zenith.
As beneficiaries of the hereditary session system, the Habsburg dynasty naturally opposed the Bonaparte heresy.
Queen Helen asked, "Franz, which one do you think is the most suitable for Frederick?"
Franz replied, "Let¡¯s use the process of elimination, we won¡¯t consider any of Queen Victoria¡¯s granddaughters and their descendants."
There was no choice; hemophilia was not to be trifled with. The decline of royal power in Europe was not just due to world wars; hemophilia was also a significant factor.
In this regard, Queen Victoria made an outstanding contribution to the European republican cause. If not for hemophilia, which wiped out the heirs of various royal families, the decline of royal power wouldn¡¯t have happened so rapidly.
Queen Helen asked, puzzled, "Why not?"
Franz exined patiently, "Have you heard of the ¡¯royal disease¡¯?"
Queen Helen nodded, "I have heard of it, it¡¯s said to be a terrifying curse on the royal families."
Franz shook his head, "It¡¯s no curse; I¡¯ve had people meticulously study the patterns of the royal disease.
Interestingly, all the sufferers are male, and all are descendants of Queen Victoria, her daughters, and granddaughters.
ording to the experts, the royal disease is a maternally inherited disease. It is carried by females and manifests in males.
Looking at the statistics, the incidence of the royal disease is very high. For the sake of Frederick¡¯s progeny, it is best if we keep our distance."
Queen Helen asked incredulously, "How could this be? Could it be that the British..."
Franz replied, "No, this should not be man-made. With the British level of medical knowledge, they would not be able to control the spread of a virus.
Besides, what good would it do them? If the royal families of Europe were all to suffer, wouldn¡¯t they fear the rise of a co-monarch who could unite the European Continent?"
The royal families of Europe are all interconnected, and it is not an exaggeration. The intermarriage between royal families isplex, and possessing the right to inherit multiple thrones is a basic affair.
The Habsburg dynasty is a prime example. If arge scale extinction of heirs in European royal families were to ur, Franz might even pick up a few more crowns.
From the perspective of conspiracy theories, the beneficiary is the culprit; Franz felt even he was more suspicious than the British.
Seeing Queen Helen panicking, Franz reassured her, "There, there, Helen. Don¡¯t be so rmed. It¡¯s just the royal disease. We just need to avoid it, it¡¯s not as dreadful as you think."
After a long pause, Queen Helen finally collected herself, "Does the British Royal Family know about these messages?"
"""
Franz shook his head, "I don¡¯t know either. But even if they knew, I¡¯m afraid no one would speak out about it.
All right, let¡¯s not worry about it too much. As long as it doesn¡¯t affect us, let them be! If the news really gets out, we would be mortal enemies with the British Royal Family."
Queen Helen nodded her head, aware of the gravity of the situation. If the lid were lifted, it would not just be the United Kingdom¡¯s Royal Family they would offend, but also the several royal families affected by hemophilia would bear a grudge for not being warned earlier. Such is human nature.
Under the pressure of the "Royal Disease," the candidates were instantly reduced by a quarter. It has to be said that the grandmother of Europe is indeed formidable.
Franz: "Next, we¡¯ll weed out those who are politically unsuitable. I¡¯m more familiar with this area, so I¡¯ll take care of it!"
Politics is the most important factor in royal marriage alliances, and if this is not handled well, it¡¯s not support they would be finding but trouble.
For instance, the Bourbon and Orleans families both have princesses of suitable age and status, but Frederick simply cannot marry them.
If the heir of the Habsburg dynasty were to marry a former member of the French royal family, Napoleon IV would probably go crazy, as this would threaten his rule.
Moreover, Franz is not nning to restore the former French royal family, so why court trouble?
After considering political factors, it¡¯s time to consider status. These records are not only for Frederick but also for his three brothers.
Without needing Franz to say anything, Queen Helen categorized the remaining candidates by status. Frederick is the Crown Prince, and his wife must be his equal in status, leaving very little room for choice.
When Franz married Queen Helen, it was shortly after the annexation of the Kingdom of Bavaria, and the marriage served as appeasement for the Bavarian Royal Family to avoid looking too greedy.
This appeasement was also for the domestic princes and the Bavarian people to see, to reassure everyone.
In fact, this alliance proved to be very sessful. Everyone quickly reconciled with the situation, the Bavarian Royal Family boldly managed the Kingdom of Lombardy, and the people of the Bavarian Region epted the change in their monarchy.
The current situation is clearly different, with the Sub-States in the country being very quiet, and Franz has no ns to transfer any ruler, so naturally, there is no need for Frederick to marry a princess from a coteral branch for appeasement.
If it were a princess from the direct line, maybe, but remote coteral branches not only fall short in status but the political advantages are too weak, making it meaningless.
After all this consideration, not many are left. The British Royal Family alone ounts for half, with Prince Edward¡¯s three daughters all within the range of choices.
They are Princess Louise, born in 1867, Princess Victoria, born in 1868, and Princess Maud, born in 1869.
(Note: Hemophilia is a maternal hereditary disease)
Reviewing the information, Franz couldn¡¯t help but admire the efficiency the British had of one birth per year, something not easily achieved by most.
Aside from being slightly young, all other aspects meet the criteria. Politically, the Anglo-Austrian two countries are in their honeymoon phase, and despite the fact that they have backstabbed each other, they still remain allies.
Princess Sophie Marie Victoria of the Baden Royal Family is also a good choice, born in 1862, currently 15 years old.
Not only is her age very appropriate, but politically she is also a good match, which would be beneficial for strengthening Austria¡¯s influence in the German Federation Empire.
It¡¯s almost certain that Frederick¡¯s wife will be either Princess Sophie Marie Victoria of Baden or Princess Louise from the United Kingdom.
Of course, there are still a few other possible candidates, such as the daughters of Nichs I, known as the "Father-inw of Europe." However, the Montenegro Duchy has too little influence and holds no value for an alliance.
Queen Helen: "There are only two left, who does Franz think is more suitable?"
Chapter 628 - 201: Worries
"Baden!"
"The British Royal Family may seem prestigious, but in reality, they can offer Friedrich very limited help, giving mostly just superficial mour.
Baden Duchy may seem insignificant, but its influence within the German Federation Empire is not small. If Austria wants to unify the Germany Region, Baden Duchy is an essential part."
A parent¡¯s deep love for their child results in far-reaching ns.
The Crown Prince¡¯s marriage will contribute to the imperial unification efforts and is bound to be endorsed by German nationalists. This will greatly enhance Friedrich¡¯s prestige among the public.
After pondering, Queen Helen said, "Then let¡¯s prioritize Sophie Marie Victoria. Her age is just right, and we could embrace grandchildren sooner."
Indeed, men and women think on different wavelengths. Franz gave priority to political influence, whereas Queen Helen was more concerned with grandchildren.
Of course, producing the next generation sooner will also be of help to Friedrich.
The Habsburg dynasty is deeply entrenched, and a marriage alliance is just the icing on the cake. As long as there is no foolish mismanagement, Friedrich¡¯s position as heir will be unshakable.
Franz was quite confident in this marriage alliance. The Baden royal family had no reason to refuse, as Hanover, which was looking to integrate the German Federation Empire, could not do without Austria¡¯s support.
Constrained by its size, the Kingdom of Hanover does not have absolute dominance over the domestic sub-states, which are too numerous. This means they cannot adopt the Austrian model.
Otherwise, just like the current situation, the imperial parliament is upied by a majority of small sub-states, and the central government¡¯s authority is caged in by the parliament, unable to utilize the advantages of patriotism.
From the central government¡¯s standpoint, only through centralization can the country possibly be integrated, which is intolerable to many small sub-states.
When Austria unified the South German Region, everyone, except for losing diplomatic and currency issuance rights and sharing legitive and militarymand rights, managed to preserve all other powers.
(Note: The legitive body is the Imperial Parliament, with representatives from each sub-state government; as mentioned earlier about militarymand rights, the state army epts dualmand from both the central government and the monarch of the state.)
For the majority of small sub-states, diplomatic and militarymand rights are superfluous; they simply do not have the capacity for international diplomacy, let alone maintain an army.
Currency issuance rights may seem lucrative, but for a small state, the demand for currency is so low that the cost of issuing banknotes could well exceed the ie from the "coincage tax."
Initially, everyone was afraid that the Vienna Government would turn against them and annex their territories, which led to the unification under the British guidance to form the German Federation Empire.
The current situation, however, is quite the opposite; Austria has no intentions of annexing them but rather it is the Hanover-led central government that wants to absorb them.
As a sub-state second only to Hanover within the German Federation Empire, Baden Duchy naturally faces suppression from the central government. If not for Austria¡¯s support from behind, they would have been unable to withstand it.
From this perspective, the Baden royal family needs this marriage alliance even more than the Habsburg Family, as it rtes to their very survival.
After a pause, Franz added, "Might as well include Peter, Wilhelm, and George in the considerations, and once Friedrich¡¯s wedding is settled, we can arrange their betrothals in passing."
The marriages for the second son are much easier. Although still political, the requirements are unquestionably a notch lower.
Queen Helen smiled slightly, "Good, I think it would be wise to make contact with the British Royal Family, Montenegrin Royal Family, and Belgian Royal Family first.
I had high hopes for the princesses of the Hesse and Oldenburg Families, but it¡¯s a shame that the royal diseases are too frightening."
After a pause, Queen Helen said uncertainly, "Franz, should we secretly leak the news? Otherwise, if we keep this up, it could be a problem for our descendants."
Franz¡¯s expression changed; it was not a possibility but an inevitability. He thought of even more; if hemophilia continued to spread amongst the European Royal Family, European monarchy might well follow the same path as in the original timeline.
Monarchs seemed receable by distant royals, which appeared to have minimal impact. In reality, though, the damage to regal authority was fatal.
It¡¯s not easy for outsiders to grasp control of power. The bourgeoisie were able to seize power mainly during the transition of monarchs in the original timeline.
If uninterrupted session was apparent, kings were old families who had been local fixtures for hundreds of years, with substantial local support, so sidelining kings by the government was no easy feat.
The decline of European royal power was not a favorable situation for the Habsburg Family.
Franz nodded, "Mhm, I will arrange for it. There¡¯s no need for you to worry."
After weighing the pros and cons, Franz had no choice but to feel sorry for these princesses. Once the news spread, their marriage prospects would be dim, as few families would risk an extinct lineage to enter into marriage alliances with them.
However, this must wait until the dust settles on his sons¡¯ marriages. Otherwise, with too few brides for too many grooms, the sudden increase inpetitors might risk unexpected turns of events.
A political marriage is not only a matter for the royal family but also for the nation. Franz could decide his sons¡¯ marriages, but the government had to be informed as well.
If the government could not approve of the match, it would be troublesome. There¡¯s nock of such precedents, with almost every few decades, the European Royal Family making a joke of themselves.
...
While Franz was busy with his sons¡¯ marriages, the African Battlefield was also undergoing changes, with the French sessfully upying the Sudan area.
This posed a great annoyance to the British struggle, as Ennd, France, and Austria allunched campaigns in Africa, and the British, who moved first, ended uppleting their strategic objectivest.
No, they haven¡¯t achieved their strategic objectives yet. The Ethiopians continue to resist; the British Army has only gained the upper hand, but the end of the war is still a long way off.
Undoubtedly, in this round ofpetition, the British have lost face.
The Austrians took over three months to upy the Somalia Penins; the French took five months to settle the Sudan area; the British have been fighting Ethiopia for over half a year without a conclusion.
Of course, this "upation" is only nominal rule. They truly upy only the cities; the native tribes in the jungles are beyond their control.
The Ethiopia area is somewhatrger, and the indigenous forces somewhat stronger¡ªthat¡¯s the main reason for the British actions.
Unfortunately, this "strength" is a concept not understood by the European world. In this era, Europeans are arrogant; how powerful could the natives be?
Even the London Government is embarrassed to propagate how powerful Ethiopia is, given that they imed victory in thest Anglo-Ethiopian war.
If they did promote that idea, the public would see it as government ipetence rather than "Ethiopian strength."
On Downing Street, Prime Minister Benjamin mmed the war report on the table and questioned, "What kind of war is this being fought?
The war has been ongoing for so long, and the front line has only advanced two hundred kilometers. Based on the current progress, is the military preparing for a Hundred Years¡¯ War on the African Continent?"
A Hundred Years¡¯ War might be an exaggeration, but a two to three-year dy is possible. They¡¯ve encountered Africa¡¯s toughest nut to crack¡ªhow could it be easily resolved?
You must know that we are currently in the golden age of Ethiopia. The reigning Emperor, Menelik II, is even acknowledged by posterity as one of the greatest and most aplished rulers in African history.
Still, that¡¯s beside the point. No matter what, Ethiopia remains a backward agricultural country that cannot support a prolonged war. With some effort, the British should still be able to handle it.
The trouble is the stabbing in the back by France and Austria. Without their support, Ethiopia might not have achieved unification by now, let alone trained an almost-modernized army.
The war has progressed to the point where Menelik II has mobilized one hundred and fifty thousand troops, all equipped with rifles and over seven hundred pieces of artillery.
Army Minister Fox said, "Your Excellency Prime Minister, we underestimated the determination of France and Austria to create trouble. Nobody knew they would support Ethiopia to such an extensive degree.
After analyzing the data from the front line, we can confirm that the Ethiopian army is nowmanded by officers from France and Austria."
When Fox spoke, he was as full of political art as ever. What was essentially an underestimation of Ethiopian strength became an underestimation of the extent of French and Austrian support for Ethiopia once in his mouth.
By switching the concept, everyone finds it a bit more ptable. As for French and Austrian officersmanding the Ethiopian army, that¡¯splete nonsense.
At this time, Ethiopia trusts no European country; who would dare entrust the military that their survival depends on to a bunch of people they don¡¯t trust?
The support from France and Austria is indeed one reason Ethiopia can confront the British Army, but it¡¯s a secondary one.
Since the outbreak of the war, both countries have scaled back their actions. Other than continuing to sell strategic materials to Ethiopia, there haven¡¯t been any significant moves.
However, this does not stop Fox from shifting the me to France and Austria; the presence of French and Austrian equipment in the Ethiopian military is evidence of their support for the Ethiopians.
Prime Minister Benjamin red at him harshly, "I don¡¯t want analysis or conjecture. If France and Austria are supporting the Ethiopians, then please present concrete evidence.
Merely some military equipment doesn¡¯t hold any persuasive power. At most, it can prove the business capabilities of French and Austrian arms dealers, not that their governments are supporting Ethiopia."
Ennd, France, and Austria are still allies; on the London Government¡¯s diplomatic front, they belong to the first tier. Even if they were to be smeared, tangible evidence is required.
The military equipment is clearly not convincing enough; the Ethiopian army also has British equipment. If the London Government were to make an issue of this, wouldn¡¯t it prove that they are supporting Ethiopia as well?
Such reasoning might work for domestic arguments, but using it in diplomacy would only attract ridicule.
Unless the British Government could suppress France and Vienna, Paris and Vienna wouldn¡¯t take theirints seriously.
Fox felt slightly embarrassed before quickly regaining hisposure, "Understood, Your Excellency Prime Minister. We will find evidence as soon as possible, but it will take time.
Now the most important thing is to cut off Ethiopia¡¯s supply of arms; otherwise, this war will be very troublesome."
That¡¯s a big problem; arms dealers of that era were fearless. As long as there was sufficient profit to be made, there was no business they wouldn¡¯t dare undertake.
"The best arms dealers are those who sell weapons to their own enemies."
It¡¯s not a joke¡ªthe British arms dealers are actually doing it. With the involvement of powerful figures from within the country, without enough evidence, Fox naturally would not tear through the veil.
Prime Minister Benjamin also felt the headache¡ªit was indeed difficult to cut off Ethiopia¡¯s arms supply. They could block the coastal trade routes, but not the ind areas.
The colonies of France and Austria bordered Ethiopia; neither would listen to theirmands. As long as the Ethiopians can afford it, such trade wouldn¡¯t stop.
"Communicate with the foreign ministries of France and Austria. We must find a way to sever the Ethiopian trade routes, and we may even consider an exchange of interests if necessary."
¡
Chapter 629 - 202: The Expendable Piece
Vienna Pce, Franz looked at his spirited son and asked with a smile, "Frederick, this time you are going to represent Austria on a visit to various European countries. Are you prepared?"
"Rest assured, Father. I¡¯ve memorized all the documents by heart and guarantee I canplete the mission," Frederick replied with full confidence.
The Habsburg Family has many things, and if nothing else, they have an abundance of rtives.
In these times, with travel being inconvenient, there was generally little contact in ordinary periods. But once it came to visiting their territories, social interactions were inevitable.
Having many rtives would be fine if not for the fact that they also liked to reuse names, furtherplicated by a lengthy list of titles. Without sufficient familiarity, it was easy to confuse identities.
This wasn¡¯t just a matter of making a faux pas or bing the butt of a joke; it could lead others to believe they were not given due importance, turning rtives into enemies.
Franz didn¡¯t like to travel about, and a major reason was to avoid the hassle. As Emperor, he was rather fortunate; people woulde to visit him, and his subordinates would have the information prepared.
Even at banquets, he was the most revered presence, with very few entitled to converse with him as equals. Most of the time, a nod and a smile would suffice.
It was different for Frederick, however. Despite his distinguished status as the Crown Prince of Austria, there were still many of equal status, with hundreds listed just on this roster.
From this perspective, being Nobility was no easy task; at the very least, one needed a good memory. Especially the minor nobles had a hard time remembering the titles of the important people.
Franz was among the best in this regard. Affected by the butterfly effect, his titles were now much longer than in actual history; even Franz himself wasn¡¯t sure he could recite them urately.
Yet, those below him must memorize them precisely; this was determined by the political system. Austria existed because of the Emperor, not the other way around.
Call it mechanical or rigid, but this was the legal foundation of the Empire.
Aside from a few honorary titles, the absence of any would lead to protests from the locals. In European society, such an omission would be perceived as discrimination.
Hence, Austrian elementary school students are met with tragedy; they must memorize Franz¡¯s titles urately, or they cannot graduate.
"Not just memorize them, but also establish a rapport. This is your chance to build connections. It is always beneficial to make more friends, even if they are just fair-weather friends.
I have already given you the details about Princess Sophie Marie Victoria. Handle it as you see fit; I don¡¯t want to see any blunders."
Speaking of friends, Frederick¡¯s expression darkened. Being in the royal family, it was extremely difficult to have true friends.
With such a significant gap in status, it was hard to have an equal exchange, let alone form friendships.
As the Emperor, Franz had no friends. If Frederick didn¡¯t have friends of equal status now, it was likely he never would in the future.
An emperor is lonely; there is no hope for friends within the country. As for the monarchs and ministers recorded in history books as friends, Franz could only scoff.
Frederick¡¯s face flushed, "Don¡¯t worry, Father. I know how to handle it and won¡¯t embarrass you."
Franz nodded. This wasn¡¯t just about saving face; it was more of a test for Frederick.
If he passed, he would be the heir apparent to Austria. If not, it was hard to say what might happen. Although changing heirs to the throne in Europe is troublesome, it¡¯s not impossible.
Of course, this is the worst-case scenario and under normal conditions would not happen. Franz had a good sense of the kind of person his son was.
...
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, the British Ambassador has sent a diplomatic note, hoping that we would impose aprehensive blockade on Ethiopia.
ording to the information we have collected, it seems the Ethiopian war cannote to an end, and the London Government cannot bear the domestic public opinion pressure; they must be getting desperate.
If nothing unexpected happens, the French should have received a simr note.
Unable to achieve a breakthrough on the battlefield, they can only ce their hopes outside of it.
Theoretically, as long as we and the French cut off trade with Ethiopia, it won¡¯t be long before the Ethiopian Army¡¯s weapons turn into mere fire sticks."
Modern warfare is all about logistics. For an agricultural nation, once the supply of strategic materials is cut off, defeat is not far behind.
Franz, "Given the current intensity of the war, how long can the Ethiopian army¡¯s reserve of strategic materialsst?"
Army Minister Albrecht, "At most, no more than a year, and that¡¯s under the assumption that no major battles ur.
If the British increase the intensity of their attacks, it¡¯s not impossible for them to exhaust the Ethiopian army¡¯s ammunition within two or three months."
Unless the Ethiopian army suddenly surges and defeats the British Army before their supplies run out, the oue of the war has already been determined. It¡¯s merely a question of how much the British will lose."
Franz had no hopes for a sudden eruption by the Ethiopian forces. It simply wasn¡¯t possible. The British forces had already exceeded a hundred thousand soldiers, and even if the Indian Colonial Army ounted for the majority, there were still three regr infantry divisions.
In battle, the Ethiopian forces were being suppressed by the British. If not for their advantage as the local force, they likely would have already been defeated.
If they were to suddenly surge forth and seek a decisive battle with the British Army, the British would probably dieughing.
In the jungle, they couldn¡¯t ovee the Ethiopian army. In a conventional field battle, the two sides were not on the same level; the fighting power of the Ethiopian army and the Indian Colonial Army was not much different, except the Ethiopian army had a stronger desire to fight.
Prime Minister Felix, "Don¡¯t harbor such illusions. Before the arrival of the main British forces, the Ethiopian army had a slim chance of victory if they fought desperately.
The situation reversed with the arrival of British reinforcements. Had it not been for their geographical advantage, Ethiopia would have been finished long ago.
Their only chance now is to drag the war out. To drag it until the British losses exceed their limits, and the London Government dares not continue the investment."
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Difficult! The situation is different from the Afghan war. The Ethiopian war not only affects the London Government¡¯s face but also their position.
Within the system of the three major countries, Ennd, France, and Austria, the British are still recognized as the world¡¯s number one power. However, being the world¡¯s first requires strength as a foundation. The power that the British have demonstrated in the war in Ethiopia is clearly not living up to the name.
Being the world¡¯s first power isn¡¯t just an empty title; it also involves the right to speak in international politics, with benefits distribution at stake.
Any concession made by the London Government would cause immeasurable political damage.
Inparison, it is more cost-effective to continue the war. As long as the London Government is willing to spend money, winning the war is just a matter of time."
Political problems can often be more severe than military ones.
Although war is costly, it is the nation¡¯s money that is being spent, not that of the Cab officials; but the political damage caused by stopping the war would have to be borne by them personally.
Franz, "If we support them, is there any chance of victory for Ethiopia?"
Stabbing the British in the back, that was basic practice, something Franz had learned from the British themselves. If possible, he wouldn¡¯t mind further depleting the British power.
Army Minister Albrecht, "Militarily speaking, the likelihood of Ethiopian victory is virtually zero, even with our support.
It¡¯s not that the Ethiopian forcesck the strength to fight the British; the key issue is the fragile financial system of the Ethiopian government, which simply cannot sustain the war effort."
The excuse of "no money" is very powerful. As an agricultural nation, the fact that the Ethiopian government¡¯s finances haven¡¯t already copsed is impressive.
Austria¡¯s support for Ethiopia is limited; it mainly involves selling weapons and helping with military training. It would be utterly impossible for Austria to spend money to help them achieve victory.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a decision, "First negotiate with the British. If the conditions are right, we can also abandon our support for Ethiopia.
However, this is something for after an agreement is reached. For now, we¡¯ll carry on as usual. We should give the Ethiopian government a timely reminder that the British intend to cut off their international trade routes."
"Betraying allies," this is the basic tactic of great powers, a matter of interest.
Ethiopia has never been an ally of Austria; Vienna¡¯s support for them was only meant to cause trouble for the British, so there was no actual betrayal involved."
...
Chapter 630 - 203: The Arms Dealer Who Doesn’t Stick to His Business
Kenya is located in the tropical monsoon zone, with ins along the coast that receive ample rainfall, hignds in the middle, and desert in the north.
Due to its rich mineral resources, it was incorporated into the domain of the Austrian Colonial Government years ago, but the real development has only been along the coastal ins, with other areas being under nominal rule only.
Kenya is bordered by Somalia to the east, Tanzania to the south, Uganda to the west, and touches Ethiopia and South Sudan to the north, with the southeastern shore lying along the Indian Ocean.
Because of its unique geographic location, localmercial trade in Kenya prospered suddenly after the outbreak of the Second Ethiopian War.
Every day, a huge amount of goods flowed into the Ethiopian region. The Ethiopian Army had been able to hold out until now, greatly due to this trade route.
New Sarthu, originally just a colonial stronghold on the Kenya-Ethiopia border, had begun to take on the appearance of a small town, thanks to themercial boom brought about by the war.
In an ordinary manor to the east of the cityy the base of Sandels, a major Austrian arms dealer.
At this moment, a young man burst in panting, "Mr. Sandels, disaster has struck! News just came from home that the British are trying to cut off our trade with Ethiopia using diplomatic means."
The middle-aged man dressed in fine clothes grew somber, then quickly recovered, "Moss, slow down, the sky isn¡¯t falling."
After calming himself, Moss said, "It¡¯s said that because the front line is stalled, the British Army has been unable to make a breakthrough, and there¡¯s too much pressure from public opinion at home.
A week ago, those despicable British issued a diplomatic note to the Vienna Government, demanding that we cooperate and sever the trade routes with Ethiopia.
They call themselves custodians of free trade, but when they encounter a little trouble, they want to break the principle of trade freedom, it¡¯s simply..."
Sandels interrupted, "All right, I¡¯ve got the picture. Sit down and have a cup of coffee, it¡¯s not as serious as you think."
Moss, bewildered, asked, "Why do you...? Mr. Sandels, if the Vienna Government agrees to the British request, we won¡¯t be able to carry on with our trade!"
Cutting off someone¡¯s livelihood is like killing their parents. If the British cut the trade line, they would be cutting off their source of wealth.
The world has been almost entirely divided up by colonial empires, and it¡¯s tough for arms dealers to get by. They¡¯ve finally encountered a great war, and if they¡¯re not allowed to profit from it, Moss has every reason to be angry.
Sandels patted Moss on the shoulder, "Keep your cool, Moss. Remember, as a qualified arms dealer, you must stay calm at all times.
The situation isn¡¯t as bad as you imagine. Even if the Vienna Government agrees to sever trade with Ethiopia, does it really mean our trade routes are cut off?"
Moss asked uncertainly, "You mean to suggest¡ªsmuggling?"
Compared to regr trade, smuggling unquestionably increases the risk substantially, with the usual punishment being a fine that could bankrupt anyone if caught.
Sandels said coldly, "As long as you know, why say it out loud? From Kenya to Somalia, our border with Ethiopia is so long, how could they possibly enforce a blockade?
Even if the government could do it, why would they want to help the British?
I bet the Vienna Government wishes the Ethiopian war wouldst ten or eight years. As long as the Colonial Government is willing to turn a blind eye, can the British reallye onto our turf to crack down on smuggling?
What concerns me more is that the Ethiopian government is running out of money. They¡¯ve already offered arge amount of goods as coteral in the past two trades, which says a lot."
Smuggling is just basic operations for arms dealers; in fact, legal arms dealers are a rare breed, usually with government backing.
If ordinary arms dealers don¡¯t know how to smuggle, they cannot survive in the cutthroat internationalpetition.
As a top figure among arms dealers, Sandels naturally knows when to engage in legal trade and when to resort to smuggling.
Moss asked uncertainly, "Mr. Sandels, does this mean our trade with the Ethiopians is about to end?"
As a partner, Moss was well aware of how difficult it was to find a client with strong purchasing power.
If the Ethiopians run out of money, the deal would naturallye to an end. Arms dealers don¡¯t engage in charity; everything revolves around profit.
Sandels nodded, "Judging by the current situation, we should still be able to go on for a few more months. In theory, we could still eptnd as coteral from the Ethiopians, though the risk is somewhat high."
Exchanging territory for debt repayment was amon method used by European colonizers in the early stages of colonization, especially when their own strength was insufficient.
Moss realized instantaneously. Having been sent by his family to engage in the arms trade, he was naturally no fool; otherwise, he would not have qualified to be a partner with the cunning and shrewd Sandels.
After hesitating for a moment, he asked, "Mr. Sandels, are you nning to transition into bing a colonial merchant?"
At that time, the arms trade was not as wildly profitable as inter years, and arms dealers were not so dedicated. They would simply engage in whatever business was profitable.
Besides arms trading, Sandels also dealt in overseas trade, for instance: bringing specialty products from the African Continent back home for sale, or importing industrial andmercial products from home to sell overseas.
These businesses had manypetitors, and the profits were far less lucrative than arms trading; they could only be considered side jobs.
Sandels replied with a smile, "Can I not?"
"Of course not; it¡¯s just somewhat sudden. Colonial merchants are not having an easy time nowadays, especially those in ind colonies. Many are operating at a loss," Moss exined.
Sandels shook his head, "It is precisely because they are operating at a loss that there are opportunities. If the profits were rich, they would have been seized by the big shots long ago, and we wouldn¡¯t even get a sip of the broth.
I had nned to buy a piece of colonialnd with cash, but those Colonial Companies are too cunning. They¡¯re asking for a fortune for a worthless piece ofnd.
I can only take the risk of targeting the Ethiopian region. My appetite isn¡¯t big, just a few thousand square kilometers ofnd would satisfy me.
Such a small amount ofnd would hardly be worth the British¡¯s concern. The local natives are not an issue. The biggest trouble is turning a profit.
But that¡¯s only temporary. Land resources are non-renewable, while the poption is constantly growing. Sooner orter, its value will be apparent.
Ten years ago, Kenya was still a Savage Land; now it boasts 800,000 immigrants, and this number continues to grow at a rate of 13% per year.
Of course, this is caused by arge-scale immigration policy, and this growth rate can only be maintained for four to five years before it starts to decline.
But that¡¯s enough. It¡¯s very possible that the poption in the Kenya region will surpass two million in ten years.
By then, regions bordering Kenya will also benefit. As a junction between the Anglo-Austrian colonies, smuggling just a bit of goods towards the British colonial areas would be enough to recover the operational cost of the colony.
What do you think, Moss? Are you interested in getting involved? If a conflict between the United Kingdom and Austria breaks out in the future, we might even be nobility."
Moss furrowed his brow, internallyining countless times. Situated at the junction of two colonial powers, the area would immediately be a battlefield if conflict erupted between the two countries.
Want to make money? First, you have to survive! Most such adventurers end up losing everything.
During the height of the Anglo-Austrian conflicts, thousands of people from both sides died in the shes every year, ending only when the British ran low on manpower.
Even now, the borders between the two countries¡¯ colonies remain one of the most dangerous areas. Many cases of murder for loot ur, with perpetrators simply fleeing across the border to safety¡ªit¡¯s rife with cross-border crimes.
Moss declined, "I¡¯m sorry, Mr. Sandels, the resources required for this venture are too great for me to decide on my own."
Sandels was not disappointed. What he sought was cooperation with Moss¡¯s family, not just this young man.
It didn¡¯t matter if the partnership failed. There were too many ambitious second-generation youths in Austria, and Sandels was confident in his rhetoric; swaying a few coborators was not an issue.
This was the plight of an upstart; Sandels had struggled for over twenty years to gain the capital to join the colonial wave, sadly missing the best opportunities.
Even now, he needed to find coborators. On his own, he might just manage to run a well-established colony, but in these border areas, sufficient military force was essential.
Including the arms trade, his choice to partner with Moss was to take advantage of the connections andworks behind him.
Sandels generously stated, "No worries, there¡¯s no rush. To acquire colonialnd from the Ethiopians, we must wait until they are at their wits¡¯ end. It¡¯s still too early for that!"
¡
Chapter 631 - 204: The Path to Whitewashing
Ambition requires the support of strength, and it was precisely because Sandels understood this truth that he was able to rise from humble beginnings to be an internationally renowned arms dealer.
In society¡¯s eyes, there are no good people among arms dealers. With such a tarnished reputation, one naturally cannot expect a high social status.
Especially for a "notorious" arms dealer like Sandels, he has made enemies all over the world. This time, for instance, he has offended the British.
To stay safe, many arms dealers dare not reveal their true identities.
"Sandels" is a typical pseudonym. Now that religious power is weak, if it were the Middle Ages, the Heresy Tribunal would have already knocked on the door for misusing the word "saint" in a name.
Ordinarily, one must make an outstanding contribution to the religious cause to be titled "saint." Only after receiving the Pope¡¯s recognition can one add the title "saint" before their name.
For example, if one is a major contributor to recapturing Jerusalem and receives the title "Recoverer of the Holy Land" from the Pope, they can prefix their name with "saint."
Of course, most people wouldn¡¯t simply add "saint" before their own name; it¡¯s usually added before a title, to signify honor.
Arms dealers like Sandels are obviously not qualified. With his "aplishments," perhaps he would be eligible for the Guillotine.
This isn¡¯t the life Sandels wants. He has chosen this alias in hopes of one day bing "sanctified."
For the moment, that remains a distant dream. To achieve this great life goal, he would first need to cleanse his image to be eligible to contribute to the religious cause.
Being a colonial merchant is just the first step. Unless one bes Nobility, ordinary colonial merchants are only slightly better than arms dealers: they engage in legal trade and can face the sun.
Sess is filled with luck, but continuous sess is without. Setting his eyes on Ethiopiannds, Sandels had made many preparations.
The documents he was holding were maps of the border area between Ethiopia and Austro-Africa. These maps precisely marked the roads, rivers, forests, mineral resources, Native Tribes, and other information¡ªperhaps even more detailed than the Ethiopian government¡¯s knowledge.
For this map, he had spent three years, tens of thousands of Divine Shields, and even gone on a survey expedition himself toplete the mapping.
Sandels, "Merdo, how¡¯s the public rtions working along?"
"It¡¯s nearly done¡ªwe¡¯ve bought the Ethiopian Emperor¡¯s closest minister. He has promised to find an appropriate opportunity to bring up thend lease issue with the Emperor.
Right now, the Ethiopian government¡¯s finances are depleted. As it¡¯s merely an ordinarymercialnd lease not involving sovereignty, there shouldn¡¯t be much trouble," Merdo replied.
Not involving sovereignty wasn¡¯t a necessity. When the Ethiopian government copses, whoever actually upies thend can be the legal owner.
It doesn¡¯t matter if others don¡¯t acknowledge it¡ªwhat matters is that the Vienna Government will recognize his colonial rights. That alone is enough. As long as the Vienna Government acknowledges him, the British wouldn¡¯t dare to openly seize thend.
As for whether they¡¯ll employ underhanded tactics behind the scenes, that depends on one¡¯s ability to handle the situation.
If Sandels doesn¡¯t take much, the British, busy managing their newly upied territories, probably won¡¯t bother with him for quite some time.
But if he gets greedy and tries to snatch the British¡¯s gains, angering them, then Sandels might have to consider how he ns to die.
The list of colonial merchants who have perished in colonial conflicts isn¡¯t short. Many of those eliminated were because they failed to control their "greed," acquiring benefits that surpassed their capabilities.
Sandels, "Let¡¯s finalize this swiftly to avoidplications. I have a premonition that there will be many eyeing the Ethiopian region. If someone beats us to it, all our efforts will be in vain."
Not allnds are valuable for colonization; the essence of colonization is profitability. If one chooses the wrong ce that can¡¯t turn a profit, the only option is to sell off to the colonial government cheaply.
Since the inception of Austro-Africa, tens of thousands of Colonial Companies have been founded. The vast majority fell by the wayside, and only about a thousand have survived.
Among these remainingpanies, over ny percent are family businesses, mostly monopolized by the nobility.
Not to mention themoners; even wealthy capitalists are at a disadvantage in thispetition.
There¡¯s no way around it¡ªcolonization requires military support, where the nobility has an absolute advantage. Capitalists aren¡¯t fit formanding battles.
Moreover, sessful capitalists have turned into nobles during the colonization movement. With the change of status, their stance also shifted.
The capitalist ss is diverse in origin. A sizable portion of them is nobility without inheritance rights or, in fact, nobility in their own right.
This group never identifies as capitalists, always considering themselves as offspring of nobility. For many, their life goal is to acquire a noble title of their own.
It¡¯s not just Austria¡ªthis is the social trend across all of Europe. Even the nouveau riche in America chase after noble titles.
This social trend influences many, and naturally Sandels has been affected. Purely from a profit standpoint, there are few industries more lucrative than arms trading.
Merdo cautioned, "Mr. Sandels, our investment has already been substantial.
To speed up progress, we need to increase our investment further. This will put a lot of pressure on recouping costs in the future."
"Money is not an issue; we can use arms to settle ounts, which naturally lowers the cost," Sandels exined.
The immense profits from arms trafficking are undoubtable; perhaps for weapons and equipment worth 1 million Divine Shields sold to the Ethiopian government, the actual cost might not even reach 300,000 Divine Shields¡ªthis is the confidence behind Sandels.
Merdo confidently answered, "No problem, within a month at most, you can expect to receive good news."
...
Winning over the Ethiopian government is one aspect, but gaining a foothold in the border regions equally requires the support of the Austro-East African colonial government.
Without the colonial government withstanding the pressure from the British, Sandels does not believe he could retain the benefits obtained from the Ethiopian government.
It¡¯s not like one can expect the British to adhere to internationalws, is it?
"Mr. Sandels, your proposal is very constructive, but what makes you confident that you can aplish the task?"
The question came from Landrar, the Secretary-General to the Governor of East Africa, and was also Sandels¡¯ connection, the highest-level government official he could reach.
As for the Governor of East Africa himself, unless Sandels had be nobility, he wouldn¡¯t personally negotiate these matters.
Sandels: "Baron, I may not excel at developing a colonial economy, but smuggling is my specialty, the most basic survival skill of an arms dealer.
Once I have established a base in the border regions, domestic products can continuously enter Ethiopia and the Sudan area, and the colonial government can also collect more taxes."
Love what you do and do what you love.
In his field of expertise, Sandels is undeniably an elite. Having been involved in arms smuggling for over twenty years without ever getting caught, otherwise he wouldn¡¯t be sitting here talking.
Secretary-General Landrar: "I have no doubts about your professional capabilities, but ordinary trade is different from arms trafficking.
I believe you have the ability to get the goods there, but how will you sell them? The British and French colonial governments are no fools; if arge amount of smuggled goods enters, they will most certainly investigate."
After entering the industrial society, Austrian domestic industries¡¯ demand for markets skyrocketed, and colonial endeavors emerged against this backdrop.
In those times, each country¡¯s colonies are their reserved territories, and foreign products face significant restrictions to enter.
No one is willing to tolerate such exploitation, so smuggling naturally arises. The Vienna Government also supports capitalists smuggling domestic goods into other countries¡¯ colonies.
After all, as long as the taxes due in the country are paid, whether other countries collect taxes is none of Vienna Government¡¯s concern.
This is the backdrop of the era, looking specifically at the Austro-East Africa region. If arge amount of Austrian goods flows into British and French colonies from here, it will also drive economic prosperity in the region and increase government tax revenue.
Local economic prosperity and increased fiscal revenue are regarded as officials¡¯ achievements. Sandels is confident in securing the support of the colonial government based on this.
Sandels spoke nonchntly, "It¡¯s quite simple, change thebel. For instance, rece the German text on thebel with English and French.
I have conducted field research in the British and French colonies, and their control over the colonies is not strict¡ªit could be said there are loopholes everywhere.
Many colonial police are semi-illiterate; as long as thebels are changed, they can¡¯t tell whether the products are domestic or not.
Adhering to the principle that it¡¯s better to avoid trouble whenever possible, with a little bribery, these people will pretend they saw nothing.
If you want to be even safer, then directly counterfeit British and French goods. With our technical capabilities, we can producemercial products identical to those of Britain and France.
It would be even harder to detect, and even if they found something wrong with the products, they might very well suspect these manufacturing enterprises, which I know are also engaging in smuggling."
Secretary-General Landrar nodded in satisfaction, "Very good, Mr. Sandels, you have sessfully convinced me.
However, I suggest you change your name first, otherwise if the Church peoplee knocking, things could get troublesome."
Even though the Church¡¯s power has greatly diminished, their influence in Austria is still substantial, and at least Sandels, the arms dealer, cannot afford to provoke them.
The warning from Landrar gave Sandels a jolt. Now thinking back, he realized how self-defeating it was to choose such a name.
The Church hasn¡¯te knocking, probably because they think he is a small-time arms dealer unworthy of their attention, too insignificant for them to lower their status over.
Should heunder his name, however, the situation would be different. The higher the profile, the more likely the name would bring disaster upon himself.
Sandels made a prompt decision, "Alright, Baron. Unless absolutely necessary, I wouldn¡¯t want to use this name.
Before long, there will no longer be an arms dealer named Sandels in this world, only a colonial merchant called Ders."
Since he intended tounder his image, of course, he needed a new alias. Although there is only one letter difference between Ders and Sandels, there are tens of thousands of people named Ders in Austria, but only one Sandels.
Ders did not believe that by changing his name, no one would know him. For the real movers and shakers, digging up such information is too easy, unless he ran off to live in hermitage deep in the mountains and forests, there was no hiding.
Chapter 632 - 205: Busy Frederick
Friedrich¡¯s first visit to the countries of Europe filled him with extraordinary excitement. However, this good mood did notst for many days before he began to grow weary of it.
Every day was banquet after banquet. Had he imagined discussing matters of national fate with the monarchs of each country?
Sorry, but that was not the case. The apanying officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had already taken care of everything, and as the Crown Prince, he only needed to make up the numbers.
Even if Franz wanted to use this opportunity to train his son, he wouldn¡¯t dare gamble with matters of state. If something went awry, the loss would be no small matter.
Politics allows no room for sloppy mistakes; one misstep could even cost an heir his inheritance.
Therefore, Friedrich¡¯s mission on this visit to the European nations was, aside from securing a marriage with the Baden royal family, simply to mingle and share bonds of kinship.
Almost every heir to the throne in Europe would take a tour across the European Continent upon reaching adulthood. Officially, it was to see the world and broaden their horizons, but in truth, it was to make their presence known and to informally assess the developmental situations of other nations.
Franz was one of the few exceptions; the Great Revolution had elevated him prematurely to the throne, robbing him of the opportunity to interact with his contemporaries.
What seemed like a mere tour was actuallyden with intense political implications.
Initially, this kind of exchange was intended to foster personal rtionships between future monarchs to mitigate conflicts between nations.
By now, it had been proven far too idealistic. Personal feelings of a monarch were insignificant in the face of national interests.
Of course, it was not without its positive side. In situations free of conflicting interests, friendships between monarchs could sometimes transform into friendly rtions between countries, to some extent reducing potential disputes and conflicts.
The most crucial aspect was that it added ayer of insurance; if one had many friends, one could count on help in times of trouble. For example:
In the case of defeat in war or a political coup, international pressure could be used to maintain the throne, and at the very least, provide a ce of refuge during exile abroad.
Before the decline of monarchies, these were effective strategies. If not for theck of a suitable opportunity, Franz would have been ready tounch a "Monarchy Preservation Movement" across Europe.
Friedrich¡¯s situation was rather tragic; with a full schedule every day, he was swamped with social engagements, leaving no time for leisure or sightseeing.
This was the downside of having many rtives; upon arriving somewhere, one couldn¡¯t simply avoid seeing people, and the hosts were obliged to hold weing feasts.
Face was something that had to be mutually given, and as part of Europe¡¯s social elite, reciprocal ttery in business was inevitable.
To earn a good reputation, Friedrich needed to visit the homes of these important figures, and meet with local society leaders, who would then help build his image.
Due to familial rtions, Friedrich had to offer face even to those of a slightly lower status, adding significantly to his workload.
He simply couldn¡¯t neglect these duties, as these were tasks set by Franz. Having awork of connections is something you¡¯d rather have and not need, than need and not have.
The First World War in the original timeline was a ssic example. Defeated monarchs from the Allied Powers could go into exile abroad; the Tsarist, however, had nowhere to flee.
It wasn¡¯t that Nichs II didn¡¯t want to run. The provisional government nned to send him to the United Kingdom for political asylum, only for George V to refuse to receive him.
Not only did the British refuse him, but other European nations also weren¡¯t weing to Nichs II. It seemed Wilhelm II expressed a willingness to receive him, though that likely was more about enjoying the spectacle.
Franz didn¡¯t think the Habsburg Family would end up so woefully. With the resources currently at his disposal, as long as future monarchs didn¡¯tmit follies, the family could remain stable for centuries.
The main purpose of having Friedrich get along with everyone was still to create a good reputation for his son - which required collective support.
Looking at an invitation in his hand, Friedrich morosely asked, "Cole, how many more banquet invitations are there?"
Cole replied solemnly, "Your Highness, I cannot give you an exact number. Preliminary estimates suggest that before your itinerary ends, you¡¯ll have to attend at least a hundred more banquets.
This is after declining most invitations; in reality, there could be even more. Those with closer rtionships could potentially host several more feasts."
In an era with scarce entertainment, nobility were particrly keen on holding banquets, usually two to three times a month, and those with deep pockets possibly two to three times a week.
Even without a reason to hold a feast, they would concoct one. For instance: the family pet giving birth necessitated a celebratory feast; the blooming of fruit trees in the orchard demanded a celebration...
The reasons for banquets were diverse and sometimes quite imaginative. The cost of banquets was one of the nobility¡¯s most significant expenses in this era.
Friedrich massaged his forehead, almost developing a phobia of banquets. In this moment, he finally understood Franz¡¯s aversion to hosting them.
"Is it possible to decline a few more? For example, I could hold one and invite them over, getting it all done in one go."
Cole rejected the idea sternly, "That won¡¯t do, Your Highness. Representing the Habsburg Family, it is noble custom that you may only host a thank-you banquet after the host has held a wee feast.
At most, you can decline invitations from those ranking below a duke. Even so, it would be extremely rude. This time, you need to visit each state in the German Confederation, many of whose monarchs are not even dukes."
Friedrich¡¯s face fell with despair; if the Germany Region was known for anything, it was its multitude of small states.
Locked into political necessities, he simply could not avoid them, even if some states were no bigger than a single vige, he still had to visit.
This was about showing respect for the governments of the various states on behalf of the Habsburg Family, and simultaneously, an opportunity to spread the idea of Greater Germany.
After a moment of hesitation, Friedrich capitted to life¡¯s demands, "Fine, let¡¯s proceed with the original n. If it impacts the big picture, I can¡¯t shoulder that responsibility."
Friedrich wasn¡¯tcking in political acumen; he was quite aware of Franz¡¯s intentions for this arrangement. Following the n without deviation would earn him many des.
If he were to botch something so simple, it was likely Franz would have to reconsider his heir.
There was no room for improvisation. The next Austrian Emperor needed to be someone who could continue Franz¡¯s policies, someone cautious and stable. What was most undesirable was boundless greed and an appetite for glory.
In these respects, Friedrich did well, meeting the aforementioned criteria. Generally speaking, he followed the rules and was able to fulfill the tasks set by Franz without overstepping.
Lacking extraordinary talent, he possessed sharp political insight. Perhaps he couldn¡¯t make Austria shine brighter, but he wouldn¡¯t let the Empire fall into decline either.
...
Chapter 633 - 206, Victoria’s Curse
After Frederick¡¯s betrothal, Franz finalized the marriage arrangements for his other three sons with the fastest possible speed. Since the children were still young, the betrothal was only verbal, with the ceremony to follow in the future.
In those days, royal marriages were arranged by the parents, and a suitable match was all about equal social rank. As long as both sets of parents agreed, it was basically settled, and the opinions of those involved were rarely sought.
Even if you asked, it was futile; the oldest involved was barely in their teens, and the youngest not even ten. Expecting them to ponder a lifelongmitment was truly unreasonable.
Seeing that Franz was not in high spirits, Queen Helen asked with concern, "What¡¯s the matter, are you worried about something?"
"Yes, I am wondering whether arranging marriages for the little guys now is right or wrong. If we choose poorly, will they resent us?" Franz replied.
All he heard was Queen Helenughing lightly, "Franz, aren¡¯t you overthinking it? Isn¡¯t this how all members of the royal family have done it? How bad can it possibly be?
Resent us, based on what? You should know that I personally asked for their opinions, and they agreed on their own. Do they even have the right to back out now?"
Looking at the imperious Empress, Franz couldn¡¯t help wondering if he was seeing things, for he had never noticed Helen¡¯s dominating side before.
As for asking for the "sons¡¯ opinions," Franz simply ignored that. Was it difficult to persuade teens and kids?
Franz shamelessly deflected, "Alright, these are the wives they have chosen for themselves, so they must be responsible for their own choices."
Indeed, they had chosen their wives themselves. During this period, the royal families of Ennd, Belgium, & Montenegro each had more than one princess, and forming marriage alliances was about the rtionship between two families, not necessarily a specific princess.
The British Royal Family had four princesses, apart from Edward¡¯s three daughters, Prince Alfred also had a daughter who appeared to still be breast-feeding.
Not to mention the Montenegrin Royal Family, where Nichs I was the ¡¯Father-inw of Europe,¡¯ with no less than 6 daughters; one had passed away early, leaving 5. The oldest was 13, and the youngest had just stopped breast-feeding.
The Belgian Royal Family had fewer princesses; Leopold II only had one daughter, but his brother and cousin had two more.
Considering the situation they faced, the range of choices seemed quite broad. In reality, it was the opposite. Franz¡¯s youngest son was already in his teens, so how could he choose a breast-feeding infant?
Once those of unsuitable age were ruled out, there was instantly no choice left. To avoid beingughed at, the three little guys promptly followed Queen Helen¡¯s suggestion.
These were trivial issues, as royal family members never really had a choice in marriage. A symbolic inquiry about their preferences already showed great respect for personal wishes.
With his sons¡¯ lifelong matters settled, Franz prepared to reveal the truth about the "royal disease" to the whole world.
It was tough for Franz to deal such a blow right after forming marriage alliances, but to protect the royal families of Europe from the ravages of hemophilia, he firmly decided to sacrifice his own integrity.
...
Paris, after Napoleon III¡¯s transformation, had be even more prosperous.
Following the session of Napoleon IV, the French government busy with power struggles left them with neither the energy nor the desire to innovate, hence they continued Napoleon III¡¯s economic policies.
While the French economy was increasingly leaning toward the financial industry, overall, it remained healthy. Even after experiencing an economic crisis, Paris was still as thriving as ever.
In this vibrant international metropolis, known for active thinking, newspapers had be a part of people¡¯s lives. Parisians with even a modest economic capacity had developed the good habit of subscribing to newspapers.
Mark Penn was one of them. After a simple breakfast, he habitually went to the newspaper stop and picked up his subscribed paper.
As soon as he grabbed the newspaper, his face changed upon seeing the headline.
The headline was striking: "The Culprit of the Royal Disease¡ªVictoria¡¯s Curse." The content inside was even more astounding.
Without any addedmentary, the article simply summarized all cases of the royal disease, identified a pattern, and concluded that all patients were descendants of Queen Victoria.
Below, a detailed family tree was attached to prove the rtionship between "royal disease" sufferers and Queen Victoria with facts.
In the face of such evidence, Mark naturally believed it. Then he gleefully reveled in the misfortune, with no doubt that once the news spread, the British Royal Family would face great troubles.
It might even trigger political repercussions, as European royal families, long suffering from the "royal disease," were expected to thoroughly despise the British.
Without the Franco-Prussian war, the French¡¯s prime enemy was still Britain. As for Austria, it remained an insignificant and defeated underling ording to French newspapers.
The glorious legacy of the Napoleonic Era inted the pride of the French people to bursting. Newspaper sales dictated that they couldn¡¯t afford to antagonize their readers.
Seeing an enemy in trouble was naturally a joyous asion. On his way to work, Mark already decided to share this delightful news with his colleagues.
Mark Penn was not the only one who made the same decision; countless Parisians chose the same course.
"The Culprit Behind the Royal Disease¡ªVictoria¡¯s Curse" spread throughout Paris in the shortest time and began to diffuse around the world.
After reaching an agreement with the French government to cut off the Franco-Egyptian trade line, British Envoy Thatcher walked out of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs full of triumph.
It was then that he heard people discussing the "royal disease" and "Victoria¡¯s Curse," instantly extinguishing all his good spirits.
British Envoy Thatcher asked his attendant, "What¡¯s the matter, Wilhelm, what are the French up to now?"
"Your Excellency, there has been a serious incident. The French Times has published an article linking the royal disease with Her Majesty the great Queen."
Having said this, Wilhelm handed Thatcher the newspaper featuring "The Culprit Behind the Royal Disease¡ªVictoria¡¯s Curse."
After a brief nce at the content, Envoy Thatcher crumpled the newspaper into a ball, cursing, "Damn it, these ursed French dare to fabricate anything!"
Several murderous nces came his way, and sensing that something was amiss, Envoy Thatcher decisively chose to not pick a fight in this situation.
He swallowed the rest of his words and ordered, "Back to the embassy!"
In his heart of hearts, Envoy Thatcher hade to believe that the content of the newspaper was true. That genealogical chart was simply too persuasive.
Familiar with international rtions, Thatcher could, with his professional knowledge, confirm that the rtionships listed were indeed urate.
This meant that the source of the "royal disease" trulyy with Queen Victoria. For the British, this was undoubtedly a crushing blow.
In such a religiously charged area as Europe, not being able to exin the source of the disease meant it was deemed a "curse."
The problem would be much greater; a "cursed" royal family¡¯s prestige would inevitably be affected, and the London Government might even face a round of power struggles.
Beyond internal issues, the greater troubley with external pressure. If someone with ulterior motives steered the issue towards conspiracy theories, they would draw a great deal of hatred.
Of course, these were issues for the London Government to worry about. If Thatcher were not the envoy to France, he too could just be a bystander without thinking too much about it.
Unfortunately, as the envoy to France, and with the scandal originating from France, he could not escape responsibility, regardless of his excuses and justifications.
If he could not resolve this issue properly, his political career would be at stake.
Upon returning to the embassy, Envoy Thatcher immediately reported the situation back home and of course, did not forget to first send a telegram to the Queen.
Since the royal family was involved, Thatcher still possessed that bit of political savvy.
Queen Victoria, who had long been hands-off with governmental affairs, had little friction with the government and boasted considerable prestige; even amidst this scandal, she would likely weather the storm.
inly speaking, the "royal disease" had only harmed the European Royal Family without affecting the lives of ordinary people; it would not shake the foundation of Queen Victoria¡¯s reign.
Raising the banner of a "curse" would at most cause the Queen some embarrassment. The British popce was unlikely to heed a few shouts from the French and go overthrow the Queen.
...
Not to mention the turmoil brewing in Queen Victoria¡¯s mind, the London Government was already in a frenzy, with Prime Minister Benjamin flipping over his desk in anger.
Foreign Minister Edward spoke righteously, "This is all the enemy¡¯s conspiracy; we cannot fall into disarray. The royal disease is merely a coincidence, and we absolutely cannot ept such nder!"
Denial! That was the only solution Edward could think of. Otherwise, the troubles for the London Government would mount, and if political turmoil erupted anew, they might have to step down prematurely.
The monarchy had not yet declined, and it wasmon in Europe for the Cab to take the me and responsibility on behalf of the Monarch.
Havinge to his senses, Prime Minister Benjamin dered decisively, "Exactly, this is all the enemy¡¯s nder. We must counterattack; the government will immediately organize medical experts to exin to the public.
The Foreign Office will issue a stern protest to the French government, demanding that they forbid such irresponsible statements, lest they affect the rtionship between the two countries."
Whether true or false was not important now; what the London Government needed was for it to be false. They didn¡¯t need everyone to believe, just as long as the majority of the domestic popce did.
Other issues, Prime Minister Benjamin would have to ignore for the time being.
Chapter 634 - 207: The Age of Free Trade
Vienna Pce, looking at the arranged content on the newspaper, Franz knew the European grandmother would no longer exist, or rather, would no longer be Queen Victoria.
It is estimated that for a long period in the future, the British Royal Family will be too preupied with their own troubles. A political crisis may not erupt, but political marriages will be difficult.
In order for the message published in French newspapers to appear as an idental discovery, Franz naturally couldn¡¯t exin the transmission path of the "royal disease."
The "royal disease" hasn¡¯t been rampant for long, and based on the current cases that have emerged, it can only be proven that the patients all share Queen Victoria¡¯s bloodline.
Many royal families in Europe have difficulties producing heirs, so for safety, everyone naturally shied away from Victoria¡¯s descendants. Even marrying below one¡¯s station is better than the extinction of a bloodline.
After indulging in schadenfreude for a while, Franz no longer paid attention. In times like these, the more one does, the more likely it is to slip up, and Franz never dared to underestimate the power of a nation.
...
Buckingham Pce, Queen Victoria hadn¡¯t lost herposure like this in many years. Even with several failures in foreign wars, she had managed to control her emotions.
But now, she had broken that streak. In this society with a strong religious atmosphere, the destructive power of a "curse" is too great. With such an usation, anyone would be unsettled.
Mainstream newspapers still knew to exercise restraint and, with the London Government¡¯s public rtions efforts, many papers even published news that medical experts debunked the rumors.
The street tabloids were different, they would do anything to attract attention.
From a medical standpoint, how could itpare to the allure of a "curse?"
Many newspapers directly linked Queen Victoria to witches, concocting a series of news stories.
Exnations were useless; the public loved to read about witchcraft, especially when it involved the Queen.
British domestic newspapers, perhaps, didn¡¯t dare to go too far, but papers on the European Continent faced no such pressure.
"The Untold Story of the Queen and the Witch," "The Curse of the Witch," "God¡¯s Punishment"...
Various shocking headlines were published on newspapers across the European Continent. As the saying goes, there¡¯s safety in numbers; with everyone publishing, the British were at a loss for a target for retaliation.
In the realm of thought, France had always been at the forefront in Europe. Plus, due to the rivalry between Ennd and France, ckening the British had always been a long-term job for French media.
True or false, public opinion directly attributed the "royal disease" to a "curse." They used the British ofmitting too many misdeeds, with the royal family consequently suffering the curse.
Incuding the Austrian media, none were idle; like most idle onlookers, they joined in the discussion.
Don¡¯t even think about hearing any good words; the British were so disliked that even the royal family had a bad reputation. Any newspaper that didn¡¯t join in the criticism had surely been paid off.
Vienna Pce, beneath the noisy and confused waves of public opinion, quietly made the decision to begin the uing Austrian economic conference.
Prime Minister Felix, "As of now, over ny-eight percent of peasants that have applied fornd redemption havepletely repaid their debts.
The domestic market has been expanding constantly in recent years, to a great extent due to the expansion of the rural market, thereby stimting industrial production.
However, this wave of benefits is nearing its end. From now on, the growth of the domestic market will gradually slow down.
If domestic enterprises cannot keep up with the pace of the times and actively expand overseas markets, they will face elimination in the new round ofpetition.
From the perspective of development, our domestic economy is about to enter a new phase. Our industrial production technology is generally no weaker than any country.
Continuing to protect the domestic market will no longer stimte economic development, it will only make our enterprisescent in theirfort zone.
ording to the theory of national economy proposed by Liszt, we have now reached the third stage of economic development¡ªopening markets, embracing challenges, and ushering in the era of free trade."
Prior to this, Austria had always implemented trade protectionism. Relying on domestic and colonial markets, Austriapleted its Industrial Revolution.
As of today, Austria has be the world¡¯s leading industrial nation, possessing the confidence to engage in internationalpetition.
Maintaining trade protection policies is obviously outdated, andunching a new round of economic reforms is imperative.
"Is it too soon to implement a free trade policy now? Many domesticpanies have not yet had time to change their mindset; we should give them more time," Tofucox, the representative of the Kingdom of Lombardy, objected.
There is no way around it,pared to other regions of Austria, the Kingdom of Lombardy¡¯s pir industries are concentrated in light industry, especially the cotton textile and raw silk industries, and there are even some handicrafts.
Compared to other industries, once the era of free trade begins, they will be the most impacted. Especially the cotton textile industry, which is the core pir of the British.
Austria¡¯s advantages mainly lie in emerging industries. Traditional industries don¡¯t have a clear advantage over the British and are even at a disadvantage.
Perversely, it¡¯s the unenterprising businesses that are concentrated in the traditional industries. Essentially, it¡¯s: if you can make money without trying, why bother with technological innovation?
This is not what Franz wanted to see: market survival of the fittest is inevitable. Companies that fail to see the progress of the times and just want to make money lying down are doomed to be eliminated.
Prime Minister Felix¡¯s face darkened, "We¡¯ve already given businesses time, haven¡¯t we?
As early as 1865, the Central Government issued a notice advisingpanies to constantly reform and innovate to keep up with the times.
In 1870, the Central Government issued another warning to domesticpanies, reminding them to enhance theirpetitiveness.
But what are the results after all these years?
While moring for the government not to interfere in the market, they also want the government to implement trade protectionism.
Have our domestic businesses really degraded to such an extent that they just grovel for survival?
The government gives businesses time, but who gives time to the country?
With such fierce internationalpetition, a country¡¯s development is like rowing upstream, if you don¡¯t advance, you will recede.
Instead of spending energy on thesecent trash businesses, better concentrate our efforts on supporting the more vibrant emerging industries.
Marketpetition is bing increasingly brutal, this is the naturalw of human development. If businesses can¡¯t withstand the challenge, then they might as well close their doors sooner rather thanter, to avoid wasting social resources."
Opening the market and entering the era of free-trade economy are both challenges and opportunities.
The problem facing the Kingdom of Lombardy is not unique; many businesses in Austria have simr issues. These businesses are afraid to face international marketpetition directly and have be blockers of free trade.
However, as emerging industries rise and upy an increasing share of the national economy, the calls for free trade are growing louder.
Today, in Austria, the voices advocating for free trade have already overshadowed trade protectionism. Seeing that the time is ripe for reform, the Vienna Government has decided to carry out economic reforms.
Tofucox was at a loss for words, having some integrity, he couldn¡¯t outright lie.
Even as a representative of the Kingdom of Lombardy, and being on the government¡¯s side, he couldn¡¯t just blindly speak for the capitalists.
This is just a high-level economic conference, the representatives of the capitalists don¡¯t even have the right to enter this ce; the atmosphere is rtively rxed.
Once we get to the implementation phase and expand the discussion, things are likely to get lively.
Franz was sure that, from the start of the expanded economic conference, supporters and opponents of free trade would be at each other¡¯s throats¡ªthings might even turn violent.
That¡¯s nothing, at government-organized conferences, capitalists might hold back a bit. The real cut-throat confrontations happen in public debates.
Knowing this, Franz would not interfere. Dividing the bourgeoisie has always been his established national policy. As long as the bourgeoisie is not united, the royal power is secure.
So far, the progress has been very smooth. Due to interests, conflicts often arise between emerging industry capitalists and traditional industry capitalists, and this economic reform is just a microcosm of that.
Chapter 635 - 208: Financial Markets
```
With the outbreak of the second industrial revolution, the total industrial output of countries grew exponentially, and the demand for markets and industrial raw materials increased day by day.
The Vienna Government was eager to promote free trade, not only for domestic economic development but also for undisclosed strategic purposes.
Once the era of free trade began, Austria, which held an advantage in emerging industries, was bound to amplify this advantage and set higher barriers for neers.
If progress went smoothly, in the near future, the following scenario would emerge: the United Kingdom dominating the traditional industries of textiles and shipbuilding, while Austria took the lead in the emerging industries of electricity,munications, and internalbustion engines.
It could almost be said to be a replication of the economic rise of the Second German Empire, except that Austria was somewhat more solidly founded, being Europe¡¯s leading agricultural exporter and supported by vast colonies.
The Anglo-Austrian two countries divided the industrial main body of the world, what about the remaining countries?
Especially France, which was next after the two countries, whetherpeting with the British in traditional industries or with Austria in emerging industries, they had no advantage.
It wasn¡¯t that they couldn¡¯t keep up technologically, but rather, the supply of industrial raw materials could not be resolved. Unliketer times, transportation was not as developed in this era. Once distances became too great, costs would rise.
Militarily defeating France posed too great a risk, as it had be a populous nation of nearly sixty million. Even if the Italians contributed nothing militarily, they could still offer logistical support.
When snipes and ms grapple, it¡¯s the fisherman who benefits.
Unless the war could be ended quickly and the opponentpletely crushed, the victor would be the fisherman.
A nce at the map and a modicum of military knowledge made it clear that France and Austria could not determine a winner in the short term, a result dictated by their geographical locations.
Byparison, economically defeating France was much less risky and had a higher rate of sess.
In the economy, Ennd, France, and Austria were allpetitors; even though the London Government liked to y with European bnce, that could only be a military bnce, not an economic one.
The economies of France and Austria had long been unbnced, and the British had no intention of helping France, which would mean aiding the enemy.
Forget strategy; capitalists have no such lofty integrity. Making money is always the first priority. Why refuse the chance to eliminate apetitor and make more profit?
The threat from Austria might be great, but that was a problem for the future; capitalists would not give up making money because of a potential danger.
The most typical example was the rise of the Soviet Union in the original timeline. In terms of sheer threat, this was much more terrifying than present-day Austria, yet for profit, capitalists would still cooperate with the Soviets.
In the age of free trade, the economy was determined by the market, and the government¡¯s interference was rtively limited. Taking the London Government of that era as an example, they hardly interfered with the market.
Without a doubt, once Austria joined the free trade system, those with vested interests would also push for both governments to unite and pull all remaining countries into the free trade system.
Undoubtedly, most European countriescked the resolve to refuse. Once everyone joined the free trade system, the French would be in trouble.
Joining the trade circle, theyckedpetitiveness. Not joining, they would find themselves in the awkward position of being isted.
France had already been ostracized on the European continent, and it had taken twenty years of effort by Napoleon III just to be reluctantly epted. ying solo now, they had reverted to their former state.
Perhaps one day the British would give up the free trade system, but they definitely would not do so in support of France. As long as the benefits outweighed the drawbacks, free trade would remain the British hallmark.
Looking at the current situation, as long as they didn¡¯t sabotage themselves, British industry andmerce could maintain theirpetitiveness for decades toe, thanks to their heritage as an established industrial powerhouse.
¡
Franz: "What¡¯s the domestic public opinion?"
Prime Minister Felix: "The voices of support and opposition are nearly equal, and both sides are quarreling fiercely. It¡¯s feared that a victor will not be determined in a short time."
Those supporting free trade were not only from emerging industries but also from the agricultural processing industry; they were Austria¡¯s advantaged industries, confident in joining internationalpetition.
Joining the free trade system and reducing import and export tariffs, these industries would all benefit.
Naturally, whenever someone profits, others stand to lose. For example, the cotton textile industry was the staunchest opponent; once they abandoned tariff barriers, the British would inevitably snatch a portion of their market.
Of course, if these enterprises werepetitive enough, they also had the chance to snatch the British market. After all, these industries were low-tech, with little technological gap betweenpetitors.
If it weren¡¯t for the higherbor costs in Austro-African colonies, it¡¯s likely the domestic cotton textile industry would have relocated. Once the era of free trade began, cost control became an essential part of business.
Franz: "Then provide them a tform, let supporters and opponents debate, and let the... public be the judges."
Franz had originally wanted to say "spectators," but as the words reached his lips, he felt it inappropriate and timely changed it to "public."
```
"Your Majesty, this might cause even greater disturbances. Many people have already applied to the police to demonstrate and protest," Prime Minister Felix advised.
Franz shook his head, "It¡¯s precisely because the situation has escted that it¡¯s necessary to let them debate. Without an outlet for venting, would these aggrieved parties be content?"
Having capitalists argue with each other is better than the government stepping in personally. Regardless of the oue of the debate, reform is necessary.
It just adds a buffer that shifts the targets of resentment for those who have suffered losses.
This is only right, as beneficiaries of the reforms, they can¡¯t just reap the benefits without taking on responsibilities. Attracting animosity is one of their duties.
...
Finance Minister Karl: "Your Majesty, our negotiations with the British have hit a snag. Overall, we have reached a consensus, but the British are demanding that we open up our financial industry.
Given the strength of our domestic financial sector, once we open up the financial market, it will be difficult for us to hold an advantage."
Not to mention holding an advantage, Austria¡¯s financial sector is even weaker than that of France, let alonepared to the British. If restrictions were lifted, we would essentially be destined to be thrashed.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz said, "Rxing financial restrictions is impossible. Domestic capital is already restricted; how could foreign capital not be? Continue the negotiations with the British. We can allow British capital into the securities market, but they must abide by relevantws.
If the British persist in fixating on financial issues, we¡¯ll just sign an agreement stating that neither country¡¯s capital will enter the other¡¯s financial market. That would be fair."
Austria has never prohibited foreign capital from entering its financial market, it¡¯s just that there are many restrictions. If you want to roam free in financial freedom, just wait to be confiscated by the regtory authorities!
Unlike the London Financial Market, where rule makers intentionally leave loopholes, the Vienna financial market is constantly being patched.
Finding a loophole in the rules doesn¡¯t mean you can make money; you also need to be quick enough toplete your operation before the regtory authorities catch on.
After years of patching up, there are now few loopholes left in Austria¡¯s financial market. Trying to shear the sheep without restraint has be much more difficult.
"Not entering each other¡¯s financial markets" is aplete joke.
For Austria, it doesn¡¯t matter. The domestic financial industry is still in the stage of capital umtion, and even if we wanted to reach out to the London Financial Market, weck the strength.
From the perspective of the British, it¡¯s a different story. The London Financial Market is the financial center of the world, attracting capital from all over the globe for spection.
Aside from a few lucky ones who manage to make money, the vast majority are harvested by the UK consortium.
For the British financial consortium, iing foreign capital is like sheep delivered to their door. Why reject these opportunities?
The British were the earliest toplete the Industrial Revolution, and they umted a vast amount of capital early on thanks to their advantage as the world¡¯s factory, leading to capital surpluses starting twenty years ago.
The rise of the United States in the original timeline was due to the British seeking to vent their excess capital; otherwise, the Chosen Country wouldn¡¯t have developed so easily.
Austria¡¯s rise was also aided by British capital in the early years. However, Franz took advantage of the economic crisis and the rule makers¡¯ edge to betray the British capital midway through.
Now, the British want Austria to open up its financial market, essentially because they have been spooked by the traps.
Triggering an economic crisis prematurely is one thing; it can be seen as ack of skill, and next time one just has to be more careful.
But restrictions due to rules, that¡¯s utterly disheartening. Many seemingly insignificant rules ordinarily have little impact, but when an economic crisis hits, they can often deliver a lethal blow.
And these rules are pre-established and public, part of the game rules. If they are missed, it¡¯s one¡¯s own fault, and they have no grounds forint.
The British employ simr tactics. The London Financial Market also has simr rules, specifically designed to trap uninformed foreigners.
But people are fond of double standards: exploiting rules to one¡¯s benefit indicates clever tactics; being outmaneuvered by someone else¡¯s rules is intolerable.
One learns from mistakes. After such experiences, British capitalists want to eliminate these rule restrictions.
Franz also found it difficult; he¡¯d like to tell the British that this waspletely unnecessary.
The same ploys can¡¯t go on forever, and as the market continues to regte, there simply aren¡¯t that many traps to set anymore.
Regrettably, no one would believe it if he said so. From the very beginning with the Vienna Government¡¯s creation of the water supply and railway monopoly projects to the premature detonation of the economic crisis not long ago, British capital suffered heavy losses.
From Austria¡¯s standpoint, these moves are normal y,pletely within the rules of the game; but from the perspective of British capital, they are enormous pitfalls.
Chapter 636 - 209: Ostensible Scheme
After half a year of negotiations, the United Kingdom and Austria finally reached an agreement. On November 12, 1877, representatives from both countries signed the "British-Austrian Free Trade Agreement" in Paris, officially incorporating Austria into the free trade system.
One must say the Paris Conference was aedy, initially intended to reconcile the contradictions between nations and eliminate international conflicts, but it failed to achieve its original purpose. Instead, it gave birth to several unrted treaties.
Thinking about it, it makes sense; after all, it was a meeting of high-level officials from various countries. How could they return empty-handed without achieving any results?
Going off-topic was inevitable, as everything was for the sake of political achievements. Up until now, the Paris Conference has produced a total of eight treaties, involving most countries in Europe.
This is only what is apparent. As for how many secret agreements were made behind the scenes, no one can know, but in any case, the Paris Conference was not held in vain.
...
At the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV mmed down his ss and cursed, "Damn the British, damn the Austrian fools, they must have done this on purpose!"
Napoleon IV¡¯s guess was not wrong; the Anglo-Austrian free trade negotiations actually took ce in Vienna, but they went to Paris to sign the treaty, which was strongly demanded by the British.
The reason is self-evident¡ªhow could the London Government not react to the French maligning Queen Victoria?
Diplomatic protests are ineffective at silencing the French; their newspapers dare to publish even the Emperor¡¯s scandalous news, let alone that of the British queen.
From the initial "curses" to now, the reportage has evolved to include gossip and even erotic novels with content that is too shameful to look at.
The channel cannot stop the spread of entertainment gossip. By distributing these newspapers and novels, they have long crossed the ocean into Britannia and have been secretly circted.
Whether the content is exciting or not is one thing, but this is too much of an affront to the nation¡¯s dignity, leaving the British public very dissatisfied. People demanded that the London Government put a stop to the French¡¯s deplorable conduct.
Of course, the British Royal Family should have yed a major role in this. Under pressure from all sides, the London Government naturally had to take action.
Since it is impossible to silence the French, it¡¯s better to create a major news story to divert attention and simultaneously reprimand the French.
The "British-Austrian Free Trade Agreement" undoubtedly serves as the perfect weapon, striking directly at the French¡¯s Achilles¡¯ heel. If not handled well, France, which is already falling behind, will truly be on the path to decline.
Finance Minister Allen, "Your Majesty, now is not the time to quibble with them. The urgent matter is to minimize the impact.
The United Kingdom and Austria have reached an agreement, and it won¡¯t be long before the two countries take action to persuade more countries to join the free trade system.
The only great European nations currently outside the free trade system are us and Spain. At all costs, we must stabilize the Spaniards; otherwise, we are in big trouble."
One must admit that British diplomatic tactics are formidable; over the past decades, they have sessively brought the Nethends, Belgium, Portugal, Prussia, Russia, and the Nordic Federation, among others, into the fold.
Now with Austria joining the free trade system, the remaining Switzend, the German Federation Empire, Greece, Montenegro will naturally also join it.
France is isted again, with only Spain remaining, who must be firmly secured at all costs. Fortunately, the Spanish royal family was established by Napoleon III, staunchly pro-French.
Foreign Minister Montero, "It is not that simple. The Spaniards may not stand with us this time.
The United Kingdom and Austria have too many bargaining chips at their disposal; they can offer a price much higher than ours.
Our main advantage is the pro-French Spanish Government. However, it¡¯s hard to say how effective this advantage can be when faced with interests.
The current situation is very clear, and it is our turn to make a decision. The semi-free trade model we¡¯ve had until now was workable before, but it has now be the worst choice."
The "semi-free trade system" was an economic policy formted by Napoleon III based on the actual circumstances of France, taking into ount economic policies from across Europe.
In simple terms, it entails implementing either tax exemptions or low tariffs on industrial raw materials France needs, while enacting trade protection policies for goods that can be produced domestically.
To some extent, before this, the economic policies of France and Austria were somewhat simr, both protecting their domestic industries andmerce.
Regrettably, Austria seized the opportunity of the Second Industrial Revolution, was the first toplete industrial transformation, and had agriculture as a support. Now, it already has the capacity topete on the international stage.
The situation in France is different; not only is itcking in natural resources, but its capitalists also dislike investing in manufacturing.
Even though Napoleon III encouraged the development of manufacturing, he couldn¡¯t change the nature of French capital¡¯s preference for usury.
The insufficient funds flowing into manufacturing meant industrial development inevitablygged behind. The core factor causing all this was essentially theck of industrial raw materials in France itself.
Although France was also a colonial empire, it was at the same time a desert empire. The vast majority of its extensive colonies were desert, resulting in rtively insufficient colonial output.
Coupled with the annexation of the resource-poor Italian Area, this made France¡¯s resource crisis even more severe, forcing reliance on imports.
Now, over seventy percent of the world¡¯s industrial raw material exports were monopolized by the Anglo-Austrian two countries. To strike againstpetitors, Anglo-Austria, holding the pricing power, artificially inted the market prices of raw materials.
Relying on imports for industrial raw materials meant naturally higher costs. In internationalpetition, French industrial andmercial products conspicuouslyckedpetitiveness.
Finance Minister Allen, "Your Grace, joining the free trade system sounds easy, but if we really implement it, we first have to consider whether our domestic industry andmerce can withstand the impact.
ording to data from the Paris Daily, the overall cost of industrial andmercial products manufactured domestically is 2.9% higher than that of the British, and 2.7% higher than Austria¡¯s.
But the fact that our domestic industrial production costs are high is a reality, and if we remove market protection and face internationalpetition, we will be at a disadvantage."
High industrial production costs present an unsolvable problem. Unless the cost of raw materials is driven down, there is no solution.
Napoleon IV, "If the cost of industrial production differs by just a couple of percentage points, it seems not to be insurmountable.
Capitalists from Britain and Austria also need to make money; they can¡¯t possibly sell at cost price, so domestic enterprises simply earn less.
The government can also reduce taxes to narrow this gap. As long as we survive the initial shock, I believe our domestic enterprises will be able to stand their ground in thepetition.
At the very least, we can rely on proximity and advantages to protect our local market, preventing the situation from worsening."
After hearing Napoleon IV¡¯s words, Finance Minister Allen was startled and hastened to dissuade, "Your Majesty, it¡¯s not that simple. This gap is the overall difference across all industries.
If we look at a specific industry, the cost gap could possibly widen to twenty to thirty percent, which is beyond what tax adjustments can offset."
Just kidding, newspaper published data, goodness knows how much of it is inted, whether it¡¯s through data analysis or outright spection, nobody knows.
The French government doesn¡¯t have a dedicated statistics agency; when data is required, it¡¯s the responsibility of economic experts to estimate, and then the government artfully maniptes it as needed.
Allen has no intention of changing this; as Finance Minister he knows too many truths, and unfortunately, the French public cannot ept the fact that they do not measure up to the Anglo-Austrian two countries.
Not to mention now; even after the Franco-Prussian War in the original timeline, the French public didn¡¯t admit they were inferior to Germany.
The First World War was said to be caused by Franco-German tensions, but in reality, it was also due to French pride. It was after World War I, when French arrogance was crushed, that led to the World War II debacle.
It¡¯s better not topile real statistics and admit to them than to not collect them at all, and just collectively feign ignorance.
The free trade system, it¡¯s fine to chant slogans during normal times, but if taken seriously, it could be the death of a country.
Apart from the financial industry which has an advantage, most of France¡¯s industries would be impacted. The emergence of a Usury Empire is not without reason.
Napoleon IV frowned deeply, there was no doubt he felt embarrassed again. This feeling was extremely unpleasant, making him seem like an unknowing emperor.
"So how do we resolve the current issue? Britain and Austria are working together on the free trade system, and most European countries have joined. The remaining countries will notst long either.
Soon, not just Europe, but the entire world will be covered by the free trade system. Can France really stay self-sufficient?"
Napoleon IV wasn¡¯t oblivious; rather, he saw things all too clearly. The British-engineered free trade system is a plot in broad daylight, unstoppable even when known.
Currently, French industry has not exploded, and can temporarily remain aloof. But once domestic industry andmerce develops further, faced with reality, France will still have to join.
Of course, there¡¯s also the option to challenge the world. In the original timeline, Germany did so because itcked raw materials and markets, and having no say within the free trade system, initiated war out of desperation.
France¡¯s situation is naturally much better than that of the German Empire, but a crisis still exists. Unless manufacturing development is foregone, the crisis will inevitably detonate.
Chapter 637 - 210: The French’s New Plan
Since ancient times, it has always been easy to discover problems but difficult to solve them. Everyone can see the developmental dilemmas that France faces, but finding a way out of these difficulties remains a puzzle.
Finance Minister Allen: "Your Majesty, learn from the Austrians and develop the colonies! France possesses more than ten million square kilometers of colonial territories; if these are exploited, we can solve the majority of our domestic need for industrial raw materials."
"Developing the colonies" was not a new proposal. As early as the era of Napoleon III, the French government had formted an ambitious colonial development n.
For this purpose, the French government alsounched arge-scale immigration n, sessively relocating millions of people from the Balkan Penins, the Italian Area, and the maind to fill the regions of North Africa.
The influx of immigrants did push the development of French Africa to a certain extent, but unfortunately, it ultimately ended in failure.
It wasn¡¯t that the French government didn¡¯t make an effort, but that effort was to no avail. Apart from developing some precious mines, other industries failed to take off.
This waspletely different from Austria, whose Austro-Africa could develop because there was a group of nobility andmoners who liked farming and developed ntation economies there.
As the number of settlers increased, the colonial government¡¯s ie rose as well, and the infrastructure gradually improved. After transport was enhanced, the surrounding mineral resources were slowly exploited, forming a virtuous cycle.
French Africa was different; the French had no love for farming. Everyone was only interested in the precious metals like gold and silver mines, and no one was willing to invest in low-return industries such as farms and ntations.
If the French were unwilling to invest, not to mention other immigrants. Even if they wanted to establish their own farms or ntations, they needed money in their pockets!
With private capital refusing to enter and total reliance on government investment, it naturally wouldn¡¯tst for many years.
Without the local economy developing, mining continued to rely on cheaper indigenousbor. Under these circumstances, the French colonial development ns quickly bankrupted.
Economic Minister Elsa: "Your Grace, restarting the colonial development n is not so easy.
The biggest problem is that the public is unwilling to invest in colonies, and even when they do, they are only interested in mineral resources, investing in other areas is too minimal.
Relying solely on the government¡¯s power to develop the colonies would require a cost too substantial to bear."
Finance Minister Allen: "We can increase government investment and implement policies to encourage people to go to the colonies for development. As long as we persevere, sess wille sooner orter.
No matter how great the cost, it must be done. France doesn¡¯tck technology; our industrial developmentgs behind that of the United Kingdom and Austria chiefly because weck cheap industrial raw materials.
If we cannot change the plight of being subject to others for industrial raw materials, our industry will never be able to develop!"
Economic Minister Elsa shook her head: "Your Grace, you should say this to the nationalists and idealists outside; they will probably support you.
In reality, we all know that the domestic nobility, capitalists, and even ordinary people don¡¯t think this way.
Shouting a few slogans is one thing, but when ites to actually investing money in the construction of colonial territories, the unavoidable issue of returnses first.
There is also a gap between colonies, and on the surface, we are the splendid thirdrgest colonial empire in the world; but we must admit that our coloniesg far behind those of the United Kingdom and Austria in terms of value.
Your Grace surely does not believe that the vast deserts have value, right?
After excluding these worthless areas, the remaining territories are less than one third. Arge part of thisnd, due to geographical conditions, is not valuable for development.
Even if it is developed, it may not meet domestic needs. At least the coal resources, where our shortfall is greatest, are not avable in French Africa."
This was a realistic problem. Like Austria, the majority of French colonies were concentrated on the African Continent and mostly situated in desert areas.
The harsh natural conditions and climate created the biggest challenge for the development of French Africa. Investment and returns not being proportional, capital naturally abandoned them.
Finance Minister Allen with uncertainty: "Coal resources are only scarce because they are under-explored in French Africa; it doesn¡¯t mean they do not exist. We have under-invested in these areas. Continue searching, and we will ultimately find them.
It¡¯s impossible that the vast African continentcks coal resources. With a little patience and sending out more prospecting teams, we will have harvests."
Allencked confidence when he spoke. France¡¯s coal shortage has been a long-standing issue, and to solve this, during the era of Napoleon III, arge number of prospecting teams were dispatched.
It¡¯s not that there were no findings; quite a few coal mines were discovered, but unfortunately, most had low reserves and were difficult to develop, rendering them economically non-viable.
To say that the prospecting teams didn¡¯t put in the effort would be wronging them. If the resources weren¡¯t there in the first ce, they couldn¡¯t just conjure up coal mines.
Minister of War Patrice MacMahon retorted: "Your Grace, that¡¯s theoretically possible. However, in practice, the distribution of mineral resources is determined by God, and it¡¯s not as if having argend area guarantees rich mines.
If we wish to solve the shortage of coal, it¡¯s better to look for solutions from our neighboring countries rather than cing our hopes in unrealistic dreams."
Patrick MacMahon, a member of the hawk faction in the French government, advocated for the seizure of territories west of the Rhine River, shing with Finance Minister Allen, who led the dove faction. (Belgium, Rhinnd, and parts of Baden)
Now that the subject had turned to coal resources, Patrick MacMahon immediately made the most of the opportunity to advocate for a strategy of expansion into the Central European Region.
Finance Minister Allen bluntly used, "Your Grace, if you can ensure the neutrality of the United Kingdom and Austria, I also wouldn¡¯t mind expanding into Central Europe.
If you can¡¯t achieve that, it¡¯s best to abandon such an impractical fantasy unless you want to experience another Europe-wide Anti-French war."
Minister of War Patrick McMahon sneered coldly and disdainfully said, "Coward!"
"The international situation is very clear now. Prussia and Russia have deep-seated hatred for each other, and the second Prusso-Russian war could break out at any time, leaving them powerless to interfere with our actions.
Without the involvement of Prussia and Russia, with the Spanish Government under our influence, the Italian Area annexed by us, Switzend dering eternal neutrality, and the Nordic Federation isted too far north to reach us, where would any Anti-French Alliancee from?
As long as we move fast enough and create a fait apli, minor countries like the Nethends and Portugal dare not send troops.
The British Army¡¯s strength is limited, the only real threat is Austria and what is there to fear in a one-on-one?"
The French, having not experienced the defeat of the Prusso-French war, were still brimming with pride. After the decline of the Russian Empire, the French government proimed itself as having the world¡¯s number one army, politically speaking.
Over time, ttered by their own press, the French military grew arrogant. Patrick McMahon was inevitably influenced and gradually scorned other countries.
Foreign Minister Montero warned, "Your Grace, a one-on-one scenario does not exist. The United Kingdom and Austria will undoubtedly join forces. Perhaps the army can disregard their threats, but the navy cannot.
If we cannot win the war promptly, we will face a prolonged blockade, and not to mention other issues, food alone is a major problem."
The French people were very confident about their own strength, boasting in the newspapers every day, and the Paris Government also had unprecedented confidence in its own power.
Of course, the high-ranking officials in the government had notpletely lost touch with reality; they were, at most, confident in their army. As for the navy, it was best to forget about it; the Royal Navy¡¯s prestige was too imposing for the French to challenge.
Finance Minister Allen waved his hand and said, "We¡¯re getting off-topic. Today¡¯s meeting is an economic one to discuss how to solve the problem of Austria entering the free trade system, not a military one."
It seemed casual, but it was actually a warning to Patrick McMahon that he was overstepping. The economic meeting was the government¡¯s job, not one for the military to interfere with.
Although the Minister of War was a member of the government, his authority in practice had been confined to the realm of the military, and government economic policies were none of his business.
...
Napoleon IV rubbed his forehead, not knowing when it had be a habit for the French government to argue.
A dispute in the cab was still harmonious, but if it were an expanded meeting, it might even lead to fisticuffs.
Disharmony among subordinates was naturally advantageous for the Emperor as an arbitrator, but it was greatly damaging to government efficiency.
By the time everyone had argued to a conclusion, it would be toote. To improve government efficiency, Napoleon IV often had no choice but to personally intervene in negotiations.
This approach was very harmful to imperial authority. But there was no choice; his subordinates wouldn¡¯t take orders from anyone else, so Napoleon IV had to step in himself.
For instance, the n proposed by the Finance Minister to restart colonial development was clearly not popr.
If Napoleon IV wanted to restart the colonial development n, he would have to personally endorse it.
Seeing that the arguing wasn¡¯t leading to a resolution, Napoleon IV interjected, "Let¡¯s not discuss whether the n works for now, but list out all the ns to see what options we have.
If we have no choice, even the worst n is better than no n at all. We cannot sit idly by; that would be a slow suicide!"
Clearly, their options were limited. Joining the free trade system meant they had to solve the problem of raw materials.
As for relying on capital forces to drive industrial technological innovation, to reduce production costs, to maintain marketpetitiveness, so as to keep their market share,
Sorry, that¡¯s idealism. France wasn¡¯tcking capital, but that didn¡¯t mean the French industrial sector wasn¡¯tcking.
Everyone was already reluctant to invest in the physical industry due to low returns. If they joined the free trade system, increasingpetition and further diminishing profits, could they still count on capitalists to invest?
Restarting the colonial development n might not be the best choice, but it was the only viable one at the moment.
Moreover, the n wouldn¡¯t see returns in the short term; it would take ten or twenty years to see actual profits.
Not to say that it couldpletely solve France¡¯s domestic shortage of raw materials, but achieving self-sufficiency for most industrial raw materials was still doable.
The prerequisite was that the French¡¯s ns seeded in truly developing the colonies; otherwise, things would remain as they were.
Driven by reality, with the support of Napoleon IV, the French government passed the "Restart Colonial Development n" proposed by the Finance Minister by a narrow margin.
...
Chapter 638 - 211: Sabotage
```
The French reinitiating their colonial development n has certainly caused quite a stir. Seeing Austria¡¯s sess, no one could be certain that the French would fail.
In recent years, France has been gradually losing ground in internationalpetition, the primary issue being that domestic economic development has hit a bottleneck, unable to keep pace with the likes of Ennd and Austria.
Especially in the past two years, France¡¯s economic growth rate drastically plummeted, whereas the economies of Ennd and Austria continued to skyrocket.
From total economic volume alone, Britannia, which had once been surpassed by France, is now showing signs of catching up again.
This is no minor issue; The British Isles have a total poption of just over thirty-one million, while present-day France boasts nearly sixty million.
By simply calcting per capita ie, the ie of the French people is only sixty percent of that of the British.
This is mainly due to the Italian Area dragging its feet, particrly Southern Italy, where the local economy is still agricultural and has seen virtually no development over the years.
If one calctes the total industrial output, this disparity bes even more stark. The industrial output of Great France is less than half of that of Britain, and only forty percent of Austria¡¯s.
As time goes on, this gap continues to widen. In this era, not everyone recognized the power of industry, but the stark reality of having no money was acutely felt.
During its peak, the financial revenue of France once came close to the British, and during the era of Napoleon III, they couldpete with the British in an arms race. Now, the fiscal revenue of France is only slightly higher than Britain¡¯s.
This is due to the butterfly effect. With the Italian Area split into two, it is hardly surprising that the peak period of Great France, plus half of Italy and its colonies, saw fiscal revenues close to the British.
However, there was a lot of fluff in this; the real economy made up a very small proportion, with the manufacturing industry ounting for only about ten percent of France¡¯s total economic volume, the rest being either agriculture or services, including a good part in the financial sector, which held thergest share.
What is hollow is hollow, and it cannot be solidified by beautiful lies.
Since thest economic crisis erupted, France¡¯s bubble economy had been burst. Without industrial pirs, the financial sector alone could not support an empire.
...
The Vienna Government, as the greatest beneficiary of colonial development, undoubtedly understood the benefits involved the clearest.
If the benefits were not significant, even Franz with all his persistence could not have brought Austro-African development to its present state.
Inyman¡¯s terms, once a colony is developed, there would no longer be any worry about industrial raw materials, and a market for goods would be established.
The market in Austro-Africa now is no weaker than Spain¡¯s, and when all of Austria¡¯s colonies arebined, the market is nearly asrge as the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s.
This is just the beginning. With over twenty million square kilometers, the development potential cannot be matched by the Prusso-Polish Federation.
It is precisely with this privately ownednd, coupled with arge domestic market, that Austria has risen to be the world¡¯s leading industrial nation.
Ever since the French restarted their colonial n, the Austrian Government had be vignt. The current dimension of the French Empire is substantial. If they were to resolve theirst shoring, it would pose a threat to Austria as well.
Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden: "The development of the French economy is constrained by industrial raw materials and is now nearing its limit. The French government¡¯s move to restart the colonial development n is clearly an act of self-rescue.
If the French n seeds, our goal to economically crush France will dissolve into nothing.
The European Continent is small and cannot amodate so many great powers. With the development of industry, conflicts between nations will only continue to escte and might even lead to a great war engulfing Europe.
If we do not take this opportunity to suppress France, it is inevitable that we will sh with them in the future, a situation not preventable by mere individual power.
For the enduring peace and stability of the Empire, it is necessary to eliminate this hidden danger in advance. I propose taking action against the French to sabotage their colonial development project."
It is necessary to be vignt; who else but the formidable Napoleon to me? Even after so many years, the Vienna Government has never rxed its guard against them.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "I oppose, the French colonial development n has already failed once, and whether it will seed this time is also unknown.
We should not, because of uncertain risks, prematurely drive France and Austria towards opposition."
```
```
"If we were to take action simply because there might be a threat, then the Prusso Federation, Russia, and Britannia all pose threats. Are we to make enemies with the entire world?"
Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden retorted, "It¡¯s not the same. The British are a maritime power, and although their threat to us is significant, it¡¯s not lethal.
The Prusso Federation and the Russian Empire are at odds, having exhausted most of their energies. All we need to do is to y the bnce between them.
Only France is an exception, like us, it¡¯s and power and its military strength is very close to ours, with our main advantage being economic.
If the French manage to fix this shoring, it¡¯s quite possible that the French government will once again embark on a path of external expansion. We certainly can¡¯t sit by and watch Napoleon¡¯s history repeat itself!"
Colonial Minister Stephen: "It¡¯s not so serious, colonial development isn¡¯t an overnight issue, it requires consistent investment over decades.
From the current situation, the French public is not enthusiastic about developing colonies, and the French government¡¯s investment in colonial development is limited.
Everyone is clear about the state of the French colonies. They are essentially deserts and wastnds, with not many areas suitable for human habitation.
French America and the Asian colonies are too far away and notrge in size; they can be temporarily dismissed, and the French likely won¡¯t be concerned with them in the short term.
The areas that truly have development potential are actually just French Algeria, Egypt, half of Tunisia, and half of Moro, and it¡¯s only a part of thend near the coast that¡¯s reasonable.
ording to the data we¡¯ve collected, these areas have rtively scarce mineral resources. Although many rich mines have been discovered, most remain undeveloped due to natural conditions.
The areas suitable for agricultural production won¡¯t exceed 400,000 square kilometers. Even if ntation economy is developed, whether it will be sessful under externalpetition is still uncertain."
(Note the arablend suitable for agriculture in the following countries: Algeria 210,000 square kilometers, Moro 220,000 square kilometers, Tunisia 70,000 square kilometers, and Egypt 35,000 square kilometers)
Such is the tragedy of the Desert Empire. The French upy less than thirty percent of the African Continent¡¯s territory, yet they hold three-quarters of its deserts.
As the world¡¯s third colonial empire, besides having arger size, its actual revenue doesn¡¯t necessarily surpass the Dutch, who are essentially affluent in the Southeast Asia region.
Prime Minister Felix: "We can¡¯t underestimate the French; they have a solid foundation. If the French government is determined, they have the financial strength to aplish the colonial development n.
Without saying anything about developing all the colonies, just by developing Algeria, Moro, and the Egypt Area, the French could increase theirprehensive national strength by twenty to thirty percent.
This is also a threat to us. However, this is a problem for the future, and it¡¯s too early to talk about these things now.
Taking direct action to sabotage the French colonial development n is too extreme; the situation hasn¡¯t reached that point. shing with the French prematurely is more trouble than it¡¯s worth.
For now, creating some trouble for them in secret to dy their colonial development n is enough. The longer we drag this out, the better it is for us."
Undermining their efforts is a given; Ennd, France, and Austria are allies but alsopetitors. If one can suppress another, no one would mind ying underhanded tactics.
Franz nodded in agreement, even if a fallout was inevitable, there was no hurry toe to that.
The French have only just announced a n that has yet to be implemented; we canpletely wait until they are midway through before taking action.
Some early disruption, much like what the French government did during Austria¡¯s time of colonial development.
However, at that time, the French were also busy with colonial expansion, with limited strength in the African Continent and not much resources to invest.
Later on, when arge number of immigrants poured into the African Continent, Austria¡¯s power there surged rapidly. Even if everyone wanted to undermine those efforts, it would no longer be possible.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg suggested, "The Paris Conference is about to conclude, and once everyone¡¯s spheres of influence are defined, taking any action would require considering the stance of all nations.
Our core objective is still to secure enough development time. If we want to dy the French colonial ns, it¡¯s best to do so from an economic standpoint and avoid a direct military conflict."
...
```
Chapter 639 - 212: Currency Hegemony - New Bimetallism
"Wee everyone to Austria Economic Online, I¡¯m your host Boni.
Today let¡¯s talk about a topic that concerns us all¡ªgold.
As we all know, gold is wealth, the ¡¯Divine Shield¡¯ that we use daily is issued based on a gold standard. It can be said that gold is closely rted to our lives; no one can do without it.
In thest month, the Vienna Gold Trading Market has seen gold prices rise by seven percent, hitting a two-year high.
We now connect with Professor Brigitte Foss, an economist who will interpret the impact of the gold price increase for us."
"Beep beep beep..."
Host: "Hello Professor Brigitte Foss, can you hear me?"
...
Brigitte Foss: "I can hear you."
Host: "Professor Brigitte Foss, the recent rise in gold prices has everyone very concerned.
Could you discuss the impact of rising gold prices on the global economy?"
Brigitte Foss: "Certainly, host."
"We all know that gold is a precious metal, typically used directly as currency or as a standard, and its price has always been stable, with little fluctuation.
The seven percent increase in gold prices over the past month can be said to be both unexpected and expected.
You might say that this statement contradicts itself and doesn¡¯t make logical sense, but in fact, it¡¯s not contradictory at all.
It¡¯s unexpected because gold, as a currency and standard, has an immutable value; under normal circumstances, even if fluctuations ur, they shouldn¡¯t be this significant.
However, besides being a currency, gold is also amodity. Since it is amodity, its price is determined by the market, and a short-term increase is a normal phenomenon."
"Looking beyond its role as a currency, if we analyze gold purely as amodity, the reasons for the price increase be clear.
The rise in gold prices at the Vienna Gold Trading Market is not an isted case. Almost at the same time, gold prices also rose proportionally at the London Gold Trading Market.
The direct cause of this price increase was due to an announcement two months ago by more than a dozen mining giants, including the South African Mining Group and the UK Doss Mining Group, to perform equipment maintenance, which reduced gold production capacity.
This decision directly led to a reduction of 20 tons in the amount of gold circting on the global gold marketst month, creating a supply shortfall that naturally drove prices up.
Equipment maintenance is temporary, and the mining giants need to make money; it won¡¯t be long before production capacity is restored.
Whether gold prices can immediately return to normal levels, however, is uncertain. As time progresses, the gold standard has be the mainstream of the era.
In recent years, the global economy has developed rapidly, and the demand for currency has also increased day by day.
The demand for gold as the standard has likewise been on the rise. However, the amount of gold mined has not increased at the same pace.
In order to meet the currency demand in the market, countries continue to leverage, and while the nominal exchange rate with gold has not changed, the risk of currency devaluation has already emerged.
This recent rise in the exchange price of gold and currencies of various countries includes these factors, as well as intion caused by excessive currency issuance by nations.
We don¡¯t need to worry about this aspect; the exchange value of the Divine Shield and gold remains stable.
Here I would advise everyone, if not urgently necessary, it¡¯s best not to holdrge amounts of foreign exchange.
Because no one knows when the money in your hand might be worthless.
From the current situation, several European countries have already experienced a de facto devaluation of their currencies. If these countries do not stop the irresponsible issuance of currency, it will eventually lead to disaster."
Host: "Professor Brigitte Foss, you just mentioned certain countries¡¯ gold reserves being insufficient, leading to intion.
So how should these countries deal with such a situation?"
Brigitte Foss: "The simplest method would be to adopt New Bimetallism.
Don¡¯t misunderstand, the New Bimetallism I¡¯m suggesting is not the traditional gold and silver standard but a more advanced Secondary Bimetallism.
For most countries, gold can¡¯t be gathered in a short period. If they still want to maintain the gold standard, then what should they do?
After research, I¡¯ve found that adopting New Bimetallism can perfectly solve this problem."
```
Simply put, it is to use reliable international currency backed by credit in ce of gold to act as the standard for issuing currency.
This is equivalent to using one portion of gold to act as the standard twice, issuing two portions of currency, while ensuring normal redemption. I call this method ¡¯New Bimetallism¡¯."
¡
Without knowing when it started, Franz also developed the habit of listening to broadcasts, although he knew it was all boasting.
The so-called rise in gold prices was actually the Anglo-Austrian two countries, gold-producing nations, artificially manipting gold prices to mount a blockade against other countries¡¯ currencies.
As for the so-called gold production capacity, isn¡¯t it up to the gold mining countries to decide?
In order to enhance their own currencypetitiveness, the Anglo-Austrian two countries have been controlling gold exports, creating trouble for theirpetitors on purpose.
For countries on the gold standard, not having enough gold reserves spells doom.
The demand for currency in the market won¡¯t decrease just because there¡¯s an insufficient gold reserve; inevitably, everyone must increase the leverage on currency issuance.
This is what the Anglo-Austrian two countries want to see: the higher the leverage, the greater the risk. It isn¡¯t obvious during good economic times, but any adversity could lead to an immediate copse, with no resilience to risk at all.
The Anglo-Austrian two countries are fiercelypeting for currency hegemony, but that doesn¡¯t stop them from joining hands to control the gold pricing, first striking at otherpetitors.
One could say that from the beginning, the gold standard was a huge pitfall set by the British for the rest of the world. This pitfall was an open strategy, and even knowing the risks, everyone had to jump in.
No matter what, gold is still rtively stable. Even though it can be manipted, it can¡¯t be overdone! If it gets out of hand, it would affect the interests of the Anglo-Austrian two countries as well.
It¡¯s not that no country has tried to escape this pitfall, but in the end, all have failed. It has been proven that countries ying with the silver standard ended up in even worse shape.
Headed into thetter half of the 19th century, silver has been in a consistent state of devaluation, with fluctuations far greater than those of gold.
As gold standard nations, the Anglo-Austrian two countries would stabilize gold prices for their own interests. The so-called market fluctuations are simply obstacles set against other countries¡¯ currencies.
The magnitude of these fluctuations is typically only a few points and doesn¡¯tst. Generally, after a few months, the market will return to normal.
Simply put, as long as governments buy into gold, its price immediately rises. Once they stop buying, the market soon returns to normal.
The rise is also targeted; there isn¡¯t such an issue when purchasing with British Pounds or Divine Shield.
If you want to import gold, you can¡¯t avoid tariffs, but if you directly use Divine Shield or British Pounds as standard currency, you can achieve the same goal and save on the tariffs for purchasing gold.
At its core, this is a means of promoting currency hegemony, albeit more subtly.
¡
After listening to a segment of the broadcast, Franz hung up the phone and said, "Frederick, go inquire about the progress on wireless radio development. This kind of interesting news should be shared with the entire world."
Before the invention of wireless radio, there was no way to talk about wireless broadcasting. Franz was listening to wired broadcasting, a technology that came with the birth of the telephone.
In simple terms, it is linking many telephone lines together to a single source of information.
This fancy technology naturally wasn¡¯t something ordinary people could enjoy. To listen to broadcasts, one needed at least a telephone and to pay a hefty broadcasting fee.
As of now, less than twenty cities around the world have ess to broadcasting, and there are even fewer than fifty thousand subscribers.
Austria was at the forefront of the industrial revolution, and its start in broadcasting was rtively early. Vienna has over five thousand paying users, making it the city with the highest broadcast coverage in the world.
This number is nearly at its limit. To raise the broadcasting coverage, wireless broadcasting would need toe into existence.
Given the limited listening audience, it was impossible for broadcast programs to be varied and colorful. Apart from news, there were only popr current eventmentaries, asionally interspersed with a few songs or jokes, passing as entertainment programs.
The only advantage might be the absence of advertisements, not because broadcastingpanies don¡¯t want to make money from them but because there are too few users to bring significant revenue.
Moreover, the current customers are high-end users who are notcking in funds; what they want is premium service.
Frederick shrugged his shoulders and replied, "No need, Father, I just visited yesterday. The progress is quite slow; the transmission distance is still capped at twelve hundred yards (approximately 1097 meters), and there can¡¯t be any obstacles in between."
There was nothing that could be done; after all, Franz¡¯s memory wasn¡¯t good. He hadpletely forgotten the principles of wireless radio; now everything depended on scientists¡¯ free y.
"Twelve hundred yards," this distance was far from Franz¡¯s expectations. It was barely suitable even for walkie-talkies, let alone wireless telegraphs.
Franz sighed, "Then let it be, let them experiment slowly. Scientific research is all about luck; rushing won¡¯t help."
These words were spoken to Frederick but were also a reminder to himself.
```
Chapter 640 - 113, Technology
As the 19th century reached itstter stages, the Second Industrial Revolution began to gather full momentum, and technology innovations emerged one after another.
As the birthce of the Industrial Revolution, Austria was among the first to reap the benefits of technological advancement, with the domestic economy charging straight onto the expressway of development.
By the end of 1877, eighty percent of Austrian cities had already embraced electricity, and the remaining cities were in the process of doing so.
The speed of this proliferation surpassed everyone¡¯s imagination, and the fundamental reason for all these developments was the progress of technology.
Nobody expected that power generation technology would achieve another breakthrough in such a short time. The power output of generators had increased, with the coal consumption reduced to 450 grams to 630 grams per kilowatt-hour.
The vast disparity was primarily due to the quality of coal. Austrian power nts were privately owned, and naturally did not require standardized coal quality imposed by the government.
Secondly, there was a gap in power generation technology. Different power nts began to see divergences in technological capabilities, and a new round of survival of the fittest was about to unfold.
While the cost of power generation decreased, the Austrian metallurgy industry also achieved breakthrough progress. The price of copper plummeted in the market, resulting in lower production costs for electrical wires.
The significant reduction in costs meant that establishing a powerwork was no longer a dream butid the decisive foundation for the proliferation of electricity.
The widespread avability of electricity brought more than just a revolution in lighting technology; it also apanied an industrial revolution. Machinery powered by electricity sprouted up like bamboo shoots after a spring rain.
In addition to electrical technology, there was also a major development in internalbustion engine technology. This epoch-making invention directly relegated steam engines to the scrap heap.
Of course, this would take time; steam engines were still mainstream for the era. Even Austria, at the forefront of the Industrial Revolution, had only just begun to experiment with internalbustion engine equipment.
But everyone had already seen the potential of internalbustion engines. Capital chases profits, and after realizing the tremendous potential of these engines, the number of enterprises developing them surged rapidly.
Especially for enterprises engaged in machinery manufacturing, failing to invest in new power research and development projects meant falling behind the times.
Quantitative change led to qualitative change; with more participants, results were inevitable. For instance, internalbustion automobiles were born ahead of time.
Of course, limited by power technology, cars of the era with internalbustion engines had no practical value yet. A car that needed maintenance after traveling just thirty or forty kilometers clearlycked economic sense.
The cars inmercial use on the market were all steam-powered. However, due to their excessive noise and unresponsive brakes, leading to easy idents in emergencies, they were banned from city use.
Although steam-powered cars were bulky, inconvenient to use, and slow-moving, they still had decent load capacities. Such ¡¯ck technology¡¯ was typically active in mines.
asionally, some fearless tycoons would use these steam-powered behemoths as luxurious cars. It was impossible not to notice them; where would you put a steam engine if the car were any smaller?
Franz always admired these brave souls. Without their daredevil spirit, Austria¡¯s automobile industry would not have developed so quickly.
As the saying goes, where there¡¯s a market, there¡¯s production. It was after realizing the demands of the wealthy that automobile enterprises began to research and develop internalbustion engine automobiles.
Of course, there were deviations. Franz knew some were working on electric cars.
Not by using batteries¡ªthis eracked the technology¡ªbut by directly installing a small generator and then an electric motor as the propulsion system.
Whether it was feasible or not, Franz didn¡¯t know. In any case, such cars were bound to berge.
With increasing size came increasing weight. To get such a car to move, the power of the electric motor would have to be increased, and the power of the generator boosted as well.
It was a vicious cycle; therger the power output required by machinery, therger its size and the greater its weight, causing the problem to feed back into itself.
From this perspective, such futuristic cars lost marketpetitiveness during the development process.
Technological innovation ismendable, and even if it ends in failure, there are still valuable lessons to be learned.
Upon reading this news, Franz merelyughed it off without any intention to interfere.
For a business to survive in the long term, it must be willing to make detours and learn from experience.
If apany¡¯s leadersck vision or judgment, sooner orter it will fail. Businesses like that are simply not worth saving.
Being half a step ahead makes one a genius, a full step ahead makes one a madman. Franz didn¡¯t know what leading by several steps would make one¡ªprobably a martyr!
Who knows? Many scientific and technological innovationse about by ident and then flourish unexpectedly. If apany is lucky enough to create valuable by-products on the path to failure, it can still make a fortune.
Take, for example, making electric motors smaller and more powerful, or miniaturizing generators; these are feasible under the current industrial conditions.
There are many simr cutting-edge projects, such as the electric-powered train.
In the end, research on the electric-powered train failed, but it inadvertently led to the invention of trams.
This turned out to be fortunate, as the heavily invested Austrian Railway Company switched its focus and began to work on urban transportation.
Trams are clearly morepetitive than horse-drawn or steam buses, and several cities in Austria have now adopted this advanced means of transport.
Unliketer times, where a project from inception to use needs years or even decades to poprize, the situation was different.
Capitalists back then were undoubtedly more proactive. Generally, it took only a few months, or at most a year or two, for new products to be promoted to the market.
The main factor is profit. Many industries are just starting out, without many interest groups to hinder progress.
Since horse-drawn buses and steam buses were heavily subsidized infrastructure projects, the Austrian Government naturally wouldn¡¯t reject more advanced and cost-effective trams.
There were sesses, and of course, there were failures. For example, some tycoon came up with a "moonnding project," and Franz could only sigh at the whims of the wealthy.
In this age, dreaming ofnding on the moon is just that¡ªa dream. It¡¯s better to go to sleep and achieve it in dreams.
The project is still in its infancy, with no results yet. However, it¡¯s already generating a lot of buzz, with dozens of wealthy individuals domestically funding the venture, aiming tounch the era of interster exploration.
If this project can persist for a hundred and eighty years, there might be a chance of sess, but it would probably take twice as long to generate economic value.
Regardless, this kind of scientific spirit is definitely worth encouraging.
If nothing unexpected happens, the moonnding project should receive the 1878 Austrian Best Technological Innovation Award, while the interster project will likely win the Most Promising Project Award.
These awards were specially established by Franz to encourage technological innovation.
The application conditions are simple, with just two requirements: either the project has achieved some preliminary results, or the investment exceeds one million Divine Shields.
Of course, there¡¯s a premise: the scientific project must benefit humanity.
Awarded projects are entitled to apply for free research space, with half-off water and electricity bills. Local governments will also actively cooperate with the project teams.
Tax exemption goes without saying¡ªall scientific research projects in Austria are eligible for government tax relief, provided they are subject to government oversight of research funding, to prevent moneyundering under the guise of scientific research.
Theoretically, whether or not the project ultimately seeds, as long as it has social recognition and you¡¯re willing to invest in it, you have a chance of winning an award.
Both the moonnding project and the subsequent interster project are money-consuming ventures that have gained wide social recognition.
These are just honorary awards, not too difficult to win. The real grand prizes for scientific research are bestowed by the Royal family, including cash rewards and even titles of nobility.
However, to win, one must have tangible scientific achievements, and if it¡¯s theoretical research, it must also be collectively acknowledged by the scientificmunity.
The "Contribution to Science Award" is not handed out annually¡ªit¡¯s conferred every three years, without division by field, and solely based on the technological achievement.
Foreign scientists can also apply; Franz does not discriminate.
That, however, is in theory. Domestic scientists in the Austrian military tech sector can be awarded, but foreign military tech experts are out of luck.
Tough luck¡ªafter all, the award is there to validate the sess of the technology. Military technology is strictly confidential; one can hardly expect to win an award and then show the results to the Austrians!
Come on, can everyone really trust the integrity of the Austrian judges not to use these technologies for themselves?
If someone dared to do this, Franz would certainly not be stingy with the reward. He would be willing to deal with all the repercussions that follow.
Chapter 641 - 214: Outbreak of the Pacific War
Early in the morning, Franz had just finished his morning exercise and had not yet had breakfast when Foreign Minister Weisenberg hurried over with bad news.
"Your Majesty, our embassy in Bolivia has sent word that two days ago, Chilean forces invaded Bolivia, disrupting the bnce in South America."
The reason the Austrian Government was concerned about this war was mainly due to the saltpeter trade. Because of the colonial rtionships in South America, Austria¡¯s rtions with Chile and Argentina were not particrly good.
After the discovery of rich saltpeter deposits in Bolivia¡¯s coastal Atacama province along the Pacific in 1863, it became a major import area for Austria¡¯s saltpeter.
With the increase inmercial trade, rtions between Austria and Bolivia warmed significantly, almost reaching the status of close allies.
However, the strategic focus of the Vienna Government was not on South America; the resources invested in the region were very limited, without further action.
Nevertheless, as a major power on the international stage, it certainly yed the role of a troublemaker. The reason it didn¡¯t gain much fame was mainly that its British counterparts were too dominant, overshadowing everyone else.
A small investment does not mean no investment at all. The Vienna Government did support its allies in South America, but the rtionships were not deep, merely partnerships.
Bolivia was one of them and received military assistance from Austria. Unfortunately, the Bolivian government was not very astute, swinging back and forth as Ennd, France, and Austriapeted with each other in South America.
Swinging back and forth requires capital; with it, this is flexible diplomatic policy, but without it, it¡¯s like walking a tightrope. Undoubtedly, Bolivia was a country without capital.
As for the trade in saltpeter, it seemed important, but in reality, it was just so-so. For Ennd, France, and Austria, getting cheap saltpeter would be better; without it, they could produce it on their own.
In an era without chemical fertilizers, the demand for saltpeter was not very high. Even if the cost of producing it themselves was higher, it wouldn¡¯t pose a challenge for the three major powers.
Moreover, Bolivia was just one saltpeter exporting country, far from a monopoly. Chile, its neighbor, was also an exporter of saltpeter.
History once again proved that being indecisive gets nowhere. After failed attempts at courtship by all sides, Bolivia was abandoned, and Chile leaned towards the British.
During the period of independence wars, Chile and Bolivia were allies, fighting together against Spanish colonial rule. However, it¡¯s easy to share hardships, but hard to share wealth.
The sovereignty of the Atacama Desert, on the border of Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, had never been clearly determined during the Spanish colonial rule.
After independence, Bolivia took control of the Antofagasta area in the central Atacama Desert, Peru upied the northern Tarapaca region of the desert, and Chile took the southern region. All three countries dered sovereignty over the desert area.
If this desert had been devoid of resources, the matter might have been left unresolved. Unfortunately, not only did this area have resources, but they were also very abundant, leading to conflict.
Chile was the stronger of the three and now backed by the British, it possessed the qualifications to use force.
Concerned, Franz asked, "Have the British intervened?"
Franz was not interested in the background or the oue; in the end, it all boiled down to interests. Right or wrong, in international politics, is, in fact, the least important aspect.
In the Imperialist era, discussing right and wrong typically meant either the sides were evenly matched or a major power was involved; otherwise, justice only belonged to the victor.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "So far, we have not found any signs of British intervention. From the standpoint of interest, maintaining stability in South America is more in line with British interests.
If Chile wins the war andpletely monopolizes saltpeter exports, that¡¯s not what the British would like to see.
Of course, that¡¯s just the analysis of apparent interests. If the British have a secret agreement with Chile, that¡¯s a different matter.
Our rtionship with Chile is very cold, and our local strength is limited. In the short term, we do not have the ability to confirm whether the two parties have undercover dealings."
Franz paced back and forth. He had not paid much attention to South American history and vaguely remembered that there was once a Pacific War between Chile and Bolivia and Peru.
He waspletely unclear about the exact time, the events, and the attitudes held by the powers. Even if he had been clear, it would have been of no use due to the influence of the butterfly effect, the international situation had already changed dramatically.
Franz: "Setting aside external factors, who do you think will win this war?"
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "I am more optimistic about the Chileans. Militarily, Chile is clearly superior to Bolivia.
Although in recent years Bolivia has learned military tactics from us, the Bolivian government is too foolish.
If they had only learned the military systems of any single powerful European country, they might have been sessful. Instead, they chose to learn from multiple countries at once and ended up with a misfit army.
Just from a military standpoint, Bolivia¡¯s chances of victory are close to zero. However, with intervention from other countries, things be less certain.
Rtions among South American countries are intricatelyplex, and it¡¯s hard to get a clear picture in a short time. This war, sparked by the ownership of the Atacama Desert, also involves Peru.
Among the three countries, Chile currently has the strongest military power. Neither Peru nor Bolivia alone can match the Chileans.
Withmon interests at stake, it is very likely that the two countries will join forces. If Bolivia and Peru set aside their differences, the direction of this war bes difficult to predict."
Franz was very hesitant about whether to intervene in the South American war or not. The main issue was still input and return; he was not sure if the final oue would be proportional.
Austria¡¯s power in the South American region was limited, and relying solely on the forces of Austrian South America, there was simply no qualification to intervene.
As for the military forces of Austrian Central America, they could not be easily deployed either, otherwise the bnce in North America would be disrupted. Without sufficient power to deter, no one could guarantee that the United States and the Confederate States wouldn¡¯t take advantage of the situation.
It certainly wasn¡¯t worth the risk to venture into the South American war. Franz still knew his priorities; it was the growth of the United States that was the threat, not Chile, which wasn¡¯t even worth mentioning.
To make any significant impact, Chile would have to annex Argentina. This was clearly impossible, not to mention whether the great powers would agree, Argentina was not weaker than them.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a decision, "Let¡¯s wait and see for now, and maintain neutrality as long as our interests are not harmed."
This was the safest approach, as Austria¡¯s interests in the South American region weren¡¯t significant enough to warrant a substantial investment.
Even if they were to intervene, it would have to be that they were asked to intervene, not offering themselves up on a tter.
Once nationalism rises in small nations, they all share amon problem, which is the loss of self-awareness.
Intervening before they sort out their victory or defeat would win no one¡¯s gratitude.
...
It wasn¡¯t just Austria that chose to observe the situation; Ennd and France also opted for observation.
South American countries had numerous conflicts, and the war between Chile and Bolivia might even trigger a major South American melee.
It would clearly be a passive move to get involved prematurely. If they backed the wrong side, even the great powers would suffer heavy losses.
Not to mention, a market for goods could bepletely lost. Under normal circumstances, small South American countries don¡¯t have the audacity to say no to major nations, but that could change if someone backs them up.
...
In Bolivia, since the war with Chile erupted, President Irion Dasa was having a hard time.
Unlike the fervent nationalists within the country, as a national leader, Irion Dasa still had self-awareness.
Militarily, Bolivia was indeed no match for Chile. Not only that, but Bolivia alsocked international support.
It wasn¡¯t his fault. Bolivia hadn¡¯t entered the era of democracy yet, and the so-called government elections were essentially controlled behind the scenes by the military caudillos.
The people behind the scenes wanted to y bnce among the great powers, and the government that was put forward could naturally not refuse. However, such diplomatic bncing was not easy to y, and Irion Dasacked the ability to manage it.
Now that war had broken out, not a single country among the great powers was explicitly supporting them.
It should be noted that from the perspective of observers in this era, Chile was the one who invaded Bolivia first.
Under normal circumstances, public opinion should sympathize with the victim. In such a context, at the very least, there would be a verbal condemnation of Chile¡¯s military invasion.
However, Bolivia¡¯s diplomatic bncing had only failed a few years ago, and the governments of Ennd, France, and Austria were still holding grudges. Globally, the Bolivian government had been having a tough time in recent years.
Now that the three great powers haven¡¯t made a statement, other countries, unconcerned with the matter, naturally wouldn¡¯t risk offending the major powers by seeking justice for Bolivia.
President Irion Dasa: "Gentlemen, the war has begun. This war rtes to the fate of Bolivia, and we cannot afford to lose.
If we are defeated, we will not only lose our most vital source of wealth¡ª the saltpeter mines; we will also lose our most important ess to the sea, forever bing andlocked country.
For the great Republic of Bolivia, I hope everyone will do their utmost, striving to win this war."
Foreign Minister Preta Gul: "Your Excellency, the issues on the battlefield must be resolved by the military. Besides doing good logistical work, the only thing we can do is seek solutions outside the battlefield.
To increase our chances of winning in this war, I propose we temporarily ally with Peru, who has as many conflicts with Chile as we do, and jointlybat the Chileans."
Left with no choice in this nation dominated by military factions, Preta Gul, despite knowing full well that Bolivia was no match for Chile, dared not say it outright, only resorting to artistic touches to beautify the reality as much as possible.
President Irion Dasa nodded: "Hmm, that¡¯s a good proposal. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should quickly send someone to contact the Peruvian government; as long as their demands are not too excessive, we can agree to them for now, as we are in need of allies.
Are there any other proposals?"
...
Chapter 642 - 215: Behind the Scenes
Before the nations of Europe had dered their positions, the situation in South America had changed again. Under the pressure of mutual dependence, Peru chose to ally with Bolivia, and the Pacific War broke out in full scale.
With the entry of Peru into the war, the situation in South America became even moreplicated. Initially, Chile had the upper hand against Bolivia, but with Peru¡¯s involvement, the situation changed and it appeared that the opposing forces were now evenly matched.
When military strengths areparable, diplomacy is put to the test. In those days, the influence of the great powers was considerable, especially when the contenders were evenly matched. Whoever gained the support of the great powers could obtain the proverbialst straw that broke the camel¡¯s back.
¡
London, Downing Street
Foreign Minister Edward: "The situation in the countries of South America has always been problematic. The war between Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, aside from being about the mineral disputes in the Atacama Desert, is more about diverting internal conflicts.
Nearly all South American countries have territorial disputes with their neighbors, and most of these countries have serious internal strife and the need to divert internal conflicts.
If we do not intervene in time, more countries will be drawn into this war. Once a full-scale war breaks out in South America, a new reshuffle will take ce, which is not in our interest.
At present, both warring parties are seeking our help. Considering traditional friendships, I suggest we support Chile in winning this war."
South American countries seem to be independent, but in reality, they are still economic colonies of European nations, just disguised in a somewhat more ptable form.
Without question, the United Kingdom took thergest share. As described in British newspapers: "Argentina is our ranch, Peru is our silver mine, Chile is our mine¡"
As the greatest beneficiary, the British naturally do not want to upset the status quo.
As long as it is just a war between Chile, Peru, and Bolivia, the British have the power to control the situation. If a full-scale war breaks out in South America, it will no longer be up to the London Government to decide.
Times have changed; recently France and Austria have been rtively idle and have long been coveting the British interests in South America.
Once the cards are reshuffled, the three nations will inevitably engage in a new round ofpetition. Can the British maintain their current advantages?
This is a question worth pondering.
Economicpetition is also a war, just without the smoke of gunfire.
If we let the data speak, we¡¯ll find that nearly sixty percent of South American foreign trade is with the British, with the remainder shared among other European and American countries.
Prime Minister Benjamin: "Have the Chileans agreed to our terms?"
In Britain, "traditional friendship" and "interest" are usually equivalent. If the Foreign Office advocates supporting Chile, there is only one exnation¡ªthe Chileans offered a higher price.
As for the rtionship between the two countries, that is secondary. Britain has many underlings, and if they had to support every underling, the London Government would have nothing else to do.
Foreign Minister Edward: "Of course, in addition to pegging the Peso to the British Pound, the Chileans have also promised that if we help them win this war, we will obtain the rights to develop the mineral resources in the Atacama Desert.
The Atacama Desert has the world¡¯srgest deposits of saltpeter. By controlling this, we would control the saltpeter market.
Whether for strategic value or economic value, it¡¯s worth our intervention."
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, Prime Minister Benjamin made a decision: "Try again to see if we can obtain exclusive rights, or at the very least, ensure that third-party authorizations require our approval first."
Promoting currency hegemony is the core objective, while controlling the saltpeter market is incidental. Prime Minister Benjamin is clear about the priorities.
"No problem!" Edward said confidently.
Thanks to the world¡¯s foremost Royal Navy, the United Kingdom¡¯s voice overseas has always been strong. Even France and Austriabined have no way topete with them in South America.
From a power perspective, whoever gains the support of the British will have the advantage in the war.
...
Inside the Presidential Pce in Santiago, President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia was meeting with a group of special guests.
"Your Excellency, we have finished our part, and now it¡¯s time for you to fulfill your promise," said a middle-aged man clothed in luxurious attire, his smile unable to conceal the pride in his eyes. What seemed like a calm conversation was actuallyden with warnings.
The frown on President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia¡¯s brow revealed his difort with the middle-aged man¡¯s attitude. However, as a politician, he managed to control his emotions.
He replied cheerily, "Rest assured, Sir Locks. As long as we win this war, the rights to mine the Atacama Desert will be yours.
Since the war is still ongoing, even if I wanted to fulfill my promise now, it¡¯s impossible to execute!"
There was no choice; the British had always been low on integrity. If they got everything they wanted beforehand, who knew whether they would just sell it off?
President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia did not have the power to influence the London Government and had to resort to indirect tactics, trying to influence the London Government through British capitalists.
Behind the scenes, this war was also instigated by British capital. The core objective was to monopolize the nitrate trade and to promote the hegemony of the British Pound.
Compared to Bolivia, which brought in the powers of Ennd, France, and Austria for a bnce of power, Chile was much simpler, always clinging to the coattails of Britannia.
Locks shook his head, "No matter, we can sign a treaty first. Fulfilling the treaty can wait until after the war; I have plenty of patience."
President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia was worried, and equally, Locks himself was very concerned. One should not assume that just because he was British there wouldn¡¯t be any unexpected developments; in fact, there was plenty ofpetition within Britain itself.
If they did not sign a contract early, other domestic forces might snatch the opportunity. The capitalist had no integrity when it came to their interests.
For the London Government, it didn¡¯t matter who was in control as long as the meat was in the pot. Locks certainly didn¡¯t want to work hard only to make a bridal dress for someone else in the end.
After a short pause, Locks added, "Your Excellency, I heard that Your country¡¯s newly formed troops arecking weapons, and I am willing to personally sponsor a battalion¡¯s equipment."
Seeing that President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia was tempted, Locks continued to raise the stakes, "All equipment currently in use by the British Army, plus an extra one million rounds of ammunition and five thousand artillery shells."
After much hesitation, President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia shook his head. He wanted the weapons and equipment, but it was problematic to ept them.
Locks¡¯s face fell, "Equipment for two battalions!"
President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia seemed lost in inner turmoil, struggling to decide.
Locks: "Three battalions¡¯ worth of equipment!"
"That¡¯s my final offer. If Your Excellency still can¡¯t ept, then I¡¯ll have to seek coboration elsewhere."
"Deal," President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia answered with difficulty.
It was once again proven that there¡¯s nothing military equipment can¡¯t solve¡ªif it doesn¡¯t work, it¡¯s because there wasn¡¯t enough equipment.
The countries of South America were unstable, and Chile was no exception. Election wasn¡¯t the only way to presidency, but military support was indispensable.
In such circumstances, no matter who became president, it was imperative to maintain the interests of the supporters behind the scenes.
Military equipment was undoubtedly the best bribe for the army, and even if President An¨ªbal Pinto Garmendia wanted to refuse, the people behind him would not allow it.
Chapter 643 - 216: The Dissolution of the Russian-Austrian Alliance
Diplomatic alignments can sometimes be very straightforward, ever since the British decided to support Chile, Bolivia and Peru had no choice but to seek support from France and Austria.
International trade is a minor issue; with such small national scales in South America, if it weren¡¯t for their rich resources and the promotion of currency hegemony, the great powers would not have taken notice of them.
One can tell by the poption figures, approximately 2.2 million in Chile, about 2.75 million in Peru, and around 1.3 million in Bolivia.
With such small poptions, and all being agricultural countries, expecting arge internal market is clearly imusible.
Chile is rtively wealthy, mainly due to its saltpeter exports, and its military is the strongest among the three nations.
Peru has silver, but unfortunately, the price of silver has been declining over the years, drying up the Peruvian government¡¯s purse.
Bolivia can be said to be the most tragic; having just discovered saltpeter mines and enjoyed a few good years, war broke out.
Undoubtedly, all three countries were unable to fund the war efforts in one go, and loans were inevitable.
In the Vienna Pce, Franz was approving a special loan, with the debtor generously offering the mineral resources of the Atacama Desert as coteral.
"Considering the current situation, how likely are Peru and Bolivia to win the war?"
Chief of Staff Albrecht: "Purely analyzing military strength on paper, the General Staff conducted a quantitative analysis based on the number of troops, weapon equipment, training status, past war records, and logistical support capabilities of the three countries.
The military strengths of the three nations are: Bolivia 1, Peru 1.8, Chile 2.1.
Theoretically, Bolivia and Peru had an absolute advantage; however, most of the time on the battlefield, it¡¯s the Chilean forces that are pressing Peru and Bolivia.
Bolivia and Peru, despite having a numerical advantage, have only united in name; there¡¯s absolutely no coordination on the battlefield, and sometimes they even sabotage each other.
If the cooperation issue of the Peruvian and Bolivian armies isn¡¯t resolved, their chances of winning the war will not exceed fifty percent."
This is amon problem in all joint operations, with Bolivia, Peru, and Chile all iming sovereignty over the Atacama Desert.
The current alliance between Bolivia and Peru does not mean that their territorial disputes have disappeared; they are simply forced to unite because of theirmon enemy, Chile.
In such a context, backstabbing on the battlefield is more than normal.
Franz: "Tell the Bolivians that we are not interested in the saltpeter of the Atacama Desert and ask them to provide other coteral.
If there is no suitable coteral, they can mortgage their domestic mineral resources to us, including gold, silver, copper, iron, oil, or natural gas."
Not being optimistic about Bolivia¡¯s chances of winning the war does not prevent Austria from supporting Bolivia in this war. Just the linkage of the "Boliviano" to the Divine Shield makes it worthwhile for Austria to support them from behind.
If it weren¡¯t for the fact that the mineral resources of the Atacama Desert had already been promised to the British by the Chileans and Austria¡¯s inability topete with John Bull in South America, Franz might have already sent people to stake a im.
Of course, the most crucial factor is theck of sufficient interest. Although the Atacama Desert is the world¡¯srgest source of saltpeter, it doesn¡¯t mean there are no saltpeter mines elsewhere, and there¡¯s also the possibility of synthetic saltpeter.
Initially, Franz was ready to bring Peru on board, but unfortunately, the French beat him to it. Austria¡¯s reach into South America has been too brief, its influence too weak.
If it weren¡¯t for the fact that Chile and Peru had already cozied up to Ennd and France, Franz doubted that Bolivia would even consider Austria.
Finance Minister Carl reminded: "Your Majesty, Bolivia¡¯s domestic precious metal mines have already been pledged away.
Copper, iron, and othermon minerals, although discovered in abundance,ck developmental value. Oil and natural gas are new energy industries, whether Bolivia possesses them is an unknown factor.
If we were to take these as coteral, the risk of the loan would increase substantially, and domestic banks might not ept."
Franz came to his senses; Bolivia¡¯s industrial capacity is limited, and heavy industry is virtually non-existent, practically zero.
Without the capacity for local smelting, mined ore has to be transported for sale; with the transportation conditions of the era, these mineral resources naturally lost their economic value.
Oil and natural gas needn¡¯t be mentioned, just beginning to be utilized, their importance is unapparent, and naturally, nobody¡¯s willing to explore at great cost.
After considering all angles, Franz realized these resources wouldn¡¯t be needed for some time. They may not even be useful for a hundred years, and early nning is utterly nonsensical.
Austria had already dered neutrality in the war, and this loan to Bolivia would naturally proceed as a civilmercial loan model, with the government simply brokering to collect a contract performance guarantee fee.
Considering the current situation, the likelihood of the Bolivian government winning the war is quite small; they are likely to follow in the footsteps of the original time-space and lose the war, naturally having no money to repay the debt.
If the coteral is worthless, private banks will not be convinced. If the government negotiates terms but no bank is willing to lend, wouldn¡¯t it be embarrassing?
Coming to his senses, Franz did not feel embarrassed at all, and promptly corrected himself, "Since the precious metal mines are gone, these things can only be considered as add-ons. The Bolivian government muste up with something else for coteral."
Lacking coteral? That¡¯s impossible. After all, it is a nation; how could it have nothing of value? If it reallyes to it, they still havend, don¡¯t they?
"Defaulting" on debts, there was no need to worry. It was still the 19th century, and it wasn¡¯t just once that debt collection by force had urred. Unless it was with a behemoth like Russia, where the cost of collecting debts was simply too high, and everyone had to concede defeat.
¡
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Your Majesty, our alliance with the Russians expires in just three months. The Tsarist Government¡¯s representatives for negotiations have already arrived in Vienna."
Whether to renew the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the opinions within the Vienna Government were divided, including Franz himself, whose position wavered several times in the process.
It wasn¡¯t that everyone¡¯s will was not firm; ultimately, it was the interests that tempted. Whether to continue the alliance or to abandon it, both contained a multitude of interests.
Over the years, the economies of Russia and Austria had essentially be tied together. Austria imported industrial raw materials from Russia and after processing, exported the finished products back to the Russian Empire.
Since 1854, the two countries had be each other¡¯s most important economic partners. At the peak, trade with Russia once ounted for two-thirds of Austria¡¯s total foreign trade.
With the rapid development of Austria¡¯s economy and its industrial andmercial products continually opening new markets, this figure began to decline year by year.
Even now, trade with Russia remained the most important part of Austria¡¯s foreign trade, upying 29.7% of Austria¡¯s total import and export trade volume.
If Russia¡¯s economy had not failed to keep pace, meaning its domestic market growth was too slow, this proportion would have been evenrger.
Without a doubt, the Russian-Austrian Alliance had made an important contribution to the economic exchange between the two countries and promoted bteral trade.
There were advantages and certainly disadvantages too; the Russian-Austrian Alliance also limited Austria¡¯s expansion. For instance, during the Prusso-Russian war period, the Vienna Government missed the opportunity to kick the Tsarist Government when it was down.
Limited further expansion could only be seen as a minor issue. The European Continent was notrge enough to allow for much expansion, and too much trouble would ensue from it anyway.
The main issue was international image; the Russians were hugely unpopr. The existence of the Russian-Austrian Alliance meant Austria shared the burden of pressure.
This restrained the traditionally flexible diplomacy of the Vienna Government, often leaving it without room to maneuver.
Economic benefits were not without cost; Austria was Russia¡¯srgest creditor.
It was bad enough that they lent money, but the Tsarist Government had a bad reputation when it came to credit. It often could not fulfill its obligations normally and even defaulted on a significant amount of Austrian debt.
Failure to repay debts is definitely the most unpopr behavior. The Austrian financial sector was a solidly anti-Russia faction, and consequently, the public¡¯s impression of Russians was also negative.
In agriculture, the two countries were inpetition. Austrian farmers bitterly detested the Russians for disrupting market prices, who werepetitors that undermined the market.
Austrian farmers were not powerless rural peasants; a significant number were from the nobility. These individuals were victims of Alexander II¡¯srge-scalend development policies and naturally despised the Tsarist Government.
Franz asked stoically, "Do you think there is a need to renew the alliance now?"
History seemed to repeat itself, as in the original time-space, the German Second Empire faced agricultural friction and subsequent conflict with the Russians, and now Austria was in a simr situation.
Of course, there were differences; apart from the nobility and farmers being anti-Russian in Austria, the financial sector also despised the Russians due to debt issues, with only the domestic industrial andmercial sectors supporting the renewal of the alliance.
Finding himself in a simr position, Franz somewhat understood Wilhelm II¡¯s diplomacy of distancing Germany from Russia in the original time-space.
When it came to interests, it was not something personal power couldpensate for, and even the Emperor had to consider the domestic public¡¯s stance and not go against the majority.
Prime Minister Felix cut to the heart of the matter, "Continuing the alliance, it has some economic use, but is of no strategic value!"
Minister of Agriculture Hols, "The economic value is not significant either. We are now in an era of free trade, and the tariff advantages we once had no longer exist.
Even without the Russian-Austrian Alliance, at most we would lose part of the Tsarist Government¡¯s procurement, which would have a negligible effect.
After many years of effort, numerous aspects of Russian industry rely on us and even if the Tsarist Government wants to cut us off, they must endure the losses that would result."
This was a major reason for the confidence of the Vienna Government. Austrian industry had its own system, and it followed a different standard than that used by Ennd and France¡ªit waspletely ipatible.
Russian industry was heavily influenced by Austria from the beginning, as the capitalists, seeking cheaper options, directly adopted Austrian standards.
It wasn¡¯t a big deal that they adopted Austrian standards, but the critical part was that Russian industry had not formed aplete industrial system and relied on machinery and equipment imported from Austria.
To back out now would mean that most of their industrial equipment would have to be scrapped, and the Tsarist Government simply could not afford such losses.
Chapter 644 - 217: Preparing for Battle
The end of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, like a thunderp from a clear sky, instantly shocked the world.
What Pacific War, disputes over the free trade system, secrets of Queen Victoria¡ªall these hot news topics were pushed aside.
Anyone with even a slight political sense knew that the global politicalndscape was about to be reshuffled.
With the Russian-Austrian Alliance gone, thest barrier constraining the Prusso-Polish Federation no longer existed. The Berlin Government would not wait for the Russians to prepare beforeunching a war.
Over the years, both Prussia and Russia had been preparing for war, and both nations¡¯ military industries and transport had achieved breakthrough developments.
Due to the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the Russians and Austria had conducted in-depth cooperation in the military industry. To save costs to the greatest extent, the Tsarist Government¡¯s bureaucrats directly copied the Austrian military industry system.
In the long run, thisplete replication would doom the independent R&D capability of Russia¡¯s military industry, leading to disastrous consequences.
However, in the short term, it significantly enhanced Russia¡¯s military industrial strength, advancing it directly to the world¡¯s top level.
What does military industrial development rely on?
There are many integrated factors to consider, but to sum it up, it can be encapsted in two words¡ªspend money!
The Tsarist Government was self-aware, recognizing that its R&D capabilities were poor and the funding insufficient, so they simply cooperated with Austria.
The Prusso-Polish Federation was different; from the beginning, the Kingdom of Prussia had been on the path of independent R&D. Constrained by funding, Prussia¡¯s domestic military industry had actually fallen behind.
The British couldn¡¯t help them in this aspect; John Bull¡¯s (Ennd¡¯s) army equipment was very mediocre. It wasn¡¯t that their technology wascking, but rather that the British Army was too small in number, and equipment procurement orders too few, so military enterprises naturally didn¡¯t want to spend a lot on R&D.
This situation persisted until just before the Prussian territorial trade. With the change of ownership in the Rhinnd region, the barrier between Prussia and France ceased to exist, and it was natural for the Berlin Government to cozy up to the French.
In recent years, military-technical trades between Prussia and France have be increasingly frequent.
Of course, Prussia and France were not allies, and the French had no need to care for the Prusso Federation, so the cooperation in military industry between the two countries was not as deep as that of the Russian-Austrians.
The cooperation was limited to technical exchanges, and going further was impossible. At least until Prussia and France unified their industrial standards, perfect integration could not be achieved.
Theoretically speaking, with unified Russian-Austrian industrial standards and the Tsarist Government¡¯s direct copying of Austrian military industry, they should have had an advantage in the arms race.
Unfortunately, Russia¡¯s industrial base was too weak andcked a sufficient number of skilled industrial workers. With the same production equipment, the products made by Russians tended to have a higher defect rate.
This gap in quality brought the military industries of Prussia and Russia to the same level. Even if there were gaps, they were limited to individual pieces of military equipment and did not represent a generational difference.
Compared to the military industry, changes in transportation were even more apparent.
Just a few years after the establishment of the Prusso-Polish Federation, the Berlin Government began construction of 10,000 kilometers of railways in the Polish Region; one-third is already in operation, and the remaining segments are expected to bepleted within the next two or three years.
It wasn¡¯t just the Polish Region that was fervently building railways; other areas of Prussia were also active. For example, the Lithuanian Region had nned 2 main lines with auxiliary branches, totaling a staggering 4,000 kilometers.
As of now, the total operating rail mileage of the Prusso-Polish Federation has reached 26,000 kilometers. Once the Berlin Government¡¯s n ispleted, the total rail mileage of the Federation will break through 37,000 kilometers.
This figure will allow the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s total rail mileage to surpass that of France, bing Europe¡¯s thirdrgest railway power, second only to the Russian-Austrian.
While the Prusso-Polish Federation is striving to build roads, Alexander II, who has realized the importance of transportation, has not been idle either.
In just ten short years, the Tsarist Government has started work on 34,000 kilometers of railways, of which 26,000 kilometers are now operational. Adding the previous railways, the total rail mileage in operation by the Russian Empire is approaching 30,000 kilometers.
Looking at the numbers alone, the Russian Empire seems to have surpassed the Prusso-Polish Federation, but in reality, the situation is quite the opposite.
The territory of the Russian Empire is more than twenty times that of the Prusso-Polish Federation, yet the gap in total railway mileage between the two is less than 15%. The disparity in transportation between the two countries is evident.
Now, both are racing against time, and there¡¯s no doubt that the Prusso-Polish Federation has the upper hand. Due to geographical constraints, Russians are inevitably at a disadvantage in railway construction.
Don¡¯t be fooled by therger total rail mileage of the Russian Empire; its transport capacity still can¡¯t match that of the Prusso-Polish Federation. This is determined by the climate: as soon as winteres, Russian railways cannot guarantee full-load operations.
In terms of transportation, for Russians to reach the current level of the Prusso-Polish Federation, they would have to build at least 150,000 kilometers of railways. This is only to connect the main cities in European Russia, considering Asia, not even double that would suffice.
Clearly, this is impossible. The Berlin Government will not give the Russians so much time. Should the Tsarist Government solve the transportation issue, they¡¯d have to cheat somehow, otherwise, they¡¯d stand no chance in a fight.
The whole world is focused on the news of the dissolution of the Russian-Austrian Alliance¡ªaside from the political impact of this alliance, the key reason is that its dissolution is tantamount to dering a countdown to the Prusso-Russian War.
The idle spectators can¡¯t help bute out and pontificate. Obviously, the Tsarist Government, the main actor, goes without saying. As soon as the bad news came, Alexander II smashed countless artifacts in anger.
"Damn Habsburg scum, a bunch of treacherous traitors..."
Curses resounded in the Winter Pce. It¡¯s no wonder Alexander II was so angry; to continue maintaining the Russian-Austrian Alliance, they had already made significant concessions and extended goodwill through various channels to the Vienna Government.
Nevertheless, it was all in vain. Not to mention a renewal for another thirty years, even extending the alliance until five yearster was rejected by the Vienna Government.
Alexander II¡¯s reforms are essentiallyplete. What is missing now is time to turn these reforms into national strength. It can be said that every day now is of vital importance to the Russian Empire.
The Russian-Austrian Alliance bought time for Austria to develop in peace, and now it is time to buy time for the Russian Empire. With Austria suddenly dering its exit, how could Alexander II bear it?
They don¡¯t need much, just to drag it out for five more years, and the Russian Empire will have the strength to easily defeat the Prusso-Polish Federation.
It is a disparity in scale, as well as potential for development. Although the development speed of both countries is very fast, the Prusso-Polish Federation has already reached its peak, while the Russian Empire is just getting started.
An angry Tsar is terrible, and none of the ministers wanted to provoke him. Seeing the adverse situation, Alexandrovich braced himself and persuaded:
"Father, now is not the time to be angry. Since the Russian-Austrian Alliance will no longer be renewed, the obstacle that restrained the Prusso-Polish Federation from waging war no longer exists."
"Hmph!" bellowed Alexander II. "What¡¯s there to fear? Is the great Russian Empire incapable of defeating its enemies without Austria?"
Alexandrovich: "Of course not, it¡¯s just that the current situation is very critical. We have made major concessions, and yet the Vienna Government still refuses to yield. There must be some secret deal behind this.
We can boldly specte that there is a backdoor deal between Prussia and Austria. The Berlin Government¡¯s chips are limited; the only thing that could tempt the Vienna Government is..."
```
Having said all that in one breath, Alexandrovich himself almost believed it. Of course, at its core, it was just a stepping stone, and nobody would actually believe that Prussia and Austria had conspired together.
For political figures, controlling their emotions is the least they can do. It¡¯s true that Alexander II was angry, but not to the point of losing control. His anger served to mask the diplomatic errors he¡¯d made since taking power.
It couldn¡¯t be helped¡ªthe man had taken a pro-Prussian stance at the start. With the legacy of a screw-up like Peter III, Russia¡¯s tolerance for such matters had significantly decreased.
Even though Alexander II had made the right choice and sharply changed his political stance, the initial pro-Prussian and anti-Austrian diplomacy still faced internal criticism.
Now that the Russian-Austrian Alliance had been terminated, there was definitely a group within the country ready to ce the me on him. The nobility, whose interests had been hurt by the reforms, had been looking for an opportunity to cause trouble, and Alexander II had to prevent this from happening at all costs.
This was why Alexandrovich pinned the responsibility of ending the Russian-Austrian Alliance on the Prussia-Austria collusion.
The pride of the Russians still mattered. No matter what, the Russian Empire could not tolerate Austria uniting Central Europe, as it would mean the end of their dream to dominate Europe.
The Tsarist Government could not yield on the issue of Teuton unification. Thus, the fracture of the Russian-Austrian Alliance made sense. It merely suggested that the Berlin Government had a lower threshold forpromise on this matter.
Whether it was true didn¡¯t matter, what counted was that it was politically viable.
After a brief silence, it seemed as if Alexander II was adjusting his emotions. "s!"
"Enough, what¡¯s done is done. Let¡¯s discuss how to deal with this situation instead!"
The rupture of the Russian-Austrian Alliance had been anticipated by the Tsarist Government. From the moment the government chose to join the British pound-gold standard, the split with Austria was inevitable.
Minister of Army Hellemed: "Your Majesty, without the Russian-Austrian Alliance, we no longer have exclusive control over the initiation of war.
Looking at the current situation, the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s railway n could bepleted in three years at most, two at the earliest, while our railway n will take at least five years.
We no longer hold the advantage in terms of time. The enemy won¡¯t give us that much time. We now face two options.
Either initiate the war now while everyone is unprepared, or prepare our defenses and wait for the Prusso-Polish Federation to be ready to attack us."
"Five years¡¯ time" is just a theoretical number; everyone knows that the Russian Empire¡¯s transportation issues can¡¯t be resolved in five years and at most could connect the main cities.
Of course, reaching this point would suffice. It would practically match the state of the Russian Empire¡¯s European transportation before World War I.
We¡¯re a bit behind, but at least we can support millions of soldiers on the front line. This number is enough to fight a war against the Prusso-Polish Federation.
The poption of the Russian Empire is 2.8 times that of the Prusso-Polish Federation, and it has a much higher capacity for casualties. The odds are very good in a war of attrition.
It¡¯s a shame they don¡¯t have that much time and now must choose. This war is extraordinary. The Tsarist Government can¡¯t afford to lose, as a defeat would mean the Russian Empire wouldn¡¯t recover for decades.
The breathing of everyone present became heavy all at once, clearly indicating that this was a difficult decision.
Minister of Internal Affairs Mikhail: "We can¡¯t wait for the enemy toplete their ns. Right now, they are busy building railways, and arge amount of capital is tied up. The resources they can allocate to war are limited.
```
Once the enemypletes their n, the situation will be different, and they will be able to focus all their financial resources on the war.
Times have changed. The international situation has undergone dramatic changes, and we are no longer enough to make Ennd and France wary. The British will not support the Prusso-Polish Federation as they did in thest war.
As far as I know, the financial situation of the Prusso-Polish Federation is also very bad. If it weren¡¯t for the sale of the Rhinnd region, they would have gone bankrupt long ago.
Once war breaks out, the Berlin Government will quickly fall into financial distress. A government with limited repayment ability, faced with an uncertain war, will not find it easy to borrow from the outside world."
War is about money. After the Near East War and thest Prusso-Russian War, the Tsarist Government has sobered up, no longer believing that the second Prusso-Russian War could end quickly.
If the war continues, it will be a battle of financial resources. As for the military, the Tsarist Government is not short of troops; as long as there is money, there will be soldiers.
The poor finances of the Prusso-Polish Federation are mainly due to the financial issues of the Polish Government. After selling thend, Prussia averted a financial crisis.
It is obvious to anyone that the Polish region could be a battlefield at any time; naturally, no capitalists are willing to invest in railways there.
Currently, the railways being built by the Prusso-Polish Federation are almost entirely funded by the government. This is clearly not enough with just the government¡¯s annual tax revenue; incurring debt is inevitable.
Byparison, the Russian Empire is in a slightly better situation. Its vast territory means that even if war breaks out, it will be at the borders, and investors are still willing to invest in the railways of the hearnd areas.
For instance, the railway from St. Petersburg to Moscow is an investment project of the Austrian Railway Company.
This is normal; even those who are optimistic about the Prusso-Polish Federation do not believe they can march all the way to Moscow. Wilhelm I is not Napoleon; hisbat strength is not that overpowering.
Finance Minister Coxsar shook his head, "Your Excellency, let¡¯s not forget that our finances are not much better.
Despite being prepared in advance, the treasury still cannot produce enough war funds in a short period of time."
War is a gold-devouring monster; it is normal for a war to consume several years, or even more than a decade, of financial revenues. It can be said that arge-scale war is the greatest disaster for finance.
Unfortunately, the Russian Empire has experienced such a disaster twice in just thirty years, and now it is about to embark on a third.
The Russian Empire indeed has arge family business, but no matter how solid the foundation is, it cannot withstand such turmoil.
Financial revenues are obviously not sufficient; no matter how much the government extorts and plunders, it cannot gather enough war funds from taxes alone.
The best source of war funds is still to finance through the financial markets. Regrettably, the Tsarist Government does not have enough credibility; striving for international market financing might as well be a dream.
Minister of Internal Affairs Mikhail remained unmoved, "If there¡¯s no money, go and raise it. If we can¡¯t raise enough funds domestically, then look abroad.
London, Paris, Vienna; any one of these financial markets has the capacity to provide us with sufficient funds. As long as the benefits offered arerge enough, do we still fear not being able to borrow money?
There is no need to consider the cost; this war is not something we can avoid just because we don¡¯t want to fight.
The price we pay now, no matter how great, cannotpare to the losses we would incur if the war were lost."
Chapter 645 - 218: Fundraising
```
By evening, the Russian Empire¡¯s embassy in Vienna was brightly lit, with the asional sounds of music drifting out¡ªthere was no doubt a diplomatic reception was underway inside.
There weren¡¯t many attendees; the host had only invited envoys from countries with good rtions with the Tsarist Government and some of the Russian nobility in Austria.
Such diplomatic receptions were held almost monthly and were hardly noteworthy. The only point of interest was that Foreign Minister Weisenberg had personally attended the banquet.
Before the rupture in the Russian-Austrian Alliance, Weisenberg¡¯s presence here would not have been surprising. But times had changed; as Russian-Austrian rtions began to cool, Weisenberg¡¯s appearance merited deep contemtion.
...
With a snort, Weisenberg couldn¡¯t help but spray the wine from his mouth. His eyes widened as he stared at the Russian Envoy Alexander Nikyevich Her: "Your Excellency, are you certain this is no joke?"
Nievich nodded seriously and assured him solemnly, "No!"
Having said that, he held Weisenberg¡¯s gaze unflinchingly.
After a brief pause, Weisenberg tly refused, "This is impossible!"
"How much does your country¡¯s financial revenue amount to? 5 Billion Divine Shields far exceed your government¡¯s debt capacity. Do not forget that your country still has a massive amount of debt unpaid."
Fortunately, the two were conversing in a corner, undisturbed by anyone unacquainted with tact. Otherwise, it would have caused a sensation throughout the venue.
"5 Billion Divine Shields" was no small figure, equivalent to 250 million British Pounds or around 1830 tons of gold, rtive to the annual fiscal revenue of thebined Ennd, France, and Austria.
As for loans, Austria had never provided Russia with such significant funds, not even during the heyday of the Russian-Austrian Alliance.
Of course, it¡¯s not as if the Tsarist Government hadn¡¯t considered borrowing earlier; it was mainly because Austria had not been wealthy in the preceding years. Despite its profound imperial history, Austria had only really prospered in the recent few years.
Capital umtion takes time, and even as it became the world¡¯srgest economy, Austria¡¯s financial sector still had limited capital.
Now nearing France¡¯s level and still a long way off from Ennd¡¯s, what propelled Austria was industrial wealth, not financial wealth.
5 Billion Divine Shields could be raised, but subsequent to that, Austria would face a domestic money shortage.
It was not just Austria¡ª even Britain, with its wealth of capital, would disturb the entire financial market if it were to dispense such a vast sum all at once.
Wealth and cash are two different concepts; the gap between paper wealth and liquid assets is immense.
Of course, this difficulty is only immediate. Given enough time, Ennd, France, and Austria would all be capable of assembling such funds.
One need only look at the Franco-Prussian War to see: the French lost 20 billion Francs (equivalent to approximately 1.6 Billion Divine Shields) during the war, andter paid reparations of 5 billion Francs (about 400 million Divine Shields), clearing the debt within a short three years.
Weisenberg rejected the offer outright, without even proposing conditions; the crux was the Tsarist Government¡¯sck of credibility. Lending money to the Russians now would be like throwing meat buns to a dog¡ªa total loss.
The Russian Envoy Nikyevich argued resolutely, "Your Excellency, we are very sincere this time. For the loan interest, we are willing to offer a monthly rate of 0.5%; this profit..."
Weisenberg cut him off, "Forgive me for being frank, but with your government¡¯s reputation, not a single bank would dare lend you money.
It doesn¡¯t matter if it¡¯s a monthly rate of 0.5% or even a daily rate; who would dare to issue a loan that¡¯s doomed to be irrecoverable?"
ording to the conventions of international loans of that era, one would have to deduct fees for procedures, exchange, guarantees, plus principal and interest for one year and any recurrent lending; indeed, a monthly interest of 0.5% was very generous, let alone any additional conditions.
All the favorable terms matter little if the stake is "poor credibility." High returns are only meaningful if the money can be recovered.
Nikevich rushed to rify, "We can provide real assets as coteral. If we fail to fulfill the debtter, your country may retain the pledged goods directly."
Weisenberg looked at Nikevich and said chillingly, "If your country can offer gold as coteral, there would naturally be no problem.
Not to mention 5 Billion Divine Shields¡ªeven 10 Billion would be lendable by me, and I could even waive the interest."
Nikevich frowned, a bitter feeling welling up inside. If they had so much gold to offer as coteral, the Tsarist Government would have already set their printing presses in motion.
In the age of the gold standard, gold was wealth. Whether it was used to back currency issuances or as currency itself, there were no issues.
"Your Excellency, this joke is not amusing at all. If we had that much gold, why would we need a loan?"
It was a fact; 5 Billion Divine Shields was about 1830 tons of gold. Aside from Ennd and Austria, no third country had such a reserve of gold.
Private holdings aside, if one ounted for civilian gold, then India and the Far Eastern Empire would surpass that figure.
Nikevich¡¯s remarks reminded Weisenberg that the Tsarist Government still had a significant amount of gold in its hands.
```
"Your Excellency, the Envoy, that¡¯s too modest. As far as I know, your country has always been a gold-exporting country; how could you possibly be in need of gold?"
"How about this? Your government can deposit the gold standard for ruble issuance into the Austrian National Bank and use this gold as a guarantee.
In consideration of the friendship between our two countries, I can decide to waive the interest for you. Your government can obtain arge sum of money for use without paying any cost."
"Gold-exporting country"¡ªthis was not what the Tsarist Government wanted. Even though the gold production of the Russian Empire was not low, the demand was also great!
Due to issues with credibility, the ruble, apart from being used domestically, was hardly recognized in international settlements, forcing the Tsarist Government to resort to using foreign exchange or gold for settlements.
In order to push forward with industrialization, the Russian Empire had been importingrge quantities of machinery and equipment in recent years. To address the trade deficit, the Tsarist Government had no choice but to fill the gap with gold.
Wessenberg suggesting that the Tsarist Government deposit gold into the Austrian National Bank was naturally not out of consideration for the Russians but rather to amass more funds.
Withdrawing gold was easy, needing only a decision from the Tsarist Government. Redeeming it back? That was a joke.
The Tsarist Government was borrowing money now to raise funds for war. As soon as the Prusso-Russian War broke out, this money would quickly be consumed in the conflict.
Even if they won the war, for a long time toe, the Tsarist Government would not have the funds to redeem the gold.
One-way outflow¡ªthat was dangerous. It seemed like a financial maneuver to obtain a huge amount of funds, as if it was a gain, but in reality, this waspletely based on the continuous friendly rtions between Russia and Austria.
If one day the two countries turned against each other, and the Vienna Government swallowed up these gold reserves, the ruble would instantly be worthless paper.
After understanding the risks involved, Nievich immediately rejected the proposal, "That¡¯s impossible. Your Excellency, the Minister, we can use territory as coteral, but not gold."
Wessenberg smiled faintly, not directly responding, and the two hastily ended their conversation.
...
The next morning, the documents for the Tsarist Government to raise war funds were ced before Franz.
"The Tsarist Government wants to start the war early, it seems Alexander II is reallymitted this time, even willing to mortgage his own territory.
If they had done this earlier, thest war wouldn¡¯t have been such a disastrous defeat. People always need to suffer losses before they learn their lesson!"
Prime Minister Felix said, "Although that¡¯s true, without experiencing failure, how can one understand the consequences of failure?
The Tsarist Government is learning from their past defeat, shedding their invincible arrogance, knowing now to be grounded in reality.
War is all about money. To some extent, the key to deciding the oue of this Prusso-Russian War is no longer military but based on how much war funding both governments can raise.
With the size of the Russian Empire, as long as there is sufficient war funding, they could even wear down the Prusso Federation by attrition."
"Wear down the Prusso Federation," this concept shed through Franz¡¯s mind briefly. This was the ideal scenario without external interference. The Berlin Government wasn¡¯t foolish; forming alliances was a must.
"Send people to watch the financial circles closely and monitorrge capital movements. Both the governments of Prussia and Russia are penniless, without enough funds, a war cannot start.
War, like a gold-consuming beast, is hard to finance. Only we and Ennd and France have the resources, and nobody¡¯s money just falls from the sky.
Without sufficient interests, Prussia and Russia will find it very difficult to raise the necessary funds. Geo-politically, we are the ideal creditors, and only we dare to eptnd as a mortgage.
The Russians havee to our doorstep, so we should quickly ascertain the Tsarist Government¡¯s bottom line to secure the greatest benefit for Austria."
Franz did not bring up gold as coteral for loans, who would not put their lifeline in someone else¡¯s hands unless absolutely desperate. This was far more serious than a territorial mortgage.
A territorial mortgage, severe as it seems, has a controlled risk. As long as the war is won, even if the debt cannot be repaid, there is still plenty of leeway to maneuver¡ªlike swapping out mortgaged territory.
Mortgaging one¡¯s own territory for debt might be hard to justify domestically; mortgaging the enemy¡¯s territory, however, carries no pressure.
If the war is lost, then there is nothing left to say. The government would change, and the mess would be the next administration¡¯s responsibility to clean up.
It is the same in a monarchy. It might not be necessary to change the monarch, but changing ministers is a must. Someone always needs to be held ountable for defeat, and the bureaucrats see this very clearly.
This naturally did not escape Alexander II; territorial mortgage loans proceeded with his silent consent. But gold as coteral, that was definitely beyond his bottom line.
Being blunt, with the Russian Empire¡¯s vast size, so long as it wasn¡¯t core territory, selling a piece was inconsequential. Territories have been bought and sold before; the political risk was limited.
But depositing gold as a mortgage to Austria, that was entirely different; it would mean cing the economic lifeline of the Russian Empire into the hands of Austria.
Chapter 646 - 219: Diplomatic Action
Stockholm, once it became the capital of the Nordic Federation, this ancient city was once again infused with fresh vitality; the nickname "Northern Venice" is well deserved.
Its beautiful scenery and unique Nordic charm add a special vor to the city, leaving asting impression.
No matter how pleasant the scenery is, it could not move Philip Francis Thomas. As an official of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Francis had always been full of pride.
However, the pride he held was ultimately defeated by reality. Ever since he epted this task, his spirit had been crushed.
To win the new round of Prusso-Russian Wars, the Tsarist Government not only sought to raise funds from Ennd, France, and Austria but did not overlook the closely connected Nordic Federation either.
Of course, Francis¡¯s main task was not to raise money; it was more about keeping the Nordic Federation stable to prevent this old adversary from stabbing them in the back at a crucial moment.
The unification of the Nordic three countries was not a simple 1+1+1=3 situation. Afterplementing each other¡¯s strengths and weaknesses, the Nordic Federation had be a self-sufficient system,parable inprehensive national power to that of Prussia twenty years earlier.
Recalling the old rivalry with Sweden for dominance in Northern Europe, the Tsarist Government dared not underestimate this potential opponent and ultimately decided to first pacify this old adversary.
For diplomats, this is undoubtedly a thankless job. There is no choice but to make concessions in the face of harsh reality.
Having personally experienced thest war, Francis was aware that the advantages of the Russian Empire over the Prusso Federation were not as significant as the government propaganda imed.
To some extent, the Nordic Federation already possessed the strength to influence the bnce of power. To win this war, the Tsarist Government had already given up on saving face.
It was not only about pacifying the Nordic Federation; all their neighbors were targets for their overtures. They did not seek these neighbors¡¯ support, simply their neutrality would suffice.
With a heavy heart, Francis, as the Tsar¡¯s special envoy, entered the Foreign Ministry of the Nordic Federation. Unlike his previous visit, he no longer had the capital to be arrogant.
...
Francis, "Count, we are quite sincere this time. The Russian Empire is willing to use the Finnish territory as coteral in exchange for a loan of 800 million Krone.
We can make amitment that half of the funds from this loan will be used to import goods from your country. The interest rate will follow the internationalmercial loan conventions at six percent annually, with principal and interest paid in annual installments."
The currencies of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden are all the Krone, and their value is the same (1 Krone is approximately equivalent to 0.4 grams of gold). After the establishment of the Nordic Federation, there naturally was no need to change the currency name.
"Your Excellency, the special envoy, you¡¯re overestimating us too much. The Nordic Federation is just a small country, not as affluent as yours; not to mention 800 million, we can¡¯t evene up with 100 million," says Ca Valenti, the Foreign Minister of the Nordic Federation, decisively refusing.
Francis was not angered, for the observant man had already noticed that the moment Ca Valenti heard about using Find as coteral, her eyebrows twitched, although she quickly masked it over.
This was an expected reaction; ever since the formation of the Nordic Federation, the calls within the nation to reim Find had been growing louder.
Militarily reiming Find was unrealistic. The Russian Empire was not a foe that the Nordic Federation could challenge; the disparity in strength was too great.
Moreover, with a pro-Russian Denmark within, rashly starting a war could very well split this fragile new government apart.
If they used economic means to reim Find, however, the situation would be entirely different.
The Danish government would not refuse the return of Find, for a strong Nordic Federation could help them regain the lost Two Principalities.
Indeed, the Nordic Federation is a national alliance built on mutualpromises. It was established with the support of the major powers while the Russian Empire was in a period of weakness.
Under such a background, when the government conducts domestic and foreign policies, they must also take into ount the interests of all parties. For example: Sweden supports Denmark¡¯s efforts to regain the Two Principalities, in exchange for Danish support for Sweden¡¯s remation of Find.
Of course, all this is contingent on having enough power. Although the Nordic Federation is a small country, it also has a historical foundation, and coupled with afortable natural environment, strategically, everyone tends to be conservative.
In other words: If they are strong enough and the opportunity arises, they will reim lost territories; if not strong enough, then they must endure for the time being!
The Prusso-Russian War is the opportunity they have been waiting for. Oscar II¡¯s strategy is simple: kick whoever loses while they are down.
The problem is quite clear. If the Prusso Federation loses, the country might not even exist anymore, naturally unable to prevent the actions of the Nordic Federation; if the Russian Empire loses the war, they won¡¯t be much better off, and the Finnish territories will definitely not be retainable.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s willingness to use the Finnish territory as coteral was also based on this reasoning. After all, if they lose the war, they wouldn¡¯t be able to hold onto Find anyway, so it¡¯s better to use it to stabilize the Nordic Federation first.
Francis, "Count, you are being too modest. With your country¡¯s economic strength, a measly 800 million Krone is truly a trifling matter.
As far as I know, your government¡¯s revenue this year alone amounts to 3.2 billion Krone, and just the liquidity in the Stockholm Financial Market exceeds 8.4 billion Krone.
Your country¡¯s banks are fully capable of handling this loan."
800 million Kroner is equivalent to: 87.43 million Divine Shields, or 43.715 million British Pounds. For any nation, this is a colossal sum of money.
Francis put forth this figure with reason. Although Find is not a small area, it remains a bitterly cold part of Northern Europe and is considered quite barren in this era.
The Russians also have plenty of such barrennds; they wouldn¡¯t pay it such attention if not for its high strategic value.
In this age where might makes right, the European Continent is far from peaceful, and small countries have no sense of security, with everyone trying to strengthen themselves as much as possible.
The Nordic Federation has set its sights on Find, not just because of nationalist factors, but more because there are no better options.
Ca Valenti shook her head, "Your Excellency, loans require consideration of risk. Your government¡¯s financial situation has always been poor, and it might go to war with the Prusso Federation at any time.
Once war breaks out, your country¡¯s debt repayment capacity will definitely bepromised, eventually relying only on coteral for reimbursement.
The Finnish region is too barren, with fiscal revenue barely covering expenses. Without sufficient mineral resources, relying on selling timber, how long would it take to recover the cost?
A hundred years, or two hundred? We can¡¯t wait that long."
Being rejected was not unexpected, having a negotiation began was already half a sess, indicating that the Nordic Federation was indeed intrigued.
Francis¡¯s mission was to stabilize the Nordic Federation, not actually to borrow a specific amount of money. To raise funds for war, solutions must still be sought from Ennd, France, and Austria; other countries are simply too poor.
After the inconclusive probing inquiry, Francis took his leave, leaving Ca Valenti quietly fretting.
Though a pie falling from the sky is good, one must consider whether it is poisoned. The Russians are not an easy adversary; trying to take advantage of them could easily backfire.
...
In the Pce, upon receiving this news, Oscar II¡¯s first reaction was not joy but rm.
After pondering for a moment, Oscar II voiced his concern, "What if the Russians win the war and then refuse to honor theirmitments?"
No way around it, the Tsarist Government¡¯s credibility is indeed that ster. If the war is lost, Russia will certainly honor themitments, because they would neither have the money to pay back the debt nor the strength to hold onto Find.
But winning the war is a different matter; even though the Tsarist Government is mostly still insolvent, it doesn¡¯t stop them from daring to default!
At that moment, if the Tsar declines to pay the debt and also refuses to hand over the Finnish region, then they would be in a fix.
They couldn¡¯t possibly use force to collect debts, right?
This is a method reserved for strong countries to collect debts from weaker ones; it simply does not work the other way around.
Foreign Minister Ca Valenti uncertainly said, "That shouldn¡¯t happen! The Tsarist Government is raising funds for the war, not only borrowing from us but also from Austria.
If the Tsarist Government defaults..."
Before she could finish her sentence, Countess Ca Valenti herself did not believe it. Borrowing money from Austria and from the Nordic Federation are two entirely different concepts. Find more adventures on NovelBin.C?m
If the Tsarist Government were to default on Austria¡¯s debts, they would have to think thrice and consider the political risks and potential countermoves from the Vienna Government.
It¡¯s different with the Nordic Federation; a default would just be a default. At least Ca Valenti could not find any countermeasures they could take.
No doubt about it, lending money to the Tsarist Government is far too risky, already far exceeding the risk tolerance of the Nordic Federation.
After a prolonged silence, Oscar II said, "Continue negotiations with Russia. No matter what, this is an opportunity.
Being able to reim the Finnish region through economic means is something we simply cannot refuse. Right now, the most important thing is to minimize the risk.
Since Russia has proposed a loan, they surely have measures that would reassure us. For example, if a third party provides a loan guarantee."
"If the Tsarist Government could persuade one of Ennd, France, or Austria to provide a guarantee for the fulfillment of the debt, it might be worth considering."
The Tsarist Government might not care about credibility, for theirs is already poor. It¡¯s different for Ennd, France, and Austria; their credibility in economic matters is top-notch, not something that can be bought with merely 800 million Kroner.
...
Chapter 647 - 220, Misfortunes Never Come Singly
The Tsarist Government was making moves, and the Berlin Government was not sitting idle either. Unlike the Russians, with their solid foundations and ample coteral, the Prusso Federation was much poorer.
Use resources as coteral?
Sorry, the Prusso Federation¡¯s mineral resources are very limited; the most valuable probably being the agricultural products from the Polish region.
Regrettably, the agricultural crisis had notpletely passed, and the international market for agricultural products was still oversupplied, making them barely worth anything.
If it were just a matter of price, it would not be impossible to negotiate. Capital chases profit, and a discount could be considered.
But the key issue was theck of security. Should the Prusso Federation be defeated, everything would go down the drain, for the Russians would not recognize these loans.
If resource coteral was out of the question, then what about territory, taxes, railways, or ports?
In theory, these things all have coteral value, provided that the bankers are willing to buy into them.
Given therge amount of capital involved, unless they could persuade the consortium to take over, even with the support of various governments, it wouldn¡¯t work.
There was no way around it; nobody dared to be certain that the Prusso Federation could win the war. If the war was lost, all promises made by the Berlin Government would be worthless.
Unlike the Russian Empire, even if they lost the war, the country wouldn¡¯t cease to exist. The coteral the Tsarist Government was putting forward, even if the Prusso Federation won the war, they would not have the capability to upy.
It was different for the Prusso Federation; their assets were limited, and if they were defeated, they would lose everything.
No one doubted the Russians¡¯ appetite; even if they couldn¡¯t swallow the Prusso Federation whole, they could still seize it to settle debts. The Vienna Government had no interest in Pnd, but their ambition towards the Prussian region was well known.
A slogan chanted over time can turn from false to true. Franz¡¯s Greater Germany n, after being voiced for so many years, had deeply embedded itself in people¡¯s hearts.
Besides a few high-ranking government officials, the rest of the Austrians all strove for the unification of the German Region.
The Berlin Government could not possibly dare to mortgage its core territories. Otherwise, even before the Russians attacked, their own Junker aristocracy would have already staged a coup.
Don¡¯t bother discussing the bigger picture with them; if the Junker aristocracy had any sense of the bigger picture, the historical Germany wouldn¡¯t have met such a tragic end.
In the Berlin Pce, Wilhelm I asked with anticipation, "Is there a bank willing to take on the deal?"
These days, the best way to handle international loans and bond issuance was to first settle an agreement with a banking consortium, allowing the banks to smooth things over with the governments.
Once an agreement with a bank was signed, it would generally get approved, sparing many political conditions.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman: "Up until now, only five banks have expressed interest.
These institutions are small banks, looking to make a risky bet. Even if talks seed, at most a few tens of millions of marks¡¯ worth of bonds could be issued. This falls far short of our target."
(1 mark is approximately equivalent to 0.358 grams of gold.)
There are always gamblers in this world; even though the general outlook for the Prusso Federation was bleak, there were still those daring enough to take on the business.
After a moment of silence, Wilhelm I slowly began, "Contact the Jews! As long as they are willing to issue bonds for us or provide a loan, we will support their independent statehood."
Wilhelm I did not like Jews, but now he had no choice but to cooperate with them. Due to the Tsarist Government¡¯s anti-Jewish policies, the Jews in Russia had been subjected to bloody massacres, and rtions between the two were very bad.
The enemy of my enemy is my friend. In this era, Jewscked a sense of security, especially after the outbreak of the anti-Jewish movement in Russia. For their own safety, the Jews had to strike back and show their power to the world.
In the original timeline during the Russo-Japanese War, the Japanese Government managed to hold on not only thanks to the support of the British, but also due to significant efforts from Jewish capital.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman: "Your Majesty, I fear that this may not be sufficient. It¡¯s true that the Jews are anti-Russia, but Jewish capital is more concerned with practical interests.
Only a portion of ordinary Jews advocate for the establishment of an independent state, and they do not have much say. Even if they are willing to cooperate with us, they do not have the capacity to take on much debt."
At this time, the call for the establishment of a Jewish state was not prevalent, and the Jews scattered around the world were still disunited,cking unity.
Jewish capital did not have a concept of nationhood, being loyal only to profit, and thus they faced ostracism from European society, always finding themselves in a difficult situation.
Most Jewish capitalists feared that the establishment of a Jewish state would lead to suspicion or even oppression by the governments of their host countries, and consistently opposed the idea of an independent state.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s anti-Semitic campaigns indeed shook many people. Unfortunately, it was to little avail, as themon folk were the ones to suffer the most, while the capitalists, relying on the power of their capital, received early warning and fled the scene.
"Ah!"
After a sigh, Wilhelm I resignedly said, "Let¡¯s give it a try and raise as much funding as possible. The Foreign Office should prepare; I intend to visit Europe."
Reality is harsh, and even if reluctant, in order to raise sufficient war funds, one has no choice but to present oneself for others to exploit.
¡
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Prime Minister Maoqi: "Your Majesty, I¡¯ve just received news that at 8:15 this morning, Marshal Albrecht Von Roon passed away."
When it rains, it pours; on the brink of imminent Prusso-Russian War, another pir of the military had fallen.
Albrecht Von Roon was the least well-known among the Three Prussian Heroes, but his contributions to the Kingdom of Prussia were by no means insignificant.
His leadership in military reform alone, the establishment of a strong Prussian Army, was enough to secure him a ce in history.
Roon held a pivotal position within the Prussian Army, acting as a lubricant in the power struggle between the military and the government. After the Prusso-Russian War, he yed a significant role in ensuring a stable transition of power within the Berlin Government.
Wilhelm I said in a grave tone, "Prepare for a state funeral!"
It was apparent that his mood was very grim. Already two months ago, when Roon had taken ill and was bedridden, Wilhelm I had braced himself for this moment. But now that it had indeede to pass, he found it hard to ept.
Politicians tend to have a strong resilience to setbacks. Wilhelm I swiftly emerged from his grief and began to consider the impact of Roon¡¯s death.
Striking a bnce between the power of the military and the government is never a simple matter. After Roon¡¯s demise, a new sessor had to be found to act as the lubricant.
The choice was not easy; the candidate had to possess sufficient prestige in the army tomand respect, and also needed to have a keen political acumen.
Wilhelm I¡¯s thoughts first turned to Maoqi, but he was quickly dismissed. Maoqimanded the necessary authority in the army; unfortunately, his political insight left much to be desired.
This was precisely why Maoqi had be Prime Minister. If it had been someone with strong political abilities as well as influence in the military, Wilhelm I would not dare appoint him as Prime Minister.
The bnce between monarchical and prime ministerial powers is always a game of strategy, with the fear of high-ranking officials overshadowing the ruler prevalent in both the East and West. While regicide was not on the agenda, if a subordinate became too powerful, checks and suppressions were inevitable.
After much hesitation, Wilhelm I decided to stabilize the situation first. With the Prusso-Russian War on the horizon, the Berlin Government could not afford any disruptions; any major issues would have to be addressed after the war.
He could no longer be concerned with the long-term consequences. Victory in the war necessitated solutions; defeat, on the other hand, would lead to exile, rendering any worries futile.
Chapter 648 - 221: Apportioning Risk
```
London was still enveloped in a dense fog. Stepping onto this dreamlike city again, Wilhelm I felt quite different.
The rtionship between English and Prussian royal families was still good; after all, Wilhelm¡¯s son had married the daughter of Queen Victoria.
Naturally, Wilhelm I¡¯s visit was met with a high-standard reception by the British Royal Family. However, British enthusiasm did not warm Wilhelm¡¯s heart.
There was no way around it; among those greeting him, there were no high-level officials from the British Government. Undoubtedly, the London Government did not ce much importance on his arrival.
In diplomacy, this is amon tactic, using such methods to rify political stances and apply pressure¡ªbut nevertheless, it is very effective.
Unlike during the first Prusso-Russian War, the London Government had invested both money and effort, even going so far as to offend the Russians by blockading the Baltic Sea toy the foundation for Prussia¡¯s victory.
Now, the declining Russian Empire was no longer a threat to Britannia¡¯s interests. In its ce were two new threats, France and Austria, and there was no longer a need to continue suppressing Russia.
Perhaps in the eyes of the London Government, the Russian-Austrian Alliance had already broken. Allowing the Russian Empire to maintain some strength could tie back a portion of Austria¡¯s power, preventing them from diving fully into the struggles for dominance in Europe and helping maintain bnce on the continent.
The Prusso Federation hoped to gain support from the British in the war, but without any international situations to exploit, they could only speak in terms of interests.
The wee banquet proceeded as normal, attended by a bunch of nobility while high-level British Government officials were still absent.
Inside the Prime Minister¡¯s Office at Downing Street, a Cab meeting was taking ce. It wasn¡¯t that the London Government was inefficient; rather, Wilhelm I had arrived too hastily.
With the Queen uninvolved, the British Cab wielded great power and naturally had great responsibilities.
The London Government did indeed take the uing Prusso-Russian War seriously, but after all, the conflict had not yet begun.
War is no trifling matter. ording to normal circumstances, a dy of several months, or even a year or two, would be typical.
Prime Minister Benjamin said, "Wilhelm I has already arrived, and the Russian Crown Prince will arrive next month. It¡¯s time for us to make a choice.
For the sake of Britannia, I hope you can all analyze this rationally and capture the greatest benefits for the Empire."
The oue of this Prusso-Russian war was not as critical to the London Government as thest one had been. Whether it was a victory or defeat for either side, the world¡¯s domination by the three great Empires would not change.
Foreign Minister Edward said, "Austria should be the most concerned about this issue right now. The oue of the Prusso-Russian War will determine their future potential rivals.
Prussia and Russia opposing each other is actually not a bad option. Now that the Austrians are allowing the Prusso-Russian War to erupt, it seems the Vienna Government is again dissatisfied with the status quo.
Over the past few years, Austria has seen a rapid increase in power, especially economically where their performance is particrly prominent.
Besides military strength, Austria has already fully surpassed France. If the French cannot assimte the Italian Area effectively, the bnce of power between France and Austria will eventually be lost."
Now, it is France and Austria that are Britannia¡¯s enemies; nothing else matters but power. France and Austria have the strength to threaten the British, which makes them enemies of the London Government.
An alliance between Ennd, France, and Austria was formed formon interests. A treaty can restrain behavior, reduce colonial conflicts, and save a considerable amount of military expenditure.
But even with an alliance, pressures and limitations must still exist. Restricting the power of France and Austria has be one of the London Government¡¯s core strategies.
Colonial Minister Robert said, "If the French assimte the Italian Area, the bnce on the European Continent will be lost, only to see France surpassing Austria instead.
This is actually a false issue. Whether France overpowers Austria or Austria surpasses France, the gap between their strengths cannot widen overnight.
We have sufficient time to make strategic adjustments. The problem now is the imminent Prusso-Russian War. Whose victory aligns more with our interests?"
Robert was optimistic about the French; it was Napoleon¡¯s legacy that gave him confidence.
The shadow of the French Army sweeping across Europe was too significant; even as the French Army failed to keep pace with the new round of military revolution, people still considered the French Army as the world¡¯s finest.
The performance of the French Army in the recent Near East War solidified this view for the British. Slow equipment updates and military training stuck decades in the past were issues that everyone inadvertently ignored. Stay tuned for updates on NovelBin.C?m
Internationally, it was generally believed that, given equal troop strength, the French Army was the most powerful inbat.
Based on experiences from wars against France, the best method to defeat the French was believed to be spending more money andmitting more troops.
The belief that France and Austria have equal strength is also based on this. The French military is more elite, but the Austrians have greater numbers and stronger economic power, which perfectly bnces each other out.
Foreign Minister Edward said, "The Austrians intentionally let the Prusso-Russian War break out, clearly aiming for further territorial expansion.
No matter the oue of this war, the Vienna Government will be the biggest winner. Due to geopolitical reasons, once Prussia and Russia settle their dispute, no one will be able to obstruct Austria¡¯s expansion.
In recent years, the French government has been rife with internal strife. Only in the past two years, with Napoleon IV gradually taking power, has the Paris Government stabilized."
```
Because of their interests, the capitalists who previously supported Napoleon III in unifying the Italian Area have now positioned themselves against the Paris Government, secretly funding the Italian Independence Organization.
With internal instability, the French had lost the ability to counterbnce the Austrians, which was the main reason the Vienna Government dared to let the Prusso-Russian War break out.
To maintain the bnce in Europe, we must create another enemy for the Austrians, someone to restrain them from behind, with both Prussia and Russia as options.
In terms of potential for growth, the threat posed by the Russians is clearly greater. If they win this war, that insufferable Russian Empire will return once again.
"Perhaps they will be too weakened after the war to vie for dominance over the European Continent, but in Central Asia and the Far Eastern region, they will still threaten our interests."
During the era of Napoleon III, the Italian problem was not severe. With his extraordinary political skills¡ªsuppressing some, allying with others¡ªthe situation was generally stable.
The case was different with Napoleon IV, as the previous Paris Government had been preupied with infighting, neglecting domestic economic construction.
Especially since they had implemented erroneous economic policies, merging the two markets into one. After opening up the market, the capitalists who supported the merger with France realized they had been duped.
What appeared to be fairpetition actually turned into economic plundering of the Italian Area by France.
It wasn¡¯t that the capitalists in the Italian Area weren¡¯t trying; it was the vast gap in industrial strength between the two sides, which simply could not be closed in a short period.
If these were the only issues, it might have been bearable. The misfortune would only befall the small and medium-sized capitalists. The more powerful capitalists could update their equipment and regainpetitiveness.
However, both the Italian Area and France shared amon problem¡ªscarcity of resources.
In the struggle for resources, the capitalists had no choice but to pull out all the stops. Unquestionably, the Paris Government¡¯s policies were undeniably biased in favor of domestic capitalists.
Resentment had been building over time. Discontented capitalists slowly manipted public opinion, stirring up people¡¯s dissatisfaction with the French, in hopes of pressuring the Paris Government to concede.
The result, naturally, goes without saying. Even if the French government wanted to make concessions, the capitalists of Paris would never agree.
In thest economic crisis, these conflicts were directly detonated. A portion of capitalists began to lean toward independence, promoting nationalism in the Italian Area.
The French were not the only ones who were displeased; the local nobility were equally unhappy. They received too little in the distribution of power by the French government.
Despite the many tensions, the Italian Area still did not erupt into arge-scale independence movement. The reason was simple: despite various diforts, the standard of living for themon people had improved.
The local economy was failing, but it didn¡¯t matter;bor could be exported. Being part of the same country, working abroad was naturally not a problem.
Compared to the Italian Area, France was definitely the ce for high sries. It was a win-win: ordinary Italians earned more ie, while French capitalists acquired cheapbor.
Some were pleased, but others were not. Due tobor mobility, thebor cost in the Italian Area doubled within a mere decade, causing Italian Area capitalists to grind their teeth in frustration.
Finance Minister Belfort: "What can the Prusso Federation offer us? What can the Russians give us?
Pardon my frankness, but the benefits these two countries can bring us are too meager. Just to bnce Austria, we don¡¯t need to intervene. Whoever wins will be Austria¡¯s enemy.
Now they are seeking our help, not so much for international diplomatic support but rather, they need money.
The determining factor in the oue of this war is not whether the armies of Prussia and Russia are formidable but rather, who can raise more money.
Lending them money is easy, but how do we collect it?
As much as we don¡¯t want to admit it, we have to acknowledge that our capacity directly decides the oue of this war.
If we bet wrong, we¡¯ll lose everything. This is an investment of hundreds of millions of British Pounds, and I oppose making a choice now."
A single word, "money," overturned the essence of British diplomacy. It immediately silenced Foreign Minister Edward, who had been inclined to support the Prusso Federation.
There was no helping it; the risk was simply too great. He didn¡¯t even know what to demand from the Prusso Federation to ensure the security of this debt.
After hesitating for a moment, Prime Minister Benjamin made a decision, "Let¡¯s first gauge Wilhelm I¡¯s bottom line and see how much they are willing to offer.
The Prusso Federation needs the support of at least two major countries to win this war. If they can get support from Austria or France, it¡¯s not impossible for us to issue war bonds for them."
International debt requires consideration of risks, and even the wealthy John Bull is not exempt. Without someone to share the risk, they dare not invest hundreds of millions of British Pounds on a gamble.
Supporting the Russians was not even within Benjamin¡¯s considerations, and it wasn¡¯t because of the potential threat but because of money.
Given the Tsarist Government¡¯s reputation, if he dared to lend money to the Russians, that would be madness.
Forget the issue of coteral¡ªeven if a contract is signed, it can still be breached. The Royal Navy¡¯s ships can¡¯tnd ashore, making their deterrent power against the Russians too small.
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Chapter 649 - 222: The Continuation of Hegemonic Struggle
In the reception room of the UK Foreign Office, the atmosphere was particrly eerie. One side of the negotiations was extremely tense but had to feign smiles; the other side clearly had no interest yet pretended to listen attentively.
This peculiar scene was exactly that of the negotiations between the UK and Prussia. From the very beginning, the two sides were on unequal footing,
much like a person with no money in their pocket and hunger in their belly who needs to borrow money to eat. To get a loan, one would...
UK Foreign Minister Edward waved his hand, "I¡¯m sorry, Count. There¡¯s nothing I can do. Loans are the business of the banks, and you should talk to the bankers."
Merely relying on attitude is clearly not enough to borrow money. Without sufficient benefits, why would John Bull possibly open his wallet?
Prusso Federation Foreign Minister Friedman said, "Sir, we¡¯ve alreadymunicated with the banks. We need your country¡¯s government to provide an endorsement. Please rest assured, we are very, very sincere this time.
Interest could be raised by 30% above the international average rate, and we can provide financial ie, colonies, railways, mines, and ports as coteral."
While international loans could be very profitable, they also carry great risks. Without government "endorsement," anyone making international loans is a fool.
With government "endorsement," if debt default urs, the government will step in to collect. Although it¡¯s not guaranteed to recover the money, it does increase the cost of default for the other party.
If there were no government "endorsement," then you would be left to chase the debt yourself! There are plenty of examples, such as the previous default of the Tsarist Government.
Debts backed by government "endorsements" were settled through negotiation, allowing for the recovery of at least a portion. Debts without government "endorsement" were simply written off.
This time, with the oue of the Prusso-Russian war unpredictable and the continued existence of the Prusso Federation uncertain, without the London Government¡¯s endorsement, bankers naturally dare not take on this business, no matter how high the interest is.
In this day and age, governmental regtions on financial markets were almost non-existent. Yet, without government support, raising hundreds of millions of pounds from the financial market was an impossibility.
UK Foreign Minister Edward shook his head, "Count, I feel your sincerity, but it is of no use.
We are all well aware of the destructiveness of war. The Prusso-Russian war is imminent, and only if your country emerges victorious is there a chance of fulfilling the debts.
But this is just a possibility. The Russian Empire is not so easy to deal with. Even if your country defeats them once more, the cost will be significant. After the war, what will your country use to repay these debts?
War reparations?
Forgive me for speaking bluntly, but if the Tsarist Government had money, the war would not have ended.
Your country might acquire valuable assets likend, poption, factories, but these things, although precious, cannot be immediately converted into cash.
Furthermore, due to the war, your country will need to invest heavily in reconstruction. Financially, this will be a burden for a long time toe.
And this is the best-case scenario. If the war bes protracted and evolves into a long-term confrontation, the situation will be even worse.
If one day your country indeed cannot fulfill the obligations, are we to live off these coterals?
Count, you must understand that to bankers, the coterals offered by your country have no substantial effect."
Edward¡¯s words were already quite restrained, not even touching upon the possibility of a Prusso Federation defeat, yet it was something that had to be realistically considered.
Even if the war is won, the normal fulfillment of debts can¡¯t be guaranteed; if lost, let alone.
Friedman still had confidence in this war. However, his confidence did not mean the British shared it.
Whether we acknowledge it or not, theprehensive national power of Russia surpasses that of the Prusso Federation.
Their victory in thest war urred because every country in Europe wanted the Russians to lose, and the actual strength the Tsarist Government devoted to the fight was, at most, half.
Times have changed. The weakened Russian Empire is not as feared by others. To get countries to contribute money and support, interests would need to speak.
After hesitating for a moment, Friedman asked directly: "Sir, what does your country wish to gain?"
The Prussian Federation was not in a position to dictate terms; rather than wasting time negotiating, it was better to put cards on the table. After all, if the British were willing to pay, everything was negotiable.
UK Foreign Minister Edward gestured, "Count, you misunderstand. We don¡¯t wish to gain anything. You must believe that the friendship between our two countries will withstand the test. It¡¯s just that the bankers need assurance.
If your country could deposit reserve gold in the Bank of Ennd as a guarantee, everyone would be much more confident in you. Your country could at least secure a loan of 60 million pounds."
Friedman¡¯s face turned ugly in an instant. A loan of 60 million pounds sounded tempting, but in fact, the Prusso Federation currently had 478.6 tons of gold reserves for issuing currency.
Of course, due to international settlements, the Prusso Federation would still need to retain a portion of gold. The gold that could be deposited into the Bank of Ennd was valued at around 60 million pounds.
This was not just a matter of gold, but also involved currency issuance. Once the gold fell into British hands, it would be difficult to take it back.
With the reserve gold in British hands, future currency issuance by the Prusso Federation would inevitably be under the influence of the London Government. Simr to the Federal Reserve inter times, they could influence the world economy through mary policy.
There was nothing surprising about this, as the Americans had learned from the British. It was simply that America¡¯s national strength was stronger, and its hegemony was much more stable than that of Britain.
Due to Franz¡¯s butterfly effect, the Divine Shield emerged forcefully, and the British pound could not enjoy a monopoly on currency hegemony. Under this context, it was not surprising that the British were eyeing the Prusso Federation.
For the Berlin Government, depositing gold into the Bank of Ennd meant not only a loss of mary sovereignty but also a political stance.
Choosing to support the British would naturally offend France and Austria. No, it should be said that it would offend Austria.
Because of insufficient gold reserves, in this round of currency hegemony, the Franc had already been the first to exit thepetition.
Without much hesitation, Friedman gave his answer, "A loan of 60 million pounds is too little. The value of the gold we hold is no less than this amount, not to mention the additional political and economic value.
Once the gold is deposited into the Bank of Ennd, we will inevitably offend the Austrians. In the uing Prusso-Russian War, Austria¡¯s voice will be the most important.
Not long ago, the Vienna Government also made a simr request; their terms were much more generous."
Whether the Vienna Government had made a request or not, aspetitors, the British had no way to verify it. Even if there wasn¡¯t one, the Berlin Government would willingly offer it, and the Vienna Government would not refuse.
Edward smiled faintly. He wasn¡¯t surprised that Friedman used Austria as a pretext to raise the price; such urrences weremon in diplomacy.
However, the fact that Wilhelm I¡¯s first state visit was to be in London, signified that the Berlin Government was more inclined to cooperate with them.
He said tentatively, "Count, this issue can be discussed gradually. We wouldn¡¯t let our friends suffer a loss.
As for the Vienna Government¡¯s higher bid, they also need to be able to fulfill their promises. Though the Russian-Austrian Alliance has ended, the rtionship between Russia and Austria has not broken down.
In thest thirty years, the economies of Russia and Austria have be intertwined. Even if the Vienna Government were willing to abandon the Tsarist Government, it wouldn¡¯t be something that could be done in a short time.
No matter what choice your country makes, Austria won¡¯t be able to sever ties with the Russians for your sake - interests dictate this."
Friedman nodded, acknowledging this undeniable fact. Economically, Russia and Austria indeed stood together. The Russian-Austrian Alliance would not have dissolved if both countries did not harbor ambitions for hegemony.
The Berlin Government would rather cooperate with the more disreputable British, rather than seeking help from Austria, because of an inherent wariness of the Russia-Austrian rtionship.
After a pause, Edward continued, "If your country wishes to win this war, it will need more supporters. As friends, we would be happy to provide assistance to your country."
Edward spoke with confidence, for despite Britain¡¯s poor reputation in Europe, its influence in foreign diplomacy remained immense.
It was unnecessary to mention the small countries; what was crucial was the influence on France. Ever since the restoration of Napoleon III, the Paris Government had been filled with arge number of Pro-British Faction members.
If the British Government was willing to intervene with these people, it would greatly reduce the difficulty for the Prusso Federation to seek French support.
Friedman was tempted - not out of shallowness, but because the Prusso Federation had too few chips in hand.
The so-called colonies consisted only of a small part of the Indochina Penins, barely managed by the Berlin Government and essentially worthless.
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The so-called "fiscal revenue" was even more of a joke. In the past decade or more, apart from the year when they soldnd, when had there ever been a surplus?
If these assets were put up as coteral, they still had to maintain government operations. Otherwise, would the bankers go collect taxes themselves?
Railroads, mines, ports¡ªthese were mostly just for show. Most of these industries were private, and only a very few belonged to the Berlin Government.
Private property is sacred and invible; naturally, the government had no right to dispose of it. What the Berlin Government could mortgage were only the assets that belonged to the government.
...
Chapter 650 - 223: The Inevitable Expense
Vienna Pce, the contents of the English-Prussian negotiations had already reached Franz¡¯s hands. It was not due to the effectiveness of the intelligence department but rather the British deliberately leaking the information.
Such high-level negotiations were known only to a few and they were all ministerial-level officials, simply not the kind that intelligence organizations could buy.
The prussian-Polish Federation turning toward the British was not surprising. After all, John Bull was a maritime nation and couldn¡¯t possibly be the master of the European Continent; there was no direct conflict between Ennd and Prussia.
By contrast, Austria was different. The Vienna Government cried for the unification of the German Region every day. The core territories of the Prussian Federation were all in the German Region, and it would be strange if the Berlin Government was not concerned.
From Austria¡¯s standpoint, mutual harm between Prussia and Russia was most in alignment with its own interests. Cooperation with Austria was akin to "negotiating with a tiger for its skin." Given a choice, the Berlin Government naturally leaned toward the British.
"The British actually want to promote rtions between Prussia and France, what do you think is their ulterior motive?"
The British had always been trying to iste the French, and now they suddenly promoted the closeness between Prussia and France, which made it difficult for Franz not to specte with the greatest malice.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg analyzed, "Your Majesty, there may be two reasons.
The oue of this Prusso-Russian war is hard to predict. Relying solely on the ability of the British to ensure victory for the Prusso Federation, and not wanting to give up the benefits thate knocking on their door, they must find others to share the risk.
If they drew France to their side, under thebined efforts of Ennd and France, even if the situation was unfavorable, they would be able to preserve the Prusso Federation and ensure their investments don¡¯t go to waste.
The other reason is aimed at us. The London Government believes there is an imbnce in strength between France and Austria and needs to help France attract allies to continue maintaining the bnce in Europe.
The likelihood of thetter is small. With the legacy of Napoleon, the British would only overestimate the strength of France and not underestimate it.
Since supporting the restoration of the Spanish royal family, the strategic situation of the French in Europe had already reversed. The London Government was still troubled by the breakup of the French-Spanish Alliance and had no reason to continue helping them attract allies."
In the mid-19th century, after the restoration of Napoleon III, France broke free from the constraints of the Vienna System and its military strength was fully restored.
Allied countries in Europe worried about the military threat from France. Under the lead of Austria, Western, Prussian-German, Swiss, Belgian, and Dutch nations signed a mutual defense treaty, leading France into a strategically passive state.
Of course, the French path to expansion wasn¡¯t blocked. For instance: Rtions between Ausa and Sardinia were poor, and the Kingdom of Sardinia was excluded from the joint defense organization, leaving France with only the option of expanding towards the Italian Area.
To change the diplomatic embarrassment, Napoleon III took a series of political and diplomatic actions to improve rtions with European nations.
After the outbreak of civil unrest in Spain, the French Government supported the restoration of Alfonso XII. Spain announced its withdrawal from the joint defense organization, and the strategic blockade was dered bankrupt.
Due to geopolitical rtions, the closeness between France and Spain meant that John Bull could not sleep easy. For its own strategic security, the British had always been trying to break apart the French-Spanish bond.
Prime Minister Felix said, "Whatever the reason, the closeness between Prussia and France has be a reality. Without the cooperation of the British, we alone will struggle to stop this from happening.
The French are ambitious and have always wanted to seize control over Europe; they would not refuse the Prusso Federation that has presented itself on a tter.
Both sides already have a foundation of mutual interest for cooperation, even if they don¡¯t form an alliance, their rtions will advance further. We need to prepare in advance to avoid being caught off guard."
There was no choice, the Prusso Federation chose the British, and Austria had to support the Russians; this was determined by national interests.
Franz was not interested in European hegemony, but he couldn¡¯t say that out loud! Austria not having ambitions on the European Continent was something Franz himself did not believe when said.
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It wasn¡¯t about ambition, mainly it was dictated by strength. Whether willing or not, once the power was there, interest groups would push the government upward.
Austria hadn¡¯t made a move, as the game was still in y. The French tiger¡¯s might lingered, and openly, the military strengths of France and Austria wereparable, with the British at their side.
Austria¡¯s rise was one part military and nine parts political; the Radical faction within was small. For most, the dream strategy was to unify the German Region; world domination wasn¡¯t in the n.
Of course, this was also rted to the distribution of interests. Austria got a not small share in the colonial movement, and as those with vested interests, naturally, they were not so cynical as to rush to disrupt the world order.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "The situation is not so grave; the closeness between Prussia and France is not entirely bad news. At least the German Federation is inclined toward us. If we¡¯re lucky, we might even draw Belgium to our side.
As long as the Russians don¡¯t fall, the Prusso Federation will always be restrained, and our main concern remains France.
The only headache is the uncertainty of the British choices. However, this is not difficult to resolve; in the London Government, the anti-French faction is definitelyrger than the anti-Austrian faction, and we have greater advantages diplomatically.
Moreover, with Belgium and the German Federation, the London Government cannotpletely ignore the interests of its smaller partners; the possibility of joining hands with us to suppress the French is higher."
Reality was clear, every year the French had to import tens of millions of tons of coal from Belgium and Germany, and the number was still increasing.
This had seriously affected French economic development, especially in the heavy industry sector, where France hadpletely fallen behind the Anglo-Austrian countries.
Even if the French government wanted to exercise restraint, the capitalists within the country would not agree. If Paris does not want to see the esction of the Italian problem, it must solve the energy problem.
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Looking around, besides Belgium and the German Federation, the nearby countries rich in coal resources were only the Anglo-Austrian two countries. This multiple-choice question had a fixed answer.
Right now, it hadn¡¯te to that, the French were actively searching for coal mines, hoping to find some in the North African colonies. After theypleted their exploration, they would take the most drastic measures.
Everyone is a realist; once the French make a move, Belgium and Germany will realize they cannot rely on the British, and Austria bes the only option.
Franz shook his head, "It¡¯s not that simple; hatred cannot sway the British decision¡ªthey are only influenced by interests.
From the current situation, France¡¯s demand for resources is steadily increasing. At most, in no more than twenty years, the French will reach out to Belgium and Germany for resources.
At that time, we will either be forced to enter the fray or actively participate in the game. The British will continue their strategy of bnce, suppressing whomever is strong.
Looking at the economic data, the French have already deviated. To maintain high economic growth, some genius came up with the idea of developing an industry chain centered on the financial sector.
At the current rate of development, how much longer do you think the bnce between France and Austria can be maintained?"
The nature of the Usury Empire hasn¡¯t changed; ever since the death of Napoleon III, the French government has been unable to suppress domestic capitalists, and the economy has inevitably tilted towards finance.
With the intensifying energy crisis, France¡¯s industrial costs are continually rising, exacerbating the situation. The manufacturing industry¡¯s share of the Gross National Product is declining.
In the short term, the illusory numbers hide the contradictions, and no one can see the crisis. But once a war breaks out, all the problems will surface.
There¡¯s no question about it; the world leader always suppresses the runner-up. When the French bubble is burst, it will be time for Austria and the British to fall out.
Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden said, "Military bnce can be maintained for only as long as the international situation remains unchanged. However, economically, the bnce has already been broken.
Based on data analysis collected by the statistical bureau, France¡¯s industrial power is only 68.1% of the British and 58.6% of ours, and this ratio is still falling.
The gap is even wider in the heavy industry sector. Take the steel industry as an example: France¡¯s steel production is only 37.2% of the British, less than a third of ours.
Coal production is even more disparate, less than a third of the British and only a quarter of ours.
These data already exin a lot of problems. It¡¯s worth mentioning that the newly-added Italian Region has almost made no contribution to the French heavy industry; coal production can be ignored, and there are only a few small steel workshops."
It¡¯s not an underestimation of the Italian Area; there are truly not many resources there. Capitalists were willing to support Napoleon III initially to obtain more cheap industrial raw materials.
No one expected that France was also resource-poor. The annexation of the Italian Area was only a nominal increase in France¡¯s national power; in reality, it was more of a burden.
Not to mention, without the Italian Area, France¡¯s resource shortage would not be as severe as it is now.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a decision: "elerate negotiations with the Russians. As long as the Russians are willing to deposit their gold reserves into the Austrian National Bank, we will ept their territorial coteral for the shortfall.
If the Tsarist government agrees to use ny-percent of the funds to purchase Austrian goods, we¡¯ll ept industrial raw materials as debt repayment."
Whether the loan is recoverable is no longer important. Since the Prusso Federation has made a choice, Austria cannot be without a response.
Furthermore, it was inevitable. Given the international credibility of the Tsarist government, who else would dare lend them money except Austria?
If the Vienna Government does not support the Russians, the war would be decided before it even starts.
Finance Minister Karl¡¯s face changed dramatically as he hastily advised, "Your Majesty, the Russian financial situation is extremely bad. Even if they win the war, they will not have the ability to repay the money.
There is no problem with the gold coteral. But territorial coteral ispletely unnecessary; Austria does not need these worthlessnds now.
The division of Prusso Federation is nothing but a bad check. Now that the British have decided to support the Prusso Federation, there is also a high probability that the French will support them.
With Ennd and France backing them, even if the Russians can win, they cannot destroy the Prusso Federation; at most, they can only recover the Polish Region, and we do not need these worthlessnds."
Karl repeatedly emphasized "worthlessnds," giving Franz a headache. Since the decolonization of North Africa, the Vienna Government¡¯s high-level desire for expansion on the European Continent had faded.
It wasn¡¯t that thend offered by the Russians for coteral was truly worthless. On the contrary, it was quite fertile; the main issue was the high costs involved.
With gritted teeth, Franz exined, "This is a strategic necessity; we need a Prusso-Russian mutual defeat, thus eliminating two potential threats.
Without providing funds to the Tsarist government, what can the Russians use to fight?
As for the issue of coteral, we can discuss it slowly with the Russians. We can first cheat the Tsarist government by saying that as long as they win the war, they can exchange the Prusso Federation territory.
For any nativends in the Germany Region, we can exchange at a ratio of 1:3, trying to get them to coteralize the Ukraine Region as much as possible.
If the Tsarist government insists on using the Bulgarian region as coteral, we¡¯ll ask them to add on Constantinople. We can even allow them to redeem it, but interest must bepounded."
Finance Minister Karl worriedly said, "Given the Tsarist government¡¯s credibility, it will be difficult to get them to honor the agreement. It might lead to even more disputes."
It¡¯s not a "might be"; disputes are bound to arise. Given the Russian reputation, the likelihood of fulfilling promises proactively is almost nil; it will still depend on power in the end.
Franz was quite assured on this point. The Prusso Federation is not weak; the Russian Empire will be seriously weakened after the war.
Chapter 651 - 224: The Austrian Threat Theory
After Wilhelm I¡¯s trip to London, the international situation became clearer. Anglo-Prussian rtions warmed up, and Russia and Austria, having just ended their alliance, came together once again. The power to decide the future direction of European affairs returned to the hands of the French.
If the Paris Government supported the Russians, the oue of this war would be decided in advance. On the contrary, if they supported the Prusso Federation, then the oue would only be known after the fight.
In the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV was very satisfied with the current situation. Prussia and Russia were both vying to woo France, and this feeling of determining the future direction of Europe was simply wonderful.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore: "Your Majesty, the Russian Delegation has suddenly changed their itinerary, canceling their visit to London and are expected to arrive in Paris in three days."
Napoleon IV smiled slightly; he knew the Tsarist Government was in a hurry. Although the Russian Empire was stronger than the Prusso Federation in terms ofprehensive national strength, war was not just aboutprehensive strength but also external forces.
The Prusso Federation had already secured support from the British, and if they obtained French support as well, even if the Russians gained Austrian support, they would still be at a disadvantage.
The harsh reality told the Russians that being without money was absolutely uneptable. In terms of financial power, thebined funds that Ennd and France, the two gold sponsors, could provide were definitely more than Austria could offer.
In in terms, this war was the Russians¡¯ war, not Austria¡¯s. The Vienna Government could support them but could notmit indefinitely.
Unless the war could be ended quickly, it would ultimately be a battle of fiscal strength. With the lesson from thest war, the Tsarist Government no longer had any illusions about a quick victory.
Napoleon IV shook his head: "If they¡¯re only starting to act now, the Russians must be foolish!"
The Russian delegation arriving in Paris before Wilhelm I¡¯s visit may seem not toote on the surface. However, Napoleon IV¡¯sment about beingte also made sense.
There was once a chance for France and Russia toe together closely, but unfortunately, neither side cherished it. This was a historical problem. The contradictions between the two countries resulting from the Anti-French Wars were once again magnified during the Near Eastern War.
Alexander II once wanted to ease Franco-Russian rtions but was obstructed by Ennd and Austria, ultimately ending in failure.
After the Prussian territorial trade, France and Russia lost the pivot of joint interest, and thest chance for an alliance was shattered.
There is no regret medicine in this world. With the changing international situation, France no longer needs to ally with the Russians.
The young Napoleon IV, who was also ambitious, wished to surpass his father and achieve greater aplishments.
Therefore, what France needed was a subordinate, not a rival.
The Russian Empire would not lower itself to be a subordinate. Even if Alexander II could endure hardships, the Russian people would not agree.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore waved his hand: "The diplomacy of the Russians has always been quite spontaneous; there¡¯s nothing surprising about it.
From the time Nichs I allied with Austria to the pro-Prussian and anti-Austrian strategies carried out by Alexander II after he took the throne, to theter falling out with Prussia, and the copse of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, it has always been like this.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s foreign policy strategy is too influenced by personal will. There is not only ack of long-term nning, but frequent changes ur, even to the point of self-contradiction."
Sensing something, Dumbledore, chose to stop right there. As chaotic as the Tsarist Government¡¯s foreign policy, the French government¡¯s foreign policy was not much better.
The most consistent foreign policies among the Great European Nations are those of Ennd and Austria. The Anglo-Austrian "European bnce" policy has continued from the end of the Anti-France Wars until now.
Although there have been changes in the interim, the overall direction has never changed. The current political structure of Europe is the product of the Anglo-Austrian "European bnce" policy.
Napoleon IV nodded: "Forget it; this is also a good thing. Once the Russians arrive, I can negotiate the price with the Prusso Federation.
Europe is too small to amodate so many great powers. An Austria, an Ennd is already enough for us; we cannot afford a fourth pole."
The cake is only so big; splitting it three ways already cannot satisfy everyone¡¯s appetites. Adding another slice into the mix, nobody would wee it.
On the issue of suppressing the rise ofters, the stance of Ennd, France, and Austria is unified. Whether supporting the Prusso Federation or the Russian Empire, there is one prerequisite - they cannot be allowed to grow too strong.
This time, Ennd, France, and Austria are divided into two camps, seemingly over interests, but in reality, there is already an understanding: neither Prussia nor Russia can be allowed to win the war too easily.
In this round of diplomaticpetition, the Russians lost from the very beginning. No matter how hard the Tsarist Government tries, it will not be able to garner more support.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore: "Your Majesty, ording to news from London, Wilhelm I is seeking a grand alliance, and the British have already explicitly refused them.
If things go as expected, Wilhelm I will seek an alliance with us. This issue is significant, and we must approach it with caution."
"Prusso-French alliance," If this were twenty or thirty years ago, the French government would have been eager to have an ally to share the burden. Even a decade ago, the French Government would have agreed without hesitation.
Now it¡¯s different. Apart from the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance, France also has an ally in Spain; there¡¯s no longer such a desperate need for allies.
Napoleon IV sneered: "There¡¯s nothing to consider. The Prusso Federation wants to ally with us, then they first need to defeat the Russians. If they lose the war, what right do they have to talk about an alliance with us?"
What benefits would the French government get from an alliance with Prussia now, aside from assuming obligations?
Even if the Prusso Federation won the battle, Napoleon IV would still have to carefully weigh the pros and cons of a Prusso-French alliance. At the very least, he could not ignore the attitudes of Ennd and Austria.
...
After the grand wee ceremony concluded, Crown Prince Alexandrovich, who was visiting Paris once again, showed a deep concern on his face.
Although the wee ceremony seemed grand, it wasced with a palpable sense of estrangement. Undoubtedly, the Parisians did not wee them.
```
If it were not for the Bonaparte family¡¯s desire to integrate into the European royal circles, cing great importance on etiquette, they probably wouldn¡¯t even bother with facade maintenance.
The initial reception was nothing short of a snub, leaving Crown Prince Alexandrovich with little hope for the uing negotiations.
Originally, ording to his wishes, the first stop was supposed to be Denmark, focusing on public rtions with the Nordic Federation; as for Ennd and France, they could simply do their best and leave the rest to fate.
Unfortunately, the Russian Empire was not yet a ce where he, the Crown Prince, could call the shots. Even though he had been involved in government affairs for many years, his say in foreign policy was still very limited.
Winning over Ennd and France might seem to promise rich rewards, perhaps even clinching the victory, but in reality, sess was impossible.
The key issue was "bargaining chips"; the Tsarist government simply had nothing to offer that could tempt them.
Use gold as coteral? Sorry, the Tsarist did not dare. Just as Ennd and France did not trust Russians, the Tsarist government likewise did not trust Ennd and France.
Unlike Austria, which is close by, if the Austrians breached an agreement, they could genuinely fight a battle. The cost of war is clearly above pledging gold as coteral, and these interests were not enough to make the Vienna government break its promise.
Ennd and France were different; being thousands of miles away, the Russians could not reach them. Should they suddenly decide to breach an agreement one day, the Russian economy would immediately copse, with no opportunity for retaliation.
Offernds as coteral? Let alone coteral, even if it were a matter of selling or ceding territory, they were willing to offer it to Ennd and France, they wouldn¡¯t dare to ept.
Under normal circumstances, no European nation would want to ally with Russia. Both Ennd and France were colonial empires, and they certainly did notck for a piece of territory.
Diplomacy without interests, is just hooliganism. Crown Prince Alexandrovich was simply going through the motions, naturally not in high spirits.
"Your Highness, Wilhelm I will arrive in Paris tomorrow. The French have arranged the wee banquet together. It¡¯s clear they¡¯re up to no good," a diplomatic official in the entourageined indignantly.
After a moment of silence, Alexandrovich said coldly, "Just say I¡¯m not feeling well and won¡¯t attend tomorrow¡¯s banquet."
As the Crown Prince, Alexandrovich was prideful; how could he willingly suffer such humiliation?
As the Crown Prince, Alexandrovich was only a Grand Duke, whereas Wilhelm I was a king; byparison, his status was a notch lower.
With the Prusso-Russian war on the verge of breaking out, such an ill-timed meeting was risky¡ªwho knew what kind of stories the newspapers would concoct?
"But, Your Highness. If you don¡¯t go, the outside world will..."
Cutting him off before he could finish, Alexandrovich interrupted, "There are not so many ¡¯buts.¡¯ What will the outside world say? They¡¯ll just fabricate some stories about us being afraid.
Given the rtionship between France and Russia, do you think the French newspapers will speak well of us? If you want to hear praise, you might as well just throw money at it, that works better than anything."
The more he understood France, the less confident Alexandrovich was. In the past, for the Polish independence movement, the French had even organized a volunteer army.
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Although that volunteer army never crossed the border, their deep-seated malice towards Russia was unmasked. With such a backdrop, attempting a public rtions campaign in Paris was a no-go, save for throwing money at it.
If France were in a republican era, where public opinion could influence government decisions, then spending money might be worth it. Clearly, it was not the case now; any amount of money spent would simply be wasted.
Alexandrovich deliberately dodged Wilhelm I, just as Wilhelm I avoided Alexandrovich, seemingly in tacit agreement to never appear in the same ce.
It seemed they both saw through the malicious intentions of the French, both cautiously avoiding a direct confrontation, to the disappointment of those who were hoping for a spectacle.
In the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV was meeting with Wilhelm I, the atmosphere congenial as if they were old friends reunited after many years.
Meanwhile, representatives of Prussia and France were locked in a verbal battle over interests. Seeing no breakthrough in the short term, Prusso Federation Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman quickly shifted the topic.
"Minister, the current international situation is not only detrimental to us but also to your country," he said.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore, shook his head, "Earl, there¡¯s no need for rmism here. The current international politicalndscape is, for France, the best it¡¯s been in nearly a century.
We¡¯ve weathered the hardest times; why worry about now? Such minor threats are hardly worth mentioning."
This was the truth. For nearly a century, France had continuously been in the middle of the European political whirlwind, subjected to hostility and targeting by others.
Friedman picked up his coffee, sipped it lightly, then asked, "Really? Don¡¯t you feel threatened by the rapidly growing power of Austria? "
Dumbledore scoffed, "Austria is indeed powerful and growing rapidly, but it poses no threat to the great France.
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On the contrary, it is your country that needs to directly face the pressure from Austria. Prussia and Austria share such a long border, and now the Vienna government is supporting Russia."
The French government was naturally aware of the Austrian threat, though it was not as evident as it was for the Prusso Federation. The border between the two countries was not long, and France had an unfounded confidence in its military strength, hence it was not much concerned.
Friedman presented pre-prepared intelligence information to Dumbledore.
"Here is some of the Austrian intelligence we¡¯ve collected. You might wish to take a look, Minister."
Since they had offended Austria, they might as well go all the way. To prevent the Vienna government from tilting the scales in the uing war, Berlin had to give Austria an enemy.
Looking at the world stage, only Ennd and France had the power to restrain Austria. The British were too cunning to fool, and too distant from Austria to feel any threat.
Being a neighbor, France was different; the two countries had always been rivals, each concerned with every bit of movement next door.
```
Chapter 652 - 225: The War That Can’t Stop
After briefly flipping through the documents, Dumbledore put them down and scoffed, "Count, such tant attempts at driving a wedge are quite low-end indeed."
"Everyone knows that we are allies with Austria, so why should we worry about Austria¡¯s threat? Is it because of this data?"
The threat of Austria to the French government was naturally not unknown; this was not the first time Dumbledore had seen the information provided by Geoffrey Friedman.
It was only a matter of discrepancies in the data. This was the same for all nations due to political motives and personal wishes. When collecting data about rivals, it often goes through an artistic process of embellishment.
In Dumbledore¡¯s view, it was nothing more than the Prusso Federation wanting to highlight the "Austrian Threat Theory" and deliberately exaggerating Austria¡¯s strength.
These documentspared various data points between France and Austria, with Austria upying an advantage in all aspects. After roughly looking at a few sets of data, Dumbledore lost interest.
Out of French pride, he did not believe in their veracity. The Paris Government also had collected intelligence on Austria, and their conclusion was that the overall strength of France and Austria was not much different, France even having a slight edge.
A sinking feeling settled in Geoffrey Friedman¡¯s heart, as he wondered if the data was too exaggerated and revealed the problem to Dumbledore.
After all, in a world without satellites or the inte, even collecting data about one¡¯s own country was very difficult, requiring a considerable amount of manpower and resources.
Not to mention the data on other countries. If one genuinely attempted to collect statistics, they would likely be treated as a spy before even getting started.
Typically, it was through estimating the number of ships entering and exiting ports or through economic newspapers andrgepanies¡¯ annual reports, these public channels, that information was gathered.
Then economists would take these figures and "roughly + possibly" equate to an answer. Errors were inevitable, and different economists woulde up with different results.
Whether it was out of national pride or political necessity, the French government did not permit conclusions that ced them below Austria.
Dumbledore, the Foreign Minister, not the Economic Minister, just needed to look over the reports with all their pomp and circumstance, not concerning himself with the finer details.
Taking a pause, Geoffrey Friedman said helplessly, "Well then, leaving aside this data. There can only be one overlord on the European Continent, and Austria is your country¡¯s biggestpetitor in the quest for dominance in Europe."
Dumbledore nodded in agreement.
Geoffrey Friedman: "In recent years, the Austrians have developed the Balkan Penins, and their strength has increased rapidly. Their poption on the European maind alone nearly reaches eighty million, and their total economic output has even surpassed that of the British, bing number one in the world.
These figures are well known, and I¡¯m sure Your Excellency has no objections."
"From 1870 to the present, the Vienna Government has expanded its military three times, with totalnd and naval forces reaching 714,000 men, of which the army alone ounts for 608,000 men."
This number for a standing army, apart from the Russian Empire, no other country in Europe can match them. As far as I know, the standingnd forces of your country also amount only to 476,000.
Besides the standing army, Austria also has a huge reserve force. The exact number is unknown, but every year more than a million receive reserve force training.
Such a vast military force, who is it targeting?"
I can think of no other country that needs such serious preparation by Austria, other than your country.
If we are not prepared, once the Austrians are ready, I fear your country will have to face an assault by millions of enemy troops."
Dumbledore shook his head, "Your Excellency, let¡¯s not equivocate. Can a bunch of civilian husbands even be considered an army? Should a war break out, France has enough strength to defeat all enemies.
Modern warfare is not about winning by sheer numbers. If we are to speak of numbers, Russia¡¯s army is thergest; does your country intend to capitte?
As for the threat posed by Austria, that is France¡¯s own domestic affair, and it doesn¡¯t require your worry. With that energy, you might as well consider how to deal with the Russians!"
Taking a pause, Dumbledore added, "A reminder to Your Excellency, if we¡¯re talking about threats, your country is also a potentialpetitor to France, and even ahead of Austria.
The world has been fully carved up, and the reason the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance can exist is because we are all vested interests, and maintaining the status quo is enough.
Without a doubt, Dumbledore was very dissatisfied with Geoffrey Friedman¡¯s overreach, hence the direct warning.
Even if the threat from Austria was significant, it was up to the French government to discover it themselves. The reminder from Geoffrey Friedman was clearly meant to provoke a conflict between France and Austria.
As the Foreign Minister of France, how could Dumbledore ept being used by others?
...
On the way back to the embassy, upon seeing Geoffrey Friedman¡¯s persistent worry, Major General McPhee reassured him, "Geoffrey, don¡¯t be sad. You¡¯ve already done very well. The failure of this mission is mainly because we misjudged the French."
Geoffrey Friedman shook his head, "The mission hasn¡¯t failed, Dumbledore has epted our viewpoint."
Seeing Major General McPhee¡¯s puzzled look, Geoffrey Friedman exined, "Don¡¯t be surprised. If it weren¡¯t for hitting a sore spot for the French, Dumbledore would not have lost hisposure.
His final warning, although true, was something that has never been uncovered before. Since he put it out there directly, it seems that the rtionship between Ennd, France, and Austria is worse than we anticipated."
The more confused McPhee asked directly, "Geoffrey, if our n seeded, why do you still need to..."
Geoffrey Friedman replied with a wry smile, "Because what Dumbledore said is true. Ennd, France, and Austria don¡¯t want to see a new major power rising to share the cake with them. It¡¯s the same for both the Russians and us.
Now we¡¯ve almost reached our peak of development, even if we defeat the Russians, it¡¯s hard for us to gain much.
To advance further, we¡¯d face the unified suppression of Ennd, France, and Austria; our future is worrying indeed!"
Geoffrey Friedman had sobered up, realizing that despite the significant discord among the three countries, their interests were aligned when it came to suppressing neers.
The Prusso Federation was no longer a small country; if it defeated Russia again, it would rece Russia¡¯s position in Europe.
The British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance did not want to see the rise of a new Russia, so the good days of the Prusso Federation would end after this war.
If the international situation doesn¡¯t change, if the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance doesn¡¯t copse, the Prusso Federation would always exist in the shadow of the three great powers.
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If it weren¡¯t for the fact that insiders are blind, the Berlin Government would have already seen this clearly. However, everyone has been focused on how to defeat Russia, without considering what will happen after the war.
Deep inside, a voice kept telling Geoffrey Friedman that ending the dispute with Prussia was the best choice; that a war would only benefit the fishermen.
But as much as he thought this, it was impossible to say it out loud. How could the Prusso Federation, with its territory now exceeding eighty thousand square kilometers, much of which was taken from the Russians, simply stop?
Even if the Berlin Government were willing to reconcile, the Tsarist Government would not agree! How could the Russians continue to consider themselves a great power if they don¡¯t suppress the Prusso Federation?
Even knowing that continuing the war would be disadvantageous to both countries, neither side could stop.
The Junker nobility wanted to gain more, the Russians wanted to avenge their humiliation; a sh of interests that was simply irreconcble.
Major General McPhee smiled faintly, "Geoffrey, you¡¯re thinking too much. Even if we face suppression, it would only be after we defeat Russia. Who knows what the future holds?
I don¡¯t believe the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance could maintain itself forever. As long as there is discord among the three, we will have our chance. Your next journey awaits at NovelBin.C?m
The world has been carved up, we have no share in the colonies, then we might as well give it up. If the British-French-Austrian alliance worries about us taking over Russia¡¯s ce, let¡¯s do it and show them."
In this era, overseas colonies symbolized wealth, naturally coveted by all, but the Berlin Government¡¯s attempts ultimately ended in failure.
It was proven that a navy can¡¯t be developed overnight, and the Junker aristocracy, beingndlubbers, really couldn¡¯t manage at sea.
Since the navy was beaten by the Danish people in the Baltic Sea, the Berlin Government extinguished its unrealistic dream of the seas.
The firmlynd-focused Major General McPhee wasn¡¯t dreaming about acquiring colonies anymore; seizing the opportunity to give the Russians a good beating was the best option.
Land expansion on the European Continent was never smooth sailing. The strategy formted by the Junker aristocracy was to gradually devour Russiannd, but theycked the aggressive stance to dominate Europe as in the original timeframe.
Chapter 653 - 226, Russian-Austrian Agreement
Once the seeds of doubt are sown, they never go away. After a meticulous study of the Vienna Government¡¯s actions over recent years, Dumbledore grew increasingly puzzled.
If Austria wanted to target France, why would they let them annex the Italian Area?
When propagating to the public, it could be exined away by France¡¯s might. As a member of the Cab, Dumbledore certainly didn¡¯t think so.
No matter how powerful France was, it couldn¡¯t stand against all of Europe teamed up. If the European nations united and applied pressure, France would have to beat a dismal retreat.
Expanding territory on the European Continent has never been an easy task, and the Italian Area is no barren backwater, Dumbledore didn¡¯t believe Austriacked ambition.
The French government had studied this issue for many years and finally reached an almost unbelievable conclusion¡ªthe Vienna Government adhered to the spirit of contracts.
The truth no longer mattered, as the meat had already been consumed. No matter how much they doubted, the French government would not give up the Italian Area.
Not understanding it was okay, just look at Austria¡¯s military strength. The so-called "threat" existed only on the basis of strength.
Dumbledore took a breath of relief as hepiled the recent data of the Austrian Army. The threat indeed existed, but France could still cope with it.
Take action?
Sorry, as a qualified bureaucrat, the first step is to weigh pros and cons, not to act blindly.
The threat from Austria was only potential. Without sufficient profit, there was simply no reason for France and Austria toe to blows out of the blue.
In this era of warfare, the defensive side clearly had the advantage. Not to mention, just the deployment of troops determined that.
Byparison, as a member of the Cab Government, Dumbledore was more worried about the military bing too powerful. Right from the start, Geoffrey Friedman had found the wrong person.
Prussia and France were different, one had a state with an army, and the other an army with a state. What seemed perfectly reasonable to the Berlin Government was entirely different in other national governments.
Because a threat might exist, taking direct countermeasures is the thinking of a military person, while politicians are always profit-first.
Knowing that they were being provoked and acting thoughtlessly as someone else¡¯s pawn is the act of a fool.
Geoffrey Friedman sessfully stirred up France-Austria rtions, but didn¡¯t alter the oue of the negotiations. If you want France to contain Austria, it can be done, but it will cost.
In the face of interests, the Paris Government still won¡¯t budge an inch. Supporting the Prusso Federation because of the threat from Austria is out of the question.
All are continental nations; to France, both Prussia and Austria are potential threats. It¡¯s merely a matter of "threat level."
...
As the key moment of the negotiations between Prussia and France approached, the talks between Russia and Austria too were drawing to a close.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Your Excellency, the Envoy, I do not see your country¡¯s sincerity. The coteral you¡¯ve put forward is too little and not of equivalent value.
If these are the only coterals, I have grave doubts that your government would simply abandon these regions, which would mean a substantial loss to us."
Russian Envoy Nievich, "No, we are indeed sincere. Your Excellency, the Minister, do not forget, we have even pledged our gold reserves; defaulting is simply not a possibility."
Weisenberg remained unmoved. If not for the acquisition of the Russians¡¯ gold reserves and the promotion of currency hegemony, he wouldn¡¯t even be negotiating here with the Russians.
The so-called territorial coteral, the Tsarist Government indeedcked earnestness. Perhaps as a means to block Austria¡¯s entry into the ck Sea, the Russians¡¯ mortgaged territoriescked any seaports.
The Bulgarian region and territories west of the Dnieper River (Central and Western Ukraine + Moldova), offered by the Tsarist Government as coteral,cked crucial coastal areas.
In an era dominated by sea power, without ports, all being ind regions, these territories naturally diminished in value.
From the Russians¡¯ perspective, they had reasons for their actions. Allowing Austrians into the ck Sea was easy, but driving them out would be difficult.
Given the sorry state of the ck Sea Fleet, if the Austrian Navy entered the ck Sea, Russia¡¯s interests in the region would be severely threatened.
When ites to interests, the Tsarist Government wouldn¡¯t dare test Austria¡¯s integrity. If the stakes were high enough, perhaps the Vienna Government would intentionally let them be defeated for the sake of the coteral.
Even the current territorial mortgage was a risky decision made by the Tsarist Government after weighing the pros and cons several times.
"If Your country¡¯s government were to mortgage all its gold reserves, we naturally wouldn¡¯t worry about you defaulting, but Your country has only mortgaged half of its gold reserves.
Your country has always been a major gold-producing nation, with tens to hundreds of tons of gold mined each year; replenishing this portion of the reserves would not be difficult."
"Your Excellency, the Envoy, should be clear that we are not interested in Your country¡¯s territory. Not allnd is of immense value, especially after the loss of seaports, which significantly decreases its value."
Envoy Nievich furrowed his brows; replenishing gold reserves wasn¡¯t difficult for the Anglo-Austrian two countries. For other countries around the world, raising gold reserve levels was extremely challenging.
Russia might be one of the major gold-producing countries, but it couldn¡¯t withstand the annual outflow! Especially now that war was imminent, a massive outflow of gold and silver was simply unavoidable.
To mortgage all gold reserves was to ce one¡¯s economic lifeline entirely into the hands of the Austrians; to prevent the Ruble from bing worthless paper, Russia would have no choice but to obedientlyply.
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Envoy Nievich: "Your Excellency, the Minister, that¡¯s impossible. Mortgaging half of our reserve gold is already our bottom line.
We can negotiate on the territorial mortgage; we can add some ports. In return, Your country must guarantee our loan with the Nordic Federation, and ensure that Your navy never enters the ck Sea."
In their efforts to raise funds, the Tsarist Government had repeatedly lowered its bottom line. This was particrly true after the arrival of unfavorable news from London, where the Tsarist Government¡¯s bottom line was reduced yet again.
To date, Alexander II had no way out. If he did not initiate the war in advance, it would be toote once the enemy was prepared.
The word promise" had never been in Russians¡¯ dictionaries. The Prusso-Russian War had essentially be the means by which the Tsarist Government transferred internal conflicts; the consequences of stopping were unimaginable.
Knowing that initiating a war now could lead to heavy losses, the Tsarist Government still had to go ahead with it, toughing it out.
Wessenberg: "That is possible, but Your country must put up an equivalent mortgage. If Your country¡¯s government defaults, we have to pay off the debt, and we must be secured.
The navy never entering the ck Sea, I cannot guarantee that. However, we can agree that as long as Your country¡¯s government does not default, the Austrian Navy will not enter the ck Sea."
Envoy Nievich almost had a nightmare every time the word "coteral" came to mind; it made his scalp tingle. This Russian-Austrian negotiation had already exhausted him greatly.
On the other hand, whether the Austrian Navy entered the ck Sea was a minor issue; all promises were useless. As long as it benefited them, no one could be stopped."
Envoy Nievich hurriedly said, "Your Excellency, this is just a normalmercial loan guarantee; we can pay a guarantee fee. There is no risk, and Your country can rest assured."
Wessenberg shook his head: "I¡¯m sorry, Your Excellency the Envoy. War is about to break out. If Your country can win the war, then I believe there will be no problem.
If Your country loses the war, or ends in a stalemate, will Your government still be able to repay the debts and honor itsmitments when the timees?"
It was almost a direct expression of doubt in the Tsarist Government¡¯s credibility. In his view, the Tsarist Government would certainly honor itsmitments if it lost the war; it was rather if they won that he couldn¡¯t guarantee.
A defeated Russian Empire could not refuse even if it wanted to; the Nordic Federation could send its own troops to collect, as kicking someone when they¡¯re down was a skill everyone was proficient at.
In contrast, Austria¡¯s coteral was a bit more troublesome. Parts of Western Ukraine could very well end up in the hands of the Prusso-Polish Federation after the war and the Vienna Government might face a struggle to im those areas.
...
After an intense battle of wits, on October 10, 1879, Russia and Austria signed the "Russian-Austrian Trade Agreement" in Vienna, which stipted:
The Russian Empire mortgaged the regions west of the Dnieper River and the Russian Balkans, raising 480 million Divine Shield from Austria, including 180 million Divine Shield in loans and 300 million Divine Shield in bonds (Note: excluding Odessa and Istanbul).
Loan interest: 3.5¡ë per month
Bond interest: 8.4% per year
Handling fee: 3%
...
A weekter, the representatives of Russia, Austria, and the Nordic Federation signed the "Debt Guarantee Contract" in St. Petersburg, with the Vienna Government providing a safety guarantee for the debts of both Russian and the Nordic countries.
Chapter 654 - 227: War Breaks Out
```
Shortly after the Russian-Austrian agreement was exposed, the Berlin Government openly counteracted by publishing the "Anglo-Prussian Debt Agreement" and the "Franco-Prussian Debt Agreement".
Secrecy was no longer an issue; it was now a time to boost morale. How could the citizens bravely participate in the war without favorable news?
International loans were always linked to politics, implying alliances during the provision of funding.
Ennd and France supported the Prusso Federation, while Austria and the Nordic Federation backed the Russian Empire; other European countries also chose sides.
The Nethends, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, and the German Federation were more inclined to support the Prusso Federation, whereas Greece and Montenegro supported Russia.
The Prusso Federation still held an advantage in terms of international support, but the Russian Empire had greater potential for war, so both sides were evenly matched.
At the Vienna Pce, Franz felt no surprise at the diplomatic loss to the Russians. For the Tsarist Government to have persuaded the Nordic Federation was an overachievement given their diplomatic skills.
Denmark yed a significant role in this; without the Danish effort, even with Austria¡¯s guarantee, the Tsarist Government would not have easily convinced the Nordic Federation to contribute funds.
The old grudges between the Russians and Sweden were decades old, with the older generation gone, and the bitterness was less acute for the new. However, the grievances between Prussia and Denmark were different; being only a few decades old, they were still fresh in everyone¡¯s mind.
No matter how much the Russians were resented, they had gone to war with Prussia on behalf of the Danish, and most Danish people felt favorably towards the Tsarist Government.
Though the Nordic Federation was centered around Sweden, the Central Government had to take into ount the feelings of the Danish public when making decisions.
Moreover, the Tsarist Government¡¯s offer was very tempting. With the Vienna Government¡¯s guarantee, the risk of debt default had been greatly reduced.
At worst, they could even profit handsomely from the war. The Krone wasn¡¯t an international currency; apart from spending within the Nordic Federation, the Russians had nowhere else to use it.
If luck was on their side, they could capture Find without a fight and that would be a huge windfall.
The outside world was in an uproar over the forting war, with a wide range of opinions.
Some even divided the European world into two camps, viewing this Prusso-Russian war as a chess game among Ennd, France, and Austria.
These chaotic news reports did not affect Franz¡¯s good mood. The situation was unfolding exactly as he had foreseen, with perhaps only minor deviations.
Having put down the newspaper in his hand, Franz said, "First, allocate 100 million Divine Shields to the Russians, and let the Tsarist Government be bold in their actions!"
Loans required installment payments; banks couldn¡¯t transfer hundreds of millions of Divine Shields in cash without affecting their operations.
As for bonds, they had only just been issued and couldn¡¯t be fully sold for several months; the Tsarist Government wouldn¡¯t have the money for a while.
Receiving 100 million Divine Shields in such a short time was definitely preferential treatment; normalmercial loans were never that quick.
...
Funds embolden heroes, and with the money in hand, the Russians were fully unleashed, immediately recruiting soldiers nationwide.
In the Winter Pce, Alexander II was listening to his son¡¯s report. Unable to secure support from Ennd and France, Alexandrovich¡¯s European journey came to a premature end.
"Are you saying that Ennd, France, and Austria conspired to have us mutually exhausted?" Alexander II couldn¡¯t help but be startled, as the current situation had deviated from his expectations.
Originally, Alexander II had imagined easing tensions with Ennd and France, hoping they would remain neutral in the conflict, at least neutral at the onset of the war. It turned out to be a vain effort.
Alexandrovich nodded, "Although there is no direct evidence proving this, their recent actions have made it clear.
The negotiations earlier were so difficult, and then suddenly an agreement was reached; this is obviously not normal.
If you analyze the turning point in the negotiations, you will realize that after the UK and Prussia reached an agreement, the Austrians suddenly made significant concessions to us, no longer requiring us to mortgage all our gold.
It¡¯s now the end of October, in at most two more months, winter will begin, and it¡¯s impossible to decide the oue of the war in such a short time.
Yet, the funds have arrived just in time, and the enemy has started to expand their army massively.
If the war is dyed until the spring of next year, we will be facing not tens of thousands, but millions of well-armed troops."
The Russian Army had certain advantages in winter warfare, but these depended on timing and location.
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It was an advantage when defending the homnd, butunching an offensive was a different matter.
Not all regions experienced winters as cold as Russia, particrly the Polish Region, which wasn¡¯t cold enough.
```
```
After pacing a few steps, Alexander II said self-deprecatingly, "It doesn¡¯t matter, on the whole it¡¯s still to our advantage.
It seems that the impact of ourst failure has not yet subsided, the Austrians do not regard us favorably, fearing we will suffer a crushing defeat.
This is a good thing, as such judgment will prompt the Vienna Government to increase their support for us in the early stages. If we can take this opportunity to severely damage the enemy this winter, the situation will bepletely different."
Years of imperial life had matured Alexander II, and he had be apetent monarch. He was able to find the advantageous aspects in the shortest time and strived to amplify this advantage.
The foundations of the Prusso Federation were not solid; should they fail once, they would be greatly weakened. If they were to be dealt a serious blow, they definitely wouldn¡¯t recover over one winter.
By contrast, the Russian Empire¡¯s advantages were much greater. With its poption advantage, even if it suffered a defeat, one winter would be enough to recover.
Crown Prince Alexandrovich was on the verge of speaking out about the conspiracy of Ennd, France, and Austria, which was aimed at preventing the outbreak of war; however, reality told him this was not possible.
The power of hatred is immense, and even knowing this news did not waver Alexander II¡¯s determination to wage war.
Deep down, Alexander II also did not wish tounch a war at this time. But he had no choice, and neither did the Russian Empire. Discover hidden tales at NovelBin.C?m
If they didn¡¯t act now, waiting for the enemy to be fully prepared would only decrease their chances of victory even further.
The Russian Empire was simply too vast. Several main railway lines had already beenpleted, and it was not possible to significantly improve transport again in the short term; however, the enemy could. If dyed another year or two, the railwaywork within the Prusso Federation would be interconnected.
...
Minister of the Army Padro Wald: "Your Majesty, we havepleted our war preparations and are awaiting your orders tounch the attack.
As of yesterday afternoon, we have mobilized 1.68 million troops, and this number is still increasing at the rate of 150,000 per month. Of these, 820,000 troops have already assembled on the border.
Frontline strategic materials are all ready, sufficient to support the needs of one million troops for half a year ofbat.
Moreover, we have stockpiled arge amount of food in major cities along the way, which can be distributed nearby to minimize logistical pressure."
Without a doubt, the Russian People were much better prepared for this war than thest. Arge amount of strategic materials had been transported and stored at the front line in advance, so as not to find their army waiting for logistics at the outbreak of war.
The facts proved that Alexander II¡¯s reforms were not in vain. Compared to before, the efficiency and execution of the Tsarist Government had greatly improved.
War fosters growth, and this saying is utterly true. After having been defeated once, the Tsarist Government, through trial and error, had managed to establish a wartime mobilization mechanism.
How effective this was, still needed to be tested. But even the poorest mobilization mechanism was better than directly conscripting serfs onto the battlefield as before.
After pondering for a moment, Alexander II made his decision: "Shame can only be washed away with blood; since we are ready, let us dere war on the Prusso Federation!"
...
While the Tsarist Government decided to wage war, the Prusso Federation¡¯s war machine was also set into motion, with the high levels of the Berlin Government gathered around a roughly ten square meter sand table.
A year ago, Marshal Maoqi resigned from his position as Prime Minister and returned to his post in the General Staff.
Maoqi, holding the baton, was much better at this than being Prime Minister. In fact, during his many years as Prime Minister, he spent most of his time busy with military construction, rarely interfering in political issues.
His tenure as Prime Minister was the result of apromise of various interests, and personal ability was actually the least important factor.
Prussia was a military with a state, and the Prusso Federation inherited this well. The military had a veryrge say in politics, and without the overpowered Bismarck, no one could suppress these proud soldiers.
Wilhelm I was quite capable, but as King, he couldn¡¯t personally handle everything, so he had to find a way to maintain bnce in politics.
Maoqi, while pointing with his baton at the sand table, exined, "Your Majesty, you see, the blue gs represent the Russian Army¡¯s forces. The enemy has deployed about eight hundred thousand troops along the border.
This is just the beginning, as the enemy has amassed arge number of forces in the rear that can be sent to the front at any time.
It¡¯s already October, and winter is not far off. It¡¯s almost impossible to achieve a quick battle and quick victory, quickly defeating the enemy in a short period of time.
The General Staff ns tounch an offensive from the Polish Region before the arrival of winter, with the aim to push the battle to the Dnieper River and cut off the enemy¡¯s water transportation routes."
The Dnieper River originates from the southern foothills of the Valdai Hills, flowing south through Brus and Ukraine into the ck Sea. Most of the river can be navigated, holding high strategic and economic value.
Utilizing this waterway, the Russians could directly transport supplies from Austria to the hands of their frontline troops.
In thest war, it was after the Prussian Army cut off this waterway, increasing the transportation pressure on the Russians, that the Russian Army at the front found itself in a plight due to the shortage of supplies.
...
```
Chapter 655 - 228: The Trouble with the French
One by one, fallen leaves scattered on the ground, forming a golden "path of gold."
Stepping on it, asional "crunching" sounds made one feel sofortable, as if walking on a carpet, without a single extraneous leaf, each a golden leaf, endlessly charming.
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The joy of a bountiful harvest filled Vienna, where the family of Franz, out in the countryside, found themselves unable to tear themselves away from the beautiful scenery.
The poetic Franz was fervently writing, trying to leave behind a magnificent chapter for posterity. However, hecked the natural talent, and the content he produced never satisfied him.
Too contrived, as if he was creating for the sake of creating,cking the naturalness of "poetry and prose born of the heavens."
In this regard, Franz did have integrity; he never hired a ghostwriter, and naturally, he had no work he could proudly present.
After casually destroying the evidence of his failed attempts, Franz was ready to start over when his maid hurried over.
"Your Majesty, we¡¯ve just received news, the Tsarist Government delivered a deration of war to the Prusso Federation yesterday at midday."
Upon hearing this news, Franz put down his pen and instructed, "Send the order to pack up immediately, prepare to return to the pce."
The outbreak of the Prusso-Russian war, altered not just the Europeanndscape but the entire world situation. Even with prior preparations, Franz had to return to take charge of the overall situation.
...
Since it was a day trip, they hadn¡¯t ventured far. By evening, the carriage re-entered the pce. Without time to rest, Franz convened a Cab meeting.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg: "This morning, the Berlin Government also delivered a deration of war to the Russians, and the second Prusso-Russian war has fully erupted.
This afternoon, Wilhelm I issued a ¡¯Tell the people,¡¯ calling on the citizens to fight to the death against the Russians.
At the same time, the national mobilization mechanism was initiated. Starting now, all males in the Prusso Federation aged between 15 and 60 are inducted into reserve training."
"Ages 15 to 60," undoubtedly, this was the most extensive mobilization in Europe and the world.
Thest such extreme was in the Montenegro Duchy, where during the first Near East war, Montenegro mobilized all the men in the country.
Franz made no usation of Berlin Government¡¯s madness; in the face of life or death, any decision was understandable.
"How has the Prusso Federation¡¯s civilian reaction been, do the people support the Berlin Government¡¯s actions?"
For extreme mobilization, the most critical factor was the full cooperation of the popce. During World War II, Bulgaria, with a poption of just over four million, mobilized 1.26 million troops, relying on the full support of the citizens.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg: "It¡¯s been too short a time, and we have not been able to conduct a thorough investigation. However, from previous data, the public should support this war.
Especially the Polish poption, they extremely despise the Russians. If the war goes well, after the war, the Prusso Federation could truly be one country."
The national consciousness of Greater Pnd could be described as the strongest in the world. Wilhelm I was able to bring together Prussian and Polish by having amon enemy¡ªthe Russian Empire.
Under external pressure, Prussian and Polish clung together, but in essence, they were still two countries. Pnd still retained an independent government; it just had an additional Central Government above it.
The current political structure of the Prusso Federation is somewhat simr to Austria before 1848. Pnd is like a Hungary that wants to be independent but dares not due to the Russian threat.
Now the opportunity has arisen, once war breaks out, the Polish Government will have no confidence to refuse the Central Government¡¯s meddling in internal affairs. Power is easy to give away, but hard to take back.
Don¡¯t think about it; Franz knew what the Berlin Government would do next. By taking the opportunity of jointbat, they would gainmand over the Polish Army; by coordinating logistics, they would gain control of transportation and local governmentmand.
If skillful enough, they might even use this as an opportunity to weaken Pnd¡¯s power indirectly. Once arge number of males have been lost, Pnd would be incapable of resisting the merger of the two countries after the war.
Prime Minister Felix: "It¡¯s not just the Polish who want war; in the Prussian region, the Junker aristocracy controls the discourse, and their desire to fight is very strong.
The victory in thest war has made many forget themselves. If they win easily again this time, some are likely to challenge us."
For a proponent of Greater Germany, the Prusso Federation is a thorn in the side. The stronger the Prusso Federation, the smaller Austria¡¯s chance to unify the German Region.
No choice, even just the Kingdom of Prussia could be allowed into the Shinra Empire, but add Pnd to that, and it bes too much to bear.
No matter how Austria¡¯s national policy has changed, Felix¡¯s conviction to unify the German Region has never waned.
Even having passed his seventieth year, Felix still insisted on visiting every Sub-State in the German Region annually, propagating the "Greater German ideology."
This was obviously not what the sub-state governments wanted to see. If Austria¡¯s advantage hadn¡¯t been so great, and the vested interests hadn¡¯t needed to keep a way out for themselves, Felix would have been turned away long ago.
Franz smiled slightly, "Don¡¯t worry, my Prime Minister. The Russians are no pushovers; this war won¡¯t be over in a short time.
"Ennd and France support the Prusso-Polish Federation, and we support the Russian Empire; both sides have money and supplies. In the end, it wille down to manpower.
"The Prusso-Polish Federation has stronger officer leadership and more developed infrastructure; the Russians have vast territories and arge poption. Each side has its advantages, and this war will be fought."
A war where forces are evenly matched is often the most brutal. For themon interests of all, Ennd, France, and Austria will not let them finish the war easily.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, before the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the Berlin Government not only sold their only colony but also sold all their overseas colonial positions in session.
"The buyers were all French, even when others offered higher prices. Various signs indicate that there is an undisclosed deal between Prussia and France.
"During Wilhelm I¡¯s visit to Paris, he even proposed the threat of Austria. The Foreign Ministry believes that the secret agreement between Prussia and France is aimed at us."
Secret agreements are always the most troublesome. Franz was used to manipting others with secret deals, but now, as fate would have it, it was his turn to worry.
After pondering for a moment, Franz waved his hand, "Let¡¯s not worry about the Prusso-French secret agreement. Before the Prusso-Russian War ends, even if they want to target us, they won¡¯t have the strength.
"The French economy is already having problems. If their Africa development n fails, the good days for the Paris Government are over."
Ever since Napoleon III annexed the Italian Area, Franz had downgraded the French threat by two levels. The Italian Area seemed like a juicy prize, but it was only shiny on the surface.
In the industrial era, development is inseparable from resources. The Italian Area happens to be one of the most resource-poor regions in Europe, and before the French can digest it, they must solve the resource issue.
Regrettably, France itself is not resource-rich either and is insufficient for its own development. If domestic production can¡¯t keep up, they have to import, and now "Great France" imports arge amount of industrial raw materials every year.
Starting in 1870, France has been in a trade deficit. If the franc could be a world currency, a small deficit could easily be covered.
Unfortunately, under the squeeze of the British pound and the Divine Shield, the franc has very little room to survive, and an increasing number of countries are unwilling to hold francs.
In such a context, the outflow of gold and silver is naturally unstoppable. Fortunately, in this era, there are still many countries using gold and silver as currency. With a solid foundation, the Paris Government smoothed over the deficit by selling off silver.
This situation is clearly unsustainable. The French government is faced with only two choices: either increase exports or reduce imports.
Increase exports? Don¡¯t even think about it, because of industrial production costs, French industrial andmercial goods have alwaysckedpetitiveness in the international market.
If exports can¡¯t be increased, then imports must be reduced. Developing the African Continent became the national policy of the Paris Government in this context.
Of course, this development is different from Austria¡¯s; the French only want to establish a raw material source, with no ns for local integration.
...
Pce of Versailles, upon receiving news of the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, Napoleon IV immediately decided to hold a banquet to celebrate this good news.
After waiting for what seemed like an eternity, it finally came. In recent years, the French economy faced a bottleneck and had beennguishing for several years.
Economic Minister Elsa: "Your Majesty, the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for domestic industry andmerce, but it alsoes with a crisis.
"Compared to the benefits brought by war, the profits that can be made from investing in the North African colonies are far too small. If we cannot solve this problem, I am afraid that our Africa development n will have to be abandoned once again."
Development cannot be separated from capital. Without enough capital investment, the Africa development n naturally cannot proceed.
French capitalists had no interest in developing colonies; they only invested because of domestic capital surplus and ack of investment opportunities. Government efforts were just enough to persuade some people to begrudgingly invest in the colonies.
Now things are different, with the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, a new opportunity for making a fortune has appeared.
Anyone with a bit of political sense knows that this war cannot be over in a short time. Any investment in war-rted fields can bring in substantial returns.
Rather than investing in colonies where returns are uncertain, it¡¯s better to stay and make a profit from the war. When interests are concerned, everyone knows how to choose.
Napoleon IV¡¯s good mood vanished in an instant. The Africa strategy is crucial for the French economy, and the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War means that all their initial efforts havee to naught.
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Chapter 656 - Two Hundred and Twenty-Nine: No Time to Attend to
London, since the news of the Prusso-Russian war broke out, the British Government has been busy.
Prime Minister Benjamin: "You want to expand the army again?"
Army Minister Fox solemnly reminded, "Your Excellency Prime Minister, we have not expanded our army for many years. Apart from wartime, the army¡¯s organization has not increased in nearly fifty years."
Benjamin answered with an embarrassed face, "Sorry, I made a mistake. Tell me the reasons, why do you think about expanding the army?"
The presence of the British Army is so low that it is usually the Navy that requests expansions. The sudden application for army expansion caught Prime Minister Benjamin off guard, leading to his habitual use of "again".
Fox was used to this kind of situation. Such is the status of the British Army; it seldom grabs the government¡¯s attention except when needed.
"The outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War signals a reshuffling of European affairs, and we need a strong army to respond to emergencies."
Chancellor Garfield Bromley Anshilong opposed, "No, the situation in Europe is still within our control. As long as the bnce between France and Austria is not disrupted, there will be no problems.
Moreover, even if the bnce of Europe is broken, I don¡¯t believe that expanding the army will change anything."
Harsh as it might sound, this was the truth. Austria has over six hundred thousand regr soldiers, and France is close to half a million.
The Prussia and Russia currently at war have both mobilized armies of over a million, and thebined forces on the battlefield exceed one million two hundred thousand troops.
How many does the British standing army have?
136,000!
Of course, this is not the entirity of Great Britain Empire¡¯s armed forces. Across its vast colonies, there are at least five to six hundred thousand colonial troops, as well as several civilian armed groups.
However, thebat effectiveness of the colonial armies is notoriously low. When considering European affairs, these forces are customarily overlooked.
At that moment, Fox¡¯s face darkened, this was an outright provocation. In the recent wars, the army¡¯s performance had beenckluster, leaving him with no confidence to speak up.
Regardless of the army¡¯sbat effectiveness, as the Army Minister, Fox had to uphold the army¡¯s dignity. He immediately asked, "Sir, are you doubting the army¡¯sbat effectiveness?"
Doubting the army¡¯sbat capability is one thing, but voicing such doubts openly is uneptable. The British Army might be overshadowed by the Royal Navy, but behind this "younger brother" stands arge group of supporters.
Offending such arge group over onement is certainly not the act of a wise man.
Realizing his slip, Garfield immediately corrected, "No, I have never doubted thebat strength of the army.
My point is that the number of our army is too small, we simply cannotpete with the armies of other European countries. Even if our army is strong inbat, it¡¯s hard to fight against overwhelming numbers.
As an ind nation, it has been decided that Britain¡¯s focus must be at sea. Under these circumstances, the resources we can dedicate to the army are very limited."
Upon hearing this exnation, Fox¡¯s expression softened, "It is precisely because of this gap that we need to catch up and narrow the difference with France and Austria.
Our army¡¯s size does not match Britain¡¯s international status at all. We¡¯re not even talking about deterring France and Austria, even a third-rate country would dare to look down on us."
After reviewing the documents, Prime Minister Benjamin took up a pen and circled a number, stopping the argument, "Sir Fox, your expansion n has exceeded reality.
History has proven that Britain does not have the power to contend with Europe for dominance; maintaining bnce is the best choice.
To achieve this goal, diplomacy is key; the army doesn¡¯t need to regard France and Austria as hypothetical enemies; this is beyond our capabilities."
In the face of this situation, Fox remained unmoved; this was not the first time an expansion of the army had been rejected. Simr incidents urred almost every year.
The military always wants to expand, especially the stepchild that is thend army. Regardless of approval, they try every year¡¯s end.
They do not expect to reach all goals; even an increase of a single regiment¡¯s strength would be considered a great victory.
"Prime Minister, even if we ignore the European situation, the colonies cannot be neglected, right? In recent years, the pressure on the colonies has been increasing.
Especially in the Indian Colony, we are still preparing for military actions in Afghanistan and Persia.
If we do not expand the army, relying solely on colonial troops might not be enough to fulfill the government¡¯s ns."
Benjamin frowned upon hearing this; Austria had expanded its influence into the Persian Gulf Region, and they felt the pressure as well.
To contain Austria¡¯s expansion, the London Government developed the Persian strategy, nning to upy the Persian region before Austria could fully assimte the Arabian Penins.
As for the Afghan strategy, it is a historical legacy issue. As the world¡¯s hegemon, John Bull also sought to save face; after failing to invade Afghanistan in previous years, they naturally wanted to redeem themselves.
The Prusso-Russian War had broken out, and the Tsarist Government¡¯s energy was tied up in Europe, making it the perfect opportunity to take action. If we wait for the Russians to recover, seizing this area won¡¯t be as simple as it is now.
Seeing that the Prime Minister was intrigued, Navy Secretary John Vassil immediately interjected, "With the current size of the army, it is indeed impossible toplete so many tasks.
However, we still have time. After Austria assimtes the Arabian Penins, their next target should be the Ottoman Empire. We don¡¯t have to worry about thempeting with us for Persia before the fall of the Ottomans.
The same goes for the Afghan region; the Prusso-Russian War won¡¯t end anytime soon. We only need to worry about this threat if the Tsarist Government wins the war.
From the current situation, the likelihood of the Russians winning the war easily is almost zero. After this war, the Tsarist Government will need at least ten years to recover.
Such a long period is sufficient for us to aplish many things. If the army cannotplete the task, our Marine Corps can step in." Your next read awaits at NovelBin.C?m
Suppressing the army is a core strategy of the Royal Navy, no less important than subduing France and Austria, or even more so.
Lack of troops?
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Just expand temporarily after the war breaks out; why bother increasing the establishment!
In the eyes of the navy, the army is superfluous. The Royal Navy and colonial troops are sufficient for overseas expansion; the police are enough to maintain domestic peace. What¡¯s the use of the army?
Even for quelling rebellions, the Marine Corps can be called upon! If necessary, we can simply expand the establishment again. The army isn¡¯t needed to join themotion.
Of course, this is just a thought. No matter how little the army is favored, the London Government could not possibly disband it.
The simplest bnce of power is well understood by all. Without the army, wouldn¡¯t the nation¡¯s military power fall entirely into the hands of the navy?
Benjamin nodded, "Let¡¯s put this issue aside for now and discuss it slowlyter. If the Army Department has doubts, they can submit them directly to Parliament for discussion.
Let¡¯s talk about the Prusso-Russian War now. The war may seem confined to Eastern Europe, but it¡¯s already affecting the global situation."
Parliament is the best shield; any problems brought there can¡¯t be resolved in a day or two, making it the best tool for dying time.
Foreign Minister Edward said, "The Prusso-Russian War can be considered thergest war in the history of Europe, and even of humanity.
ording to intelligence from the embassies, the total forces mobilized by Prussia and Russia are close to exceeding three million. It might not be long before both sidesmit millions of troops to the ughter.
It¡¯s hard to imagine that this is just Prussia and Russia. If France and Austria were to mobilize, it would probably be even more terrifying.
The war has just begun, and nobody knows the oue. The only certainty is that this war will be very brutal, with potentially millions of casualties."
When he spoke, Edward was still somewhat shaken. Before the war broke out, no one had expected Prussia and Russia to be so reckless.
Chancellor Garfield bluntlymented, "They are all madmen!"
Prime Minister Benjamin waved his hand, pretending to be rxed, "It doesn¡¯t matter whether Prussia and Russia are mad; the key is the chain reaction caused by the war and the benefits we can derive amid these changing international situations.
There¡¯s no need to mention trade benefits; everyone knows the arms dealers are going to make a fortune. Let¡¯s discuss the changes in the situation in Europe and the world."
Foreign Minister Edward smiled lightly, "It¡¯s not that serious. If the situation in Europe changes, although still uncertain, as long as France and Austria wish to maintain stability, they can manage it.
The impact on the global situation is even smaller. While Prussia and Russia are not weak, they are not colonial empires, and their influence is mainly on the Eurasian continent.
The most that might happen is a certain impact on the Far Eastern region, but Selys¡¯s ruler is too weak. Even if the Russians have no time to look eastward, they most likely wouldn¡¯t dare to make rash moves.
Actually, we just have to sit back with our coffee and pastries and watch Prussia and Russia fight; there¡¯s really nothing we need to do!"
Britannia has the confidence to be a bystander; regardless of the oue of the Prusso-Russian War, their interests will not be affected.
Colonial Minister Robert shook his head, "No, there¡¯s still something we can do. While everyone¡¯s attention is drawn to Eastern Europe, the South America war can follow our script.
Before the end of the Prusso-Russian War, I think France and Austria should be too busy to meddle with us; the Chileans this time are really picking up a huge bargain."
Considering that the navies of Prussia and Russia aren¡¯t impressive, Britannia, as a maritime nation, can happily profit from the war. However, France and Austria, situated on the continent, can¡¯t do the same.
The European continent is too small to amodate so many great powers; France and Austria would not allow a new great power to rise and encroach on their interests.
Whether it¡¯s Austria or France, they now need to keep an eye on the Eastern European battlefield and be ready to intervene in the war at any moment.
To ensure themitment of forces in Europe, France and Austria naturally can¡¯t worry about South America in the short term, and Bolivia and Peru are going to suffer."
...
Chapter 657 - 230: Maoqi
Under the roaring artillery fire, the sky gradually darkened, and the screams and shouts of killing echoed incessantly in the distance, perhaps by morning there would be thousands more corpses.
Marshal Maoqi, who had just arrived at the front, picked up the binocrs and stared intently at the battlefield. Due to the distance, he could only see the thick smoke from exploding shells.
A momentter, Maoqi sighed. The situation was far worse than he had anticipated. From the bombardment, it was clear the Russians had greatly improved since the past.
As night fell, both sides tacitly ceased fighting. A chilling wind began to howl, as if to awaken the souls of the dead.
Inside the Prussian Army headquarters, the newly arrived Marshal Maoqi began to rage.
"One week since the outbreak of war, and we haven¡¯t even taken the small fortress of Brest, what a bunch of ipetents.
Speak up! In peacetime, aren¡¯t you all very capable? Proud and dismissive, boasting about defeating Russia in three months, parading through St. Petersburg in half a year.
Now what? We can¡¯t even take Brest. Never mind parading in St. Petersburg, if this continues, our strategy to sever the Dnieper River will be bankrupt."
Everyone bowed in a posture of listening to a lesson. There was no denying that the battle was indeed going poorly.
ording to the General Staff¡¯s n, the Prussian Army should have captured Brest within three days and then moved south along the Dnieper River to seize Kiev, cutting off the Russian Army¡¯s aquatic supply routes.
The key to this strategy was speed. The Russianscked everything but soldiers. Once the Tsarist Government reacted, with a massive influx of reinforcements, the war would be much more difficult.
This was a lesson from history. During the first Near East war, the bloodshed experienced by the Anglo-French forces taught the world that the fully armed and logistically supported Russian Army was tough to crack.
As long as the Dnieper River remained in Russian hands, Austria¡¯s supplies could flow without interruption, and the war would evolve into a war of attrition.
Southwestern Armymander Hoenlohe Engelfingen stiffly replied, "Your Excellency Marshal, the enemy is much more stubborn than we imagined. Over these seven days, we¡¯ve engaged in numerous direct confrontations.
Although we¡¯ve had the upper hand most of the time, the overall situation is still not optimistic. Russian reinforcements are arriving quickly, and the forces we¡¯re fighting against have already been rotated three times.
You may not believe it, but they are not only holding their positions staunchly, they also frequentlyunch counterattacks.
ording to the intelligence we¡¯ve gathered, there are eighty thousand Russian troops defending the front lines of Brest, and another hundred thousand in the Volen Region, not to mention the unending stream of reinforcements in the rear.
The Russianmanders opposite us are a bunch of madmen who don¡¯t give a damn about soldiers¡¯ lives, often deliberately engaging us in tough battles.
In just one week, our Southwestern Army has lost the equivalent of two divisions¡¯ worth of soldiers. To achieve a breakthrough here in a short time is nearly impossible."
There¡¯s no helping it; strategic matters simply can¡¯t be kept secret. If the Prussian Army wants to sever the Dnieper River, the Russian Army naturally won¡¯tply.
As the enemy, they have to keep a close watch on us. Especially since the advent of airship troops, every day there are Russian airships breaching our borders for reconnaissance, making it very difficult to keeprge troop movements secret.
Maoqi¡¯s brows were tightly furrowed, and he knew that failing to take the fortress of Brest wasn¡¯t mainly the fault of these officers. The battlefield was a ce where strength spoke loudest, and it was natural for the Prussian Army, without an overwhelming advantage, to reach a stalemate.
The General Staff¡¯s strategic n: feint an attack on Estonia, making a posture of advancing to St. Petersburg to attract the Russian main force, thereby creating an opportunity to seize Kiev.
However, ns never keep up with changes. The goal of attracting the Russian main force was achieved, but taking the first step towards capturing Kiev was stuck.
No matter how good the strategy, it can¡¯t contend with the Tsarist Government¡¯s troop numbers. The Russian defenders outnumber the attacking Prussian Army, which is quite awkward.
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Not just here, but across the entire battle line, the Russian forces have the upper hand. The Prusso-Polish Federation, with all their effort, managed to assemble seven hundred fifty thousand soldiers for the battlefield, while the Russian Army¡¯s numbers had already surpassed one million.
Maoqi shook his head, "We don¡¯t have that much time. If we can¡¯t capture Kiev before winter arrives and sever the Dnieper River¡¯s transport line, things will be much more troublesome next year.
No matter how difficult, we mustplete this strategy. Otherwise, the enemy, with their superior numbers, will simply exhaust us to death.
I¡¯ll tell you the truth, it¡¯s not just the offensive at the Brest frontline that¡¯s stalled, it¡¯s the same across the whole battlefield.
In the past decade, the enemy has built arge number of defensive fortifications. With so many lines of defense, how could we possibly break through them in a short time?"
At this point, Maoqi let out a coldugh, mocking, "What, scared now?"
"Not scared!"
"Not scared!"
¡
As a group of war profiteers, how could they be so easily frightened? The war had only just begun, and encountering difficulties was normal. Even the most optimistic person wouldn¡¯t expect to defeat the Russian Army in just one week.
Compared to thest war, the current situation was already much improved. At that time, once the war broke out, the Russian Army pressed hard against the Prussian Army, but in the end, they managed to turn the tables.
"Since you¡¯re not afraid, then stop making excuses. Pull yourself together and figure out a way to tear through the enemy¡¯s defenses.
If the enemy has deployed heavy forces in the Brest region, then find a way to bypass them. If the main army can¡¯t get through, can¡¯t a small unit manage it?
At the very least, you could arrange for someone to blow up the channels of the Dnieper River. As long as the strategic objective is achieved, I don¡¯t care what methods you use."
In order to win the war, Marshal Maoqi was ready to stop at nothing. It might sound easy when he said it, but if a small unit was sent deep into enemy territory on its own, they were essentially on a one-way trip.
Hoenlohe Engelfingen, "Your Excellency Marshal, the enemy has deployed heavy forces in the Brest region, which is not suitable as a breakthrough point. It would be best to choose another direction.
Unlike thest war, the Russians have made ample preparations this time, and the Russian Army won¡¯t becking in supplies anytime soon.
Even if we cut off the Dnieper River, they can still transport supplies via the railroads in the eastern Ukraine Region, unless we can upy all of Ukraine.
Strategically speaking, this is much like chicken ribs¡ªtasteless and of little value. The Ukraine Region is not the core of Russia, even if they lose this ce, the Russians won¡¯t surrender.
They have already obtained the understanding of the Nordic Federation, and besides Austria, Russia can also get supplies from the Nordic Federation.
Before the Tsarist Government spends itsst Gold Coin, it will be difficult for us to exhaust their supplies.
To defeat the Russian Empire, we must upy Moscow and St. Petersburg. Compared to these two strategic locations, other ces should only serve as secondary objectives."
Marshal Maoqi mmed his hand on the table, "Your proposal, I will consider it seriously. Right now, what¡¯s needed is to carry out orders, do you understand, General!"
It was not that the proposal was bad, nor was it that Marshal Maoqi could not tolerate differing opinions. On the contrary, if there hadn¡¯t been preparations to attack Moscow, the Berlin Government would not have insisted on holding Smolensk in thest war.
If the strategic locations for the assault on Moscow were in hand, how could Marshal Maoqi possibly overlook them?
The problem was that the Russians had seen it too, and right at the outbreak of the war, they had assembled heavy forces to besiege Smolensk.
Under such circumstances, Marshal Maoqi naturally would not choose to directly sh with the Russians, hence the battle for Brest.
As for Smolensk, let it be used to deplete the enemy¡¯s forces. The Berlin Government had already established aplete defense fortification there, perfectly attracting Russian firepower.
¡
After the meeting, Marshal Maoqi kept Hoenlohe Engelfingen back for a confidential discussion.
"Marshal, why not speak up at the meeting?"
Marshal Maoqi: "That¡¯s right, it¡¯s just as you¡¯re thinking. Of course, I¡¯m not saying there¡¯s an issue with anyone who attended the meeting¡ªthe Russians are not yet capable of buying off high-ranking military officers.
But with the lower ranks, it¡¯s hard to say. In recent years, we¡¯ve caught no few spies, many of whom leaked information to the enemy without even knowing it. At such a crucial juncture, we must be cautious."
Hoenlohe Engelfingen looked thoughtful. Catching spies was never a harmonious affair, and although the Berlin Government didn¡¯t engage in guilt by association, several officers got entangled in the process.
Where there are people, there¡¯s conflict, and the military is not a monolith. Because of power struggles, anyone who got involved, guilty or not, would end up ignominiously retiring.
"Alright, in principle, I do not oppose this battle n. The Southwestern Army will do its best to draw the enemy¡¯s attention, but I still have some concerns about breaking through from the Volen Region."
Conquering Kiev isn¡¯t just about following the course of the Dnieper River downstream¡ªadvancing directly from the Volen Region is also a possibility, though not as convenient.
Marshal Maoqi smiled slightly, "It¡¯s good to be concerned. If even you think it¡¯s not feasible, it¡¯s even less likely for the enemy to imagine it.
Moreover, who has set a rule that we must drive straight to Kiev?
After achieving a breakthrough in the Volen Region, we canpletely turn our guns around and encircle the Russian forces in Brest.
The war has already begun, and the strategies nned in advance can only be ns. Whether to implement them and how to implement them must be based on the actual situation.
No matter how we fight, as long as we win this war that¡¯s what matters. Right now, what we need to do is to destroy as much of the main Russian force as possible. Once we¡¯ve dealt with this batch of troops, the battles that follow will be easier."
For one general¡¯s sess, a thousand bones dry in the sun¡ªeveryone cares only about winning the war, with no one paying attention to the sacrifices made behind the scenes. The nameless heroes are the greatest, and also the most tragic.
Marshal Maoqi would rather exert pressure on the officers, forcing them to attack rather than reveal the truth about the feint operations, also considering these factors.
If everyone knew the truth, would they still fight so desperately? If they weren¡¯t desperate enough, how could we create enough pressure to force the surrounding Russian forces to send reinforcements?
Even for political reasons, this feint might even be deliberately erased. If there is no breakthrough on the battlefield, the forces responsible for the feint won¡¯t receive any credit for their efforts, and instead, may bear the brunt of disciplinary action.
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An outstandingmander must consider military and political aspects, as well as human nature."
Chapter 658 - 231, Willing to Let Go
The Prussian Army was in action, and the Russian Army was not idle either. Perhaps learning from the lessons of thest war, the Russians were much more cautious this time.
No matter how the Prussian Army attacked, they were fixated on Smolensk; other regions relied on previously constructed fortifications for defense.
From the standpoint of an observer, the Russians were a bit conservative in their strategy, but it has to be admitted that this was the safest option.
Smolensk is the gateway to Moscow; without taking this ce, the Russian Army simply cannot rest assured and advance to the west.
Those who have studied the Prussian Army know that they prefer to concentrate their superior forces in a local battlefield for a decisive battle; they excel in outnking maneuver, rapid breakthroughs, external line operations, and quick resolutions.
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In thest war, the Russians suffered heavy losses, so naturally, they had to learn from their mistakes.
Steady and firm actions are undoubtedly the best choice. By concentrating forces in one direction for a key offensive and relying on fortifications for defense in other regions, the Prussian Army, even with concentrated superior forces, would find it hard to break through in a short time.
Defense is always more advantageous than offense; with bunker fortresses as support, without an advantage of two or three times the strength, it¡¯s practically impossible to breach under normal circumstances.
Inside the Vienna Pce, Franz furrowed his brows as he looked at the Russian military deployment map. The Russians had stabilized their position, but what about the Prusso Federation?
A battle of equal strength was what Franz wanted to see. Now, the Russian Army¡¯s tacticsck any technical content and are fully engaged in a war of attrition with the Prusso Federation.
"Albrecht, if you were in Maoqi¡¯s position, how would you fight this war?"
After a brief contemtion, Albrecht picked up amand baton and pointed on the map: "Here is Smolensk, located in the middle of the Eastern European in, and militarily regarded as the gateway to Moscow.
In recent years, Prussia and Russia have built many defensive works along the border. Smolensk, in particr, is crowded with bunker fortresses.
If I were in charge, since the Russians want to attack Smolensk, I would simply defend in ce and use the fortress works to exhaust the Russian Army¡¯s strength.
The Russians are defending other areas, and the Prussian Army can do the same. Winter ising soon anyway; even if a breakthrough is achieved now, it wouldn¡¯t be possible to expand the victory.
The issue of a decisive battle canpletely be dyed until next spring when muddy roads will be the Russian Army¡¯s biggest adversary in movement."
After a pause, Albrecht added: "Actually, apart from the army, the navy can also be considered.
In recent years, constrained by financial resources, the Russians have neglected their navy. Although the navy of the Prusso Federation isn¡¯t great either, they can seek help from Ennd and France.
Purchasing or leasing a fleet and directly raiding St. Petersburg ¨C if lucky, the war could end within the year.
Even if the Tsarist Government isn¡¯t captured, it doesn¡¯t matter. With the capital lost, the front-line Russian Army would definitely be shaken.
To recover from the failure, the Tsarist Government might even alter its previous strategy, ordering the front-line Russian Army toe out for a decisive battle, and the opportunity would naturally arise."
Franz was taken aback, suddenly realizing there was such an obvious w in the Russian¡¯s side, he couldn¡¯t help but be surprised.
Calming down, Franz shook his head: "Maoqi would not do this, and neither would the Junker nobles allow the glory of defeating the Russians to be handed to the navy.
An attack on St. Petersburg requires close coordination between the army and navy. The Prussian Army has not undergonending training; if coordination is poor, this n simply cannot be realized.
Moreover, purchasing a fleet would be such arge movement that keeping it secret would also be difficult. Even if Ennd and France cooperate as much as possible, entering the Baltic Sea would expose them, unless Ennd and France send troops personally."
The dispute betweennd and sea is an unavoidable topic. Although the army holds an absolute advantage in the Prusso Federation, the navy also has its supporters.
In thest wave of colonial expansion at the end of the fifties, Prussia also triggered a naval development trend and even built its own irond ships, establishing a colony on the Indochina Penins.
If it weren¡¯t for the army taking the initiative to start the Second Prussia-Denmark War, which led to the situation spiraling out of control, perhaps the Kingdom of Prussia might have be a new colonial empire.
Even now, Prussia¡¯s industrial andmercial sectors are still supporters of the navy. It¡¯s toote to carve up colonies, but our overseas investments still need protection!
International trade is difficult these days; without a strong navy to back you up, everything is challenging. Even pirates pick their targets based on who¡¯s behind them.
If one were to carefully calcte, it would be found thatndlocked federations like the Prusso-Polish Federation have ships suffering mishaps overseas at several times the rate of naval powers.
The capitalists¡¯ losses don¡¯t concern the Junker nobility¡ªwhose core interests lie in theirnd. If it weren¡¯t for the pressure from the Russians, they would even oppose the establishment of the Prusso-Polish Federation.
To prevent agricultural products from the Polish Region from impacting the domestic market, the Prusso-Polish Federation still maintains tariffs within its borders.
In this context, unless absolutely necessary, Maoqi, as a representative of Junker interests, would definitely not sacrifice ss interests.
As for Ennd and France personally sending troops, that¡¯s wishful thinking. They support the Prusso-Polish Federation, true, but that doesn¡¯t mean they want to see the Russians fail immediately¡ªat least the French only wish to see the Federation win miserably.
Albrecht nodded, "Indeed, once the navy bes the key to winning this war, it¡¯ll be difficult to suppress their development afterward.
The strength of the Prusso-Polish Federation is still insufficient. It¡¯s impossible to maintain a world-ss army and build a great navy at the same time."
This problem is not unique to the Federation; even Austria shares simr concerns.
Maintaining both a world-ss army and navy is a strain even for Austria. The annual disputes in the Vienna Government¡¯s budget are the best proof of this.
It¡¯s normal not to guess Maoqi¡¯s moves. Albrecht is just the chief of staff of Austria; his understanding of the Prusso-Polish Federation is limited, and inevitably his judgments are influenced by Austrian military thought.
In fact, each country¡¯s military thought differs, often influenced by its national power. Different countries¡¯ military tactics also differ.
There are no right or wrong tactics, only what is suitable and what is not. What seems perfect now may be outdated in a few years; what seems like a fantasy now may be mainstream in a few years.
With the evolution of the times, this situation will ur more and more frequently.
Franz asked nonchntly, "Hmm, let¡¯s put this issue aside for now; time will reveal the answer soon enough.
Let¡¯s talk about overseas matters. How is the war in South America progressing, and are the British up to something again?"
Based on his understanding of the British, if the London Government doesn¡¯t take advantage while Ennd and France are focused on Europe, it wouldn¡¯t be characteristic of John Bull.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Yes, Your Majesty. ording to the intelligence we have collected, the second squadron of the British Pacific Fleet is on its way there.
If all goes as expected, there¡¯s a high probability they are intending to blockade the coastal regions of Peru and Bolivia to create an opportunity for Chile to win the war."
Hearing this news, Franz was quite irritated, yet he was also powerless. Unless France and Austria intervened together, there was no stopping the British actions.
In this era, Bolivia and Peru, apart from theirnd area, were truly tiny nations. Thebined economies of both countries didn¡¯t even amount to half of Vienna.
For such small interests, expecting a joint effort from France and Austria was undoubtedly a pipe dream.
Europe is the center of the world at this time. If intervention in South America led to a dispersion of powers that caused the situation in Europe to spiral out of control, that would be a tragedy.
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After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a reluctant decision: "Our strength in the South American region is limited. Without domestic support, it is difficult topete with the British.
For the time being, let¡¯s abandon our positioning in South America. As long as it doesn¡¯t directly harm our interests, let the British do as they please!"
¡
Chapter 659 - 232: Ruthless
The roar of cannon fire signaled the beginning; the battle for Koweli had begun. Leading the charge for the Prussian Army was Major General Luke, a rising star from the previous Prusso-Russian war.
Coming from the modest background of a Junkerndlord, Luke had risen to the rank of general through sheer will and a bit of luck.
He had always believed his resolve to be unshakeable, impervious to the cruelty of battle that could sway his heart.
In that moment, however, Major General Luke realized he was wrong; his heart was in disarray. Hemented inwardly, "It turns out I am but an ordinary man."
The Russians did not hide in their fortress bunkers; at the same time as the Prussian Army charged, the Russian Armyunched a counter-charge, and a fierce melee ensued.
The battlefield reverberated with the incessant sounds of battle cries and screams of agony. Luke witnessed a Prussian soldier being impaled by an enemy bay, who while screaming in pain, still clung onto the barrel of the enemy¡¯s rifle, simply to create an opportunity for hisrades.
Once upon a time, he too was among their ranks. Only through better luck and earning distinctions in battle had he smoothly ascended the ranks.
Recalling therades who enlisted with him, those familiar faces, most of whom had fallen on the battlefield.
To a certain extent, Luke¡¯s smooth rise through the ranks was also built on the backdrop of heavy casualties suffered by the Prussian Army in the previous war.
In times of war, the military speaks through achievements, minimizing the influence of one¡¯s origins.
Arge number of junior and mid-level officers had fallen, and with the massive expansion of the army, lucky ones like Luke withbat achievements naturally stood out.
As he watched the casualty count rise, Luke gradually calmed down, realizing something wasn¡¯t right. It seemed the Russians were intentionally luring them into an attack.
Night fell, and the ze of battle temporarily ceased, leaving behind nothing but debris.
Inside themand post, the more Luke thought about it, the more unusual it seemed; it was as if the Russians were deliberately engaging in a war of attrition with them.
Suppressing the doubts in his heart, Luke inquired, "Have the casualty numbers been tallied?"
Chief of Staff Pasquarino sighed, "They have. In today¡¯s battle, we had 526 soldiers injured and 248 soldiers killed in action. Just like that, two battalions¡¯ worth of men gone."
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Major General Luke stood up and took a few steps, saying, "Another two battalions. Since the beginning of the war, our 22nd Division alone has suffered nearly three thousand casualties. If this is the case across the entire battlefield, then this war is likely unprecedented in its brutality."
Chief of Staff Pasquarino said, "There¡¯s no helping it; war is always cruel. The recement battalions sent to us by headquarters have already departed and will arrive within two days at most."
The Prussian Army had also established a well-oiled wartime reinforcement mechanism, so it was unusual for a unit to run out of soldiers before receiving reinforcements.
Normally, when a unit¡¯s casualties reached a certain level, it would be reced and sent to the rear for rest and reinforcement.
Of course, ¡¯the rear¡¯ was a rtive term, still close to the front lines. They needed to be ready to return to battle at a moment¡¯s notice.
After hesitating for a moment, Luke went on to say, "Never mind, these concerns aren¡¯t ours to bear. Report our current situation truthfully! Tell the highmand we need heavy artillery. Without sufficient firepower, we can¡¯t guarantee that we¡¯ll capture the enemy¡¯s fortress within the allotted time."
Unfortunately, the Prussian Army was out of luck. The train transporting the artillery and ammunition was ambushed mid-journey by Russian airships, resulting in heavy losses.
Heavy artillery units are a scarce resource in any nation. The Prusso Federation only had a few heavy artillery battalions, and losing one before it even sawbat meant it couldn¡¯t be replenished within a few days.
Chief of Staff Pasquarino shook his head, "That won¡¯t be easy, don¡¯t set your hopes too high. There are only so many heavy artillery units in the country, and all are now deployed to the front. New heavy artillery battalions are still being formed.
ording to internal sources, Kreuger Company has already sent technicians to conduct repairs, but it will take at least a month to fix the damaged artillery.
In the most ideal scenario, we could have heavy artillery support in about four weeks."
Luke frowned, "Is there no way to convince headquarters to coordinate and redirect the nearby heavy artillery units to support our offensive first?
Koweli is a military stronghold; capturing it means taking control of the Volen Region. Why waste resources on insignificant ces like Camian and New Volensk!"
Chief of Staff Pasquarino replied, "This is the strategy set by the general staff. Multipoint offensives mean a breakthrough at any point would be a significant victory."
Luke waved his hand dismissively, "Don¡¯t exin, old friend. I know what¡¯s going on; it¡¯s just that headquarters isn¡¯t certain we can take Koweli.
If we¡¯re talking about overarching strategy, the importance of Koweli isn¡¯t all that significantpared to Brest."
"Best if you understand," Chief of Staff Pasquarino answered calmly.
Luke continued, "Alright, let¡¯s set aside these issues for now. Have you noticed anything unusual about the Russians? They don¡¯t seem to be fighting with their full strength and appear to be deliberately drawing us into an attack.
"If they fully open fire, our troops simply won¡¯t be able to charge their positions. Why would they make such a pointless sacrifice?"
Chief of Staff Pasquarino, as if thoughtful, nodded, then after a pause he said, "I¡¯d like to see the casualty figures. Perhaps they could exin this issue."
Luke¡¯s face changed, and he suddenly realized. If the Russian army fully opened fire, the Prussian Army,cking heavy firepower, would not be able to approach their positions.
Seeing no hope for victory, the Prussian army would naturally make meaningless sacrifices. If the Prussian Army didn¡¯t initiate an attack, how could the Russian army have any achievements?
The Russian forces stationed in Koweli were mostly second-line troops, and this ce was not the battlefield of choice for the Russians. The Tsarist Government¡¯s order to them was to hold their ground.
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"Damn Russians, they¡¯re ying with fire, do they not fear us breaking through their lines? You should know that such fighting has absolutely no value to them."
Chief of Staff Pasquarino didn¡¯t answer. What the Russians thought was not important, anyhow, as long as there was a glimmer of hope to break through Koweli, they couldn¡¯t stop.
...
At the Russian Army Command, Major General Yaton-Ivanov, also looking at the casualty reports, was in a much better mood. Being on the defensive side, one always had the advantage.
"Fick, your suggestion was brilliant. The damn Prussian barbarians, they really fell for it. They actually fancifully thought to conquer Koweli; they¡¯re truly dreaming!"
As a military observer sent from Austria, under normal circumstances, he wouldn¡¯t be involved in the Russian army¡¯smand, but there are always exceptions.
After many years of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the Vienna Government had cultivated arge number of Pro-Austrian Faction within Russia, and Major General Yaton-Ivanov was one of them.
Fick and Yaton were ssmates, graduated together from the Austrian Military Academy, and because their rtionship was quite good, Fick was assigned here as an observer.
Just like the students at the Austrian Military Academy, there were differences between the strugglers and the top achievers.
For someone like Yaton, who came for gilding, the school demands naturally weren¡¯t so strict; it was enough just to pass.
The monk from abroad could recite scriptures well, and Yaton, after returning to Russia with his foreign gilding, naturally climbed ranks swiftly. He happened to catch the big military expansion and became a General of the Russian army before he was thirty.
Inparison, Fick, the high-achiever, was still just a Major. There was no choice, thepetition within the Austrian army was much fiercer.
After the military reform, there were no battlefield promotions in the Austrian army unless one earned military honors. Otherwise, one could only progress step by step.
This was an example set by the Royal family themselves. Even Crown Prince Frederick served for several years and was still a Major; let alone anyone below him.
Looking at his ssmate¡¯s ebullience, Major Fick was, indeed, very envious. There were no soldiers who didn¡¯t like the idea of bing a General.
Even with a not-so-bad background, Fick couldn¡¯t guarantee bing a General in his lifetime. Austria produced thousands of officers each year, but there might not even be one General among them.
It¡¯s like that in peacetime; no matter how excellent you are, it¡¯s hard to have opportunities to show your worth. If you can¡¯t demonstrate your abilities, how can you prove you¡¯re better than others?
Fick rolled his eyes, "What¡¯s there to be excited about? You should know you¡¯re on the defensive side. The current kill ratio of almost 1:1 is already quite embarrassing!"
Yaton was unconcerned as he said, "No, this is actually quite good. In thest Prusso-Russian War, our exchange ratio with Prussia was almost more than two to one overall.
Now, being slightly advantaged, even with the help of defensive superiority, is a great victory.
The poption of the Russian Empire is more than double that of the Prusso Federation. As long as we continue like this, the final victory will definitely be ours.
Moreover, this division I¡¯mmandingprises second-line troops scraped together. If it were the main force, I would have already ordered a counterattack."
Fick didn¡¯t object; the Russian army¡¯sbat effectiveness was indeed not bad. Although their training was inferior to the Prussian Army and organizational aspects werecking, other areas were truly excellent.
Especially in terms of resilience, the Russian army was among the world¡¯s toughest. A force that could fight as long as it had something to eat was indeed rare.
After hesitating for a moment, Major Fick reminded, "Yaton, are you sure you want to keep going? If we continue like this, even if we wipe out the enemy, this division of yours will be used up."
Although it was his suggestion, Fick didn¡¯t like such meaningless attrition. If it hadn¡¯t been for domestic pressures instructing them to find a way to make the Russians bleed as much as possible, he wouldn¡¯t havee up with this distasteful idea.
Yaton smiled faintly, "War always requires sacrifice. As long as victory is obtained, what does it matter if casualties are a bit higher?"
Standing in different positions, they pondered the problem in different ways. Yaton was no fool; he naturally saw that Fick¡¯s suggestion might have had ulterior motives, but he didn¡¯t care.
In his view, so long as victory was achieved, the sacrifice of some expendable assets was not worth mentioning.
Chapter 660 - 233: Adding to the Frustration
Just when everyone thought the Prusso-Russian War had reached a stalemate, on November 2nd, 1879, a Prussian division suddenly bypassed Camian and headed straight for Pinsk.
Since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, Franz had always been paying close attention and asionally deployed high-altitude airship reconnaissance.
Austria possessed the most advanced airship technology, and their most advanced reconnaissance airships could operate at altitudes as high as 8000 meters.
In these days, anti-aircraft weapons were not well-developed; as long as they were above 3000 meters, neither anti-aircraft machine guns nor artillery posed any threat.
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With no safety threats, Austrian airships naturally often prated into other countries¡¯ airspace. At first, Franz was not ustomed to this domineering style, but as his neighbors showed little reaction, he gradually got used to it.
At several kilometers in the sky, if one doesn¡¯t use a telescope, many could mistake it for just a bird, so the chances of being spotted were quite low.
Even if they were discovered, they could im that the pilot had gotten lost. After all, such incidents happened frequently, especially with the airships of small European countries, which often strayed beyond their national borders.
The unusual movements of the Prussian Army drew the attention of the pilots and, after being reported, caught the idle Franz¡¯s interest, who immediately convened a meeting with the duty staff officers.
"Everyone has seen the intelligence; what do you think M?rck¡¯s objective is?"
No matter for what reason Franz was interested in this issue, the opportunity to demonstrate their capabilities in front of the Emperor excited everyone greatly.
General M?rck, the Deputy Chief of Staff: "Your Majesty, the Prussian Army¡¯s true target is likely not Pinsk; this may be a diversion to distract the Russians.
Pinsk is situated on a vital river route approximately 180 kilometers from Brest and can be considered the rear area. Such a deep advance of an isted unit would be a very poor choice militarily.
Even if they managed to evade Russian detection and not be discovered in advance, Pinsk has a regiment stationed for defense, and even if it can¡¯t stop the Prussian offensive, dying them for a few days should not be a problem.
Once the nearby Russian forces react, that Prussian force is doomed. Unless they can seize Pinsk within one day and then hold out using the local fortifications for over a month, there would be strategic value.
The risks involved are too great; as a renowned European general, M?rck surely understands this, so his real target could only be Brest."
A staff officer argued: "It¡¯s not necessarily Brest; maybe M?rck¡¯s aim is simply the Pripyat River. Of course, this probability is very small, as it¡¯s now the dry season, and even if they block the river, the damage would not be significant.
I think a more likely possibility is just a feint, deliberately drawing Russian attention to cover the Prussian Army¡¯s real strategy.
As for inserting to the rear of Brest, it seems like a good move, but what use is merely one infantry division?"
...
The staff officers had indeed great imaginations; in a short time, they analyzed more than a dozen possibilities, leaving Franz utterly confused.
Helplessly, Franz was just an ordinary person; asking him to understand the strategic deployments of military experts was really asking too much of him.
However, it was his son, Frederick, who was enthusiastically discussing with the staff officers. Perhaps his son had a talent for bing a military strategist, Franz thought to himself.
Of course, that was all he could do, think. As the Austrian Crown Prince, Frederick had no chance of bing a military strategist.
The era in which Emperors led troops into battle had ended; it was no longer the Middle Ages. As the Crown Prince, even if he went to battle, it would be purely ceremonial, with no real opportunity to prove himself.
Franz frankly thought that listening to the staff officers¡¯ discussion was much more interesting than reading newspapers; it was as exciting as a novel.
They all spoke with such confidence, whether it could work would only be known after trying; after all, in theory, it was all feasible.
The more Franz learned, the more he came to believe that luck yed a significant role and didn¡¯t blindly believe in the so-called aura of great generals. Just like adding up the legendary twenty-eight generals doesn¡¯tpare to the power of a meteor from the heavens.
...
While the Prusso-Russian War was still in a deadlock, the battlefield in South America had already taken a turn. Ever since the British Navy got involved, Bolivia and Peru began to face tragedy.
With the sea passages gone, supplies could only be transported from neighboring countries. Usually, that wouldn¡¯t be an issue since everyone likes wartime profits, but unfortunately, rtions were not good!
The South American countries had been fraught with conflicts since their establishment. If France and Austria intervened to mediate and warn the careerists to behave, it¡¯s likely that these countries would be more than happy to kick their neighbors while they were down.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, as of three days ago, the British have detained more than two hundred ships bound for Peru and Bolivia, forty-five of which were registered in our country. Read exclusive chapters at NovelBin.C?m
To break the British blockade, the Foreign Ministry rmends that we join forces with the nations these ships belong to and collectively pressure the British."
What was inevitable would still arrive; relying on Chile¡¯s strength alone to take on two was difficult.
If the seanes to Bolivia and Peru were not cut off, the continuous influx of supplies would enable both countries to arm far more troops than Chile could.
When the quality gap is negligible, the number of troops will determine the oue of a war. In the initial battles, Chile was actually at a disadvantage.
After pondering for a moment, Franz made a decision, "Not only must we order the British to open the shippingnes, but we must also make thempensate for the losses. If they don¡¯t agree, we¡¯ll incite various countries to make a fuss together.
If the conditions are ripe, we can even pull in the French to make a show of imposing trade sanctions on the British, draw in more countries to boost our presence, and really give the British a hard time."
That¡¯s right, giving the British a hard time. Wanting to impose trade sanctions on the British is simply impossible.
In those days, John Bull was still the boss of international import and export trade, ounting for nearly half of the global trade volume. What could you use to sanction them?
Sanctioning them is impossible, but adding to their troubles is doable. Having suffered such a grievance, Austria cannot stand it, and Franz didn¡¯t believe the proud French could either.
If you can¡¯t beat the British at sea, you can always fight a war of words. Stir up public opinion, and the British will have no choice but toply. You couldn¡¯t afford to offend all the countries just for Chile.
...
In fact, before the Vienna Government even took action, the capitalists whose ships had been detained took the initiative.
This time, the media on the European Continent had a surprisingly unified stance, all condemning the British for their shameless acts and using the British Government of disrupting the normal course of free trade.
It wasn¡¯t just the continental newspapers that were criticizing; British newspapers were also sting the government. The Opposition Party had already organized public marches and demonstrations condemning the London Government for its unteral intervention in the South American war.
The capitalists used practical actions to exin what it means for capital to have no borders and for only interests tost forever.
Outside Downing Street Prime Minister¡¯s Office, there were already crowds of protesting citizens, waving the g of free trade, demanding that the London Government lift the blockade.
A perplexed Prime Minister Benjamin mmed his hand on the table, "Sir John, I need an exnation now, one that can be ounted for to the public."
Navy Secretary John Vassil looked worried, "Your Excellency, Prime Minister, we reached an agreement with the Chilean, with them funding the purchase of the goods on these ships.
It went very smoothly at first; the Chilean Government and the capitalists reached an agreement to stop transporting goods to Peru and Bolivia for one year.
But after they receivedpensation, they immediately organized another shipment of goods, the capitalists broke the agreement, and naturally, the Chilean Government refused to continue funding the purchase, leading to the detention of the ships."
Hearing this exnation, Prime Minister Benjamin felt like cursing. Relying on capitalists to honor an agreement? Wasn¡¯t that a joke?
Just change a legal entity, and the previous contract bes invalid. Legally, there was no way to hold them ountable, and these people clearly wanted to profit from the crisis.
Benjamin was also feeling a headache. Allowing these ships to pass was definitely not an option; if Chile lost the war, the control over the nitrate trade would fall into the hands of France and Austria.
Also, allowing the Chilean Government to continue buying these goods wasn¡¯t viable; with the nature of the capitalists, as soon as they made a huge profit, it wouldn¡¯t take long for an evenrger fleet toe.
You couldn¡¯t expect the Chilean Government to keep buying indefinitely; even if the nitrate trade was lucrative, Chile wasn¡¯t so wealthy!
Benjamin rubbed his forehead and said, "First, send someone to exin to the public outside that it¡¯s the Chilean Government detaining the ships, and we are just conducting military exercises in South America.
No matter what, first find a way to disperse the public outside. Continuing like this is having a really bad effect."
Foreign Minister Edward: "It¡¯s not just the protesting citizens outside that need to be dispersed; we are also facing significant international pressure. Up to now, we have received diplomatic notes of protest from twenty-two countries, including France and Austria.
One individual country doesn¡¯t matter, but if they band together, then it bes difficult to handle.
Especially France and Austria; the Prusso-Russian war has tied up their resources, but that¡¯s more in terms of military affairs, with their foreign departments still quite idle."
Bolivia and Peru are small countries; during ordinary times, the countries with which they trade probably don¡¯t even number twenty-two, and now so many protest notes have emerged¡ªthere must be something fishy behind this.
Edward didn¡¯t say it explicitly because he knew very well that it would be better not to uncover this lid.
Apart from the possibility of maniption by France and Austria behind the scenes, a greater likelihood is the handiwork of the capitalists. The demonstrators outside prove it, definitely orchestrated by domestic shippingpanies.
In that era, there was no inte, andmunication between countries was inconvenient, making it very difficult to verify the nationalities of ships.
For convenience, many ships were registered in multiple countries at the same time, deciding which nationality to use based on actual needs.
To enhance their influence and force the London Government to concede, so as not to block everyone¡¯s war profiteering, naturally, the more countries involved, the better.
Small countries also need to make their presence felt, and now is a good opportunity. When ships registered in their country are unjustly detained, they have every reason to protest.
With so many countries involved, even if the British want to settle ounts after the fall, France and Austria wille forward to bear the brunt, otherwise they won¡¯t be able to muster support next time.
Chapter 661 - 234: Discovery
The London Government shirked its responsibilities, leaving the Chilean Government with a headache. Without British support, they wouldn¡¯t dare to detain the vessels of over twenty nations, even if they had the gall to try.
At La Moneda Pce, the Chilean Foreign Minister Domingo said, "Your Excellency, President, these are the diplomatic protests from various nations. Under France and Austria¡¯s instigation, an envoy delegation has already been assembled. What do you think?"
There was no avoiding it. President An¨ªbal waved his hand dismissively, "You deal with it first. Test their bottom line, then decide what to do."
In this age of survival of the fittest, international diplomacy is guided by the principle of bullying the weak and fearing the strong.
It was the British Navy that detained the ships and confiscated the cargo; everyone else merely protested to the London Government. Under both internal and external pressure, the British shifted the me onto the Chilean Government, triggering an immediate change in the situation.
Protest?
No, that was too civilized. It seemed the imposing envoy delegation knew that if the Chilean Government did not bleed for this, the issue would not be settled.
Offending the British was out of the question, but offending the Chilean wasn¡¯t, and now countries didn¡¯t need France and Austria to lead; they were taking initiative on their own.
President An¨ªbal was already flustered. The British stance was clear. If the Chilean Government couldn¡¯t withstand the pressure, they would lift the blockade and let these ships pass.
This was something the Chilean Government could not ept. If Bolivia and Peru received external aid, Chile¡¯s hopes of winning the war would be increasingly distant.
Seeing that President An¨ªbal was out of options, Foreign Minister Domingo suggested, "Your Excellency, we cannot react passively. We must also present a n to show our sincerity to other nations.
While it appears many countries are now protesting, in reality, it¡¯s mainly France and Austria. The other nations aren¡¯t significantly involved and are primarily just trying to make their presence felt. Apologizing should suffice to handle them.
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We must take the initiative and divide the envoy delegation. To achieve this, our power alone is not enough; we also need British cooperation."
President An¨ªbal shook his head, "Dividing and dissolving seems good in theory, but it¡¯s actually useless.
France and Austria support Bolivia and Peru; we can¡¯t offer enough benefits to buy them over. The stance of the other countries is of little importance; it doesn¡¯t matter if we offend them.
The problem is that due to internal and external pressure, the London Government¡¯s stance has already wavered. You should be aware that among the detained ships are those belonging to British shippingpanies.
These people are all losers in the struggle for profits, looking to trade with Peru and Bolivia to recoup their losses."
Chile had given purchase orders and shipping contracts to British shippingpanies, seeminglypensating for their lost markets in Peru and Bolivia. In actuality, only a few benefited from this arrangement.
Many capitalists, due to not being well-connected, gained no advantages and some even saw their interests harmed; naturally, they were not content.
This didn¡¯t deter the capitalists. If they couldn¡¯t benefit from Chile, they would continue doing business with Peru and Bolivia. Free trade, after all, must be free.
It brings to mind the Near East wars, where British merchants still smuggled goods to Russia; during the Ethiopian war, British merchants smuggled arms to the resistance. What¡¯s happening now is nothing byparison.
A thorough investigation would reveal that some parties were benefiting from Chile while also trading with Peru and Bolivia.
With ships detained and goods confiscated, their revenue streams were cut off. For capitalists, it¡¯s obvious that ying both sides maximizes profits.
The unrest within Britain essentially stems from capitalists seeking greater profits, stirring up the public to cause trouble.
Compared to their own interests, what is government strategy? It¡¯s best if the South American war continues indefinitely, so everyone can continue profiting from it.
President An¨ªbal, who alsoes from a legal background, was very aware of the appetites of capitalists. If the London Government couldn¡¯t suppress domestic capital, the so-called blockade would soon be nothing more than a facade.
Foreign Minister Domingo argued, "Your Excellency, we must trust in the London Government. Currently, with theprehensive blockade, no one can navigate this route, and the nations are still tolerating it.
If the Royal Navy makes concessions and allows only their own ships to navigate, do you think the nations will remain tolerant?
I fear at that point, they will perceive it as a British plot to monopolize South American trade.
If it trulyes to that, with their interests severelypromised, who knows if France and Austria might lead the formation of an Anti-British Alliance?"
It¡¯s not a matter of "if" but "will." Where interests lie, anything can happen as long as the stakes are high enough.
After a moment of hesitation, President An¨ªbal asked, "What do you n to do? We don¡¯t have many chips in our hands; it¡¯s very difficult to buy off so many countries."
Foreign Minister Domingo: "It all depends on themitment of the British. If the London Government¡¯s support is strong enough, and France and Austria are tied up by the situation in Europe, then the diplomatic pressure from other countries is trivial.
All we need to do is bribe France and Austria with some interests, like selling them saltpeter at a low price every year, or opening our domestic market to them.
We don¡¯t need their support, just to stabilize France and Austria. Once the war is over, it will be much easier to discuss these matters.
For other countries, it depends on the actual situation. For example, in South American countries like Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, those who can provide assistance to the enemy should be won over first.
We don¡¯t need to give out much in actual benefits, just issue nk checks. Use their ambitions and stabilize them with the interests of Bolivia and Peru, and whether to cash in after the war will depend on the actual situation.
The importance of other countries that have no ability to influence this war is inherently low, so we can put them off for now."
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Thew of the jungle is vividly demonstrated here. Reality once again proves that justice and principles need to be protected by artillery.
President An¨ªbal nodded, "Hmm, follow your n then! I will go see the British Ambassador now. Leave the diplomatic corps to you and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to handle."
...
While the Chileans were taking action, the situation on the Prussian-Russian battlefield changed again. After the Prussian Army split their forces, the Russians in Camian couldn¡¯t resist the temptation and counterattacked.
An unexpected scene unfolded: the probing counterattack actually routed the Prussian Army, achieving their first major victory since the outbreak of the war.
After seeing the battle report, Franz even doubted if he was reading it wrong. When had the Russians be so fierce? It was as if they were ying with a cheat code!
Not only was Franz stunned, even the Russians themselves were dumbfounded. Theypletely did not anticipate why the Prussian Army suddenly became so vulnerable.
You should know that even after splitting their forces, the Prussian Army in the Camian area still had twenty thousand troops. Normally, with so many troops holding their ground, it would be practically impossible for the Russian Army to win in such a short period of time.
The war had been over for two days now, and General Olivier Sonnfeld was still dazed, not knowing how this pie had fallen onto his head.
General Olivier Sonnfeld did not let victory go to his head and chose to quit while he was ahead, deciding against expanding his gains further.
A knock sounded on the office door. Olivier Sonnfeld: "Come in!"
A young officer reported nervously: "General, something¡¯s not right. Interrogating the Prussian prisoners, we found that these soldiers were transferred here a week ago, and most of them have been in service for less than a month.
Colonel Daniel, who was in charge of guarding the prisoners, discovered during his inspection of the POW camp that the uniforms we captured were mostly too old or too small, with less than one fifth being able-bodied men and many of them Polish.
All signs indicate that the enemy force we routed is not the same one that we fought before. They were probably just cannon fodder intended to draw our attention, and the enemy¡¯s main force has already moved."
General Olivier Sonnfeld¡¯s face turned pale, and he hurriedly opened the map to study the movements of the Prussian Army.
"This is bad, the enemy¡¯s target is Brest. The Prussian forces that left three days ago were not one infantry division, but two. Their target is not Pinsk, and the detour was only to distract our attention.
Immediately send a telegram to the headquarters exining our situation. Also, notify the garrison in Brest to be on high alert."
The young officer reminded him: "General, if we report this directly, our military achievements will be greatly diminished. How about we embellish it a bit, or wait until the news is announced to the whole army before reporting?"
Having finally won a battle, everyone could have been promoted and honored. If that were messed up all of a sudden, everyone would likely harbor grievances.
After hesitating for a moment, Olivier Sonnfeld shook his head, "This message is too important, it must be reported immediately. You can polish it up a bit.
Say that we interrogated the prisoners and discovered the enemy was hiding strength, and that the Prussian forces that left three days ago consisted of two divisions with Brest possibly as their target.
Secretly execute part of the prisoners and add them to the data for eliminated remaining enemies. Gather the able-bodied prisoners, have war correspondents take some photos to send back, and who would dare to challenge our military achievements?
Defeating a second-rate Prussian force is an achievement enough; any more than that and the folks back home wouldn¡¯t believe it.
You deal with the pertinent details. The victory has been announced, and as long as it looks eptable, the government is not going to scrutinize.
The overall situation must be prioritized, but military honors cannot be sacrificed. That means, unfortunately, the prisoners must be sacrificed, especially since there¡¯s a higher-than-normal ratio of old and weak among the captives this time, and it would be easy for others to notice something¡¯s amiss if we don¡¯t dispose of some."
Chapter 662 - 235, Bait
God did not favor the Russians, and time sided with the enemy. By the time the Russian Army ryed the message to St. Petersburg, it was already deep into the night.
The officer in charge of drafting the telegram was a seasoned bureaucrat, who spent the beginning of the message detailing the battle oues, emphasizing the bravery, good fighting, and fearlessness of the Camian defenders¡¯ sacrifices etc., only getting to the reportter on.
The duty bureaucrat, justing down from a party and still in a foul mood from not having had his fill, quickly scanned the beginning and mistook it for a message seekingmendation, so he did not read on.
The great victory at Camian had already been reported two days prior, and celebrations had been held then. The details of the second report were naturally not as pressing and queued normally, with no need for urgency.
It was only the next afternoon when Marshal Ivanov, who was in charge of the department, saw the message that he discovered itster content.
By that time, it was toote, and a stream of urgent telegrams from Brest arrived one after another even before Marshal Ivanov could make a decision.
Two urgent messages collided, and Marshal Ivanov was furious. On the battlefield, time was life; if they had received the messagest night and reported immediately, reinforcements would have already been dispatched.
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"Who was the bastard on dutyst night? I¡¯m going to have his head!"
Upon hearing this, the aide-de-camp replied in a panic, "Yes, it was Georgy."
Hearing the name, Marshal Ivanov¡¯s anger intensified: "Which idiot arranged for this yboy to be on duty? Doesn¡¯t he know that this waste is good for nothing but causing trouble?"
There was no way around it, nepotism couldn¡¯t be dealt with. Even though Alexander II had already reformed the army, connections still hadn¡¯t beenpletely resolved.
Georgy came from high nobility; his father was the current Finance Minister, and he used his family background to enter the military for prestige.
Simr examples were not unusual in the Russian Army, and normally Ivanov didn¡¯t care¡ªas long as they didn¡¯t cause trouble. Apart from a few who might have potential, the rest were typically tasked with simple jobs for "training."
Receiving telegrams was undoubtedly one of those jobs. The most important requirement was reliability; the rest of the job was simple, categorized by the urgency of the telegrams.
The nobility was undoubtedly reliable; their fate was tied to that of the Russian Empire. They would not leak secrets to the enemy.
It wasn¡¯t a busy job, and it was easy to get credit; naturally, it was popr with everyone.
Seeing no one answered, Ivanov knew this probably involved someone influential and didn¡¯t bother asking further. He mmed the table, "Immediately have that idiot sent home. I don¡¯t want to see him in front of me again."
Execution was out of the question, but sending him home was possible. Not seeking responsibility for such a big matter, Ivanov was already showing great leniency.
It was just that the matter hadn¡¯t blown up yet, and it could still be handled internally, the lid kept shut¡ªif not, Georgy would have been done for. Failing at a critical moment, Alexander II wouldn¡¯t hesitate to kill the chicken to scare the monkey.
The aide-de-camp answered in terror, "Yes, Marshal."
If anyone came close enough, they¡¯d see that the sweat had already started to trickle down his forehead, and his heartbeat was elerating.
There was no helping it; when gods sh, the mortals suffer first. Many things can¡¯t withstand scrutiny; once taken seriously, it bes a bloody storm.
Still, Marshal Ivanov had a view of the bigger picture; he knew this moment was critical and the government couldn¡¯t fall into disarray. He had to downy major issues and overlook minor ones.
As for the telegram, it would have to sink like a stone in the sea, as though it had never been received.
...
Of course, the strategic vision of General Olivier Sornfield was useful. When reporting to headquarters, he also sent a warning to the defenders of Brest.
The bureaucrats above might take things lightly, but the officers on the front lines dared not ck; even when messages arrived in the middle of the night, the defenders reacted immediately.
But time was still too short; adjusting the strategic deployment was no longer possible and they could only strengthen their guard to ensure there would be no surprise attacks.
Since the Prussian Army divided its forces, the defenders of Brest had been on alert, but their preparations were only for a single division of the Prussian Army. Now that the enemy forces had doubled, the original preparations were clearly insufficient.
The Battle of Brest fully erupted, and the Prussian Armyunched attacks regardless of cost, while the Russian Army also fought desperately. Airships, artillery, and machine guns, filled the entire battlefield.
The cruelty of modern warfare left one dumbfounded. Seeing photo after photoing from the front lines, Franz was shocked as well. Human life at this moment, was worth nothing.
At the Vienna Pce, Chief of Staff Albrecht said, "Your Majesty, from the current situation, the Russians are going to be in trouble.
The actions of the Prussian Army have disrupted the Russians¡¯ deployment, and the defensive line painstakingly established by the Tsarist Government now exhibits clear weaknesses.
Brest being encircled by the Prussian Army from both sides¡ªwhether the defenders can hold, no one knows. The Tsarist Government cannot afford to take this risk.
General Maoqi picked a very good time. The ind regions of the Russian Empire have already entered winter, temperatures in many ces already dropping to below minus ten degrees.
Under such harsh weather, sending reinforcements from the rear to Brest is already out of the question.
In terms of time, transferring troops from the nks would be fastest. The Ukraine Region hasn¡¯t entered winter yet and reinforcing Brest would only take three to five days.
But by doing so, the forces on the nks would be weakened. No one can guarantee that the Prussian Army wouldn¡¯t repeat its trick, using sacrificial troops to divert attention while their main forces have already moved.
The Russians should be having a headache right now. No matter which option they choose, it¡¯s a gamble. If they choose wrongly, the entire Southwest battlefield will copse."
Copse?
Franz shook his head, "Not so dire. It¡¯s November now. Even if the Prussian Army takes Brest, they don¡¯t have time to expand their conquests.
If pushed to the brink, Alexander II could still barter with the Prussian Army. Completely disregarding the threat in the Southwest, concentrate forces to strike from the coast and attack East Prussia.
Even if they lose all of Ukraine, the Russian Empire is still the Russian Empire. Howrge is the territory of the Prusso Federation? Just one Russian Army causing havoc in the rear would mean that, even if Berlin Government were to win, they¡¯d still be the loser."
No matter how ineffective the Russian navy may be, it is still somewhat stronger than the Prusso-Polish Federation. During thest war, it was able to attack the coasts of the Prusso-Polish Federation, and if it weren¡¯t forgging logistics, the oue of the war would have been reversed long ago.
Experience is a hard teacher; it gives the test first, the lesson afterward.
This time, the Tsarist Government stocked up quite a lot of supplies in St. Petersburg. The reason they did not attack the coasts of the Prusso-Polish Federation is more because the Berlin Government was well prepared and deployed arge number of coastal guns.
These are minor issues, as long as one is willing to sustain casualties,nding is always feasible.
Of course, the premise is that Ennd and France do not interfere; otherwise, the Russian navy truly won¡¯t be able toplete the mission.
Frederick proposed, "The Russians actually have another option. After the great victory at Camian, the defensive pressure on the local garrison has greatly decreased.
If the Tsarist Government dares to take risks, they can disregard everything and directly order the local troops tounch a surprise attack on Warsaw.
No matter whether they seed or not, they can disrupt the Prussian Army¡¯s deployment and cause them to be in a flurry for a while. If they seed, that would be a tremendous gain."
Franz shook his head. He had always despised such gambling tactics. Sess would certainly be good, but what if it failed?
"Albrecht, exin it to him!"
Franz was aware that he was quite adept at strategic y, but when it came to tactics, it was truly a test of endurance, thus he did not choose to enter the fray but instead left it to a professional.
Albrecht nodded, "Your Highness, before implementing this n, you need to understand what kind of troops the Russian Army guarding Camian is.
Don¡¯t be misled by their decent military achievements into thinking they are strong inbat; the reality is that there¡¯s much intion in their record.
ording to our intelligence, half of the Camian garrison troops are newly mobilized recruits. They can defend and fight with the wind at their back, but they will copse immediately if they encounter a tough battle.
Asking them to sneak attack Warsaw, I¡¯m afraid more than one-tenth of the personnel would fall behind during a forced march before even reaching the battlefield.
Even if we disregard these internal factors and assume all these Russian soldiers are elite and that the Prussian Army does not intercept them halfway, they still won¡¯t be able to aplish the task.
Simply the citizens of Warsaw alone could cause them to return defeated. The Polish have a deep-seated hatred for them, and such a support-less army, once in, would not be able toe out again."
Frederick¡¯s face turned red, with his pride somewhat wounded. Such a simple issue was overlooked, severely impacting his confidence.
Franz smiled slightly; to him, this was a good thing. Perhaps it was due to his frequent interactions with the staff, Frederick hadtely been excessively overconfident.
As a Crown Prince, it was sufficient to study strategicyouts; wasn¡¯t delving intomand of troops tantamount to having water in his brain?
...
n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
Camian, Russian Army Command
Chief of Staff Larson: "Commander, headquarters has sent a telegram, ordering us to immediately detach two regiments to reinforce Brest."
Major General Olivier von Sonnenfeld¡¯splexion changed drastically as he looked at the map, his brow furrowed, "Drawing troops just from us, ask if it¡¯s only us being asked to detach troops or if other regions are also reallocating forces."
Chief of Staff Larson: "I¡¯ve already asked about that. Including us, troops from nearby units are all being moved.
However, the number of troops drawn from each is not significant, and it appears that the most are being taken from us. It could be due to considering our recent major victory, anticipating that arge battle would not break out soon."
Olivier hesitated, sensing something amiss but unable to pinpoint the problem.
"If that¡¯s the case, then carry out the orders! And yes, try to move together with surrounding units as much as possible; sending just two regiments alone is too risky."
Caution was Olivier¡¯s greatest strength, a lesson learned from thest Prusso-Russian War. Guided by this principle, Olivier often fought cautious battles.
With no significant victories, but also no crushing defeats, he could be considered a highly consistentmander, reassuring his superiors.
...
In the Prussian Army Command at the Brest Frontline, Maoqi had taken over the operations room.
A middle-aged officer whispered, "Marshal, the Russians are on the move."
Maoqi stood up, walked briskly to the sand table, and ordered, "Hans, mark the movements of the Russian troops for me."
"Yes!"
Upon finishing, the middle-aged officer acted swiftly, proficientlypleting the task.
Maoqi¡¯s face broke into a joyful smile, "That¡¯s good. Excellent, we¡¯ve already won half this battle, and the size of our victory now depends on how generous the Russians are.
Tell Demacia, the Russians have taken the bait, and however much they can capture is a testament to their ability.
Order the Seventh and Eleventh Divisions to intensify their offensive. From now on, attack Brest day and night, causing the Russians to run ragged.
Order the Thirteenth and Twenty-Fifth Divisions to be battle-ready; whether they can capture Volhynia or not is up to them."
As a military expert who excels in external operations, Maoqi¡¯s least favorite thing was to conduct siege warfare. If the Russians were to hold their ground, it would be a matter of pure strength, leaving him no room to apply his myriad skills.
Now that the Russians had moved, the situation had changed. Facing the Russian Army in the field would certainly be easier than dealing with them in fortresses and bunkers.
Although the Prussian Army had paid a heavy price in the early stages ofbat, it would all be worth it to mobilize the Russian forces and break the deadlock on the southwest battlefield.
Chapter 663 - 236: The Russians’ Counterattack
The Prussian Army¡¯s intention to break the stalemate in the southwest did not affect the strategicyout of the Tsarist Government. Marshal Ivanov continued with his previous strategy.
For a war involving millions of participants, the gains and losses on individual battlefields were no longer that significant.
As long as the southwestern front did not copse entirely, it fell within the eptable range for the Tsarist Government. Now, they had a more important target¡ªSmolensk.
No matter how well-prepared the Prussian Army was, war always resulted in deaths.
Smolensk had be a meat grinder, with nearly a thousand men falling every day. The brutal casualties, whether for the Russian Army or the Prussian Army, were a difficult test for both.
After one month of warfare to take Smolensk, the Russian Army¡¯s casualties had already exceeded one hundred thousand; as the defenders, the Prussian Army didn¡¯t fare much better, suffering upwards of seventy thousand casualties.
Half of these were either killed or permanently disabled, leaving the battlefield forever, one could say that both the Prusso-Russian sides suffered heavy losses.
The cold numbers in the battle reports did not shake Marshal Ivanov¡¯s will. If anything, they reinforced his earlier judgments.
Attrition warfare is the cruelest but also the most reliable method. Continuing as things stood, Russia would definitely not be the first to falter.
Just because Marshal Ivanov could ept this did not mean others could. The heavy casualties still sparked questions within the Tsarist Government.
At the Winter Pce, during a high-level government meeting
Minister of Internal Affairs Mikhail was the first to raise objections: "Your Excellency, only a little over a month into the war and we¡¯ve already suffered casualties of more than a hundred thousand, with hardly any advancement on the front. Shouldn¡¯t you offer an exnation?"
Ivanov remained unmoved as he replied, "Your Excellency, to be precise, from the start of the war until now, we have lost 65,863 men and 97,684 have been injured.
Oh, those are the stats from two days ago, the numbers must have increased quite a bit by now. There will be no problem for the total casualties to surpass two hundred thousand within this month.
However, you must not only look at our losses. The enemy has suffered greatly as well. ording to the data, the Prussian Army¡¯s death toll is also close to sixty thousand."
The highly exaggerated "Victory at Camian" contributed a quarter to this number, directly narrowing the exchange ratio between the Prusso-Russian sides.
Finance Minister Kristanval: "Your Excellency, no one denies your aplishments in battle. The problem is that our losses are too substantial, and the war has only been going on for a little over a month!"
Ivanov scoffed, "Where is there a war without deaths? Any sacrifice is worthwhile as long as we can secure victory.
Of course, if we wanted to quickly end this war, it wouldn¡¯t be impossible, but it would do considerable harm to our international reputation."
At such a time, he still had to deal with power struggles, and Ivanov deeply detested these politicians, offering them no quarter.
Whether his dissatisfaction was genuine or just for show to the Tsar, that question was open to interpretation based on perspective.
In agitation, Finance Minister Kristanval asked, "What method? As long as we can end this war, we can slowly recover our international reputation."
It¡¯s not that Kristanval didn¡¯t value international reputation. It¡¯s simply that Russia¡¯s standing in Europe was already at the bottom, so how much worse could it get with a bit more damage?
All eyes turned to Ivanov, anticipating his response.
After a pause, Ivanov feigned a casual tone, "It¡¯s simple, we can follow the example of the Tatars. Send troops to wreak havoc in enemy territory, and weaken their war potential to the greatest extent."
Everyone drew a sharp breath. That wasn¡¯t sabotage; that was outright ughter.
Foreign Affairs Minister Chris Basham quickly opposed, "That won¡¯t do. Such actions would provide Ennd and France with an excuse to intervene in the war, and I¡¯m afraid even Austria wouldn¡¯t support us by then."
It¡¯s the 19th century, and on the European Continent, orchestrating a massacre was outdated.
Reading the room, Ivanov knew that no one supported this n. It wasn¡¯t that they didn¡¯t want to; they simply didn¡¯t dare. Russia could not bear the consequences that a massacre would bring.
Ivanov: "If that¡¯s the case, then our only option is to mitigate the situation by sabotaging without killing."
When he said this, Ivanov himself didn¡¯t believe it. To sabotage without killing was pure idealism.
In practice, the enemy would definitely resist; how could there be no killings after a conflict arose? On the battlefield, when bloodlust takes over, the Russian Army¡¯s discipline simply couldn¡¯t be reined in.
n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
Moreover, since Ivanov intended to send the Cossack cavalry to carry out this n, the situation would be even more uncontroble.
Alexander II shook his head: "Not killing is impossible, we just need to kill selectively. Eliminate the enemy¡¯s able-bodied and leave behind the weak, giving the internationalmunity an exnation will suffice.
Tell me your n. The enemy isn¡¯t naive; prating deeply into enemy territory is not that simple. If we are caught by the enemy, it will be a big problem."
Alexander II had long stopped caring about reputation; if they were already enemies, it was natural to weaken them as much as possible. If it weren¡¯t for considering the reaction of other European countries, he wouldn¡¯t mind a massacre.
Ivanov: "Your Majesty, this n involves bothnd and sea. Onnd, the Saxon cavalry will dress as bandits and cross the border to cause destruction.
The sea attack will be simr to thest war, only this time our mission is special, and to avoid unnecessary trouble, part of the army might need to dress as pirates.
We can issue letters of marque, encourage civilians to arm themselves and participate in the looting of enemy coastal areas. It would be even better if we could attract real pirates to join.
Considering the stance of the Vienna Government, the hostages taken by the pirates can be sold to Austrian colonial merchants."
In order to win the war, Ivanov had abandoned his principles.
After weighing the pros and cons, the room fell silent. No one supported or opposed the n. Clearly, they were all bureaucrats and elites, unwilling to be the first to take responsibility.
Alexander II red at the crowd: "Why so silent? Whether you support or oppose the n, a clear stance must be taken today." Discover hidden tales at NovelBin.C?m
After a pause, he added: "If there are objections, thene up with a better n. We don¡¯t have much time to waste with the situation on the battlefield being so dire."
Out of no choice, Finance Minister Kristanval stood up: "Your Majesty, Marshal Ivanov¡¯s proposal is very good, but some details need to be refined.
Prating deep into enemy territory is not easy, and one careless move could lead to the annihtion of our entire force. How can we ensure the safety of the troops we deploy?"
He agreed. There was no other option, as Kristanval was not adept at warfare; asking him toe up with a battle n was utterly unreasonable.
Ivanov confidently exined: "This is simple. On the main front, we have already tied down the main forces of the Prussian Army; the enemy in the rear will not be too strong.
Moreover, with airship reconnaissance, we can keep track of the enemy¡¯s major troop movements and make timely adjustments.
The forces attacking bynd and sea, as long as they don¡¯t prate too deeply into the ind areas, canpletely withdraw before the enemy arrives. We are only there to cause destruction, not to upy territories.
Onnd, it¡¯s mainly the Cossack cavalry, swift as the wind. Only the Polish cavalry could pose a threat to them, but their numbers are too few.
Because of logistical reasons, we will control the scope of activity and not stray far from the main forces."
All this was theoretical; in actualbat, the situation was definitely not as simple as Ivanov described. To say nothing else, if the Prussian Army moved at night, they would be undetectable by airships.
Even if Prussian troop movements were spotted, high-altitude reconnaissance could not distinguish between main forces and fodder. If the Prussian Army wished, they could easily disguise civilians as soldiers.
These issues, of course, Ivanov wouldn¡¯t mention; otherwise, it would onlyplicate matters. He had no expectations whatsoever regarding his colleagues¡¯ military expertise.
...
The resolution was passed, and Ivanov breathed a sigh of relief. Once this n was initiated, rivers of blood would flow, and the reputation of the Russian Empire would once again plummet to rock bottom.
No matter how it was glorified, this would be a dark chapter in history.
Chapter 664 - 237: Success Is Not a Matter of Luck
In the Vienna Pce, Franz was holding the year-end meeting when a sudden telegram interrupted the proceedings.
On November 27, 1879, the Russian Army, reinforcing Brest, was ambushed by the Prussian Army en route, marking a turning point on the Southwest battlefield.
On the surface, as far as the Vienna Government was concerned, the Prusso-Russian War only mattered in terms of the final oue; the twists and turns on a local battlefield weren¡¯t significant enough to warrant such grave preparations.
However, the Southwest battlefield was an exception. On one hand, this was because the Tsarist Government mortgaged thends west of the Dnieper River to Austria, and should these territories fall into the hands of the Prusso Federation, it would make it very troublesome for the Vienna Government to collect the debt in the future. (Limited to the Ukraine Region)
On the other hand, it was about export trade; since the war¡¯s outbreak, the Tsarist Government had been buying extensively from Austria.
Should the river Dnieper be cut off, restricted by transportation, the Russian-Austrian trade would definitely be severely affected.
To profit from the war, the Vienna Government had also made ample preparations. Many state-owned enterprises had increased their production lines, and if the Russian-Austrian trade volume were reduced, these businesses would suffer heavy losses.
When touching on self-interest, the government naturally had to take things seriously. As for the year-end meeting, it could be considered important or unimportant, depending on how one looked at it.
The year-end meeting included: a summary of the political, economic, diplomatic, and military developments of the current year, and the government¡¯s ns for theing year.
All departments had already done their homework, and reporting to Franz now was also preparation for vying for the next year¡¯s fiscal budget.
These ns mostly revolved around national policies, the core of which was already being led by Franz himself. When it came to specific ns, he seldom intervened, leaving the Cab Government to take charge.
...
Franz, "Chief of Staff, give us the current situation on the front!"
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Chief of Staff Albrecht replied.
"Yesterday afternoon, Russian troops setting off from the Volen Region to reinforce Brest were ambushed by the Prussian Army just after crossing the Pripyat River.
Since these Russian forces were hastily assembled from various locations and their organizational rtionships were not yet sorted, a division of Prussian Army routed thirty thousand Russian soldiers, with at least a loss of over eight thousand in manpower.
The rest of the troops have be scattered birds of a feather because of the scare, and arge amount of arms and equipment were abandoned, losing their capability to engage inbat again in the short term.
Disregarding these units that havepletely lost their morale, the total strength of the Russian forces in the Volen Region has dropped from an initial 102,000 to 67,000, no longer holding any advantage in manpower over the Prussian Army.
If I were Mark, I would give up Brest and focus the main offensive on Koweli. Capturing it, whether deciding to move east to Kiev or north to Brest would be possible.
However, the Prussian Army only holds an advantage in the Southwest battlefield. To the north, the Russians have already reached Riga, and the Vezem¨¦ hignds defensive line is also in grave danger; the Middle battlefield has turned into a meat grinder at Smolensk.
Looking at the current situation, it¡¯s likely that the Russians might adopt a joint sea and ground offensive approach. Relying on the advantage of the Russian navy, the probability of seizing control along the Baltic Sea coast is very high."
Franz, "So, Mark must be under a lot of pressure right now, right?"
Albrecht affirmed, "Indeed!"
If the Prussian Army cannot achieve a substantial breakthrough on the battlefield and the Russians take action in the Baltic Sea, threatening the homnd would escte internal tensions, and the naval faction within the Berlin Government would rise to the asion, which would be quite the spectacle.
When personal interests are at stake and the coastal popce creates an uproar, the naval faction would take the opportunity to exert force; even someone as respected as Mark would not be able to withstand pressures from all sides.
Franz sighed privately, any greatmander felt so powerless in the face of internal crisis. Mark¡¯s eagerness to break the impasse on the Southwest battlefield was likely due to this reason.
Starting purely from a military perspective, actually allowing the Russian forces into the Polish Region and then devising a strategy to encircle and annihte them would lead to a greater chance of sess.
Not only would there be a solid mass base to rely on, the pressure on logistics would be reduced, and even the battle line would shrink, allowing for the deployment of more troops to decisively fight the Russian Army.
What is the best military strategy politically is a blunder. If the Russians were really allowed in, the Polish people would be alienated from them.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg reminded, "ording to the intelligence we¡¯ve received, the Russians have also made a breakthrough in their diplomatic efforts.
It seems they¡¯ve made a covert promise to the Danish people; just a week ago, the Danish Government submitted a naval exercise n to the Nordic Federation Assembly, with the Danish Strait as the location.
If the n goes through, the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s sea transport channel would be cut off. The Russians must have offered a high price, as the Swedish people are already showing interest, and the chance of it passing is significant."
A sea blockade wouldn¡¯t spell the end for the Prusso-Polish Federation; they could still transport supplies via the German Federation Empire, taking the River Elbe.
However, this would greatly increase the logistical pressure. Most crucially, the positioning of the Nordic Federation constitutes a very unfavorable diplomatic situation for the Berlin Government.
If the Prusso-Polish Federation is at a disadvantage on the battlefield, who can guarantee that the Nordic Federation won¡¯t kick them while they¡¯re down? Stay connected with NovelBin.C?m
The Danish people have always wanted to reim the Two Principalities, and if the Russians are willing to pay a price to buy off the Swedish people, anything is possible.
The perplexing situation caused Franz immense headaches. He had originally thought that thebination of Wilhelm I and Moltke was formidable, but he didn¡¯t expect Alexander II to be such a tough opponent.
In thest Prusso-Russian War, Alexander II had not yete into his own and could only be considered a semi-finished Emperor. He was slightly inferior in the strategic game, but this time, his resurgence was different.
Since the war began, Franz had yet to see any signs of uprising within Russia, which was an impressive feat.
It should be noted that in modern times, the Tsarist Government was quite peculiar, as every external conflict was apanied by an internal uprising.
The absence of issues signified that Alexander II¡¯s reforms were sessful. A stable Russian Empire was undoubtedly terrifying.
After some hesitation, Franz said coldly, "For now, we should not act rashly in foreign affairs. Unless the Nordic Federation directly enters the war or the battlefield situation spiralspletely out of control, we will continue to maintain neutrality.
The General Staff must pay close attention to the progress of the war and report back immediately upon detecting any possibility of a party gaining a decisive advantage.
From the current situation, it seems that the Russians have a greater chance of victory, so let¡¯s not make a move for the time being and wait for Ennd and Pnd to transfuse blood to the Prusso-Polish Federation.
Once the bnce of power is upset, we¡¯ll secretly sell the technology for the Maxim machine gun to the weaker side and teach them trench warfare tactics, to prolong the war as much as possible. Mortars can be sold as well."
Maintaining bnce on the battlefield, Ennd, France, and Austria each had their roles. For instance, if the bnce of power on the field was disrupted and the Prusso-Polish Federation was weakened, Ennd and France would be responsible for their support; if the Russians were weakened, it would be Austria¡¯s responsibility to offer support.
In any case, support the weaker party to ensure that both Prussia and Russia suffered damage, this was the pursuit of the old empires. Preventing the rise of a fourth power was the collective will of these three empires.
No, it should be said that it¡¯s the collective will of France and Austria. The British stance remains uncertain. In this regard, their strategy is rather muddled.
As for weapons with low technological content, Franz had never seen any need to keep them secret. The reason he had not brought them forward earlier was simply that it wasn¡¯t necessary.
To achieve strategic objectives, throwing a few technologies into the mix was not a big deal. If it were not for the issues of performance, Franz would even be prepared to throw tank technology into the fray.
Regrettably, this contraption, even if disposed of, would hardly achieve its potential effectiveness.
The fantastical steam-powered tank, being toorge and slow, was extremely unmaneuverable and an easy target for artillery.
Tanks powered by internalbustion engines suffered from insufficient performance and were incredibly costly, making them too expensive to be feasible.
If Austria cannot afford them, Franz did not believe that Prussia or Russia could. Moreover, they were unable to produce the necessary engines.
Though internalbustion engines have been around for some years, they remain high technology.
Apart from Austria, which has advanced further in this area because of Franz, other nations have not invested much in research and development.
Technology is built on money. Without financial investment, it is naturally difficult to achieve results.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Albrecht responded.
After the brief interlude, Franz asked again, "What¡¯s the situation like in South America? Have the Chileans released our ships?"
The London Government yed the ostrich and handed over the seized ships to the Chileans. Naturally, Austria then sought rpense from the Chilean Government.
The policy of bullying the weak and fearing the strong has always been the nature of the great powers. Asking the British forpensation versus asking the Chilean Government is entirely different.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg chuckled, "Those three little friends in South America are still at it, and it¡¯s unlikely there will be a clear winner anytime soon.
Since the British handed over control of the seized ships to the Chilean Government, things have progressed much smoother. The only problem now is that the materials on the seized ships are gone, and we are in discussions with the Chileans aboutpensation.
If it weren¡¯t for the sudden intervention of the British, we would have already signed an agreement with the Chilean Government.
It might be the British greed that has upset the Chilean Government, who now wish to involve the power of us and the French, to counterbnce the British."
This was good news. Although nitrates from Chile were not unique, and Austria had discovered some nitrate mines in its colonies, importing from Chile was still the cheapest option in terms of cost.
The conflicts between the two countries were utterly inconsequential in the face of mutual benefit. With that thought, Franz suddenly realized that this current Chilean Government was not so simple.
Appeasing both France and Austria might appear to be selling out national interests, but in reality, itid the foundation for winning the war.
Without settling things with the two big bullies in advance, even if they defeated Peru and Bolivia, they wouldn¡¯t be able to enjoy the fruits of victory.
There were too many instances where victories on the field were nullified by diplomatic concessions.
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The Chilean Government obviously understood the true nature of the great powers and took timely remedial measures by utilizing the ship seizure incident.
Franz could not help but marvel: the emergence of any nation was never a fluke.
Chapter 665 - 238: A War Without Gunsmoke
1879 was a pivotal year for the entire world, both politically and economically, greatly influenced by the Prusso-Russian War.
Due to the tense European situation, France and Austria both kept a tight watch on the European Continent, refraining from causing any disturbances. The British merely made a foray into South America, focusing their main energies on the European Continent as well.
With the three major bullies refraining from stirring trouble, there was even less need to mention other countries.
At this time, the political sensitivity of colonial empires was extremely high. With the tense situation on the European Continent, there wasn¡¯t a focused concentration on the homnds¡ªwhat to do if the situation spiraled out of control?
With the colonial empires not causing disturbances, it was undoubtedly good news for those precarious independent nations, who could finally enjoy some days offort.
The outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War even subdued the conflicts between Ennd, France, and Austria. For mutual benefits, the three great powers had stood together early on.
Of course, this alliance of interests was unreliable, and the moment there was a significant shift in international circumstances or an imbnce in the powers of the three nations, the alliance could crumble at any time.
If the impact of the Prusso-Russian War on the international situation was more about the post-war period, then its impact on the world economy was immediate.
Many industries were affected, spanning nearly every domain, with agriculture, manufacturing, finance, and service industries reaping thergest dividends.
In the capitalist economic world, a new round of prosperity had begun. The most ssic example was the disappearance of the agricultural crisis and the elimination of overcapacity in manufacturing, with the booming economy directly driving the development of finance and service industries.
Though the war had just started, its greatest dividends had not yet fully emerged, but capitalists were filled with confidence.
A massive influx of hot money had already poured into the market, suddenly improving the economic environment. Help Wanted signs could be seen everywhere in the streets, with slight wage increases for workers in war-rted fields.
ording to statistical data, just in November, Austria¡¯s new investments totaled to 160 million Divine Shield, a sharp increase of 76.4%pared to the same periodst year.
Most of this capital flowed into manufacturing, with factories springing up everywhere, a clear sign that investors were very optimistic about this opportunity.
Not just Austria, but the entire European Continent was like this. Capital poured into various industries like madness, wanting to get a slice of the Prusso-Russian War.
Looking at the statistical data, Franz furrowed his brows, "The market is too hot right now. Although the war¡¯s consumption is significant, Prussia and Russia¡¯s wallets are somewhat...
Neither Ennd and France nor us will provide them with unlimited funds. Before long, a new round of overcapacity will erupt, and post-war Europe¡¯s economy will likely wail."
Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden exined, "Your Majesty, this is an inevitablew of economic development. In the previous wars, many people made a fortune. They have been blinded by interests, ignoring the existence of risks.
Not only domestically, but the entire European world is like this. ording to economic experts, in the past two months alone, Europe¡¯s new investments have increased by at least 50%pared to the same periodst year.
Post-war overcapacity will be amon problem for European countries. It¡¯s a huge trouble but also a tremendous opportunity.
As long as we seize this opportunity, we can take advantage of the situation to crush the French manufacturing industry and weaken our biggestpetitor."
In those days, there were no anti-dumpingws; free trade was the trend of the times. The French still couldn¡¯t withstand the pressure and joined the free trade system six months ago.
The core of "free trade" is for governments to remove restrictions and hindrances on import and export trade, abolish privileges and preferential treatments for domestic import and export goods, allowing goods to be exported and imported freely, and topete freely in domestic and international markets.
On the surface, it seems beneficial to everyone, providing ess to the global market and clearing obstacles to the flow of goods.
However, there are disparities between enterprises and between countries, with these gaps directly affecting marketpetitiveness.
Without a doubt, resource-scarce France was at a disadvantage in this round ofpetition. Importing raw materials directly drove up production costs.
To cut costs, capitalists naturally sought to lower workers¡¯ wages, and the influx of cheap Italianbor created favorable conditions for reducing wages.
In the past decade, Europeans¡¯ average wages had increased by 23.8%, while in Great France, the average wage had increased by a mere 5.4%.
Against this backdrop, conflicts between the French and Italian people were frequent, and even with the Paris Government¡¯s strong suppression, it was of little effect.
Regrettably, even after driving down wage costs, most French industrial andmercial products stillcked internationalpetitiveness.
There was no choice, as cheapbor costs were the norm during that era. Aside frombor-intensive industries,bor costs ounted for less than one-fifth of the total cost of most industrial andmercial products, and often even less.
Industrial raw materials dominated production costs, and without addressing root issues, how could marketpetitiveness be improved?
The market is a whole, and loweringbor costs also weakened purchasing power.
Although Great France had a poption of sixty million, its market consumption power could not catch up with John Bull¡¯s, which only had over thirty million people.
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With market consumption powergging, it fed back into industrial production, forcing enterprises to produce cheaper goods, creating a negative economic cycle.
Take coal as an example: the cost of industrial coal in France is 1.3 times that of Austria, and in some ind areas, it even exceeds twice that amount.
This is just the beginning, as high coal prices lead to increased costs of electricity generation, which in turn cause a rise in electricity prices. The expensive electricity is undoubtedly the biggest obstacle to the spread of electrical power.
One slow step results in being slow at every step; if electricity does not proliferate, then naturally there can be no talk of machinery powered by electricity.
As a result, upstream electrical machinery manufacturers are constrained in their development andck the investment to research and develop more advanced equipment, gradually falling behind in internationalpetition.
Downstream equipment users, because they do not adopt the most advanced productivity in time, are surpassed bypetitors in marketpetition, or even eliminated.
In this era of the survival of the fittest,gging behind means getting beaten up. The French have strong military power and no one attacks them for no reason, but economically it¡¯s different¡ªeveryone is apetitor, and underhanded tactics are inevitable.
As long as it¡¯s possible to take down apetitor, paying a price is naturally worthwhile. Under a free trade system, massive overcapacity appears, and then it bes a contest of industrial strength among nations.
In this regard, the Vienna Government has confidence, as does Franz. This is because Austria¡¯s infrastructure construction is the unrivaled king of its time.
Not only is the transportation developed, but it is also among the earliest in Europe to have widespread electricity and a birthce of the Second Industrial Revolution, with emerging industries at the forefront of the world.
In this aspect, Anglo-Austria are two extremes¡ªone focusing on emerging fields and the other concentrating on traditional industries¡ªboth dominating their sectors. This creates favorable conditions for cooperation between the two countries.
Franz, "In that case, let the crisise more violently! It would be best if it destroyed the manufacturing industries of both Europe and America, as if clearing the stage before the curtain rises.
This time we can cooperate with British capitalists, letting private enterprises take the lead, without directly dragging the government into it. As soon as the Prusso-Russian war ends, we¡¯llunch together and kick off this grand capital war."
A war without gunsmoke can sometimes be even more brutal. The destruction it brings is in no way inferior to that of an actual war.
One can imagine that before long, unemployment and bankruptcy will once again be hot topics throughout society.
After pondering for a moment, Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden, "As long as they have joined the free trade system, they are easy to deal with.
The United States of America is somewhat difficult; they still stubbornly implement trade protectionist policies, and it¡¯s incredibly challenging to pry open their doors."
Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me. American capitalists have been harmed by the British several times and are now frightened, choosing to shut the door and y by themselves.
After all, they are rich in resources and can directly copy European technology. Except for a slightly smaller domestic market, they are still livingfortably.
Franz, "Leave this problem to the Foreign Ministry. When ites to promoting free trade, the British are eager leaders.
We can join forces to put pressure on the Union, bing half-ally if they join. If they remain willfully stubborn, then there¡¯s no need to be polite.
Since they want to y the protectionism card, just let them y enough of it. International embargo is an excellent choice."
To be honest, at this point in time, the industrial andmercial products of the Union do not possess muchpetitiveness; many of their products are even inferior to those of the Russians.
If they do not protect their trade and open their doors topetition, they will undoubtedly suffer a terrible fate.
Franz does not expect the Union topletely open its markets. Just cracking open a door would suffice, and if that really isn¡¯t feasible, smuggling would be eptable too.
When ites to striking atpetitors, Franz never misses an opportunity.
Prime Minister Felix, "Your Majesty, if we push further, the postwar economic crisis could be very severe.
If the crisissts too long, the situation on the European Continent might be broken again, and we are not yet ready."
Man-made disasters are the most terrifying, especially ones that can be initiated but cannot have their oues controlled, with destructive powers even greater than a war.
With the advent of the industrial age, the influence of the economy on political situations grows everrger. There are countless cases of economic deterioration leading to political instability, causing the outbreak of wars.
Franz shook his head, "We do not have that much time to prepare. We can never be fully prepared; by the time we are ready, the opportunity will also have slipped by.
Besides, our inaction does not mean the British will not act. Rather than reacting passively, it¡¯s better to take the initiative."
With agees conservatism, but it¡¯s not to say conservatism is bad; in fact, for a great nation, conservatism often means longevity of national fortune, while radicalism is a disaster for a country.
However, the opportunity is too rare; once missed, to take action again would require paying a much greater cost.
Put bluntly, Franz is not one to settle for peace either. Aside from avoiding risks in the military, he does not mind trying his luck in the economic field.
If sessful, that would be the best oue; if it fails, it¡¯s the spectors who are unlucky. The Vienna Government is very experienced in dealing with economic crises, and such setbacks will not reach the nation¡¯s core.
Chapter 666 - 239: Can’t Stay Idle
To wage a trade war does not mean allowing industries to develop wildly. Countless cases have proved that enterprises withoutpetitiveness are the first to fail when crisis strikes.
Big but not strong industries find it hard to stand in internationalpetition. Austria has surpassed the era of blindly chasing quantity; now, what¡¯s needed is an emphasis on both quality and quantity.
In order to calm the market, right before Christmas in 1879, the Austrian Government issued a "Market Risk Warning", listing thirty-nine industries as having overcapacity.
It also raised the investment entry barrier, demanding not only registered capital but also technical requirements. Capitalists who wanted to invest in these industries had to use the most advanced technology avable.
For capital, these barriers were not really a problem. Except for the high-tech fields, you could easily buy whatever technology you needed as long as you had the money.
Franz did not expect investors to heed the government¡¯s advice; in the face of profit, people always liked to overlook risks.
Forcing everyone to adopt more advanced productive forces and to increase productpetitiveness was mainly to allow these neers to hold out a little longer when crisis exploded.
This was of great importance; once a global overcapacity crisis erupted,panies wouldpete inprehensive strength, and cost and capital would determine who could survive to the end.
The victor is king, and the survivor is king as well; the enterprises that make it through are the real winners.
It is the same for nations. The country with more surviving enterprises and stronger power will be the new industrial hegemon.
Perhaps at the onset of the crisis, the capital of the Anglo-Austrian two countries might join forces to eliminatepetitors, but in thetter stages, the industrial andmercial sectors of the two countries are bound to sh eventually.
However, both are Colonial Empires, free trade aside, the market of their Overseas Colonies remains their own privatend. With such an outlet in ce, aplete copse is unlikely.
A heated market gives people the most direct sense that money has be easier to earn. Nearly every industry enjoys the spoils of war, with the immigration industry being the sole exception.
Indeed, immigration is also an industry in Austria. Affected by the grand immigration strategy, several hundred thousand to over a million people emigrate to the African Continent every year. From transportation to settlement, aplete industry chain has already formed.
Regrettably, the immigration industry has always been inversely proportional to economic development; only when there are economic issues does the immigration industry thrive.
As arge amount of hot money flows in, the number of new job positions surges, and with the opportunity to earn money domestically, naturally, the number of people willing to emigrate overseas decreases.
On the Vienna Ring Road, there is a building full of Renaissance charm that no longer boasts its former bustle. The staff gather in small groups, idly basking in the sun.
If not for the sign at the main entrance, no one would believe this is an Austrian Government department¡ªindeed, it is the renowned Immigration Bureau.
If such a situation urred in another government department, the supervisory department would have intervened by now. The Immigration Bureau, however, is an exception.
During busy times, it could be alight with activity day and night; during ck periods, one couldplete a day¡¯s work in ten minutes and then have nothing left to do.
While ordinary staff have time on their hands, the chief, Gold, is worried. With everyone idling, what will happen to the grand immigration strategy?
Even if the Cab Government understands his predicament and does not hold him ountable, failure to meet targets will indefinitely stain his political record.
In the meeting room, Goldid down the report he was holding, "Gentlemen, since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the number of people applying for immigration has drastically decreased, and this year¡¯s immigration n cannot bepleted.
If we do not take action, next year¡¯s immigration efforts are also likely to be bleak.
Year by year, if this continues, the government¡¯s grand immigration strategy will be doomed.
The failure of the immigration strategy will directly affect the development of the African Continent and the domestication process, consequences we cannot bear.
Starting now, everyone must get moving. Mobilize your personal connections and promote immigration as much as possible."
Everyone¡¯s expressions soured, clearly seeing this as a thankless task. At this moment, they all reminisced about the economic crisis period when people would take the initiative toe knocking on doors to pull connections without them even asking.
A senior official objected, "Chief, I¡¯m afraid this might not be effective. We¡¯ve stered immigration ads all over the country. Even in the most remote mountain viges, they can be seen.
After years of promotion, the concept of immigration has deeply rooted in the hearts of the people. However, as dear as the homnd is, people are reluctant to leave. We can¡¯t force them to migrate."
Not everyone is willing to go through the trouble, and many older officials, having lost the possibility of further advancement, are no longer interested in these political missions.
That¡¯s not much of an issue, though; once the orders are issued, everyone will still carry them out.
What gave Gold headaches was the phrase "very difficult to make an impact". If it couldn¡¯t make an impact, then sending everyone out for propaganda would be pointless.
After hesitating for a moment, Gold said firmly, "If we can¡¯t do it here, then go to other countries in the Germany Region for propaganda. As long as they are German Descendants, it can count towards your political achievements.
Especially the Kingdom of Prussia, which is currently at war, can be considered a key propaganda area. Even if you¡¯re caught, Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry will bail you out.
Let¡¯s discuss and set a target, then divide into groups to start working. Everyone present at today¡¯s meeting will be the propaganda team leaders, myself included."
It can¡¯t be helped; the Austrian Immigration Office already has a notorious reputation in the Germany Region, and all the national governments are on high alert against them.
For instance, the Kingdom of Prussia had long since listed them as undesirable, and even the staff of the Immigration Bureau can¡¯t get visas.
But for every measure from above, there is a counter from below. The Immigration Bureau is also a government department; forging a new identity and slipping through the cracks is nothing out of the ordinary.
Propagandizing immigration isn¡¯t illegal, and even if they are caught, the Berlin Government has no authority to handle them; they usually just notify Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry to take custody of the individuals.
Austria is strong enough; the Berlin Government can¡¯t do much openly, but they still make sure to give them a hard time in secret.
Gold didn¡¯t want to do it that way either, but he had no choice. If he didn¡¯t put forth a semnce of doing everything possible, how would the outside world know of their continued efforts?
Having tried and not tried are twopletely different concepts when the strategic n ultimately fails to be fulfilled.
Taking the lead personally and making a trip, regardless of the oue, is better than watching a group of subordinates just soaking up the sun every day.
Retire? Gold wasn¡¯t even forty years old yet. As the head of Immigration, the most important branch of the Colonial Department, he had a long political career ahead, with plenty of room for advancement.
Franz naturally did not know the enormous pressure the grand immigration strategy had put on the Immigration Bureau.
In fact, not only the Immigration Bureau was under great pressure; many other government departments in Austria were as well.
At this time, civil servants were not asmon as inter eras, yet the workload hadn¡¯t decreased by much.
Take the Immigration Bureau as an example; the total staff was less than fifteen hundred, covering the entire European Continent. At its peak, it organized up to 1.3 million immigrants in a single year to the Overseas Colonies.
Of course, arge part of this was already organized by the Colonial Companies; the Immigration Bureau was merely responsible for data statistics and coordinating rtions among various parties.
What to do when staff is insufficient? The answer, of course, is overtime. Forget about an eight-hour workday; during busy times, even working "996" would be considered knocking off early.
There¡¯s nothing unfair about it; within the societal norm of prevalent overtime, there¡¯s nothing much toin about. You should know that the situation in factories regarding overtime is much worse.
ording to statistics from the Vienna Government, urban workers average 9.1 hours of work per day, calcted over the whole year of 365 days.
If you subtract holidays and rest days, many people work more than 12 hours a day, indicating an enormous workload.
Certainly, the capitalists won¡¯t admit to this. Manypanies, when calcting working hours, exclude necessary breaks, meal times, bathroom breaks, and even the intermittent downtime of machinery.
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The goal is clear: pay less for overtime. With a different calction method, the daily working hours suddenly look much shorter by 1-2 hours, making the data appear far more appealing.
The woes of the Immigration Bureau do not affect the Austrian public, who are still basking in the joy of increased ie, striving for a dreamy tomorrow.
There¡¯s a saying that fits well: happiness is rtive.
Compared with the Prussia and Russia, who are in the midst of war, with Great France, which is trapped in a resource crisis, and with many small countries who are on the brink of copse, the Austrian people naturally feel the happiness.
Chapter 667 - 240, The End of the Knockoff Era
Sarajevo was still just an ancient city embraced by mountains with beautiful scenery, before it became the fuse of the World War.
Among the numerous cities in Austria, it was hardly noteworthy. Especially after it failed to be the capital of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Province, it became even more insignificant.
This had to do with the policies of the Vienna Government. In order to avoid the unnecessary waste caused by an overly concentrated distribution of resources, administrative centers, economic centers, and industrial centers were generally not clustered together.
As thend transport hub of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Province and with decent industrial development, along with being a historic city, these advantages had be disadvantages in its bid to be the provincial capital.
Despite its low profile, Sarajevo¡¯s economic development was not at all dissatisfied, particrly after Bosnia and Herzegovina became another heavy industry center of Austria, then the local economy soared.
With geographical advantages, Sarajevo could also rank within the top twenty among the many cities in Austria.
Inside an office building on Uerle Boulevard in Sarajevo, the headquarters of Fick Group, a giant in the field of hardware essories, was located here. At this moment, Executive President Arno was reporting on work to the boss.
"Mr. Slov, our proposal for establishing aprehensive food processing nt didn¡¯t pass the review. The government¡¯s reason is the market has already been saturated, and that Sarajevo isn¡¯t suitable for developing the food processing industry. They also suggested that we change our investment direction,"
Fick-Slov furrowed his brow. Next to munitions, food was the best-selling material during wartime, especially food that could be eaten just by tearing open the packaging.
Compared to the high-end munitions trade, food was much easier to handle. While the profits from food might not match those from munitions, the sales volume was huge!
Austria was a neutral country and could export materials to both Prussia and Russia at the same time. The total strength of thebatants had long exceeded two million, with the drafted Civilian Husbands being twice that number.
It was impossible for so many people to cook meals every day, and often, in the interest of time, they could only resort to self-made rations.
Eating rations every day was unbearable for anyone. What was needed was arge number of "better tasting" and "more nutritious" convenience foods, such as biscuits, canned goods, fries, alcohol...
Slov had calcted that the Prusso-Russian forces consumed over 2,000 tons of fast food each day, with a total value exceeding 280,000 Divine Shields.
Assuming the warsted one year, that was a market worth over one hundred million Divine Shields. That was the most conservative estimate; Slov believed that the war would take at least another two to three years to resolve, equating to a market worth two to three hundred million.
The profits of wartime business were high; it didn¡¯t take much, just a mere one percent of the market share was enough for him to recoup the investment and make a fortune.
After contemting for a while, Slov said slowly, "Send someone to check who is targeting us. Also, arrange a time soon; I want to invite Director Danilo to dinner."
Overcapacity was something Slov had not observed; what he saw was Prussia and Russia both waving their checks to buy, buy, buy. Where was there any overcapacity? It was clearly a case of demand outstripping supply!
Arno exined, somewhat uneasily, "Mr. Slov, this time it doesn¡¯t seem to be a targeted action against us.
After our proposal was rejected, I sent people to investigate, and not just us, but all recent investment projects in the food processing sector haven¡¯t been approved.
It may be rted to the risk warning issued by the Vienna Government not too long ago. The capital invested in the food processing sector has surged recently, and the existing processing enterprises are also desperately expanding their capacity.
The market response is not obvious in the short term; from investment to production takes some time. We¡¯re alreadyte entering the scene."
Arno was against entering the food processing industry; even in those days without the concept of food safety, investing in the food processing industry in a heavy industrial center was not a reliable business.
A small enterprise scale was manageable, but once scaled up, the source of raw materials became a troublesome issue.
Being able to survive and thrive in an age of survival of the fittest, Slov was naturally no fool. He had already considered these risks.
Huge profits alwayse with risks; there are surefire business ventures, but those have already been divided up by the Nobility and are well beyond his reach.
An overcapacity crisis would only erupt post-war; during wartime, both Prussian and Russian sides would be desperately sweeping up supplies.
This was determined by reality; they couldn¡¯t afford not to buy. If anyone did not purchase, the supplies would fall into enemy hands. Without stockpiling enough supplies, what would happen to the troops at the front?
They¡¯d rather have excess supplies sitting in warehouses than face a shortfall leading to defeat in war.
The post-war crisis would depend on who could run fastest. Anyway, as a passerby cashing in, Slov wasn¡¯t focused on whether the industry was good or bad; it was not his main business.
Slov didn¡¯t care, but the Austrian Government did. Without passing the approval, one could still invest and build a factory as long as it conformed to legal regtions, but government support would no longer be avable.
Slov asked, "If we¡¯re unable to obtain government support, how much will the cost of investing in a factory increase?"
After pondering for a while, Arno replied slowly, "ording to the relevant government regtions, the food processing industry is a key industry for support, which includes government provision ofnd for factory construction free of charge and a 50 percent tax reduction for the first three years.
ording to our n, to build the nt and warehouse, we would need approximately 158 acres ofnd; with the currentnd prices in Sarajevo, that would cost about 126,000 Divine Shields."
"The scope of tax relief is quite broad, making it difficult to determine specific figures, but the tax rate for the food processing industry is rtively low, approximately 3.5% of the business turnover."
After hesitating for a moment, Slov sighed helplessly, "Forget it, cancel the n. Allocate the funds to expand our hardware essories production capacity, and quickly."
There was no way around it; without ess to freend use rights,nd costs alone ounted for one third of the total investment. Without tax advantages, profits severely declined, making the risk and return disproportionate.
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And this was industrialnd, which was rtively cheaper. If it wasmercial or residentialnd, thend prices would be substantially higher.
While the Vienna Government did not vigorously develop real estate,nd prices still soared as urbanization progressed.
This was beyond the government¡¯s control. Besides state-ownednd, the majority in Austria was privately owned. These followed the principle of free trade and their prices simply couldn¡¯t be controlled.
Thend prices in Sarajevo were still moderate, but in the Vienna City Center, there werends costing tens of thousands of shied per acre, affordable only for developing luxury residential andmercial properties¡ªother industries simply couldn¡¯t bear the cost.
This was the result of multi-pr development and a rtively small poption in Vienna; otherwise,nd prices would be even more insane.
¡
Unable to participate in the most profitable industries, Slov had no choice but to fall back and expand his current businesses. In the face of a frenzied market, all industries were making a killing.
After a brief hesitation, Arno suggested, "Mr. Slov, perhaps we should add some auxiliary services. For instance, the manufacture of canned food boxes.
"With the rapid expansion of the canning industry, the demand for boxes is also increasing swiftly. With our technology, there is no problem producing canned food boxes."
Back in those days, cans were mostly made of tin, while ss containers were considered luxury items.
This wasn¡¯t because the technology for producing ss was inadequate, but rather because ss jars were rtively more expensive to produce, and they were difficult to transport and prone to damage.
As costs increased, so did prices, and they lost theirpetitive edge in the market.
Especially in times of war, there was definitely a preference for cost-effective tin canisters! Food safety has never been an issue since the important people never consumed them anyway.
Producing canned food boxes was a minor business, but even a mosquito is still meat, and as a qualified capitalist, Slov never felt he had too much money.
"Excellent, Arno. Your proposal is great, getting the right mindset is what matters.
With such fierce marketpetition, we must expand our new businesses as much as possible and enhance corporate profits to survive in the uing market challenges.
Not just canned food boxes, but also wine bottles, water kettles¡ªthese small items we can also produce. Go ahead and arrange it!"
Ever since Austria joined the free trade system, market shocks urred daily, and ¡¯crisis awareness¡¯ gradually prated people¡¯s minds.
If it hadn¡¯t been for the timely Prusso-Russian War, a crisis that could have spread across the European Continent¡¯s industrial market might have already erupted.
Wise individuals knew that the war only dyed the process, that which is inevitable will still arrive; no one could stop it.
One had to either seize this opportunity to soar or fall in thepetition.
The Prusso-Russian War, while dying the outbreak of the crisis, also exacerbated it. The Austrian newspapers propagated it daily, and the capitalists naturally had their reactions.
Some chose diversified business expansion to enter new ventures and spread the risk; others chose intensive cultivation to enhance their business¡¯spetitiveness within the industry.
Slov himself was an advocate of diversification and nned to use the opportunity provided by the Prusso-Russian War to expand his business into the food processing industry.
Do not be fooled by the intensepetition in the food sector; it is Austria¡¯s trump industry, and in this field, allpetitors in Europe are second to it.
Under the free trade system, Austrian food processing, with its advantageous position, had stronger risk resistance than other industries.
But reality pulled Slov back; after all, Sarajevo was andlocked city, somewhat insted from the outside world, making Slov¡¯s response less prompt.
Unable to expand into the food processing industry, he had to choose to intensively cultivate hardware essories and expand rted businesses around this core.
As for the power and internalbustion engine sectors, where Austria was even morepetitive, Slov had ideas but couldn¡¯t reach that high.
Those fields that relied on technology were not something an ordinary person could just stumble into.
The era of knock-offs had passed. Austria had already entered the era of patents, and without one¡¯s own core technology, there was simply no way to stand firm.
Chapter 668 - 241: The Importance of Information
Government guidance, still, couldn¡¯t withstand the enthusiasm of capital; interests are always alluring, blinding people to risks.
Without government support, they had to find ways to reduce costs, such as: locating factories in suburban areas, or convenient small towns, wherend costs could be greatly reduced.
Without tax incentives, it was no problem, as Prusso-Russia was buying aggressively, and factory profits were now ample; they could afford to overlook those few percentage points.
"Good advice is wasted on the damned, and great mercy won¡¯t save those who refuse to save themselves."
Watching capital fling itself into the fire like moths, Franz had no choice but to turn a blind eye.
The madness of the market, besides greed, was also a more serious social problem. The capitalist world¡¯s economy was facing industrial overcapacity once again, especially in the Anglo-Austrian two countries.
The crisis had not erupted, rted to international rtionships. From 1873 to 1878, the second Near East War broke out, along with colonial wars started by Ennd, France, and Austria to divide the African Continent.
Wars consumed a tremendous amount of wealth and materials, and the market¡¯s prosperity masked the crisis of overcapacity. If the Prusso-Russian war did not break out, a new economic crisis would have erupted by next year at thetest.
After years of umtion, surplus was not just in production capacity, but capital was also in excess.
As the saying goes, the only real money is the money spent; money lying in the bank is just a pile of numbers. With the majority of industries already saturated and in surplus, capital needed new investment avenues.
Following the usual pattern of courting disaster, whenever it came to this point, the stock market would start to stir. A massive influx of funds into the stock market would create an unprecedented boom, then the bubble would burst, and the surplus capital would evaporate along with it.
n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
"Better him than me," they say, and the animosity between Prusso-Russia was then capitalized upon. Austria supported the Tsarist Government, while Ennd and France supported the Berlin Government, not just for political needs but also driven by capital.
With the money lent out, the problem of capital surplus naturally disappeared. Wars via massive orders promoted economic development.
Most importantly, the industrial crisis, which was mainly between the Anglo-Austrian industrial powers, had spread across the entire European Continent due to the stimulus of war; no one could hope to escape unscathed.
Dragging everyone into the fray was not a zero-sum game. To be exact, it was called targeting potentialpetitors.
Economic warfare differed from military warfare. The most significant losses were not necessarily suffered by thebatant nations; it was more likely that the top powers¡¯ gambits resulted in the annihtion of the third, fourth, fifth... countries.
Under the free trade system, the global market remained limited, unable to satisfy everyone¡¯s desires, thus necessitating a survival-of-the-fittest battle for resources.
Industrial power in Ennd and Austria ounted for 29.8% and 36.5% of the world¡¯s total industrial output, respectively, with their export volumes representing 49.6 and 24.7% of the world¡¯s total exports.
Due to interests involved, conflicts had be inevitable. Capital consumes; in this world of survival of the fittest, the first to fall were definitely the weak.
Now that spectors were swarming to profit from war, it wasn¡¯t that they werepletely unaware of the risks, but rather, involved parties often became blinded and many believed they could outpace others.
As long as they could find a sucker before the crisis erupted, they could reap immense profits.
Vienna Pce
Prime Minister Mirabelon: "Your Majesty, up to now, we have sessively sold 76 factories, and negotiations are underway for the remaining ones, which are expected to be all sold within the next two months.
The shares and bonds we hold are also being sold off slowly, to avoid causing market turbulence, so right now we¡¯ve only disposed of about one-tenth.
Impacted by the market¡¯s heat, the divestment proceeds are slightly more substantial than expected. We¡¯ve already garnered 130 million divine shields and expect about 440 million divine shields after everything is sold."
Yet our actions have attracted the attention of certain observant parties. Our following moves might encounter some difficulties."
Franz nodded, being noticed was inevitable. Selling off assets when the market was hottest, such a contrarian practice, would indeed be surprising if it went unnoticed.
But it was unavoidable; over the years, the Royal assets had snowballed, and if they didn¡¯t retreat early, it soon wouldn¡¯t be possible.
The idea of finding a high-paying sucker the day before the crisis, Franz could only say that was living in a dream.
Where in the world are there so many fools? Not to mention that, once the Prusso-Russian War ended, the value of these factories would be deeply discounted.
Perhaps the ample profits earned during wartime mightpensate for the losses brought about by the devaluation of the enterprises, but buyers would be hard toe by afterward.
If there was no sucker, they would have to bear the brunt, relying on robust capital to survive the most cutthroat of years.
It might look trivial, but in the end, the remaining yers in these low-tech industries would definitely be those with strong finances; but considering the Royal family¡¯s sprawling operations, Franz felt uneasy without stocking up on ammunition in advance.
After deciding to start a dumping war with the British, Franz decided topletely abandon the food processing industry, textile industry, and primary processing manufacturing.
Once the crisis erupted, these low-tech industries would be hit the hardest, and Franz was not prepared to persevere in this area to the bitter end.
Selling off 274 factories in one fell swoop, covering more than 14 countries, such a grand gesture could even qualify for a Guinness World Record.
Factories were not needed anymore, and as for invested stocks and bonds, selling them early meant rxing sooner. Cash in hand is safer¡ªnominal market value is the least reliable.
After some thought, Franz said, "Well done. The market is too crazy now, and there¡¯s no need for us to join them in their doom."
Besides these asset sell-offs, starting from next May, we need to gradually reduce our holdings in several long-term invested listedpanies.
That includes our holdingpanies; if the share price exceeds the normal market value, sell off a portion, then repurchase after the stock market crash has passed.
Especially with overseas investments, we need to dispose of them as quickly as possible. For example, the investment in the Panama Canal, it¡¯s time to find someone to take over the te!
This crisis may far surpass previous ones, and it will likelyst for a long time. For the next two years, our investments will be short-term and conservative."
Man-made disasters are far scarier than market norms; economic warfare, once erupted, cannot be resolved in just a day or two.
Without phasing out arge amount of outdated production capacity to free up the market, capital will not cease its efforts.
In such a critical moment, the bigger one stretches out, the greater the loss in the end.
Subsequent conglomerates mostly turned towards the financial industry; very few stuck with manufacturing, and that¡¯s an important factor.
Reality once again proved the importance of confidence; Franz was self-aware that he was never any business genius.
Had it not been for having firsthand information, seizing investment opportunities, and avoiding the crisis in time, the royal industry would have suffered tremendous losses long ago.
Of course, if it wasn¡¯t for all this information, the royal industry would not have extended its reach so far. Investing in whatever makes money is inherently unscientific.
Even huge conglomerates cannot cover all industries. "Samsung" inter years is an example¡ªspreading itself too thin, which, without the nation¡¯s rescue efforts, would¡¯ve spelled its doom.
For better development, it is inevitable to drop some baggage. This is just the beginning; in the years toe, the Royal Consortium will shed even more business sectors.
Not shedding now is mainly because of the hefty profits. Traditional and emerging fields are rtive; what is high-tech with a bright prospect today may be traditional tomorrow.
Surprised, Prime Minister Mirabelon asked, "Your Majesty, are you giving up the shares of the Panama Canal now without waiting for the final harvest?"
Franz shook his head, "There is no need. From the current situation, it seems we can¡¯t wait for the final harvest.
Once an economic crisis breaks out, the Panama Canal project will cease to progress. We¡¯re not suited to remind the French unless they decide to reel in theirs ahead of schedule.
Our shareholding is limited, and even if we harvest early, the profit is very limited. Withdrawing now is perfect to avoid the uing turmoil.
If stock investors knew that the canal they¡¯re looking forward to could disappear overnight, who knows what might happen."
The royal family needs a good reputation¡ªwe can¡¯t earn every kind of money. Exiting early is also a good thing; it saves us the resources needed for damage controlter.
Others may not know, but Franz was clear that for the next thirty years, the Panama Canal had no chance of bing operational.
It¡¯s not a technical issue; it principally stems from political unwillingness. The Vienna Government has always been opposed, and theck of action is because the canal was just started and not yet a pressing concern.
The French capitalists enticed the Austrian Royal Family to invest mainly to reassure shareholders and give the illusion that the Vienna Government would not interfere.
Had it not been for knowing that these people only wanted to harvest profits on the stock market, Franz would not have gotten involved, even with lucrative profits.
The aim of providing credibility has been achieved; leaving with a fee is no issue. As for the fate of the Panama Canal Company, it has nothing to do with an investor who exits beforehand.
After all, the Panama Canal is listed in Paris; it¡¯s the French investors that are duped.
If the Canal Company were to go bankrupt, no matter how they try to shift the me, Franz wouldn¡¯t be the one to shoulder the pot.
...
Chapter 669 - 242: Panic over Labor Shortage
The prosperity of the market equally fueled the boom in the stock market, and in the face of favorable news, everyone¡¯s confidence also reached its peak.
Compared to liquidating physical industries, it¡¯s much easier to pull out of the stock market. With buying and selling happening daily, a few percentage points of change are just normal market fluctuations.
It¡¯s not a period of economic crisis, so these small fluctuations arepletely within the market¡¯s capacity to endure, most typically seen in the continued rise of stock prices.
Candidly speaking, specting in the stock market yields far greater profits than manufacturing. However, with advantagese disadvantages; high returns are also apanied by high risks.
Without leverage, you can¡¯t make much money, but ying with leverage brings immense risks, and oftentimes, a single random fluctuation in the market sweeps away arge number of spectors.
By contrast, the physical industries are much more stable, especially so in the 19th century.
No matter how the market changes, as long as there are no issues within thepany itself, the losses stay within controble limits. If business is poor, just cut back on production capacity.
"Bankruptcy" usually urs when apany has internal problems, such as excessive debt requiring significant profit to repay loans; or there are management issues, failing to rece equipment in time, resulting in products losingpetitive market edge; or perhaps inventories are too high, tying up substantial capital...
If there are no issues within thepany, being squeezed into bankruptcy is quite rare. inly put, everyone is in business to make a profit.
Artificially deting prices to make a noise at a loss, capitalists aren¡¯t that foolish. Except for those wishing to monopolize the market. Incurring losses to gain market exclusivity can only be counted as an initial investment.
For most industries, the conditions for monopolizing are just not there. The barriers to entry are too low; suppress one group ofpetitors, and new ones will emerge, making monopoly unachievable.
Business isn¡¯t a matter of personal pride, and capitalists usually won¡¯t engage in Pyrrhic victories that harm themselves as much as the enemy.
Marketpetition is harsh, meaning only that profits are thinner. If an entire industry enters a state of loss, it means it¡¯s on the verge of being eliminated.
Under normal circumstances, even if an economic crisis sparks a Great Depression, only some enterprises will incur losses, while most will see a decline in performance and profit reduction.
As long as operations are normal, and there are no substantial debts, enterprises with strong marketpetitiveness can still survive.
After all, it¡¯s just thete 19th century, and there are fewer than 10 industrialized nations worldwide, with only two and a half true industrial powerhouses; the market remains in a state of untamed growth, andpetition is far less fierce than inter times.
Under thew of the jungle, after eliminating a portion of the weaker entities, the market will normalize. A new round of conflict won¡¯t erupt until the victors have digested their spoils.
One could say this is the golden age of capitalist economy; as long as opportunities are grasped, there are abundant chances to be wealthy.
...
With the market flourishing, factories sprung up from the ground, with job advertisements stered all over, yet there were few applicants.
As thergest city on the Austria-France border, Mn is also the preferred destination for Italian workers entering Austria. The advantages of being close to home and having higher wages attract arge number of Italians each year.
In the face of the British textile industry¡¯s dominance, Mn¡¯s rise as one of the world¡¯s three major textile centers was significantly aided by the cheapbor from the Italian Area.
While Austria has restrictions on foreignbor, it doesn¡¯tpletely prohibit it. Passing anguage test and being epted by apany allows entry.
This is exceedingly inconvenient; it¡¯s very troublesome for enterprises to recruit cross-border, not to mention teaching them German, which requires too much time.
"For every policy, there is a countermeasure." Many foreign workers are brought over by friends and rtives, seeking work in Austria after they enter.
Compared to other regions in Austria, the Mn Kingdom is less strict in managing foreign workers due to its uniqueness.
Many people are employed first and then learn thenguage. After all, many factories operate semi-closed, so as long as they don¡¯t get caught by the police, no one will probe too deeply.
Under such circumstances, the underground job market emerged. Newfounnd Street, just outside Mn City, is one of the venues where factories recruit cheapbor.
Normally at this time, Newfounnd Street would already be bustling, with many job seekers forming long lines for an opportunity to work.
Suddenly, it quieted down without any apparent reason. Not just Newfounnd Street, but manybor recruitment markets in Austria got quieter, with some areas even experiencing odd situations where there were more recruiters than applicants.
Mirko was one such recruiter, employed at the Daniel Group Machinery Factory. Typically, he would not be in Newfounnd Street, which was considered the lowest end of Mn City¡¯s job market, primarily attracting foreignborers.
Not only was their educational level inadequate, but it also required a significant amount of time to train them in skills. After expending much effort, at best they were turned into basic industrial workers.
Byparison, Mirko preferred the recruitment centers outside the city. Even though higher wages were demanded, the applicants were of higher quality; after a few years of training in the factory, the outstanding ones could be junior technical workers.
For a machinery factory, such workers with some technical skills are far more valuable than pureborers.
Only industries that requirergebor forces and involve repetitive, unskilled work would recruitrge numbers of theseborers.
Mirko might look down on this, but manypanies were expanding production capacity and there was a big gap in thebor market, making thepetition for workers fierce.
After attending several job fairs in the city withoutpleting his recruitment task, with the equipment all ready and waiting for workers to start working, Mirko had no choice but to lower the recruitment standards.
Looking at the scene before him, Mirko could hardly believe his eyes. Was this still Mn¡¯s hottest job recruitment market? Why were there so few people?
Having been engaged in recruitment work for a long time, Mirko had a broadwork of contacts and quickly ran into acquaintances in the same line of work.
"Ferren, what¡¯s going on? Did you guys hire everyone already?"
The middle-aged man rolled his eyes and retorted, "Do I look like I¡¯ve had any sess?"
Mirko nodded, "Indeed, with the sries offered by your textile factories, it must be somewhat difficult to coerce people. However, you could certainly cheat the naive foreigners."
Ferren furrowed his brow, discontentedly responding, "Enough, Mirko, we¡¯re all in the same boat, saving costs for the boss, that¡¯s our inherent duty."
```
"Every time I recruit, I make the terms clear and sign contracts ording to legal requirements. How could that be considered cheating?"
Mirko gave a faint smile but didn¡¯t continue the topic. If he didn¡¯t know this middle-aged, chubby man better, he would really think he was a good person.
Back in the day, Mirko was nearly bamboozled into signing a servitude contract right after he started his career. Fortunately, he was a local and a high school graduate, which counted as a highly educated individual. Once Ferren understood his background, he didn¡¯t want any trouble and gave up.
Although Mn was a subordinate sub-state, with the push for legal unification, the Labor Protection Law still had to beplied with.
These egregiously unfair servitude contracts would go unnoticed unless someone took them to court. If that happened, the business would be in for real trouble.
Byparison, it was much safer to trick foreign workers. As long as the contract was signed abroad, it would be considered an international case, subject to thews on the other side as well. The Mn government wasn¡¯t so idle, and at most, the contract would be dered void.
Without having been swindled, the two men didn¡¯t have a good rtionship. It was only because of business that they had to interact frequently, and they slowly became acquainted, but there was still ayer separating them from friendship.
Mirko changed the subject: "Ferren, I heard your boss has opened two new branches, and there¡¯s a big shortage ofbor. What¡¯s your n to deal with it? Are you interested in organizing a group to recruit from the ind areas?"
These days, recruitment activities had limited funding, so to save costs, it was mostmon for severalpanies to act together and share expenses.
Ferren didn¡¯t even think about it, he just shook his head: "Mirko, you¡¯re too optimistic. Right now, the entire country is short ofbor, even the whole of Europe iscking people."
"You seldome to Newfounnd Street, so you wouldn¡¯t know, but in thest two months, the number of workersing into Mn from the Italian Area has declined by nearly seventy percent."
"I asked them, and it turns out that many factories have recently opened in the Italian Area. People are finding work close to home, so they¡¯re noting here anymore."
"If it¡¯s like this even in the Italian Area, you can imagine what it¡¯s like in the rest of the country. Thebor shortage reported in the newspapers is no joke. I¡¯ve already suggested to the boss that we should dy the n for the new branches."
"In the past few years, the big emigration strategy moved a lot of our surplusbor to Africa. To solve thebor shortage, we¡¯d have to encourage farmers to move to the cities."
Mirko was at a loss for words. Encouraging farmers to move to the cities wasn¡¯t as simple as it sounded. The farmers were doing well, and it wouldn¡¯t be easy to get them to leave theirnd and the rural life to work in the cities.
The best approach would be for the government to intervene, creating more favorable policies to speed up urbanization.
Unfortunately, the Vienna Government believed there was excess capacity within the country. The government was struggling to contain the rapid growth of production, so how could it introduce policies that would exacerbate the crisis?
Urbanization carries risks¡ªfaster isn¡¯t always better. If a crisis erupted and businesses copsed, leading to widespread unemployment, the entire pressure would fall on the government¡¯s shoulders.
In conditions that weren¡¯t mature enough, Franz preferred a slower pace of urbanization. Whenpared to workers, farmers were easier to rule over.
As long as they hadnd and enough produce to feed themselves, people wouldn¡¯t rebel. With the government lowering some taxes, they could also win some public favor.
Workers were different. Once the tide of unemployment hit, a crisis would follow. Without a way to feed them, a revolution could erupt in minutes.
With current productivity, they couldn¡¯t support a high level of urbanization. To enter an era of urban economic transformation, it would take at least another fifty years.
Even in the United Kingdom, which had the highest level of urbanization, one-third of the poption was still employed in agriculture. Austria, arge agricultural country, was even more reliant on farming.
After a pause, Mirko finally said slowly, "Tell me, Ferren. I know you¡¯ve got a n. As long as it¡¯s workable, there will be a reward for you."
Mirko was aware that Ferren was the type who wouldn¡¯t cast his hawk until he saw the rabbit. If there wasn¡¯t enough benefit, he definitely wouldn¡¯t share his n.
ncing at Mirko, Ferren shook his head: "It¡¯s not a matter of reward; it¡¯s that our twopanies can¡¯t do this together."
"To recruit people from the countryside, we¡¯d have to deal with the Nobility. You should be aware of the changes in the country in recent years. With their intervention, it¡¯s very difficult for us to get cheapbor."
Mirko nodded in understanding. This was one of the characteristics of Austria. The Nobility had given up serfdom and some of theirnds, but they still had significant influence locally.
If it were just minor affairs, it wouldn¡¯t matter, butrge-scale recruitment always involved dealing with the big local yers.
Even now, many traditional Nobility resented the capitalists.
Whether it was to vent their anger or to increase their local prestige, they found ways to get involved.
For example, they would act as representatives for the workers during wage negotiations and signbor contracts collectively.
n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
Deceiving ordinary workers was easy, but fooling the Nobility was not so simple.
If trouble arose, it would be the Nobility who would lose out.
Going by the book,bor costs would rise by at least fifteen percent. It wouldn¡¯t matter for one or two people, but once the numbers increased, the expense was no small matter.
The increased costs were only one problem. New workers getting higher wages than the existing staff would create unrest sooner orter.
After thinking for a while, Mirko shook his head: "Dealing with the Nobility involves too much, and I can¡¯t decide on something like this on my own. It needs to be reported and decided at thepany¡¯s headquarters. I¡¯m not sure if it would be approved."
Mirko knew his ce. This wasn¡¯t something he could get involved in, and even if many worked together, they might not achieve their goal.
Although Austria was a capitalist state, political power capital wielded was very limited. Topete with the Nobility for influence, the risks were just too great.
Noticing Mirko¡¯s difort, Ferren quickly tried to reassure him: "No, Mirko. You¡¯re thinking too much. I haven¡¯t lived enough yet; I¡¯m not nning to court death. What I meant was that we could pool our money and try to find a solution abroad."
As he spoke, Ferren was sweating bullets. It was just an attempt to show off, but it had been misconstrued as a challenge to the strife between capital and Nobility.
That was something deadly to touch; it was not something that small fry like Ferren, or even their bosses, could get involved in and survive.
It was simply too difficult.
```
Chapter 670 - 243: Patching Things Up
The general trend cannot be shaken by a few minor yers, and bringing in cheap foreignbor is not that simple. Besides the support of capitalists, everyone else is opposed.
There¡¯s no reason other than profit.
The influx of arge number of cheap foreign workers would not only impact the domestic pay scale but also affect social security. Everyone¡¯s personal interests would be harmed, so opposition was natural.
On this issue, the Vienna Government¡¯s stance has always been very firm. They made a clear distinction between primary and secondary concerns.
It was impossible for the interest of capitalists to overshadow the foundation of the nation. Apart from highly skilled talents, Austria did not wee ordinaryborers.
From a national perspective, when the local popce earned ie, the money still circted within the country; however, after foreignborers received their pay, aside from basic living expenses, the majority of their earnings flowed out of the country.
Capital outflow is certainly detrimental to national development unless there really is abor shortage that must be filled by foreign workers; otherwise, no government would wee it.
Austria¡¯s shortage ofbor was just a temporary shortfall in manpower due to the effects of the war. As long as capitalists halted their blind expansion, this problem would no longer exist.
Publicly introducedborers were different from those who sneak in to work illegally. Thetter constituted illegal employment and could be deported at any time; the former had signed contracts and were legally employed workers, who certainly could not be treated so harshly.
If arge number of foreign workers were to be brought in, should an economic crisis break out after the war, the domestic employment and wage system would be shattered, and the crisis would further intensify due to a vicious cycle.
The government had tried in vain to stop the capitalists¡¯ blind expansion but, ironically, it was the shortage ofbor that curbed this expansion trend, a conclusion with a slightlyedic twist.
When faced with profit, all difficulties can be ovee. If there¡¯s abor shortage, just poach talent. After Christmas, Austria erupted into a talent war.
To attract more workers, many businesses offered unusually favorable conditions, such as free lunch or free amodation...
Under these circumstances, in 1880, the number of employment disputes handled by thebor inspection department hit a historic low, and ss conflicts tended to ease.
The increase inbor costs also drove up business operating costs, but this minor issue was not worth mentioning in the face of war.
In a positive context, the "Golden Age" kept appearing in newspapers, and many people optimistically believed it was another boom in the capitalist economy.
The general public was unaware of the severity of the consequences, but Franz could not be careless. Prosperity brought by war would not sustain once the war ended.
While people¡¯s ies increased, prices were also gradually climbing. Once the war ended, this abnormal prosperity would surely notst.
When the post-war economic bubble burst and overcapacity crisis erupted, marketpetition became more brutal, and business profits plummeted.
Given the integrity of capitalists, loweringbor costs was an inevitable oue when profits fell. Layoffs and sry reductions were the mostmon tactics.
Ie decreased, but prices had already peaked; the lives of the lower ss would be even more difficult, and a crisis was looming.
Had it not been for the colonies as an outlet, Franz would have lost sleep. Just thinking of the terrifying tide of unemployment sent shivers down his spine.
After much hesitation, Franz still decided to intervene in the market proactively. When the government intervenes in the market, tact must be considered, as direct involvement was not an option.
Putting down the newspaper in his hand, Franz instructed the maid, "Notify the heads of the Finance Department, the Banking Supervisory Department, and the National Bank toe for a meeting tomorrow afternoon."
"Yes, Your Majesty."
After speaking, the sound of "ring ring" rang out as the maid picked up the telephone not far away to dial.
It must be admitted that the telephone was one of the greatest inventions of the 19th century. Before this, to notify a meeting, one had to send a messenger in person, which couldn¡¯t be done without half a day¡¯s work.
Now, with telephone transmission, it only takes an instant. Of course, this was the Emperor¡¯s privilege; the telephonepany had provided a dedicated line, with personnel on standby 24 hours a day to ensure immediate connection.
In this age of manual switchboarding, if ordinary people wanted to make a call, they had to queue up obediently; a half-hour wait was not consideredte, and it was normal to drag it out for two to three hours during peak times.
Since it was purely manual operation, minor idents were inevitable, such as the mostmon error by switchboard operators causing crossed lines.
The now-popr monthly subscription calls, telephonepanies are not responsible for dys in call time due to personnel errors.
No way around it, this was a tyrannical service. In those days, the telephone was a high-tech product, and the telephonepany had a monopoly; take it or leave it.
No matter how problematic, the telephone was much better than the telegraph. Being able to call directly from home was far more convenient than going to a telegraph office to send a telegram.
If you want better service, upgrade to VIP. This was Franz¡¯s idea, copied from the great Penguin Empire; if you want to improve call quality, then ante up!
As long as you pay, you can even customize a 24-hour dedicated line. Unless there¡¯s a special case, a connection is guaranteed within five minutes.
As forints from ordinary users about poor service quality, that could only be met with an apology. In the age of manual switchboarding, there was simply no way to talk about service quality.
```
We can¡¯t me the telephonepany for treating customers differently, as they are simply driven by necessity. Telephones, being a luxury, are beyond the reach of ordinary people, with even the majority of the middle ss finding them unaffordable.
As the newspapers say, "If you want to know if someone is wealthy, just see if they have a telephone in their home."
The wealthiest families are invariably VIP users of the telephonepany, with anyone who can afford a telephone ssed as middle ss or above.
The entry fee of five hundred Divine Shield and the minimum monthly fee of thirty Divine Shield immediately eliminate the average person from the market.
Don¡¯tin about the price; considering the cost of setting up nationwide coverage, the telephonepany is actually taking a loss to gain market share.
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If it weren¡¯t for the aim of capturing the market, it¡¯s likely that, like many European nations, telephones would be exclusive to major cities.
The high fees are essentially funding the research and development of new technologies; the monopoly is both a reward for innovators and a sad reality.
Lacking core technology leads to patent licensing fees, steep infrastructure costs, and bleak profit margins; these challenges are too great for most businesses to handle.
In a context of continual losses and distant profit prospects, speaking of antitrust is essentially nonsensical.
Morally grandstanding is easy, but what about solving the problem? It¡¯s simple to break a monopoly, but what then?
Ifpanies see no profit in sight, they lose motivation, stop investing in new tech, and the consequences are far worse than monopoly.
Each era has its own characteristics and what¡¯s most suitable is best. Alleged monopolies stifle technological progress, but that¡¯s rtive; monopolies have also driven technological advancements.
Of course, this is limited to technology. The premise is harnessing innovative science to dominate the market and achieve a monopolistic position.
Even inter ages, monopolistic groups still abound, relying on their technological edge. There¡¯s no helping it;petitors who don¡¯t measure up fail in the marketce.
We cannot halt technological progress in the name of antitrust, waiting around forpetitors to catch up.
The issue of side effects is not currently within Franz¡¯s considerations. One can¡¯t stop eating for fear of choking to death.
Let future generations handle these problems; for now, one must strive to climb the technological tree and stand out in this cutthroat era.
¡
Finance Minister Karl, "Your Majesty, we¡¯re in a period of rapid economic growth; tightening the money supply suddenly could easily disrupt the market."
It¡¯s no wonder Karl is worried, for in an era of free economy the government rarely intervenes in the market, let alone knows how to do so.
Attempting something unprecedented and momentous, it¡¯s normal for anyone to harbor doubts.
Franz shook his head, "We aren¡¯t directly tightening the money supply, we just need to standardize loan approval and issuance to ensure the security of depositors¡¯ funds."
The same action, framed differently, can lead to a different oue.
Direct and forceful government intervention, or ordering banks to restrict lending, would certainly face severe bacsh. Yet, if intervention is framed as loan approval regtion, the story changes.
Thetter is one of the government¡¯s functions. Protecting depositors¡¯ funds is a noble cause; no one can oppose it.
While regting loans, some with iplete procedures or forged information will naturally fail approval.
These loans often carry high risk. Stopping their issuance not only effectively tightens the money supply but also protects depositors¡¯ funds.
It might not be apparent now, but once a crisis hits, every extra Divine Shield in cash could be a lifeline for the banks.
Franz certainly doesn¡¯t want to see domestic banks fail en masse, forcing the government to clean up the mess and plunge the finances into deep debt.
Banking Regtory Commissioner Alex, "Your Majesty, we stillck the legal basis in this area; the government hasn¡¯t explicitly defined the scope of supervision overmercial lending.
If we intervene blindly, without clear standards, it could lead to abuse of power and have severe consequences."
Since the suppression of the March Revolution, the Austrian Government has embarked on a path of legal reform. The legitivemittee has been busy for thirty years and still isn¡¯tpletely detailed.
Many issues are only addressed after they arise, and Franz is used to patching things up. Building a legal system is an ongoing process of refinement; achieving perfection in one step is unrealistic.
"I will speak with the legitivemittee about this problem. You all coordinate and collect more cases to develop detailed implementation rules as soon as possible.
Imperfections can be gradually rectifiedter. We¡¯ll fix the loopholes one by one; this is a long-term task."
¡
```
Chapter 671 - 244: Worry
1879 was an especially lively Christmas, as all Europeans, except those in warring Prussia and Russia, enjoyed a year of abundance.
Following tradition, the Vienna Government arranged annual tasks for various departments after the New Year.
The only exception was the Immigration Bureau, everyone knew that achieving a grand immigration strategy was a pipe dream given the heated domestic economy.
Thus, the task for the Immigration Bureau in 1880 was still to continue the previous year¡¯s assignment, and it remained a task without penalties.
In this regard, the Austrian Government was quite pragmatic, as the tasks for each department were established after research and ording to the actual situation, and no blind actions were taken just to "boost political achievements."
Entering the new year, what Franz felt most deeply was that he had "aged another year", reaching an age where resisting old age was not an option.
Given the average lifespan of that era, his age could certainly be considered long-lived. In the eyes of themon folk, this age would be fitting for retirement.
In the countryside, it was somewhat better, but in the cities, by this age, one would be essentially unemployed, as no factory would hire someone of such an advanced age.
Physical decline andck of agility were not something personal will could change. Those engaged in intellectual work fared better, but pure physicalborers, with few exceptions, were practically cut off from most jobs.
Old age was no cause for worry, as thebination of heavy physicalbor and an expensive medical system helped people through the "crisis of old age."
"Franz, when do you think Frederick¡¯s marriage should take ce?"
The voice of Queen Helen pulled the deep-in-thought Franz back to reality.
"Isn¡¯t that a bit too hasty if it¡¯s so early?" Franz replied without much thought.
"What¡¯s early?" Seemingly detecting Franz¡¯sck of enthusiasm about his son¡¯s wedding, Helen said discontentedly, "Frederick is already 24, and Victoria is 18. The Baden royal family has even sent telegrams hurrying us; can¡¯t you be a little more concerned?"
Franz was taken aback; he had merely made an offhand remark! He had never seen Helen so fiery in all their years of marriage, and to think the first time would be for this reason.
Whether it was a woman¡¯s menopause or a mother¡¯s strength, Franz no longer had the time to delve into it.
"What are you thinking about? I mean, it¡¯s too sudden to rush into marriage discussions right after Christmas.
Moreover, with Prussia and Russia at war and rivers of blood on the European Continent, it is truly too ominous for Frederick to marry at this juncture."
Having been Emperor for so many years, it was only today that Franz discovered his incredible ability to find excuses, as if he had returned to the days of coaxing his girlfriend in a previous life.
Women¡¯s inexplicable angeres fast and goes fast.
After hearing Franz¡¯s defense, Queen Helen¡¯s anger subsided, but she stillined, "This damnable war, it¡¯s so infuriating."
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She then redirected her frustration at Franz, "Why do you men always like to fight and kill? Why can¡¯t you just sit down and talk nicely?"
Feeling a bit guilty, Franz rolled his eyes and replied, without changing his demeanor, "Because we have to provide for you!"
"The world is only so big, and nature¡¯s gifts cannot satisfy the needs of all humankind; to survive, people can onlypete and seize.
The Prusso-Russian war is the result of escted conflicts; no one can afford topromise, as doing so would mean disaster."
This was not nonsense, but supported by sufficient theory. ording to the information collected by the Austrian Government, sociologists generally believe that 70% of the world¡¯s poption are in a state of hunger, meaning over a billion people are not getting enough to eat.
Whether urate or not, this point need not be contested. The majority living in poverty, struggling even to sustain life, is the social reality.
Not to speak of areas where industry has not developed, even in the European Continent, which prides itself as a civilized world, more than 200 million of the total poption of 320 million live in poverty.
Of course,pared to other regions, influenced by colonial dividends, the lives of Europeans are much better, with the majority able to barely feed themselves through hard work.
The causes of hunger are multifaceted, including: exploitation by the ruling ss, insufficient regional food production capacity, colonial rule...
The hunger problem for all of humanity has not been solved even in the 21st century, let alone in this era.
The most one could do was to clean one¡¯s own doorstep and, while developing domestically, venture out to plunder, which was essentially enough to fill the citizens¡¯ stomachs.
If the first Prusso-Russian war still involved factors of pride and vigor, the second Prusso-Russian war was entirely a conflict for living space.
The main factor causing the outbreak of war was interests, with hatred relegated to a secondary position.
The Tsarist Government, wishing to restore its great power status, break out of the Baltic Sea, and recapture lost territories, had to defeat the Prusso Federation.
Conversely, for the Prusso Federation to advance further, it would have to expand eastward.
It could be said that the moment the Berlin Government decided to relinquish maritime dominance, war was inevitable. Geography dictated that without bing a Colonial Empire, expansion could only be directed toward the east.
The power of the German Federation Empire to the west might not be impressive, but its strategic location meant that moving westward would amount to dering war on Anglo-Austria, or one might as well say it was a deration of war against Ennd, France, Russia, and Austria.
To the southy the mightier Austria, and to the north, the Nordic Federation. Geographically speaking, it seemed inevitable for the Berlin Government to encounter the Russians on a northward course.
Queen Helen was disinterested in politics and would not intervene unless absolutely necessary. To her, these issues were far less critical than the prospect of hugging her grandson at the earliest opportunity.
"You decide, if Frederickins, I¡¯ll tell him it was your decision."
After all, her heart ached for her son, and Queen Helen did not wish to see Frederick wronged. It was one thing formoners to marry amidst the bloodshed in Europe, but for the Austria Crown Prince, a wedding during such times would inevitably be affected.
Simply the thought that the guests attending the wedding might note to bless the union, but rather busy themselves discussing the Prusso-Russian War, filled Queen Helen with unease.
Franz smiled faintly, exuding confidence as he made his judgment, "Don¡¯t worry, the Prusso-Russian war won¡¯tst long. If all goes well, it could end by the end of this year, or at the verytest by 1882."
If the oue of the Prusso-Russian conflict could be decided, the war might end by the year¡¯s close; if not, dragging out for two more years should see its conclusion.
It was not yet the 20th century, where a world war could persist for four or five years¡ªnational power simply couldn¡¯t sustain such a prolonged conflict!
There isn¡¯t a parent who isn¡¯t eager to embrace a grandchild, and Franz too waspelled to dy his son¡¯s marriage. In the royal family, matrimony must serve political ends.
If that¡¯s the case, then it was natural to maximize the benefits. With such sacrifice, failing to garner a substantial political advantage would mean a great loss for Frederick.
The end of the Prusso-Russian War would mean dramatic changes to Europe¡¯s state of affairs and provide the optimal moment for Austria to permeate the German Federation. Frederick¡¯s nuptials presented an ideal, openly epted opportunity for all parties to interact.
Matters already settled could thus be brought out into the open, leveraging political gains, and none without Frederick¡¯s share in the final oue.
Having contributed to the unification movement in the Germany Region and umted political prestige, this was of vital importance for Frederick¡¯s future session to the throne.
Being a second-generation Emperor was challenging, especially with an especially illustrious father. The outside world wouldpare them, yet how could political achievements be so easily secured?
Franz came into power during a period of great change, a unique time whose achievements could not be replicated by his sessors.
¡
While Franz was concerned for his son, the Prussian-Russian battlefield was undergoing changes, and after enduring immense hardships, the Prussian Army finally gained the upper hand on the Ukrainian front.
Maoqi, adept at exterior-line operations, fully leveraged the speed of the Prussian Army. He employed tactics like encircling points to strike at reinforcements and feinting maneuvers, continuously repositioning the Russian Army and concentrating superior forces for decisive battles.
After a series of audacious maneuvers that could be listed in military textbooks, the Prussian Army annihted more than two hundred thousand Russian troops during the closing months of 1879 into the early months of 1880, an achievement the European media dubbed "The Great Victory at Volyn".
Tactically, the Prussian Army was sessful, but strategically, they could only im a marginal advantage. The Russians lost most of the Volyn region yet held onto the strategic city of Brest, and Maoqi¡¯s offensive towards Kiev was not entirely sessful.
This minor regret was inconsequential; regardless, the south was victorious, but the situation on other fronts was much worse. Particr damage came from the Russian navy, which struck the northern coasts, turning numerous port cities into rubble under heavy bombardment and inflicting severe losses.
The situation in the Middle region was not much better; although there were no defeats in direct engagements, the Russian Army kept sending Cossack cavalry deep into the territory to cause destruction, much to the Berlin Government¡¯s vexation.
Whether it was natural talent or not, on the open field of battle, the Cossack cavalry¡¯s prowess was not much stronger than that of the Prussian cavalry, yet when transformed into marauders, theirbat effectiveness soared as if they were enhanced by cheats.
There was an asion where a Cossack cavalry regiment, after a sessful raid, inadvertently found itself surrounded by a Prussian cavalry regiment and two infantry regiments. Nevertheless, they managed to defeat the Prussian cavalry and broke through the encirclement carrying some of the spoils.
Despite the hasty Prussian response and a not fully prepared encirclement ying a role, the raw fighting ability of the Cossack cavalry left a deep impression on all ranks of the Prussian Army.
And this was not an isted incident; a closer analytical study would reveal that the Cossack cavalry always performed above standard when it came to protecting their looted goods.
But with sess came failures; in an effort to curb the Russians¡¯ arrogance, the Prussian Army set many traps, sessfully ambushing these marauding "brigands" on numerous asions.
The lust for profit could stir the hearts of many, and even the greatest of risks could not deter Cossack dreams of wealth.
Besides, the Tsarist Government was generous this time, not only letting them keep all the spoils but also providing substantial rewards. Merely participating in a raid meant a reward of 3 Rubles.
Considering the cumtive losses of both Prussia and Russia, Franz concluded that the oue was "a draw."
The Russians suffered greater military casualties, while the Prusso Federation experienced more civilian losses. The photographs published in newspapers, disying corpses strewn everywhere and houses aze, testified to the barbaric crimes.
Chapter 672 - 245
The winter wind brushed faces, scattering the clouds, bringing with it the scent of earth that was intoxicating.
In the peaceful vige, wisps of cooking smoke rose, tossed about by the wind, as if depicting the hardships of life.
As dusk slowly fell, the militia member, Joseph Han, let out a sigh of relief; they were safe for another day. Lacking education, Joseph Han didn¡¯t know how to articte his feelings and could only sigh helplessly.
Ever since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the atmosphere in the border areas had be tense, especially after the raiding by the Cossack cavalry, which heightened the tension to a climax.
Budaschi Vige, located in Lubusen, was less than a hundred kilometers from the front lines, naturally making it a key area for vignce.
To curtail the enemy¡¯s arrogance, the Berlin Government formed militias from the locals and distributed weapons to them.
The Prussia and Russia border was indeed too long, and with the Prussian Army¡¯s main forces tied down elsewhere, the rear areas, despite being on high alert, were unable to fully prevent enemy invasions.
Therge cities were rtively safe with military garrisons; the Cossack cavalry would not dare to chew on such tough bones. In contrast, small towns and viges scattered across thend were left in a dire situation, bing prey to the "robbers."
Joseph Han had visited a vige that had been "blessed" by these "robbers," and it was nothing short of hell on earth.
Burning houses, heads hanging at the vige entrance, debris littering the ground, and survivors missing limbs... all bore witness to the "robbers¡¯" brutality.
Faced with reality, the honest Joseph Han took up arms and joined the militia to defend the tranquility of his vige.
Speaking of defense, in reality, they didn¡¯t possess the strength to fight. The main task of the militia was to signal the presence of the enemy in time, cover the civilians¡¯ retreat into the castle, defend the castle, and wait for the regr army to arrive.
Not every ce had a castle, nor did every castle have the capacity to defend itself; only the castles owned by some of therger nobility were capable of withstanding the "robbers¡¯" looting.
In thest hundred years, the Polish Region had suffered repeatedly from war, causing many local nobles to fall from grace. The new nobilitycked deep pockets, and many, influenced by new ideas, had already abandoned castle construction.
On the ins, without a castle fortress, it was nearly impossible to resist the onught of cavalry raids.
For safety¡¯s sake, the local people had already mobilized to repair or rebuild castles under government organization, to withstand the invasion of the "robbers."
In this respect, Europeans had a natural talent. Every war was apanied by looting, and after thousands of years, the people had developed unique survival skills.
This time was merely a case of the enemy being more vicious, but life had to go on as usual.
In the face of the constant danger of being raided by "robbers," the night became everyone¡¯s favorite time, as the enemy would not act then.
With their anxiety relieved for the moment, the militia men headed home in small groups, and Joseph Han was among them. Perhaps due to exhaustion, there was an unspoken agreement to remain silent.
Back at home, his wife had prepared dinner. The food was very in, consisting of baked potatoes and vegetables, all grown in their own garden.
For a family of five, there were only six fist-sized baked potatoes¡ªclearly not enough, not even for Joseph Han alone.
There was no helping it, as life was difficult. In ordinary times, they only had two meals a day, in the morning and afternoon, with no need for dinner since no work was done in the evening.
Since joining the militia, Joseph Han had daily training and needed adequate nutrition; his wife and children, who worked on the fortifications, also needed more nutrients, which was why they had resolutely added a dinner meal.
The night was exceptionally dark, without a sliver of moonlight, forcing his always frugal wife to reluctantly light a candle.
Perhaps out of extreme hunger, or maybe because of reluctance to waste, Joseph Han didn¡¯t even bother peeling the potato skin before stuffing it into his mouth.
"Han, I heard that Fick Town, twenty miles away, was looted by the Russians, and all the militia were killed. You must be careful when you go out!"
The anxious voice of his wife made Joseph Han¡¯s heart quiver. He, too, had heard about the situation in Fick Town; it wasn¡¯t just the militia who were killed¡ªall the elderly, women, and children suffered heavy casualties as well.
The enemy ughtered all who resisted, and the survivors were either injured or disabled. Clearly, the Russians were deliberately creating casualties to increase the burden on the Berlin Government.
Whether because there were too many wounded for the government to manage, or to provoke the will to resist among the popce, a few injured individuals had also been ced in their small vige.
Joseph Han: "Don¡¯t worry, I will be careful. You all need to be careful too. If you spot the enemying, hide in the cer. The Russians won¡¯t stay long."
Clearly, Joseph Han had little confidence in the castle currently under construction. This was the Age of Hot Weapons, but the castles being built were stuck in the designs of the previous century.
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It wasn¡¯t that people did not want to build them stronger; castles were being constructed everywhere, but there was a shortage of steel, cement, and stone, forcing them to resort to earthen walls.
The Berlin Government had already increased imports, but the costs were prohibitively high, so they could only be used in strategic locations. There were not enough resources for city defenses, let alone for ordinary viges.
Some people had suggested evacuating the viges and concentrating the people in the cities to reduce civilian casualties.
Unfortunately, that was only wishful thinking.
Because of the war, the food production of the Prusso Federation had already decreased significantly, and being able to maintain 80% of the capacity in 1880 was a great victory.
If the border areas were abandoned, those major grain-producing regions, the Federation¡¯s food production capacity would further decline. The annual shortfall of millions of tons of food was not easilypensated for.
"Understood."
Their tired minds and bodies left them with no interest in continuing the conversation. After quickly finishing their dinner, his wife hastily extinguished the candles.
...
In the sunlight, the signboard of "Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry" was exceptionally bright.
A diplomatic carriage designed for official use stopped at the entrance of the building, and a middle-aged man in a suit stepped down from the carriage, carrying a stack of thick documents, and strode into the building.
The secretary whispered, "Your Excellency, the Minister, Count Kowatchevich, the Prusso Federation Envoy to Vienna, hase to visit."
Setting down his coffee, Weisenberg asked, "Did he have an appointment?"
As Foreign Minister Weisenberg¡¯s schedule was always packed with work, almost every day was fully booked, and except for special circumstances, diplomatic activities generally required prior appointments.
The secretary replied, "No. But Count Kowatchevich looks very upset, emphasizing again and again that he has an urgent matter and must see you right away."
"An urgent matter"¡ªWeisenberg, who had been prepared to refuse, was startled and immediately thought of the Prusso-Russian War. He said slowly, "Let him in, please. Remember to tell him I only have half an hour to spare."
...
After exchanging some pleasantries, Envoy Kowatchevich handed the thick file to Weisenberg and said, "Your Excellency, the Minister, these photos and documents were provided by concerned citizens; they show the atrocities of the Russians."
Taking the file and flipping through it casually, Weisenberg saw the photographs filled with corpses, burning houses, and hanging heads¡ªall very telltales of barbaric crimes.
Even the worldly Weisenberg was shocked. Without continuing to look, he closed the file promptly and turned his gaze to Kowatchevich.
"Your Excellency, the Minister, your country has always been a major force in maintaining world peace and international order. For the love of God, we hope your country can intervene to stop the atrocities of the Russians."
The despicable tactics of the Russians left the Berlin Government exhausted from the ordeal, and with no other choice but to seek the help of the internationalmunity.
No matter how cruel the essence of the world, on the European Continent, nations still knew they had to keep a semnce of restraint; the Russians¡¯ way of doing things was simply outdated.
Disregarding Kowatchevich¡¯s ttery, Weisenberg slowly replied, "This matter is veryplex, and we must conduct an investigation to confirm the details before we can respond to your country.
However, Envoy, rest assured that as long as the content here is proven to be true, all the righteous people in the world will not ignore such atrocities."
Without a doubt, this was a stalling tactic. The atrocities of the Russians were anything but a secret; Austria had sent a Military Observation Group, and they were well aware of the frontline situation.
While knowing is one thing, without sufficient interests at stake, the Vienna Government would not intervene.
Simr instances weren¡¯t unique to the Russians. The Prussian Army also had its share of massacring viges and towns, and the great Colonial Empires carried out even more ruthless acts overseas.
It¡¯s just that the lid had not been lifted, and everyone tacitly chose to ignore it. The Tsarist Government had gone too far this time; casualties among the Federation¡¯s civilians had already reached several hundred thousand.
In an Age of Hot Weapons, small-scale killings were unavoidable;rge-scale massacres, however, broke all norms.
The Russian Army had not resorted to massacre, but it might as well have; apart from those killed, the rest were all wounded, and many of them were permanently disabled.
Envoy Kowatchevich had a bitter look on his face: "Your Excellency, the Minister, these photos were all taken at great risk by concerned citizens; I guarantee that they are all genuine.
Now every day, thousands of civilians are dying under the des of the Russians..."
Weisenberg gestured with his hand: "Don¡¯t worry, Envoy. The truth cannot be faked, and a lie cannot be the truth.
As long as one belongs to the civilized camp, such events will not be tolerated. I will arrange for an investigation right now, go back and wait for the news!"
After seeing off Kowatchevich, Weisenberg was left with a headache. To intervene or not to intervene, that was a troubling question.
Chapter 673: Two hundred and forty-six, stirring up trouble
```
Seeking international support, the Berlin Government was naturally not only approaching Austria¡ªvirtually at the same time, governments across Europe received invitations from Berlin.
No one truly knew what was in their hearts, but publicly, everyone was righteously denouncing "robbers."
If spittle could kill, the Cossack cavalry of Russia would probably have already been wiped out.
While diplomacy was in motion, efforts to rally the public were not idle either. The Berlin Government bought pages in numerous newspapers, publishing photos of the Russian Army¡¯s atrocities, along with the heart-rending testimonies of survivors.
None of these performances were in vain, as the Berlin Government gained the sympathy of the European people. Public opinion overwhelmingly med the Russians, even pro-Russian media fell silent.
Many media outlets epted the Berlin Government¡¯s invitation, dispatching war reporters to collect firsthand information on-site.
Furthermore, the Berlin Government had devised a stage y, "Rampant Robbery," which toured across the European Continent with the troupe.
The plot was roughly as follows: Into a happy vige, suddenly came a group of Russian robbers; they burned, killed, and looted,mitting unspeakable evils. The brave vigers rose to resist, but they were outnumbered, and to cover the children¡¯s evacuation, everyone...
In an era short of entertainment, the Vienna Opera House had been showing the y for an entire week and still drewrge audiences.
Tragedy always moves people easily, and the performance on stage had more impact than words. After every show, thedies in the audience would sob uncontrobly.
If it was possible to organize a fundraiser, the Berlin Government would definitely reap significant benefits. Public opinion had been mobilized, and calls for intervention grew louder, increasing the pressure on the Austrian Government.
Vienna Pce
Franz casually tossed aside a civil petition letter and asked gloomily, "Have the Russians not responded? With such a significant event unfolding, can¡¯t the Tsarist Government step forward to exin?"
Within the short span of a month, Franz had received a total of 286 signed petitions, all demanding that the Austrian Government stop the killings.
Dozens of organizations, including the German Civil Cultural Exchange Meeting, the German Unification Committee, the Germanic National Cultural Exchange Meeting, and the Holy Roman Empire Cultural Economic Promotion Meeting, were hoping the Austrian Government would intervene.
The reason was simple, victims were not only Polish but also many Germanic people; to nationalists, these were their kin, not to be wantonly devastated by the Russians.
"Your Majesty, the Tsarist Government has also taken action. The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has repeatedly spoken to quash the rumors, iming that the Russian Army did not participate in the killings, and that it was the work of domestic bandits within the Prusso-Polish Federation.
The Russians acted toote, and the tide of public opinion had already formed. Coupled with the substantial evidence from the Berlin Government, reversing it is too difficult," replied Prime Minister Felix.
Being a step slow meant being slow in every step. In those times,munication didn¡¯t change much; news spread slowly, and for most, newspapers were the main source of information.
Once preconceived opinions set in, changing them was difficult. Moreover, the Berlin Government wasn¡¯t ndering the Russians¡ªthey had indeedmitted those acts.
"The Tsarist Government is full of idiots!" Franz blurted out without hesitation.
It was clear that this was heartfelt. The reality was right before his eyes; it was certain that no amount of whitewashing could clear the name, but guiding public opinion doesn¡¯t necessarily require whitewashing. All that was needed was to drag the rival down to the same level.
"Denial" indeed was a solution, but it was out of date!
If it were a country with a good reputation, they might still cheat some people. Given the credibility of the Tsarist Government, who would believe what they say?
```
Franz had a change of heart, directly emting the Berlin Government. He collected the atrocities of the Prussian Army, applied artistic embellishment, and exaggerated the events a hundredfold before paying newspapers to publish them.
No matter how many believed it, the first step was to build up the momentum. After all, the tradition of European Army plundering was a well-known secret.
If you can¡¯t clear your own name, drag the other party down with you. If everyone¡¯s tainted, the problem is solved.
"Your Majesty, it¡¯s not just domestic opinion that¡¯s against the Russians, the international opinion, especially in France, is extremely adverse."
Just three days ago, 50,000 Parisians gathered in Versailles Square to demonstrate, demanding their government intervene in the war.
This isn¡¯t the first time; ording to messages from the embassy, there have been 48rge and small protests and demonstrations within France this month, half of which were calling for intervention by the Paris Government.
Five days ago, London also experienced a protest, although with fewer participants than in France.
"From the current situation, if the Tsarist Government can¡¯t turn things around, it¡¯s likely that before long, various governments will step in," Wessenberg analyzed.
The French public is still so enthusiastic; Napoleon IV must feel like crying now. There¡¯s apletely different concept between taking the initiative to intervene and being coerced by public opinion.
An emperor who can¡¯t control the government¡¯s foreign policy and is instead swayed by public opinion¡ªnobody can stand such a scenario.
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If there¡¯s a first time, there will be a second. Once it¡¯s discovered that public opinion can influence government decisions, simr incidents are likely to follow.
The governments of the countries have not interfered immediately, probably not wanting to give the impression that they are influenced by public opinion.
To some extent, the machinations of the Berlin Government have seeded and failed at the same time.
While garnering support from various countries, they¡¯ve also managed to offend the upper echelons of these governments. Intervention is certain, but the extent of it is hard to say.
"If possible, I suggest dying the intervention of various countries as much as we can. In recent times, the Immigration Bureau has already obtained nearly fifty thousand immigrants from Russian hands.
Although most of these are women, children, and the elderly, for thebor-starved colonies, they are still a substantial addition," said Colonial Minister Stephen.
Fifty thousand immigrants might seem insignificant, but if they were fifty thousand main ethnic group immigrants, that would be a different story.
Austro-Africa is the lifeline of the Vienna Government, which has always been intentional about controlling the ethnic proportion. Fifty thousand immigrants may not sound like a lot, but they¡¯ve already increased the main poption ratio by two per thousand.
This is just a calction in terms of numbers; the real impact is even greater. To elerate the integration of ethnicities, Austria has always practiced dispersed settlement of immigrants, with countless inter-ethnic marriages.
The tangible benefits are obviously something the Colonial Department is unwilling to give up.
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, Franz pushed aside his conscience: "Tell the Tsarist Government that international intervention is imminent.
If they don¡¯t want to be sanctioned, they should quickly expose the atrocities of the Prussian Army and muddy the waters first."
When national interests are at stake, Franz can¡¯t help but be pragmatic. Since the Tsarist Government doesn¡¯t know what to do, it¡¯s better to teach them.
Chapter 674 - 247, The Law of the Jungle
Franz¡¯s worries were superfluous. Without needing any reminder from the Vienna Government, the Tsarist Government had already begun taking action.
However, their means were somewhat immature, probably because they were unprepared in advance, and the evidence produced by the Russians was not persuasive enough.
There were no movies at that time, makeup had not yet be one of the four great wicked arts, and there were no special effects to speak of, so it was somewhat difficult to fake photographs.
No, to be precise, the Tsarist Government had no concept of faking it at all.
The Berlin Government hadunched a media offensive, and the Prussian Army at the front had been ordered to maintain military discipline long ago, so catching the Prussians red-handed at this time was naturally not easy.
The photographic evidence provided by the Tsarist Government had even been kindly sponsored by the Austrian Government.
These were unintentionally captured by the Austrian military while collecting battlefield intelligence, with very few taken actually on the ground, and most from aboard airships.
One could hardly expect rity; it was good enough to be able to see a human figure amidst the blur. This was partly because the airships flew too high, and partly because the cameras were not advanced enough.
If it weren¡¯t for the newspapers intent on boosting sales and stirring up controversy, the evidence provided by the Tsarist Government would not have caused even a ripple before being suppressed.
In any case, having some controversy was better than none at all. As per usual, these kinds of public opinion debates usually ended up veering off-topic.
In the words of the mentor, "The Russian Army are bandits, the Prussian Army are robbers." In short, neither were good stuff.
With each side taking its turn, this winter, the performance of Prussia and Russia provided the European popce a grand drama to watch.
As temperatures fell, the Prusso-Russian War also began to ease. After winter set in, nonbat attrition in the Prussian Army increased day by day. To minimize losses, Maoqi had no choice but to halt the offensive.
The Russians indeed had better tolerance for cold, but they also needed to hoard strategic supplies over this winter. Unless they could ensure victory this winter, the Russian Army would have to halt their advance.
This was a necessity, with spring¡¯s arrival and the melting snow turning the roads into muddy quagmires, making transport of supplies extremely difficult.
Having suffered from shortage of provisions, the bureaucrats of the Tsarist Government had evolved. It was better to crush the enemy tly and squarely; why take unnecessary risks?
Of course, the "Winter Offense" had to take ce. The Russian Army continued to besiege Smolensk, a fortress city conveniently located by the Dnieper River, which allowed for easy water transportation.
It was better to forego the rest of the areas, which were already on the defensive. Why not use the winter to strengthen defensive fortifications instead of going out to engage the enemy in open field battles?
¡
As the Prussian-Russian battlefield stabilized, the war in South America underwent dramatic changes. The previously dominant Peru-Bolivia Alliance began to fall into a disadvantage after the British intervened.
Two months ago, 7,000 Chilean soldiers, escorted by 6 warships,nded near the Iquique Fortress, sessfully defeating the Peru-Bolivia Allied Forces and reversing the bnce of power.
Looking at the intelligence gathered by the Foreign Affairs Department, Franz didn¡¯t even know how toment. Bolivia was like ¡¯trying to make bricks without straw¡¯.
Who could have imagined the Bolivian military was still using bows and crossbows?
If that was all they had, it might be excusable. The issue was that Bolivia had received support from Austria and had purchased arge amount of second-hand equipment prior to the war.
Franz admitted that time was short and that the Bolivian military, filled with arge number of Indians, faced difficulties with an immediate equipment upgrade without training.
But regardless of the difficulties, they had to adapt! Even if the forces couldn¡¯t be trained to be proficient, it should still be possible to teach them how to shoot.
There were nearly six months from preparations to the fall of Iquique. The army wasn¡¯t the navy; there should have been ample time to urgently cobble together a force capable of putting up a fight.
Regarding the internal issues of Bolivia involved in this, Franz no longer cared. Now he was just d he had let go in time and stopped supporting this "useless lot."
It wasn¡¯t just the Bolivian military that was rubbish, the victorious Chilean military wasn¡¯t much better either. For them to take so much effort to defeat such riffraff.
A war of inferiority, utterlycking in interest, even incapable of providing lessons to be learned. Franz seriously doubted that even the Montenegro Duchy, were it ced in South America, would be a hegemon.
Initially worried about the rise of Chile and the dangers to Austria in South America, Franz now felt relieved. Should ite to war, he estimated that the Chilean military probably couldn¡¯t even beat the local militia.
The South American War was no longer referred to as the "Pacific War." Compared to the brutal Prussian-Russian War, the battles between Chile, Bolivia, and Peru were nothing but child¡¯s y.
European media, with undisguised mockery, began using the terms "Bird Poop War" or the "Nitre War" instead of the former "Pacific War."
Now, Franz somewhat understood why the European popce was so proud. It wasn¡¯t a matter of their arrogance or short-sightedness; it was all highlighted by their weak challengers.
Indeed, the center of the world in the 19th century was in Europe, where all the major powers of the time were concentrated on the European Continent, without a single challenger in sight worldwide.
If there had been no World War in the original timeline, this advantage would have continued for many years. History is devoid of "ifs," and World War was both a coincidence and an inevitability.
Even now, on the European Continent, Franz couldn¡¯t guarantee that a great war would never break out. inly put, war is the continuation of politics, and politics are driven by interests.
...
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Your Majesty, this morning the Chilean envoy extended an invitation to us, hoping that we could mediate the Pacific War, Ennd and France have received the same invitation."
There¡¯s nothing surprising about that, ever since Ennd, France, and Austria announced their alliance, conflicts around the world have been their responsibility to mediate.
Even without an invitation, the three countries would offer their services, under the noble pretense of "world peace," but the real purpose was naturally...
After looking at the map of South America for a while, Franz finally said, "The current Chilean Government is not bad, knowing when to stop, but would Peru and Bolivia agree to it?"
The Chileans had already upied regions like Antofagasta, Tarapaca, Arica, and Ta, which happened to be the main sources of saltpeter and guano.
Having obtained the benefits they desired, the war could not yield any greater benefits if continued, so the Chilean Government¡¯s choice to secure the gains was undoubtedly the wisest move.
If the war went on, it was uncertain whether they could gain more, and if it dragged on until the Prussian-Russian war ended and France and Austria turned their attention back to South America, it would then be difficult to digest the spoils of war.
Weisenberg answered, "That might be difficult. Militarily speaking, Peru and Bolivia still have the capacity to fight.
Especially Peru, with a muchrger poption than Chile, can still withstand the current losses, so continuing the fight might give them a chance to turn the tables.
Politically, the situation is even clearer. Due to defeats at the front, both Peru and Bolivia have changed governments, with a strong pro-war atmosphere among the public, leaving them with no option but to continue fighting.
Chile¡¯s invitation for us to intervene is mainly to use our and Ennd and France¡¯s influence to force the two governments topromise."
"Maintaining world peace" is the banner and political program of the Ennd, France, and Austria alliance, having dered this stance, the Vienna Government cannot reject the Chilean Government¡¯s mediation invitation, even if just for appearances.
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Not just this "mediation" invitation, the three countries would send delegates to any global mediation invitations.
The three nations¡¯ eagerness to engage in international affairs was naturally not without purpose. What seemed like simple mediation was also a division of regional interests.
As the three most powerful countries in the world today, involvement ensured that they could each take a share, which is the very essence of the Imperialist era.
"Go through the motions, we don¡¯t have much at stake in South America. If Peru and Bolivia want to continue the war, let them be.
As a responsible great power, we must fully respect the opinions of small countries and not impose our will on them without consideration."
While speaking, Franz waved his hand indifferently, as though the matter was of no concern to him, yet a frown between his brows betrayed his inner dissatisfaction.
Stopping the war at this point would undoubtedly see the British taking the lion¡¯s share, with Chile right behind them grabbing the meat, and France and Austria relegated to a supporting role.
Situations like this had happened more than once or twice. Being short-changed multiple times would inevitably cause dissatisfaction.
In this dog-eat-dog era, your strength dictated the benefits you could im¡ªit was not inherently unjust. The problemy in the shifting bnce of power among Ennd, France, and Austria, where the division of interests had not changed in line with their power.
Encouraging Peru and Bolivia to continue the war was Franz¡¯s retaliation. Since the British wanted to take the biggest share, let them keep investing!
If by chance the Peru-Bolivia Alliance got lucky and turned the tables on the battlefield, the situation would change drastically. Even if the odds were low, Franz was willing to take a gamble.
If he lost the bet, it would be a nuisance for the British; if he won, he might even destabilize their dominance in South America.
From Austria¡¯s perspective, no matter how you looked at it, it was worth it.
As for Peru and Bolivia, they had made their choice and must see it through, even if in tears.
Not forcing them to cede territory and pay indemnities to end the war was the greatest form of respect in itself.
Austria wasn¡¯t just sweet-talking with empty promises; there was support in the form of armaments and ammunition. Though payment was required, securing loans and military supplies during wartime was a form of support in itself.
Whatever caused the "Guano War" doesn¡¯t matter anymore, nor who¡¯s right or wrong.
For Peru and Bolivia, the enemy is already at the door. The war is no longer about guano or saltpeter, but a battle to defend their territory.
If it¡¯s about defending the homnd, they must step up themselves. Can they really expect others to help?
...
Chapter 675 - 248: The Perilous South American War
Interest sways the heart, and Austria was unwilling to concede to the British over the South American issue, just as France was equally averse to seeing its own interests harmed.
After Peru and Bolivia decided to continue the war, the Paris Government agreed very briskly.
As time passed, the French Empire kept growing stronger, and nationalism within the country flourished.
Emerging nationalists naturally disliked being inferior to the British, and with the power of centuries-old animosity and conflicts of interest, the French popce held great antipathy towards the pro-British faction within the government.
In the era of Napoleon III, his achievements in annexing the Italian Area could suppress these contradictions.
By the time of Napoleon IV, however, the situation had changed. He had just ascended to power when he faced a tumultuous struggle within the government, with the pro-British faction, which held a dominant position, being attacked from all sides.
Politicians are the most pragmatic, aligning with Britain was only a matter of interest, but that need had vanished, even bing a burden and trouble, so changing political stance was a natural development.
In recent years, Paris¡¯s foreign policy had be much tougherpared to the days of Napoleon III, not just towards the British.
In an era where only the strong survive, diplomatic toughness naturally rests on the foundation of substantial power.
It must be acknowledged that in recent decades France¡¯s power had grown rapidly, apanied by surges in nationalism. Especially after the annexation of the Italian Area, expansionist sentiments within France were also intensifying.
During the reign of Napoleon III, capital was restrained, and interest groups knew to hold back. After Napoleon IV came to power, the government fell into infighting, and restraints on capital rxed.
As the saying goes, "If you don¡¯t discipline for three days, you have to repair your roof." After a few years of freedom, capitalists, blinded by their interests, started to believe wilfully that the strength of the French Army was unmatched in the world.
With such formidable power, they naturally wanted benefits to match. Perhaps the shadow of anti-French wars made them fear arousing public ire and being besieged, so for the time being, they were still in a stage of diplomatic probing.
The three great nations each harbored their own thoughts, making mediation seem like "flowers in the mirror and the moon reflected in theke."
From the "Guano Wars" to the beginning of the struggle between Ennd, France, and Austria, the war became more than just a dispute over territory and interests among the three South American countries.
...
London
Foreign Minister Edward set down his coffee slowly and said, "Our two allies are restless again, it seems the Prusso-Russian war hasn¡¯t put enough pressure on them; they still have the energy for mischief in South America."
"That is an inevitable result. In the past twenty years, France and Austria have grown rapidly in strength, and naturally, ambitions have also sprouted.
As long as France and Austria don¡¯t sh directly, the situation in Europe won¡¯t spiral out of control. With the lessons of the Prusso-Russian war before them, decision-makers in France and Austria, no matter how grand their ambitions, will think thrice before proceeding." Chancellor Garfield said with a smile.
Clearly, the unforeseen events in South America were not enough to trouble the London Government.
As rivals, it¡¯s a normal tactic to engage in sabotaging each other. If there¡¯s quiet for several years in a row, that would be truly concerning.
The British do not worry about France and Austria causing trouble overseas; with the strength of the Royal Navy, they can quell any disturbance. As long as the bnce in Europe is not broken, Britannia faces no danger.
The brutality of the Prusso-Russian war will inevitably affect the strategic decisions of all European countries. No one wants to engage in a war that damages both sides, to the delight of a third party enjoying the spectacle.
In the current European Continent, the main conflict lies in the Prusso-Russian discord. Though many contradictions exist between Ennd, France, and Austria, they are not yet severe enough to spark a war.
Without a re-shuffling of war, Europe¡¯s bnce will not be broken, and the London Government can remain leisurely aloof.
Britain¡¯s global hegemony is based on the bnce established by Metternich through the Vienna System in Europe for thirty years after the anti-French wars, which gave the British the resources to build a world empire.
Prime Minister Benjamin said, "Since France and Austria want to y, we¡¯ll apany them to the end. This opportunity can be used to sober them up, lest they continue to act foolishly."
Though strategic security is not threatened, it does not mean the London Government will allow such situations to ur unchecked. France and Austria¡¯s moves still damage Britannia¡¯s interests.
International struggles have always involved reciprocal backstabbing, and in this aspect, the British have the most experience.
Although the South American countries have gained independence, due to their own weak strength, they have not fully escaped the influence of Europe.
In a world already divided, the weaker South American nations have also be objects of contention among Ennd, France, and Austria.
```
Establishing economic colonialism in South America as an alternative to colonization wasn¡¯t a poor choice either.
The South American War, aside from the contest for interests among Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, was also a gambit by Ennd, France, and Austria to extend their influence deep into South America.
In this respect, both France and Austria weregging behind. The Austrian Colonial Empire started toote, while France had missed the prime opportunity for expansion due to the impact of the anti-French wars.
Had it not been for the South American War, and without British support for Chile, it¡¯s likely that neither Peru nor Bolivia would have gravitated towards France and Austria.
...
In the Vienna Pce, the news of the British intervention had already reached Franz¡¯s hands.
Franz wasn¡¯t surprised by such developments; what astonished him was the severity of the British reaction, indicating a strong intent to push France and Austria out of South America.
On February 11, 1880, Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil, and Ecuador cited the maintenance of world peace as their pretext to announce an embargo on supplies to the warring nations of Chile, Bolivia, and Peru.
Despite appearing to be an "embargo" on all threebatants, in reality, only Peru and Bolivia were cut off. For Chile, maritime transport was much more convenient than ovend.
Following the embargo by these four nations, the Peru-Bolivia Alliance was left with only one "lifeline"¡ªthe Republic of Colombia.
However, this "lifeline" was also in peril, liable to break at any moment.
Lately, Colombia had been in frequent contact with the British. If it were not for the significant influence of France and Austria in Colombia and their apprehension of their reaction, the Colombian Government would probably have already joined the embargo alliance.
The reasons behind the embargo by these four nations were varied, including British influence but more so due to interests.
To trace the origins, one must go back to the independence wars, where alliances were formed to jointly act against Spanish colonial rule.
"It is easy to endure hardships together, but difficult to share wealth." After expelling the Spaniards and dividing the spoils, everyone felt they contributed the most and thus deserved thergest share.
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Where interests lie, yesterday¡¯s allies be today¡¯s enemies. These conflicts sowed the seeds for the subsequent turmoil in South America.
The "Guano War" was just one example, including the Paraguayan War that came earlier; they were all part of this history.
As for the whys and wherefores, Franz had no interest in figuring them out anymore. In this age of survival of the fittest, victors were beyond reproach.
Franz asked, "Considering the current situation, how likely is it that Colombia will lean towards Chile?"
After a moment of contemtion, Foreign Minister Weisenberg replied, "If neither we nor the French intervene, the likelihood of Colombia joining the embargo is almost certain."
This answer made Franz furrow his brow; clearly, he had underestimated the British influence in South America and had assumed that the nations there would remain on the sidelines as long as France and Austria joined forces.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz slowly said, "Test the French¡¯s attitude, for we simply can¡¯t contend with the British in South America on our own strength."
Reluctant to admit it, but the reality was cruel. The British had been active for many years in South America, and their underlying influence was not something Austria could match.
If it weren¡¯t for the Austrian Central American Colony, even the Colombian Government could not be swayed by the Vienna Government. In in terms, in the age of sea power, naval forces determined a nation¡¯s international influence.
The Austrian Navy might not be insignificant, but with numerous colonies to defend, casting a wide across the globe was utterly impractical.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Weisenberg responded.
...
Both France and Austria held vast empires, and even if they withdrew from South America now, it wouldn¡¯t deal a fatal blow to their vital strength¡ªthey could always make aeback.
But for Peru and Bolivia, it was a different story; both agricultural nations, losing ess to foreign supplies made it difficult for them to continue the war.
Small countries differ from great powers in that they do not get second chances. Losing just one war could mean losing everything.
As the Vienna Government reacted, the newly established governments of Peru and Bolivia, already strained from dealing with their failures, hurriedly took diplomatic actions.
And thus, a major diplomatic battle that would decide the fate of South America began to unfold.
```
Chapter 676 - 249: Pessimism
The snowkes drifted down, pure white like jade, as if messengers sent by God spreading blessings to the faithful.
The Parisians, confined to their homes, came out one by one and joined the children in the snow to y, enjoying this wonderful time to the fullest.
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"Snow" was a rarity for the Parisians. Medici recalled that thest time it snowed in Paris was many years ago.
How many years exactly, Medici could no longer remember. To those who were starving and cold, "snow" wasn¡¯t anything good, and there was no need to specificallymemorate it.
This year was an exception, as the benefits from the Prusso-Russian War were not only enjoyed by Austria; France also reaped substantial benefits.
Against the backdrop of a booming economy, social tensions in France eased, and the most apparent indicator was the improved daily life of Parisians.
In this regard, Medici felt it the most. As the owner of a small newsstand, he had his unique way of judging. Discover hidden tales at empire
The French public was keen on politics and, as long as their financial conditions allowed, would subscribe to several newspapers. The sale of newspapers, to some extent, also reflected the economy of France.
This was something the Parisians could be proud of. France¡¯s newspaper cirction consistently topped the global charts, with Parisians contributing half of that figure.
Should there be a ranking of global newspaper cirction, an interesting conclusion would emerge: France > Austria > Britannia > Paris.
This was not a joke; it really happened.
The political sensitivity of Parisians could be said to be the highest in the world. The difference between a Parisian and a countryman could be discerned by whether theymented on political news.
"Medici, I¡¯m here for my newspapers."
A familiar voice sounded, drawing Medici, who was engrossed in reading, back to the present.
Business hade to the door, and naturally, had to be attended to. Medici put down the newspaper in his hands and smiled slightly, "Ruers, the usual?"
As he spoke, Medici had already taken out a stack of newspapers he had prepared earlier and ced them on top.
The middle-aged man frowned and said irritably, "Of course. Medici, don¡¯t you know me by now?"
Medici was not annoyed and continued to speak with a smile, "Ruers, be patient. With your temper, even at your age, can¡¯t you change a little?"
Ruers shook his head, "Forget it, I¡¯m already old, what¡¯s there to change?"
In terms of the average life expectancy in France, the over forty-year-old Ruers indeed qualified as an elderly man. However, averages often skewed the most towards certain individuals.
The real shortening of life expectancy was mostly among theborers at the bottom. The lifespan of the nobility and the wealthy was not short at all.
Medici shook his head, no longer trying to persuade. He pointed casually at the newspapers and said, "All right, Ruers. Here are your newspapers, take them."
As if he remembered something, Medici added, "By the way, today¡¯s international edition of the Paris News is pretty good; you should find it interesting."
ncing at the headline, it starkly read, "The Ennd, France, and Austria Alliance is about to disintegrate."
Ruers¡¯plexion changed drastically. As a qualified Parisian, he was well aware of the significance of the Triple Alliance. He asked anxiously, "What happened?"
Medici replied calmly, "Don¡¯t make a fuss, it¡¯s not that serious. It¡¯s just a little friction in South America; I believe the government can handle it."
Brief but definitive, he deliberately avoided discussing the specifics. This was an experience Medici had summarized over his years of selling newspapers: if he exined everything, why would people still buy newspapers?
Ruers rolled his eyes, "Give me one, and we¡¯ll settle up on the weekend."
There was no choice, ever since Napoleon III introduced the pension system, the avant-garde Ruers had be a paycheck-to-paycheck man.
Aside from necessary family expenses, the rest of his money was spent early on, and with it being Saturday already, naturally, he had no money left.
Regardless of the merits of this consumption pattern, it did stimte economic development for a fact.
Even with slightly lower ie, French citizens were able to maintain consumption levels not inferior to Austrians, which also yed a significant role in stimting the economy.
Of course, in this era, there were no credit cards, and overspending was not yet popr. Even in the most avant-garde Paris, people only spent within their means.
"As you wish!" Having said that, and ncing at the snow outside, Medici added, "However, I think you might need another coffee now, perhaps with a slice of bread, to wrap up dinner as well."
"That¡¯s a fantastic suggestion. But really, Medici, you¡¯re squandering your talents with a newsstand. If you did something else, with your business acumen, you¡¯d have made a fortune by now," Ruers remarked.
Thebination of "newsstand + caf¨¦ + bakery" was hard to overlook, and many believed that Medici was indeed wasting his talents in running the small shop.
Clearly, Medici was a smart man and knew his own capabilities.
"Newsstand + Caf¨¦ + Bakery" seemed like a creative idea, but actually, such abination with no technical depth relied solely on being "cheap."
Medici never considered himself a genius; he was just better at observing than others and chose the right location to set up shop.
Otherwise, why wouldn¡¯t this simple business model, which anyone could replicate, flood every street and alley?
If he had ventured into other industries, amon man like him would have probably been devoured to the bone long ago.
With a smile, Medici answered, "Thank you for thepliment, but I think running a newsstand is quite enough for me; I really couldn¡¯t manage anything else."
Ruers did not pursue the topic further. Their rtionship hadn¡¯t reached that point yet; joking was fine, but actually persuading Medici to switch trades was not something Ruers wanted to do himself.
Even in Paris, such convenient, inexpensive ces were scarce. If Medici switched trades, Ruers would have to travel much farther every day.
Taking the newspaper from Medici, Ruers went straight into the backyard, found an empty seat, and quietly began reading.
The situation in South America was vtile and couldn¡¯t be fully understood by just one newspaper agency. The content was naturally an analysis based on limited information, with a lot of spection to reach conclusions.
What was originally a diplomatic battle among Chile, Bolivia, and Peru had escted to a diplomatic war between Britannia and France and Austria, as if the three countries were about to be enemies with the British.
No, that¡¯s not right; Ennd and France were already arch-enemies; they didn¡¯t need to be estranged.
In these times, newspapers still had some integrity; if they dared to publish something, they had some basis for it and wouldn¡¯t joke about their own credibility.
Having read the newspaper in one go, Ruers gasped in astonishment.
The paper listed in detail the conflicting interests of Ennd, France, and Austria in South America, explicitly pointing out that in the "Guano War," the British supported Chile, while France and Austria supported Peru and Bolivia.
With so much evidence at hand, it was easy to conclude that the rtionship among Ennd, France, and Austria was troubled. Against such a backdrop, the dissolution of the alliance among the three nations seemed not entirely impossible.
"Damn those greedy Brits, daring to disregard our interests!"
Someone started the insults, and it immediately incited others to join in; hurling abuse at the British was one of the Parisians¡¯ daily entertainments.
"What¡¯s so surprising about that? The Brits have always been shamelessly unscrupulous. Being their ally is like dancing with the devil..."
"Exactly, all those damned John Bulls should go straight to hell..."
...
Seeing everyone chatting avidly, Ruers also joined in toment, "Peru is such a wreck, an embarrassment to us, losing even to the Chileans."
A young man responded, "It¡¯s not just Peru that¡¯s rubbish, but Bolivia, supported by Austria, is a pig-headed ally; they even had soldiers going to battle with bows and arrows. My God! Do they think they¡¯re in the Middle Ages?
It¡¯s unimaginable. Could the Vienna Government be a bunch of idiots not willing to equip them with even rifles? Having such fools as allies is a real disaster."
"There¡¯s worse. Supposedly, after the battle, the Chileans captured two regiments¡¯ worth of army equipment from the Bolivian army, which has been here for over a month without the officers distributing it to the soldiers..."
...
Rumors were flying everywhere, and it was inevitable that topics would veer off course. In an era devoid of entertainment, gathering in groups to shoot the breeze had be a unique scene.
...
In the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV casually tossed aside the newspaper. "The copse of the Ennd, France, Austria alliance," when did such a thing happen? Howe he, a party concerned, was unaware¡ªwas this a joke?
The alliance hadn¡¯t copsed yet, but the situation in South America still gave Napoleon IV a headache. The British had too great an advantage; even with France and Austria on the same front, they could barelypete.
Recing the British and gaining dominance in South America was almost an impossibility.
Unless in this South American war, Peru and Bolivia could miraculously outfight Chile and knock down the British g controlling South America.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore: "Your Majesty, the Austrians have made their position very clear; they hope we can work together to keep Colombia neutral, preserving thest lifeline of the Peru-Bolivia Alliance."
There was no question about it; to win the war for the Peru-Bolivia Alliance, they had to preserve this lifeline.
Without hesitation, Napoleon IV nodded immediately, "That¡¯s not a problem. Securing Colombia¡¯s stability is one of our tasks anyway. However, this alone probably won¡¯t be enough.
The Chileans have already taken the upper hand on the South American battlefield, and both Peru and Bolivia are idiots; I shouldn¡¯t hold any confidence in them at all."
Napoleon IV¡¯s pessimism was not unwarranted, as there were just too many jokes on the battlefield. Many times, the Peru-Bolivia Alliance had the upper hand and a very real chance of winning the war, only to end in failure.
Besides the poorbat strength of the Peruvian and Bolivian militaries, the intelligence of the government officials also caused urgency. Neighboring countries were being wooed by the enemy, and yet they werepletely unaware beforehand.
Chapter 677 - 250: Unlucky Egg
Thepetition among Ennd, France, and Austria, the rush of Chile, Peru, and Bolivia to win over allies, and a fierce political struggle breaking out within the Colombian Government.
The presidential election of 1880 turned into a focal point of contention for all parties. President Julian Trujillo Largacha, realizing the trouble, resolutely chose to withdraw from the election.
Julian¡¯s withdrawal did not quell the strife, but rather intensified it.
After a series of struggles, pro-British leader Rafael N¨²?ez was elected as President of Colombia, and the situation began to shift in a direction favorable to Chile. (Note: Term of office two years)
When the news reached Europe, Vienna and Paris were shaken. The game between Ennd, France, and Austria was not only about thepetition for interests in South America but also a contest for prestige.
Losing to the British in other ces could be epted, after all, France and Austria wereters and could notpete with John Bull in terms of influence.
Colombia was different, for the influence of France and Austria had both extended deep into the past. Thoughter than the British, thebined strength of the two countries was anything but weak inparison to the British.
It was not surprising that the election failed. Due to interests, both France and Austria had their own proxies in Colombia.
Even if France and Austria chose to cooperate, contradictions still existed between these proxies, and true coboration was impossible.
Divided strength cannot be focused, and it is normal to lose in an election. The upper echelons of the government could understand, but that did not mean everyone else could.
In the eyes of outsiders, France and Austria had once again lost to the British in thepetition in South America. This perception would undoubtedly affect the choices of other national and regional governments.
If this notion were not dispelled, France and Austria would be at a disadvantage in future internationalpetitions.
¡
In this era where thew of the jungle prevails, nothing is unsolvable by force; if there is, it just means the force is not strong enough.
France and Austria were not to be trifled with; since the pro-British faction hade to power in Colombia, the British should make concessions elsewhere, such as in the South American wars.
On April 1, 1880, France and Austria each sent two cruisers for an "April Fool¡¯s Day" military exercise in the Pacific Ocean, conveniently visiting Barranqui.
That very day happened to be Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s first day in office as President; he had barely had time to celebrate his victory when he was delivered a heavy blow.
Rafael N¨²?ez furiously tore up the telegram and roared, "Damn it, this is provocation on purpose, they are deliberately making trouble with me!"
"Send word down, order the troops nearby to strengthen their guard, and be on high alert for any enemyndings..."
Before President Rafael N¨²?ez could finish, Foreign Minister Francisco interrupted, "Your Excellency the President, France and Austria are just here on a diplomatic visit.
Although itcks courtesy, it is still a normal diplomatic act. Taking abrupt action to provoke conflict is a consequence we cannot afford."
It was certainly a normal diplomatic activity. Though there was no prior notice and they came with warships, a weak nation has no diplomacy, and ceremonial issues could be endured and would pass.
Rafael N¨²?ez naturally understood this principle too. Otherwise, he would have ordered the navy to expel these uninvited guests instead of the army to be on alert.
Suppressing his anger, Rafael N¨²?ezined discontentedly, "A normal diplomatic visit, is it so hard to notify us in advance? A diplomatic visit by barging into our port, this really is a miracle of diplomatic history!"
After pondering for a moment, Foreign Minister Francisco advised, "There are many such ¡¯miracles,¡¯ Your Excellency should get used to it.
We are now the ruling party and need to take responsibility for this country. We cannot be as radical when facing problems; otherwise, it¡¯s very easy for them to backfire."
As a qualified politician, Rafael N¨²?ez naturally knew when to "back down." As for "face," since it could not be regained, it was better put aside for now.
"You have persuaded me. Then deploy someone to monitor them, and should there be any sign ofnding, take immediate action."
The France-Austrian Joint Fleet was here for a visit and would naturally not proceed with the army;nding was out of the question. Considering Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s pride, Francisco naturally did not disabuse him.
"These are minor issues, the key now is how to send off these unwee guests. The purpose of France and Austria¡¯s actions is very clear, they want us to ensure that trade with Peru remains open.
But before this, in order to gain British support, we made them a promise: if we win the election, we will close the trade routes with Peru."
This issue had been considered by Rafael N¨²?ez before the election, but he underestimated the determination of France and Austria.
After hesitating for a moment, Rafael N¨²?ez reluctantly made a decision, "Contact the British. This matter started because of them, they can¡¯t just ignore it now!"
Francisco held his tongue, knowing full well it was a "remedy worse than the disease," but there was no alternative.
Without the intervention of British strength to offset the political pressure from France and Austria, relying solely on their own capabilities, they simply could not withstand the onught.
¡
South American issues involved the rtions between Ennd, France, and Austria, and caution could never be overstated.
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Upon receiving the distress telegram from the Colombian Government, Prime Minister Benjamin immediately called a Cab meeting.
Benjamin: "Everyone is here, so let¡¯s get started! Sir Edward, please begin by outlining the situation."
"Certainly, Prime Minister."
Foreign Minister Edward: "In an effort to swiftly conclude the war in South America, through the efforts of the Foreign Office, we sessively coaxed Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Ecuador to blockade the Peru-Bolivia Alliance supported by France and Austria.
"This left only Colombia as an open trade route. To sever this trade link, we recently supported the victory of the Pro-British Faction in the Colombian elections.
Everything was progressing favourably when France and Austria, unwilling to concede defeat, suddenly upset the game board.
Three days ago, a joint fleetprising France and Austria forces made a sudden incursion into the port of Barranqui in the Republic of Colombia, attempting to use force as a threat to coerce the Colombian Government into submission."
Though his tone seemed calm, Edward was already seething with anger.
It was their moment to shine in diplomatic manoeuvres, yet at the final juncture of harvesting victory, the enemy had abruptly withdrawn from the game.
This was embarrassing as the efforts of the Foreign Office were squandered instantly. Achievements within grasp had suddenly slipped away, a frustration anyone would share.
Prime Minister Benjamin, sensing this, soothed the atmosphere: "The efforts of the Foreign Office are clearly evident; to force France and Austria to break the rules is a victory in itself."
After concluding, he led a round of apuse, which everyone else followed. Although it was just a formality, Edward¡¯s mood was considerably eased.
Though they hadn¡¯t aplished everything, obtaining recognition from their peers was no small feat.
"Thank you, it¡¯s our duty at the Foreign Office!"
...
Prime Minister Benjamin: "The situation is now clear, and it¡¯s time for us to make a decision. The Colombian Government has requested our aid, hoping that we will dispatch a fleet to visit and alleviate their political pressure."
Sending a fleet was not an issue; the London Government would naturally not abandon the effort after finally having a Pro-British Government in ce. The question was how to manage the rtionship with France and Austria?
As the matter involved international rtions, all eyes turned to Edward.
"France and Austria are our primarypetitors; it is improbable to maintain a good rtionship with them long-term. In recent years, our conflicts with France and Austria have constantly increased, and the breakdown of the Alliance is inevitable.
However, that¡¯s in the future. We still need the Alliance now, so the conflict must be kept within certain bounds.
Their taking drastic actions is understandable; with most South American countries leaning toward us, they would have no chance left if they didn¡¯t strike back.
Expelling France and Austria from South America in one fell swoop is impossible; the stakes are too high, and they will not cease their efforts.
Now that France and Austria are beginning to converge, I suggest we quit while we¡¯re ahead to avoid undue provocation, leading to inevitable consequences."
...
At the invitation of the Colombian Government, on April 6, 1880, the British Royal Navy, blockading Peru, sent a detachment for a visit to Minka.
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The Colombian Government was dumbfounded; the script had gone awry! Indeed, the British had shown support through their actions, but it wasn¡¯t what the Colombian Government wanted.
The visiting locations chosen by Ennd, France, and Austria were very clever, positioned neatly between the East and West Pacific, so even if the conflict escted, neither side could actually confront the other.
Doubtless, all three powers retained their rationality, intentionally controlling the conflict. By deliberately avoiding direct confrontation, they shifted the pressure onto the Colombian Government.
Rafael N¨²?ez was distressed; even with a slow reaction, he realized he had been outyed by the British.
Upon closer consideration, it was evident that small governments without international backing were incredibly unstable in those times.
Directly before Rafael N¨²?ezy two choices: either offend the British andpromise with France and Austria to ensure the trade routes with Peru remained open or closely follow the British lead andpletely break with France and Austria.
In reality, Rafael N¨²?ez had no choice. France and Austria each had their own lobbyists in Colombia, so even if support was extended, it wouldn¡¯t be to him.
Following the British was no easy path either; deeply offending France and Austria would inevitably lead to retaliation from both countries.
Great powers have their pride; if France and Austria couldn¡¯t trouble the British, could they not cause mischief?
As for whether the British could be relied upon, Rafael N¨²?ez had already experienced this firsthand.
...
Chapter 678 - 251: Panama Independence Organization
On April 9, 1880, the Colombian Government, using the previous border conflict with Peru as an excuse, severed trade rtions with Peru.
Upon receiving the news in Vienna, the Austrian Government was in an uproar, with calls to show the Colombian Government a lesson.
Anyone with a modicum of political sense understood what Colombia¡¯s choice meant.
Before this, the Austrian Government had promised both Peru and Bolivia to ensure the continuation of their international trade during the war.
Conceding to the British blockade of the coastline was due to the sheer power of the Royal Navy, which the Austrian Navy could not match¡ªit was an unavoidable situation.
Now that thend trade routes were also lost, did the Vienna Government still care about its face?
The French were also troubled by the same issue; the Paris Government had made simr promises to Peru and Bolivia.
Now pped in the face by the Colombian Government, if there was no retaliation, how could they have the face to mingle in international affairs?
It must be said that the Colombian Government made the wrong decision at the wrong time. Had they not been thest to announce the cessation of trade, perhaps they wouldn¡¯t have attracted such hostility.
The simr decisions made by Brazil, Paraguay, Argentina, and Ecuador previously had also aroused the dissatisfaction of France and Austria.
However, since France and Austria had weaker influence in those countries and they emerged simultaneously, retaliation was difficult, so that ount was temporarily shelved.
This was not President Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s fault; it was entirely the responsibility of the previous administration that he did not act with the four nations and ended up dying until the end.
Everyone knew that choosing between Ennd, France, and Austria in the triple alliance wasn¡¯t just an offensive matter. With his term about to end, President Julian, being smart, naturally wouldn¡¯t fall into the pit.
Thanks to dexterously dealing with Ennd, France, and Austria, President Julian still secured considerable benefits for Colombia, though these benefits were not easy to attain.
No matter, as President Julian retired full of political achievements, leaving the trouble for the next administration.
When Rafael N¨²?ez took office, this tightrope game could no longer continue. The patience of Ennd, France, and Austria had reached its limit, and the Colombian Government had to make a choice.
The tragedy was that whatever choice Rafael N¨²?ez made, the oue would ultimately be the worst one.
...
In the Vienna Pce, upon receiving this "good news," Franz immediately convened a government meeting.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg said, "It¡¯s not surprising that the Colombian Government has leaned towards the British. The Pro-Austrian and Pro-French factions were full of conflicts, and it was only due to the joint influence of us and the French that they began to cooperate.
But this cooperation is merely nominal. We can influence their decision-making but can¡¯t make decisions for them.
In the face of interests, they won¡¯t back down. Take the presidential election, for instance.
To some extent, we have also helped the British. If it weren¡¯t for our forced matchmaking between the Pro-Austrian and Pro-French factions, which consumed a lot of energy in their internal strife, Rafael N¨²?ez wouldn¡¯t have won so easily.
Since the Pro-British Faction has taken power and made decisions favorable to the British, that¡¯s not surprising.
The only noteworthy aspect is the Colombian Government¡¯s excuse of ¡¯border conflict.¡¯ This excuse is very interesting; if extended further, the Colombian Government can even make territorial demands on Peru.
A preliminary analysis suggests that to win over the Colombian Government, the British must have promised them territorial concessions.
The Colombian Government probably refrained from making direct territorial demands on Peru because they feared our and France¡¯s reaction."
Matchmaking the Pro-Austrian and Pro-French factions for a joint effort was a political necessity; the oue of Colombia¡¯s elections was not important to Austria.
Supporting Peru and Bolivia to continue the war was merely to trouble the British. Franz did not have the confidence that with Austria¡¯s support, they could turn the tables.
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In this war of attrition, Peru and Bolivia were clearly more decrepit than Chile.
A useless ally is the hardest to support. Just thinking about the Bolivian army going to battle with bows and arrows, Franz couldn¡¯t muster any confidence in them.
In this sense, the decision of the Colombian Government merely elerated the end of the war without truly changing the oue.
Prime Minister Felix said, "What the Colombian Government thinks is no longer important. Since they have made the wrong decision, they must pay the price for it.
However, we have an understanding with the British, and it¡¯s obviously not worth it to rashly deploy troops and break this understanding over Colombia."
That¡¯s the crux of the issue. Since the alliance of Ennd, France, and Austria, in overseas struggles, everyone tacitly supported proxy fighters and had not directly joined the fray.
"The problem is not difficult to solve. I believe the Central American colonial government can handle it. They have always wanted to annex the Panama area but never had the right opportunity.
Now that both the French and we are in an awkward position, even for the sake of our own face, the Paris Government can only support our actions," Colonial Minister Stephen calmly replied.
The Colonial Department had long wanted to take action. In recent years, as Africa progressed towards indigenization, the scope under the control of the Colonial Department had been shrinking.
The jurisdictional scope is diminishing, and the sway of the Colonial Department within the government is also being eroded. If this situation does not change, it is feared that the Colonial Minister may soon be a rare sight at Cab meetings.
Africa¡¯s localization is Austria¡¯s national policy, and naturally, Stephen did not entertain the idea of changing it. There were officials who resisted the localization of the colonies, but those people have all been sent home to farm.
Against this backdrop, if the Colonial Department wishes to expand its influence, it can only do so by further external expansion, making its interest in the Panama area unsurprising.
Strategic vision is not something everyone possesses, and Austria too has many shortsighted individuals.
In the Austrian Central American Colony, many harbor delusions of upying the Panama area, ousting the French, developing the Panama Canal themselves, and controlling a Golden Waterwayparable to the Suez Canal.
Interest is the best motive, and in the name of the Divine Shield, seizing the Panama area has be a target for many local Colonial Companies.
Almost every year, many people lobby the Austrian Colonial Department to take over the Panama area. To grab the initiative, some have even prepared detailed maps of the area.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg opposed, "If it¡¯s just about giving the Colombian Government a beating, perhaps under political pressure, the Paris Government might support us.
If we want to upy the Panama area, then there will be no such good fortune. The French would surely take the opportunity to demand a share of the spoils; whether we agree or not?"
There¡¯s nothing wrong with that; it¡¯s the essence of international diplomacy. Even resentment is for the sake of interest, and any hard feelings can quickly dissipate with the right incentives.
The French would not help Austria for nothing, watching us reap the benefits. Likewise, Austria could not share the Panama area with the French. Although thend doesn¡¯t seem valuable, its potential strategic significance is extremely important.
Nowes the problem, recklessly attacking an independent nation and seizing its territory is bound to generate animosity.
Without the French sharing the pressure, the Vienna Government would have to think thrice before taking unteral diplomatic action.
After brief consideration, Franz spoke, "Now is not the opportune moment; we must consider the international response. To act on the Panama area, it is best to first incite the locals to dere independence."
Austria is certainly powerful, but itcks the domineering strength the United States would have inter times, necessitating consideration of the world¡¯s reactions.
Compared to directly deploying troops to seize the Panama area, instigating the locals to revolt and dere independence, with the new government then joining the colonial system, poses far fewer problems.
This kind of operation has been done too many times by too many people. As long as one minds their manners and adds a little embellishment, a nominal legal basis can be established.
Colonial Minister Stephen exined, "Your Majesty, the Colombian Government has stationed a division of heavy troops in the Panama area; with just the local forces, any disturbance would be suppressed before it could even start."
Compared to the meager poption of little over a hundred thousand in the Panama area, a division indeed constitutes an overwhelming military presence.
Franz asked in surprise, "A division of troops? How many troops does Colombia have in total?"
Colombia is a ssic example of vastnd with sparse poption, and including the Indians and the ck poption, the entire country only amounts to two to three million people.
Such a small Panama hosts a division of forces; anyone hearing this for the first time would be astonished.
Stephen responded directly, "The regr army has just over 30,000, with militias and reservists roughly around 50,000; no one knows the limits of full mobilization.
Due to the presence of the Austrian Central American Colony, the Panama area is a key defensive zone for Colombia, where they have ced one-third of their forces."
The political situation within Colombia is also quite unstable. If the forces deployed in the Panama area were to be defeated, Colombia¡¯s internal conflicts would intensify."
It¡¯s clear that the Colonial Department is well-prepared and very familiar with the internal situation of Colombia, having thoroughly assessed their military capabilities.
Since entering the Age of Hot Weapons, ¡¯total mobilization¡¯ has be the prerogative of industrialized nations; agricultural countries may be able to organize forces, but can¡¯t conjure up weaponry and equipment.
For an ordinary country, facing a foreign invasion might unite all parties to face the enemy, but Colombia is an exception.
This issue traces back to the time of the American Civil War when Austria organized an immigration movement, and German descendants actually became the secondrgest ethnic group in Colombia, with the Indian poption in first ce.
The German descendants who immigrated to Colombia were mostlymoners. Even with Austria as a backer, as neers, they were at the bottom of the social hierarchy, with the positions at the top already upied by those of Spanish descent.
Fearing subversion by Austria from within, sessive Colombian governments have deliberately suppressed the German descendants, even the Pro-Austrian Faction maintaining enough vignce against Austria.
There has been no overt discrimination on the surface, only discreet actions behind the scenes; even if discovered, these would be individual behaviors, leaving the Austrian Government with little recourse to intervene.
Just like Colombia, immigration to any country could face these problems. If everyone were Gold, how could everyone be liked?
Beyond this, racial tensions have also been a long-standing dilemma for South American nations. The blood of the Indians is yet to dry, and while the government could maintain control through force in times of strength, once decline sets in, conflicts are bound to erupt.
Franz never doubted whether internal conflicts in Colombia would erupt. Even without existing conflicts, they could be manufactured; not to mention, Colombia already has plenty of its own.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz nodded and said, "Since Colombia is well-prepared, we need not be polite. We¡¯ll find an excuse to wipe out this division.
However, for the sake of our international reputation, we mustn¡¯t upy the Panama area directly. After the fight, we¡¯ll hand over the territory immediately to the Panama Independence Organization and withdraw from the area swiftly."
The "Panama Independence Organization" did not exist before, at least the upper echelons of the Vienna Government hadn¡¯t heard of it, but now it muste into existence.
Chapter 679 - 252: The Biggest Misunderstanding of this Century
On April 19, 1880, the Austro-Central American colonial army pursued "ruthless bandits" and chased them into the Panama area.
Because of the fog, a misunderstanding urred with the Colombian garrison, leading to an armed conflict that caused thousands of casualties.
Local residents could testify that a heavy fog indeed descended over the Panama area on April 19. Before the troops entered the Panama area, the colonial government hadmunicated with the local government, deciding to join forces in eradicating the nefarious "ruthless bandits."
Unfortunately, someone within the Colombian Government colluded with the "ruthless bandits," leaking the information. The bandits severed local telegraphmunications and ambushed messengers en route.
The garrison failed to receive the message in time, and with no effectivemunication between the parties and visibility hampered by the fog, what was supposed to be a joint effort to eliminate bandits turned into idental engagement with each other as enemies.
This is the "truth" released by the Austro-Central American colonial government. Whether the Colombian Government could ept it or not, their troops stationed in the Panama area were decimated.
Following the outbreak of the "April 19 Incident," the Austro-Central American colonial government promptly dered responsibility for the mishap, apologized for the casualties caused by the ident, and stated their willingness to paypensation to the victims.
Such a proactive and responsible stance would be beyond reproach if it weren¡¯t for the fact that the Austrian army continued to linger in the area, refusing to leave.
Of course, there was a reason the Austrian army remained; although the main force of the "ruthless bandits" had been encircled and annihted, numerous stragglers were still on the run.
For the safety of the people in Panama, the Austrian army had to eradicate these bandits or wait for the Colombian armed forces to arrive before they could withdraw from the area.
...
The news of the idental armed conflict on "April 19" caused an uproar in Bogota, the capital of Colombia, as people took to the streets in protest, demanding the government send troops to reim the Panama area.
One has to admit that President Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s luck was indeed poor, facing such troubles early in his tenure.
The people demanded the deployment of troops, and President Rafael N¨²?ez also wanted to send them to recover the Panama area and deal with the aftermath sooner rather thanter. Unfortunately, no military unit was up to the task.
"Misunderstandings" can happen once, and they can happen again. Whether more "misunderstandings" would ur depended entirely on Austria¡¯s integrity.
The Colombian military took it to heart; since the Austrians had dered it a misunderstanding, they surely had no intention of upying the Panama area indefinitely. It would eventually be reimed, so why take the risk?
Those in the know realized that this was Austria¡¯s retaliation against the Colombian Government for blockading Peru, with the troops in the Panama area being unfortunate coteral.
Whoever caused the disaster should bear the consequences. As for retaliating against Austria and seeking justice for the innocent garrison soldiers, that was beyond Colombia¡¯s capability.
As a small country, the first consideration was survival; as long as no loss of territory urred and core sovereignty could be reimed, minor grievances did not amount to much!
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President Rafael N¨²?ez had no time to deal with the aftermath for now, as he was currently facing questions from congressmen.
An opposition congressman mocked, "Mr. President, due to the government¡¯s erroneous foreign policy, the Panama area has fallen. Do you have anything to say?"
Without pressure, there is no motivation. Had Austria intended to forcefully upy the Panama area, external pressures might have united all Colombian factions.
Regrettably, such a situation did not arise; the Austro-Central American colonial government had already deemed the incident a "misunderstanding."
If it was just a misunderstanding, then the Austrian army had no reason to maintain a prolonged upation. The Austrian diplomat had already sent a diplomatic note, requesting them to send troops for defense as soon as possible.
Sovereignty could be maintained; the only problem was receiving a beating for nothing. It was neither life-threatening nor umon to take the opportunity to strike atpetitors.
The greatest advantage of a politician is a thick skin, and Rafael N¨²?ez nonchntly responded, "The Panama area has not fallen; it was merely a misunderstanding.
The Austrian Government has already dered responsibility for the incident. We are discussingpensation with them, and it won¡¯t be long before the Austrian army withdraws from the area.
The primary cause of this misunderstanding was collusion with bandits within the government, and it has nothing to do with the government¡¯s foreign policy.
Colombia is an independent nation; we have the right to conduct our diplomacy freely and do not need to be influenced by third parties."
Since Austria has dered this to be a "misunderstanding," let¡¯s just let this "misunderstanding" continue for now!
Without the strength to retaliate, such incidents can only bebeled as "misunderstandings."
Deep down, Rafael N¨²?ez simply hoped for a swift end to affairs, wishing for no furtherplications.
A congressman questioned, "Just like that, it¡¯s over with a misunderstanding? Did our people die in vain?"
Rafael N¨²?ez gestured dismissively, "Of course not in vain. We will investigate thoroughly to identify those responsible for the conflict and subject them to legal sanctions.
The deceased have passed away, and what we can do now is allow the departed to rest in peace and offer sce to their families.
The government will ensure that all the victims of this incident will receivepensation; please give us some time¡"
With that, Rafael N¨²?ez bowed to the audience, seemingly in apology.
```
Those who enter Parliament are all old hands in politics, taking the opportunity to give Rafael N¨²?ez a hard time is one thing, but they indeed wish to bring him down for real.n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
However, nobody was prepared for war with Austria. So, some things just had to be selectively ignored.
While pacifying domestic concerns, Rafael N¨²?ez did not forget to seek help from the British "big brother".
After such a significant incident, it would be uneptable if John Bull did not step in. After all, the Colombian Government was facing this disaster because they were carrying out tasks on their behalf.
In Downing Street, within the Prime Minister¡¯s Residence, Prime Minister Benjamin scrutinized the Colombian Government¡¯s plea for assistance with a wisp of smoke curling from his lips.
Sitting across from him was a middle-aged man dressed in finery, holding coffee in one hand and stirring it with a spoon in the other, his gaze fixed ahead as if lost in a trance ¨C British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward.
After the time it took to sip half a cup of tea, Prime Minister Benjamin set down the telegram and extinguished his cigarette in the ashtray, exhaling thest stream of smoke.
"Sir Edward, what do you think the Austrians are up to? It can¡¯t possibly be just about giving Colombia a thrashing to vent their anger, right?"
Like Britain, Austria is a country centered on interests; every move is made with national interests in mind.
The actions of the Colombian Government certainly caused a great loss of face for the Vienna Government, and retaliation was inevitable, but it had not reached the point where they had to send troops to fight.
Don¡¯t look at the military operations in the Panama area as being very smooth; that¡¯s because the Austrian Government timely disclosed the "truth" to the public, letting everyone know they were just making a temporary stay and would leave soon.
Otherwise, if the Colombian Government called the locals to resist the invasion, the situation would not be so optimistic.
South American countries can exist independently, not because European powers can¡¯t upy them, but because the costs of ruling are too high, and the return on investment does not justify the expenditure.
Edward set down his coffee and slowly replied, "Of course not. Based on the intelligence we¡¯ve collected, we preliminarily conclude that Austria is eyeing the Panama area.
It¡¯s just that the Vienna Government, considering the impact on their own reputation, feels that directly invading an independent country is too damaging and costly, so they deliberately manufactured this ¡¯misunderstanding.¡¯"
"By wiping out the Panamanian garrison, the Independence Organization they support can seed. I estimate that soon after the Austrians withdraw, the Panama area will be stirring for independence."
It would be impossible to keep such arge movement entirely secret. Austria¡¯s actions might fool themon people but couldn¡¯t fool the British, who are equally cunning.
Simr incidents were something John Bull had done before, and they were very experienced in such matters. Just by the superficial signs, they could guess most of the story.
Prime Minister Benjamin nodded, "It seems we¡¯ll have to offer our condolences to the Colombians, who still don¡¯t know what kind of enemy they¡¯ve encountered, at least not ording to this plea for assistance."
"Allies", for Britain, this is a false proposition.
On the surface, Anglo-Austria are the allies bound by treaties, Colombia does not even qualify to form an alliance with Britain.
In reality, Anglo-Austria, who are supposed to be allies, are in fact the greatest rivals, while the weak Colombian Government is new under the British wing, far closer than the supposed allies.
Foreign Minister Edward shook his head: "Sometimes ignorance is bliss. If the truth were known, Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s days would be unbearable.
Of course, he might be feigning confusion knowingly. Dealing with the Panamanian rebel army is certainly easier than facing the Austrians.
The Austrians have already broken the rules this time, and with Emperor Franz¡¯s reputation for valuing his feathers, the same ¡¯misunderstanding¡¯ won¡¯t happen twice.
As long as the Colombian Government can suppress the Panamanian rebel army, this incident will also pass."
If the Republic of Colombia doesn¡¯t lift the lid on this matter, there¡¯s still a chance of victory; if they turn on Austria now, they will immediately lose the Panama area.
Prime Minister Benjamin smiled slightly and lit another cigarette, taking a deep drag and exhaling a plume of smoke.
"You¡¯re right, sometimes it is indeed necessary to feign confusion. Since the Colombian Government did not mention it, we will also pretend we don¡¯t know.
Let the Foreign Office act quickly. Let¡¯s get the Austrians back home as soon as possible to show the Colombian Government our sincerity."
The partial exercise must serve the whole, and with thend blockadework against Peru and Bolivia already established, Chile¡¯s victory in the war was practically guaranteed.
Britain has gained the upper hand in thepetition in South America,pressing the influence of France and Austria to a corner, there¡¯s no need to keep pressuring them.
The Panama incident became Austria¡¯sst counterattack. Pushing hard would only pressure France and Austria to unite, and Britain would not gain any additional benefits.
After a brief thought, Edward smiled, "Of course, we never mistreat friends. However, before that, we need to give the Austrians a bit of trouble.
Happening upon such arge ¡¯misunderstanding,¡¯ we must let more people know. I am sure the media would be more than happy to have more news to boost newspaper sales."
Not confronting directly is because of Britain¡¯s limited influence in the Panama area and even if they wanted to meddle in Austria¡¯s subsequent actions, they simplyck the ability to do so.
The inability to intervene directly does not mean they would take no action. A media offensive, tarnishing Austria¡¯s reputation, is also a form of attack.
```
Chapter 680 - 253: Meat in the Pot
The "misunderstanding" that urred in the Panama area was simply too great, with an idental armed conflict wiping out an entire division, a matter so unbelievable that no one would dare to trust such a im.
To exin is to disguise, it would serve no function. Not long after the incident, the Austro-Central American colonial government dered their responsibility for the affair, which was in fact a result of Franz¡¯s intervention.
By proactively taking responsibility, they could minimize and possibly recover international reputation to the greatest extent, reducing the negative impact to the lowest.
There was naturally no question of investigating responsibilities. The practices of the Austro-Central American colonial government were not mistaken; the colonial empires of those days all behaved like that.
Such incidents had urred before, just not with impacts as significant. Moreover, Colombia was not only an independent country, but more crucially, it was a white country.
For these incidents, the European public had always been highly sensitive, especially the many small countries, which felt this even more profoundly.
In the eyes of many, if they didn¡¯t speak up for Colombia today, simr events could befall them tomorrow, leaving them with no one to advocate on their behalf.
This was quite like the Anglo-Ebura War of the original timeline, where Austria too was drenched in a torrent of negative public opinion, with demonstrators crowding the entrances of their embassies abroad.
Of course, the approach of actively taking responsibility was somewhat effective, as it made the Vienna Government¡¯s international image appear not so dire.
Let them spout off, which great power hasn¡¯t been criticized! Anyway, it¡¯s all just talk, none would likely take real action.
Compared to the calmness of the Vienna Government, Franz¡¯s reaction was much more intense. If Austria were isted overseas, Franz could disregard international reputation, but clearly, that was impossible.
A precarious strategic position meant that Austria had to maintain a good international image to secure more options in foreign diplomacy.
...
"How is the Panama Government¡¯s preparation, and when can we withdraw our troops?" Franz asked with concern.
Colonial Minister Stephen, "Your Majesty, the Panama Government has already been established and can dere independence at any time.
The current problem is theirck of armed forces for self-preservation; once we withdraw our troops, they will likely struggle to fend off the Colombian Government¡¯s counterattack."
Independence for the Panama area was never going to be easy; in the original timeline, it was the Americans themselves who intervened with troops,pelling the Colombian Government to grudgingly concede.
This didn¡¯te without a price; the Americans spared no expense because the Panama Canal was of utmost importance to them.
For Austria, however, the situation differed. Their main purpose in seizing the Panama area was to cause disruption, preventing the easy navigation of the Panama Canal.
With different valuese different sacrifices. If handling the Panama area led to mourning among South American countries and a collective boycott against Austria, it would be a loss not worth the cost.
Against this backdrop, while promoting the Panama Independence Movement, Austria must minimize its presence as much as possible.
To put it colloquially, it¡¯s like trying to act the part of a harlot while wanting to erect a shrine of chastity.
Franz asked in astonishment, "Aren¡¯t there ntation owners? Surely, their forces are capable of repelling a Colombian invasion."n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
Before the Panama area could even dere independence, Franz had already redefined the Colombian Government¡¯s military response to the rebellion as an "invasion," an act heavy with political significance.
Stephen frowned slightly and exined, "Your Majesty, the situation in South America is quite unique. The majority of the immigrantse from the Civil War period, and there is ack of nobility as the core strength.
The Austro-Central American region has been under our long-term management, and this shoring has been gradually addressed, with eptable military strength."
"The Panama area is different. There are no significant ntation owners, norge colonialpanies, and previously, it wasn¡¯t within our control, so we had no opportunity to organize military training there..."
Franz understood. Many immigrants during the Civil War period had fled to avoid the conflict, indicating that the local popce was not eager for battle.
"Lacking nobility as the core strength" meantcking officers.
No "significant ntation owners,rge colonialpanies" signified that there was no powerful local armed force.
No "organized military training" indicated that the soldiers being conscripted were just farmers who had recentlyid down their hoes or workers straight out of the factories, needing extensive training time.
All these reasonsbined meant that the soon-to-be independent Panama area was very weak militarily, powerless to withstand the Colombian Government¡¯s military in the short term.
The actual situation might even be worse. The so-called brutal rule of the Colombian Government and the oppression of the local people were politcally manufactured needs, and their authenticity was dubious.
The Panama Independence Organization was solely orchestrated by Austria, and whether it would receive local support remained an uncertainty.
The information provided by the Austro-Central American colonial government was also tinged with personal emotions. They were not bold enough topletely fabricate facts, but some artistic embellishment was inevitable.
Such practices were part of the bureaucracy¡¯s instincts, impossible to eradicate. Not to mention in this era of unchangedmunications, the same issues persisted even in the age of the inte.
"Given the current international situation, it is not suitable for us to directly upy the Panama area. Withdrawing the troops is a matter of time, and the sooner, the better.
In light of this reality, does the Colonial Department have any ns?"
Colonial Minister Stephen, "We are organizing immigration and, through the efforts of the colonial government, we have already persuaded more than a dozen colonial teams to settle in the Panama area.
These civilian armed forces will be the main force in the initial opposition to the Colombian Government troops, helping the Panama Government through the toughest of times."
Franz nodded, which might not be the best choice but was currently the most suitable one for Austria.
Having "immigrants" as a fig leaf is always better than directly hiring mercenaries.
No matter what, as soon as these "armed immigrants" acquire residency in the Panama area, the conflict bes one between the people of the Panama area and the Colombian Government.
Of course, everything has its advantages and disadvantages; civilian colonial teams also require a return on investment. Now relying on them to risk their lives, in the future, arge portion of the benefits from the Panama area will have to be shared with them.
Simr situations have already urred many times in the colonial process of Austria, and the Colonial Department has already gained rich experience.
It is by relying on numerous civilian armed groups that Austria has been able to establish a vast colonial empire in just over twenty years.
In this regard, Franz is quite generous. It is better to let careerists run overseas to grabnd than to stay in the country andpete for territory. The fief aristocrats in the colonies are among the best of them.
The actual situation now is even better than Franz had anticipated. Although there are many fief aristocrats, none have imed kingship, let alone independence.
That is enough. You must understand that he was even prepared for the possibility that, once the princes grew powerful, he would allow them to establish sub-states.
As it turned out, he was overthinking it. The concept of bloodline is fashionable in Europe, and without the belief that "even a lowly peasant can rise to be a noble," even those who wish to be kings or emperors must first consider whether they have the people¡¯s support.
The expansionism of the nobility isn¡¯t as fierce as he had imagined. Once granted fiefdoms, they embarked on the path of farming, rather than continuously expanding territories and establishing their own kingdoms.
Of course,ck of money and people are also critical factors restraining ambition.
Expanding territory is very costly, and the initial operation of colonies requires significant capital investment. Even the wealthiest families cannot withstand the drain of warfare. Once the money runs out, stopping to farm bes the only option.
Without people, it goes without saying. Even the greatest nobles can mobilize a limited number of immigrants, at most a few hundred thousand. With such a small poption, they better focus on farming than dreaming of kingship or dominance, which would just be absurd.
Fools may exist, but the nobles who have established a base are certainly not fools. Without sufficient strength, how can they negotiate terms with the Central Government?
"The Panama issue should proceed ording to your ns. The Colonial Department will arrange everything ording to the situation, as long as we adhere to the bottom line that no active military personnel can appear on the battlefield.
The Foreign Ministry will quickly negotiate with the Colombian Government to reach apensation agreement as soon as possible, then transfer the prisoners to the Panama local government. As for the rest, let them and the Independence Organization deal with it slowly!"
The bottom line must be respected; it is a rule of the game. Not only considering international influence, but more importantly, protecting our own interests.
The current international political rules of the game are established by Ennd, France, and Austria, primarily to protect the interests of these three nations. Blindly flipping the board will only lead to greater losses for Austria.
Not to mention anything else, just the maintenance cost of colonies will increase significantly; some remote colonies might even change hands.
Choosing to handle things swiftly is also intended to calm the public uproar. Currently, the public opinion is decidedly against the Vienna Government, and prolonging the situation will only worsen things.
The pensation" payment is just to get the Colombian Government to recognize this incident as a "misunderstanding." Once the involved parties call it a misunderstanding, anyone else who continues to quibble is essentially framing and entrapping.
Franz is quite experienced in guiding public opinion. In this age of unchangedmunication, whoever controls the newspapers controls public opinion, and reversing ck and white is too easy.
In a way, the British picking this time to stir up public opinion is actually a divine assist. As long as we can deflect the issue onto the London Government, we¡¯re in the clear.
"The British Government is framing and entrapping Austria, deliberately exaggerating and distorting the truth of the facts," Franz himself is almost convinced by this narrative, let alone the general public, right?
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, without British intervention, it would not be difficult to persuade the Colombian Government.
However, from the current situation, the London Government wants to take advantage of the situation and strike at our international reputation.
I¡¯m worried that the Colombian Government will demand an astronomical amount ofpensation, intentionally putting us in an awkward position."
This concern is not unwarranted. People can easily lose their way in the face of interests, and with just a bit of coaxing from the British, the Colombian Government demanding an astronomical amount ofpensation is almost a certainty.
If we agree, Austria bes a scapegoat; if we don¡¯t agree, we can¡¯t get past the public opinion, and that does not align with the strategy of quietly resolving disputes and discreetly swallowing the Panama area.
After some thought, Franz sneered, "If we can¡¯t agree on a total amount, then we should take the initiative and offer a sky-high price. For instance, raise thepensation for each fallen soldier to a thousand Divine Shields, but demand that the Colombian Government provide a death certificate.
As for the loss of property, we needn¡¯t be too concerned, we can make some concessions. Whether this money will be given, and who will eventually receive it, remains undetermined for now."
"Death certificates" are a joke when the Austrian army controls the Panama area; it would be easy to destroy any evidence.
If the Colombian Government cannot provide evidence, then the number ofpensations that need to be paid will be decided by the Vienna Government.
With the total number reduced, even with high standards of payment, the actual expense is just that.
Since the incident is categorized as a "misunderstanding," too many casualties wouldck credibility.
Comparatively,pensation for property loss is up for discussion. This money can be paid either to the Colombian Government or to the Panama local government, or, in other words, the government of Panama after independence.
Your journey continues on empire
The Panama area seeking independence is something the Colombian Government is sure not to agree with; war is inevitable.
After the war, with everything in ruins, a considerable amount of money will be needed for reconstruction. The Panama Government certainly won¡¯t be able to afford it; in the end, the Austrian Government will have to pay.
Since we will have to pay anyway, Franz doesn¡¯t mind pulling out the money in advance to buy a good name. When the Panama area is eventually annexed in the future, these investments will be recouped.
Of course, the Colombian Government will also need to be appeased initially; we will still have to provide some money to gain their cooperation.
¡
Chapter 681 - 254: Leading Astray
Compared to Austria, who wanted to appease public opinion, the Colombian Government could not afford to dy. If they didn¡¯t regain control of the Panama area quickly, they might never get it back.
Although the Austrian Government had made a promise, that was merely a promise; whether they would honor it in the end was ultimately up to them.
In those days, the great powers¡¯ bottom lines were very low, and breaking treaties was amon urrence. If the Vienna Governmentter reneged, the Colombian Governmentcked the power to hold them to theirmitment.n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
It wasn¡¯t as if there were no precedents for such scenarios. If that happened, except for voicing a few protests, there was little the Colombian Government could do.
After receiving the diplomatic note for negotiations from the Austrian envoy, President Rafael N¨²?ez could not afford to be concerned with appearances and personally took charge.
Now was not the time for avoidance; if he couldn¡¯t recover the Panama area, his presidency would be over, and no amount of shirking responsibility would be of use.
Both parties wanted to quickly resolve the dispute and end this unpleasant "misunderstanding," naturally leading to active participation in the negotiations.
Even the British cheering from the sidelines had no effect; the disparity in power was too great, and the Colombian Government didn¡¯t have the capital to be tough.
President Rafael N¨²?ez wanted to secure greater benefits at the negotiation table, but he was more worried that as time dragged on, the Vienna Government might change its stance.
After all, international reputation is only valuable when it exists. If it were already sullied and couldn¡¯t be restored in the short term, it would be akin to being temporarily useless.
If it was useless, then one might as well throw caution to the wind. Simr precedents were numerous, and a nce through history books would reveal that the British had the rich experience and were still fine today.
The Vienna Government was eager to quell the media storm mainly to minimize and dissolve the situation as quickly as possible, to cleanse this stain before it affected future diplomacy.
If dragged out too long, once public opinion fermented, no cleansing could be effective, and negotiations with the Colombian Government would be meaningless.
Perhaps for the British, damaging Austria¡¯s international reputation might be more valuable than the minor Panama area; however, from the Colombian Government¡¯s standpoint, it was the exact opposite.
With such a powerful neighbor emerging, the Colombian Government hoped it to be a good neighbor with integrity and boundaries.
If the Vienna Government discarded its principles, then they would truly be in danger. It wasn¡¯t just about the Panama area; the entire Republic of Colombia could potentially be at stake.
Facing the harsh reality, Rafael N¨²?ez dared not gamble. No matter how much the British fanned the mes and promised benefits, nothing was more effective than the threat of a gun to the neck.
To prevent the "misunderstanding" from deepening, President Rafael N¨²?ez came to the negotiation table full of sincerity.
Since both parties were sincere and their demands not excessive, the negotiations went very smoothly. In less than a month, the two countries reached a preliminary agreement.
On May 24, 1880, the Austrian Ambassador to Bogota, Lore, signed the "Panama idental Exchange of Fire Remedy Agreement" with President Rafael N¨²?ez.
Both countries agreed that the exchange of fire was entirely idental, primarily due to foggy weather and the deliberate instigation of roving bandits; secondarily, the mimunication arising fromnguage barriers, which had given the enemy an opportunity.
The main culprits, the roving bandits, had already been eliminated by the Allied Forces, making it impossible to pursue responsibility.
Since the n to eliminate the bandits was organized by the Austrians, and the Colombian Government joined at the invitation of the Austro-Central American colonial government and suffered heavy losses in the idental exchange of fire, the Austrian Government was willing to make humanitarianpensation.
ording to the treaty, the Austrian Government was to pay the Colombian Government a totalpensation of 3.426 million Divine Shields, including: 584,000 Divine Shields for casualties and 2.842 million Divine Shields for economic and property damage.
(Note: After the treaty was signed, the two countries handed over the Panama area within a month, with the Austrian army withdrawing by July 1, 1880. Thepensation was to be paid in five installments, with valuable physical goods epted as offsets.)
Setting aside the issue of the amount ofpensation, and without scrutinizing the method of payment excessively, receiving indemnity from the great powers was a groundbreaking first in Colombian history.
As a small country, it could not afford to expect too much. The truth of the matter is something only naive youths would wish to unravel.
President Rafael N¨²?ez was a wise man who knew that even if the ins and outs were rified, it would hold no practical significance.
With Colombia¡¯s strength, it simply didn¡¯t have the capacity to seek justice. The current opportunity to sit and talk was only because the Vienna Government wished to resolve the issue diplomatically, thus the negotiations took ce.
If they lifted the lid and the Austrians became enraged and decided to simply stay put in the Panama area, that would be a true tragedy.
Being able to reim lost territory and receive some economicpensation would be the greatest diplomatic victory.
After the treaty was signed, President Rafael N¨²?ez immediately shared this great news with the public, and the people of Colombia were ecstatic.
President Rafael N¨²?ez¡¯s once shaky position solidified overnight. From being mocked as the "idiot president," he was suddenly hailed as a "national hero."
The few newspapers within Colombia ced Rafael N¨²?ez on a pedestal, proiming him the greatest diplomat in South America.
However, the "great diplomat" did not have a hint of a smile of joy on his face.
"Victory" was still premature; there are no pies that fall from the sky. The great powers are not vegetarians, and Austrian money is not easy to take.
Even if the Vienna Government, to quiet the media storm, temporarily made concessions, it did not mean they had abandoned their ambitions for the Panama area.
Studying the map carefully and looking at the green markings, Rafael N¨²?ez sighed at the still unopened Panama Canal.
In his heart, he had already cursed the families of the former government officials who had approved the construction of the Panama Canal.
Besides a few ins, the Panama area wasrgely mountainous and forested, and few mineral resources had been found, which was hardly worth the Austrians¡¯ covetous gazes.
The only problem could only lie in the Panama Canal; a grand canal that connected two oceans, its economic and strategic value was indeed very high.
With the example of the Suez Canal before them, everyone knew that once the Panama Canal opened to traffic, wealth would flow in endlessly.
Unfortunately, the Colombian Government¡¯s power was limited; holding onto this Golden Waterway was like a "child clutching a gold brick in a bustling market."
President Rafael N¨²?ez was well aware that the blockade of Peru was just a pretext, Austria¡¯s main reason for taking action was to covet this Golden Waterway.
It seemed as though Austria, under international pressure, had withdrawn from the Panama area, but in reality, this was just the beginning, or rather, a probe.
If the troops defending the Panama area couldn¡¯t resist the enemy¡¯s des, then no one else could hold back Austria¡¯s ambitions, and Colombia¡¯s future was destined to be difficult.
Opening the window and inhaling a breath of fresh air, Rafael N¨²?ez slowly asked, "How much intelligence have we collected on the Panama Independence Organization?"
The middle-aged man replied helplessly, "I regret to inform you, Mr. President. There simply hasn¡¯t been enough time; our people couldn¡¯t infiltrate in such short notice.
The information we¡¯ve gathered so far is only what they themselves have exposed in the open.
Before this, we had not even heard of this organization. It is suspected to be rted to the previous Republic of Panama and is deeply entangled with Austria.
With the Austrian army¡¯s willful indulgence, this organization has already reced the original local government of Panama and has established its own forces.
These troops exist in the form of militias, predominantlyposed of German descendants, with the majority of the officers being retired personnel from the Austrian army.
The total military forces are approximately 15,000 men, and it¡¯s noteworthy that several units have directly transformed from civilian armed groups; these people are recent immigrant colonial teams."
Knowing full well that the Austrian Government was supporting the independence movement in the Panama area from behind the scenes, Rafael N¨²?ez could only pretend to be oblivious.
As long as this fa?ade isn¡¯t pierced, the Vienna Government would have to consider the international impact and could only ndestinely support the rebel army to a limited extent.
If this charade were exposed, aside from losing face, the Vienna Government would probably just brazenly acknowledge the legitimacy of the Panama regime.
In those times, the recognition by the major powers was also a crucial factor for a country to obtain independence.
Rafael N¨²?ez was very clear that the recent policy of blockading Peru not only offended Austria but also grievously angered France, Peru, and Bolivia.
If someone took the lead, these countries would all recognize Panama¡¯s independence. And if the countries heavily influenced by France and Austria followed suit in recognizing the independence of the Panama area, it was possible that more than half of the world¡¯s nations might do the same.
There had already been a Republic of Panama in the area before it waster incorporated into Colombia; with this historical precedent, if half the world¡¯s countries recognized Panama¡¯s independence, then it would indeed be independent.
In this case, suppressing the rebellion would evolve into a war between two countries, a fact which would change the nature of the conflict entirely.
Rafael N¨²?ez: "Continue the investigation; we must determine who the leaders of the Panama Independence Organization are and just how deep their rtions with Austria go.
It would be best to find evidence of Austria¡¯s maniption of the Panama Independence Organization; otherwise, the British won¡¯t intervene."
There was no way around it, the Anglo-Austrian two countries were still allies, and one must abide by the rules of the game.
In the South American wars, John Bull showed bias towards Chile, and the Vienna Government only acted behind the scenes; apart from a few protests over the detention of ships, they mostly acquiesced.
Just like with the previous "Panama idental Exchange of Fire Misunderstanding," the British also only agitated behind the scenes, with the London Government officially believing it to be a "misunderstanding."
Through alliance pacts, they restricted the scope of each other¡¯s conflicts and, when necessary, covered for one another; this was the main reason why the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance had endured.
Colombia¡¯s wish for the British to stand up for them was in fact wishful thinking. Even if they obtained evidence, the London Government would at most issue some nonmittal condemnations.
This was determined by interests and by power. The Panama Canal had not yet opened for navigation, its strategic value had not yet been realized, and it was not worth confronting Austria over.
Furthermore, in the Panama area, the British did not have the strength to counter Austria¡¯s influence, even if they teamed up with the Republic of Colombia, it would still be a stretch.
Don¡¯t be fooled by the seemingly insignificant Austro-Central American Colony; its worth depends on theparison. Compared to European nations, it certainly ranks as a junior, not reaching even the top ten. Readtest chapters at empire
But in the American Continent, the military strength of the Austro-Central American Colony could definitely rank in the top five, and if the sea routes are clear, it might even reach the top three.
After all, everything is rtive; South America isrgely agricultural with a sparse and racially divided poption, thus naturally weak inbat.
¡
While the Colombian public celebrated this great victory, a media earthquake rocked Europe, sending newspaper sales surging.
The media¡¯s opinions were mixed, but the mainstream media split into two camps: those in support believed that the Austrian Government¡¯s proactive payment ofpensation signaled a willingness to take responsibility and respect other nations¡¯ sovereignty.
The opposition, however, saw it as pure political "showmanship," a concession made under international pressure, and a victory for international public opinion.
But this victory was not absolute. The aggression was downyed as "idental conflict," and the aggressor did not suffer the consequences they deserved, highlighting that such "misunderstandings" in international struggles would continue to emerge.
Beyond the mainstream views were myriad other chaotic opinions.
For example, some criticized the Vienna Government for showing weakness by ceding to little Colombia, losing the face of the European powers.
¡
Standing on their respective grounds, experts and academics voiced their opinions and engaged in verbal battles in the newspapers. As for how many among them were online trolls, no one knew.
Eventually, as the arguments diverged, the topic shifted. It started with the "Panama idental Exchange of Fire Misunderstanding" to the ongoing "Guano Wars," then to the British-French-Austrian struggle in South America, and finally back to the Prusso-Russian War.
As topics multiplied, the situation changed. Compared with ongoing wars, the "misunderstanding" that had already settled became old news and gradually faded from public attention.
Chapter 682 - 255: Scalding
```
Time swiftly passed, and the Austrian army soon evacuated the Panama area, transferring control not to the Colombian Government but to the Panama local government.
To be precise, it was the Panama Independence Organization, as the original local government of Panama had long been reced, and the Independence Organization was now in power.
The Colombian Government¡¯s army was stopped halfway by the local militia, who refused to let them enter.
Both sides were at a standoff, and the Panama Independence Organization had not yet dered independence, citing poor military discipline as the reason for refusing the government troops¡¯ entry.
Although Colombia was not a United States-style federation, the local governments still held considerable power, and there was precedent for refusing entry to government troops.
Fully aware that the Panama area was on the brink of independence, President Rafael N¨²?ez could only resort to political measures before independencemenced.
Suppression was out of the question! Whoever fired the first shot now would have to bear the responsibility for initiating a civil war.
This was precisely what the Vienna Government wanted to see. If a civil war broke out just as the Austrian troops had left, it would seem quite awkward to anyone.
Moreover, the longer the dy, the better prepared the Independence Organization would be. Controlling the territory also required time; the Independence Organization had only been established for a few short months, and it was already an achievement to have set up the framework, let alone attending to internal affairs thoroughly.
...
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, the Colombian Government is once again pressing us to pay thepensation. ording to the messages from the embassy, they have been surrounded by the families of the fallen soldiers for three days.
Some have even stormed the embassy district, demanding pensions. Now, even going out to purchase daily necessities has be difficult, so they have to rely on the Colombian Government to deliver them."
On hearing this news, Franz smiled slightly at the corner of his mouth. Just some protests, what great power hasn¡¯t gone through these several times? One gets used to it after a while.
"Tell the Colombian Government to provide the identity proof of the families of the fallen soldiers, and as soon as the identities are verified, we¡¯ll immediately disburse the pension.
The property damage was concentrated in the Panama area, and it¡¯s the local residents that needpensation. To avoid misappropriation, we¡¯ll directly transfer the funds to the local government."
"To the local government" for what, to wage a civil war?
If they had a choice, the Colombian Government would probably prefer not to have thispensation at all. This was not just a hot potato issue; it was lethal.
Retaliation¡ªthis was true retaliation. Compared to this, the previous conflicts and "misunderstandings" could only be seen as child¡¯s y.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg cautioned: "Your Majesty, in order to show goodwill towards us, the Colombian Government has already rxed trade control at the Peruvian border.
Now, if we proceed like this, I fear they will blockade the border line again, smuggling will not be able to continue, and Peru and Bolivia will..."
Franz waved his hand dismissively: "That¡¯s a minor issue. Peru is France¡¯s little brother, and the goods they¡¯re purchasing are mainly French, so even if blockaded, what does that have to do with us?
As for Bolivia, haven¡¯t we already opened a trade line with Argentina? The quantity of smuggled goods may not be much, but if they manage frugally, it should barely suffice."
The recent "misunderstanding" in Panama wasn¡¯t just a wake-up call for Colombia; the neighboring Argentina was also frightened, and even the Chilean Government, clinging tightly to the British, was terrified.
```
This year, the countries of South America were all weak and none stood out among the so-called "three powers" of the region.
With just one "misunderstanding," Colombia¡¯s loss of forces equaled the entire casualties of the "Bird Droppings War" over more than a year, which inevitably caused widespread panic.
Having witnessed Austria¡¯s strength, Argentina, as a neighbor, naturally had to adjust its foreign policy. They couldn¡¯t lift the trade embargo outright, as that would offend the British.
However, the sharp government bureaucrats of Argentina were not to be easily stumped. If open trade was not possible, they could still smuggle goods in secret.
This was a win-win situation, not only satisfying the Austrians but leaving the British with nothing toin about, and the bureaucrats could also make a fortune in the process.
...
While Austria took action, the French were not idle either. The contemporary French Empire was much more formidable than in the original timeline. Its intimidation had not been challenged, and with French Guiana present, deterring a few South American countries was a simple task.
If the Vienna Government could persuade the Argentine Government to rx the blockade, the French could also turn a blind eye with the Brazilian Government.
In a sense, the "blockade line" concocted by the British was full of loopholes from the very beginning.
The so-called "blockade" only really prevented ordinary merchants from trading. Its actual effect was likely to reduce the influx of goods and inte the cost for Peru and Bolivia to acquire supplies.
For powerful tradingpanies with strong backing, the blockade line meant nothing. As long as the profit was sufficient, no capitalist found the blockade insurmountable.
Even coastlines guarded by the Royal Navy were breached by merchant ships. With strong enough connections, they weren¡¯t afraid of being caught.
If the British couldn¡¯t make something happen, other countries were even less to be expected. Apart from the domestic elite, there were also numerous audacious tradingpanies with the support of major powers.
If caught, at most they would be turned away. Responsibility was pursued indeed, but how to proceed without provoking an international dispute?
The only country that truly enforced a strict blockade was probably Chile. When it pertained to their own economic interests, strict enforcement was unavoidable.
...
Perhaps it was the riches of the South American region, or maybe it was the weakness of its countries¡ªwhatever the reason, Napoleon IV took an interest in South America.
Seeing Austria eyeing the Panama area, Napoleon IV also wanted to expand the French South American Colonies.
It had been several years since the French involvement in external expansion, and for Napoleon IV, who was eager to surpass his predecessor, this was very unfortunate.
While the French government¡¯s senior officials were both excited and helpless about the Emperor¡¯s grand n, everyone wanted to achieve great deeds and leave their name in history, but the conditions simply didn¡¯t allow it!
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore, advised, "Your Majesty, the current international situation is not suitable for expansion. The Prusso-Russian War is at a critical moment, and we cannot afford to divert our strength.
Based on the current circumstances, once the Prusso-Russian War concludes, there will be another reshuffling on the European Continent, presenting us with the best opportunity to expand our influence in Europe.
If it weren¡¯t for the impending changes in Europe, the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t have given up the Panama area so easily, as international public opinion is not yet strong enough to make them yield."
There was no question about it, the current trend was "Eurocentrism." ording to this principle, both France and Austria, the two major continental powers, had to focus their efforts on dealing with the post-war situation.
Napoleon IV shook his head, "Count, this does not contradict my ns. Colonial expansion is a long-term national policy, not something we need tounch immediately."
"What we need to do now is just the preliminary preparation. Once the dust settles on the European Continent, it won¡¯t be toote to take action."
"This world has already been carved up. The most annoying British have acquired the richest regions; even those South European barbarians have grabbed arge piece of the cake."
"What¡¯s left for France is just the remains of a feast. In name, we are the world¡¯s third Colonial Empire, but in reality, everyone is well aware that it¡¯s just a pile of sand."
"He who hesitates is lost, and now we have very few options left. Apart from East Asia, there is South America. Comparatively speaking, the South America area, with its multitude of small nations, is easier to grasp."
Expansion, expansion, and more expansion. This is not the personal desire of Napoleon IV; this is the urgent need of France¡¯s domestic industry andmerce."
"This is the price that must be paid by an industrial powerhouse. Unaffected by the blows of the Prusso-French War, and having annexed the Italian Area, France¡¯s industrial capacity has increased too muchpared to the same historical period."
"An increase in industrial capacity doesn¡¯t necessarily bring only good things. Along with it, there¡¯s an urgent need for raw materials and markets for goods."
"Affected by the massive import of raw materials, the cost of French industrial andmercial products is rtively high, making them lesspetitive internationally."
"To solve this problem, the best solution is naturally expansion. No raw materials¡ªtake by force; no markets¡ªtake by force. In short, there is nothing that ¡¯taking by force¡¯ cannot solve."
After hearing this exnation, Dumbledore wanted to speak but stopped short. He intended to say that the nations of South America were not weak, but when the words reached his lips, he could not bring himself to say them.
"Strength and weakness both requireparison. Compared to France, the nations of South America are indeed too weak. Even if all these countries united, they still could not match France."
With the Emperor¡¯s firm stance and the significant influence of the domestic pro-colonial expansion faction, sensing that matters were turning adverse, the equally antiwar Finance Minister Roy hurriedly shifted the topic:
"South America¡¯s issues are not urgent for now. The most important matter at hand is the Prusso-Russian War. Various signs indicate that Austria has ns to annex the German Federation Empire."
"The British are unreliable. If the Prusso-Polish Federation is defeated and the Russians only achieve a Pyrrhic victory, then we are the only ones strong enough to prevent Austria and Germany from uniting."
"If the Vienna Government acts unterally and we must stop them, then war will be inevitable."
"Everyone has seen the horrors of the Prusso-Russian War. If we enter a war with Austria, I fear it could be even more terrible."
"To ensure victory, we must make preparations in advance. This will require arge amount of funding, something our finances cannot sustain."
This wasn¡¯t just a bluff¡ªAustria has always had ns to annex the German Federation, and these ns have evolved over time."
"Should there be a shift in the international situation, those ns could be reality. The Prusso-Russian War happens to present such an opportunity."
"If the Prusso-Polish Federation is victorious, then there¡¯s nothing to say. Even if suffering heavy losses, the Berlin Government can only choose to sh with Austria head-on. This is a matter of principle with absolutely no room forpromise."
"If the Tsarist Government wins, but with heavy losses, the situation will be different."
"Russians certainly don¡¯t want to see Austria swallow up the German Federation, but the Tsarist Government is not going to break the bank just to stop Austria."
This was determined by interest, even if Austria unified Central Europe, the Russian Empire would still be the Russian Empire, at most losing the route to expansion into Europe, which is not fatal.
The numerous loans issued by Austria weren¡¯t given out for free, they could still influence the Tsarist Government¡¯s decisions at critical moments.
If some interests were promised, the possibility of apromise between the two countries was very high.
Against this backdrop, the Vienna Government had the capacity to persuade most European countries to remain neutral; the final oue was mostly a duel between France and Austria, possibly with an unreliable United Kingdom ally.
After the ession of Napoleon IV, he basically continued his father¡¯s economic policies, and although the pace of domestic economic development had slowed, it was overall quite good.
The Finance Minister said "no money", which really gave him a shock. Then he came to a realization,¡ªthe debt of the Paris Government had always been heavy; this was an undeniable fact.
The world¡¯s biggest debtor was not the mighty John Bull, nor the recently rejuvenated Austria, nor Prussia and Russia, who were at war, but rather France, the dominant power of Western Europe.
There was no choice; renovating Paris, building infrastructure, reviving military equipment, expanding overseas colonies, annexing the Italian Area¡ªall these required money.
What the Orleans Dynasty left behind was just a pile of heavy debts. Although Napoleon III revived the French economy, he was unable to change the situation of the government¡¯s towering debts, which on the contrary increased even more.
It¡¯s not that this economic model was bad, in fact, many future countries¡¯ governments used public investment to stimte the economy, following the same concept.
However, this resulted in a continuous climb in government debt. During the era of credit currency, they could still cover this deficit by increasing the currency issuance, but in the era of gold standard, they had to bear it.
Under this economic model, as the economy of France grew greatly, the government debt also increased day by day.
The total debt of the Paris Government had broken through 28 billion Francs, a figure exceeding thebined debts of Prussia and Russia and earning the title of the world¡¯srgest debtor nation.
Of course, having a lot of debt did not mean that the Paris Government was truly poor. Not all government investments were public welfare; many investments became assets that could generate revenue, it¡¯s just that these assets could not be liquidated in the short term.
After contemting for a moment, Napoleon IV shook his head: "The situation in Europe is not so severe, the Austrians have not started preparing for war, which means the Vienna Government is also not ready.
Your spections, in reality, are just possibilities. There are too many assumptions, and everything must proceed from the Russians narrowly winning the war for the subsequent events to ur.
In fact, up to this point in the Prusso-Russian war, no one can be sure of controlling the bnce.
The Russians certainly have a better chance of winning, but it¡¯s not necessarily a narrow victory. Even if the Prusso Federation loses, it¡¯s not certain that they¡¯ll lose everything.
The British indeed cannot be relied upon, but we¡¯ve never counted on them, have we?
Moreover, why must we go to war with Austria? Dividing the German Federation could also be a good choice.
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Don¡¯t tell me the Austrians really want to engage in full-scale warfare with us? If a war really breaks out, it¡¯s the British who will benefit."
A tripartite bnce is the most stable structure, the main reason being: everyone is worried about "the sandpiper and the m fight, the fisherman profits".
Compared to the isted British, the strategic positions of both Austria and France are much worse.
Chapter 683 - 256: Maoqi’s Grand Plan
After the onset of spring, the haze of gunpowder nketed the Eastern European battlefield once again. After a winter of preparation, the situation had greatly changed.
The Berlin Government had organized the popce to construct a multitude of castle fortresses along the border regions, restricting the movements of the Cossack cavalry. To pige wealth, they would now need to siege these castle fortresses.
Thebat effectiveness of the Cossack cavalry was built on interest. As the popce became prepared, the difficulty of looting continuously increased, and often the casualties were disproportionate to the spoils, which in turn dampened the enthusiasm of the Cossack cavalry.
There is a stark difference between proactive and reactive in thebat power that¡¯s unleashed.
Although the Cossack cavalry continued to make their move, the victories they imed grew smaller and smaller. Often, they did nothing more than damage farnds and infrastructure, reluctant to chew on the hard bones.
The Middle Ages were long gone; with money in their pockets, there were plenty of ces where they could buy grain. The Berlin Government could still bear the loss inflicted only on the border area¡¯s farnd.
In some ways, Wilhelm I had to thank the Tsarist Government, for it was the Russians¡¯ ruthless tactics that forced the Polish to depend on them.
Even though the destructive power of the Cossack cavalry decreased, it didn¡¯t mean the Tsarist Government¡¯s scorched-earth strategy had failed.
In the face of war, humanity is fragile. To evade the mes of war, many from the border regions dragged their families ind, leaving numerous areas deserted.
It wasn¡¯t that the Berlin Government didn¡¯t try to stop them, but they simply couldn¡¯t. Crowds of refugees fleeing towards the rear still imposed a heavy economic burden on the Berlin Government.
The coastal regions suffered the most severe losses, with most of the Prusso-Polish Federation port cities reduced to ruins under bombardment; the few surviving cities also trembled in fear.
n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
Yet these were only minor issues, since the Danish people had blockaded the straits, the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s maritime trade routes were nearly severed, significantly diminishing the strategic value of the port cities.
The worst was that the Russians had reinforced their losses on the southern front, leading to the failure of Maoqi¡¯s n to conquer Kiev; now the Tsarist Government had adopted the most conservative strategy to wear down the Prusso-Polish Federation.
Steady and firm, with a straightforward sh of forces, the Prussian Army couldn¡¯t leverage their tactical advantage. Even with a greatmander like Maoqi, they couldn¡¯t reverse the trend of the battlefield developing unfavorably for the Prusso-Polish Federation.
The dire situation on the battlefield also affected the domestic atmosphere of the Prusso-Polish Federation, with anti-war voices emerging now and then, even the most optimistic individuals were deeply concerned about the war.
Berlin Pce
Wilhelm I roared, "The war has progressed to this point, and we¡¯ve lost three hundred thousand troops, while the victories we¡¯ve achieved are negligible.
You assured me beforehand that we would win the war in three months, but now three months have passed, and then another three months, and soon the third set of three months will end with no signs of victory whatsoever.
Can anyone tell me how much more we need to pay before we can win this war?"
It was not that Wilhelm Ickedposure, but the recent pressure was immense. The Prussian Army¡¯s performance on the battlefield fell far short of expectations.
The so-called "winning the war in three months" was in fact just Maoqi¡¯s southern front n. In theory, as long as they cut off the trade routes between Prussia and Russia, they would have won the war.
Unfortunately, thebat capabilities of the Russian Army were much stronger than they had anticipated. They might not match the Prussian Army in open field battles, but their defensive capabilities were solid.
Maoqi¡¯s carefully designed strategic n was not wed in itself, it was just applied to the wrong opponent. If it were another nation, losing tens of thousands of troops at once would certainly be a crippling blow.
Regrettably, they encountered the Russians, and the rate of enemy casualties was only a bit faster than the Tsarist reinforcements. With a winter¡¯s respite, the Tsarist Government not only replenished its losses to full strength, but its total military power had even increased.
Maoqi replied with a stiff upper lip, "Your Majesty, the Russians are harming themselves to injure others; their losses are even greater than ours. If this continues, even if the Russians win the war, it will only be a Pyrrhic victory.
Currently, the Russians have the upper hand on the battlefield, and the Tsarist Government has no need to pursue a mutually destructive approach.
As long as we expose our weaknesses at the right moment, the Russian Army will definitely not let go of the opportunity. Once the Russians adjust their tactics, our chance wille.
To win this war, I suggest that we can abandon some regions when necessary, to first draw the Russian forces out of their fortifications."
Dealing with over a million men and a front line spanning hundreds of kilometers, making tactical adjustments is extremely difficult; just coordinating between various units alone is enough to be "touching."
The Tsarist Government has always had a weakness in organizational ability; even after Alexander II¡¯s reforms, Russians still fall somewhat short.
The battlefield is essentially aparison of who makes more mistakes, and whose mistakes are fatal.
Currently, the Russian Army is defending in all areas except for the middle, where they are attacking. Hiding inside the fortress withouting out might fail to grasp opportune moments for battle, but it simrly avoids making fatal blunders.
Maoqi did not want the Prussian Army to be locked in a stalemate with the main force of the Russian Army in the middle, as that would fail to utilize Prussian mobility and would simply be an attritional sh ofprehensive strength.
Wilhelm I uncertainly asked, "Are you thinking of giving up Smolensk?"
Smolensk has always been referred to as the gateway to Moscow; controlling it would give the Prussian Army the initiative to attack Moscow.
Since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the Russian Army has been stubbornly defending this ce to ensure Moscow¡¯s safety, to prevent being split in two by the Prussian Army.
Maoqi nodded, "Your Majesty, we have already tried many strategies, but the Russians just cower in their defenses and refuse toe out.
A frontal assault would result in too great a loss, apletely pyrrhic victory. Other than abandoning Smolensk and letting the Russian Army in, it is very difficult for us to break the current battlefield stalemate in the short term."
Given the great disparity in troop numbers, and with the Russian Army¡¯s central offensive tying down arge portion of Prussian forces, Maoqi¡¯s capacity for maneuver warfare is limited.
Maoqi, originally proficient at concentrating superior forces for decisive battles with the enemy, found it frustratingly impossible, especially after the Russian Army adopted a scorched-earth policy, making him even more reluctant to take risks.
Withdrawing troops from any single front could possibly disce hundreds of thousands, or even millions of people.
If it were possible to win the war, making certain sacrifices could be eptable. But such a war could never be decided by just one or two battles.
Eliminating tens of thousands of Russian troops at the expense of creating hundreds of thousands of refugees, whether this is a loss or a gain, is very difficult to gauge.
Since sacrifices are inevitable either way, why not go for a major gamble? If they could entice the enemy deep into their territory and use the home front advantage to annihte the main force of the Russian Army, then any grave loss could be epted.
"How sure are you?"
Wilhelm I hesitated, this gamble was on the fate of the nation. Victory could certainly turn the tide of war; but if defeated, the Prusso Federation woulde to its end, and even the survival of a reduced Kingdom of Prussia was in question.
Maoqi coolly replied, "By giving up most of Brus and parts of Pnd, shifting the battlefield to the Warsaw region, and calling upon the Polish people to resist the Russian invasion, our chances of winning are at least sixty percent."
War is inherently a gamble, with the Prusso Federation already at a disadvantage, having sixty percent odds of winning was already quite high.
With a p on the table, Wilhelm I decisively said,
"Let¡¯s gamble!"
"Marshal, proceed with your n, the government will coordinate with you."
It wasn¡¯t that Wilhelm I was decisive; it was more that there was no choice. The war had reached this stage where no one could back down, and Prussia and Russia had to determine a victor on the battlefield.
Even if Wilhelm I didn¡¯t want to take the gamble, the Junker aristocracy would make the decision for him. Just like in the original timeline of World War I, after the copse of the Russian Empire, when Wilhelm II wanted to end the war halfway, the Junker aristocracy bypassed the Emperor and continued the war.
The situation was much the same now; with the outbreak of the war, the military¡¯s power had grown, and the government had be the logistics department for the military. The bnce of power had been broken long ago.
As the King, Wilhelm I often had no choice but topromise with the military.
...
Chapter 684 - 257: Showing off Skills
On July 16, 1880, after a grueling ten-month fight and the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives, the Russian Army finally captured Smolensk, causing an uproar in the European world.
That night, European politicians collectively suffered from insomnia, including Franz. Had it not been for years of experience as Emperor, he almost could not resist calling an immediate meeting.
The geographic location of Smolensk determined the extraordinary nature of this battle. With the capture of this fortress, Russia had gained strategic initiative.
The bnce of the war began to tilt, and the Russians, who already had an advantage in national power, further extended their advantage.
Allowing one night¡¯s respite, the next day, Franz convened a high-level government meeting at the Vienna Pce.
To make the right decision, one must first understand the true situation on the Prusso-Russian battlefield.
After years as Emperor, Franz no longer took historical records from his previous life seriously. He preferred facts over fanciful judgements based on personal preference.
...
Chief of Staff Albrecht: "Both Prussia and Russia have, back and forth,mitted a total of 1.87 million troops in the contest for Smolensk, with Prussia deploying 720,000 and Russia 1.15 million.
Based on the analysis of data provided by the Military Observation Group, preliminary assessments suggest that just in the Smolensk Region, the total casualties for both countries exceed 700,000, with about one quarter of them killed and a casualty exchange ratio of roughly 1:1.3 between the two armies.
It can be said that both Prussia and Russia have put forth their full effort in this battle, which has been extremely fierce. The defensive fortifications of the Smolensk Region were very robust, and its sudden fall waspletely unexpected.
Our data is iplete and we are unable to determine the exact cause of Smolensk¡¯s fall. Judging by the Russian victory, the Prussian Army has suffered heavy losses, with more than 120,000 taken prisoner.
However, there is dissent within the Military Observation Group. The proportion of old and weak among the prisoners is too high, suggesting they may not have been part of Prussia¡¯s main forces, or even second-line troops.
Through verification with our Military Observation Group dispatched to the Prussian Army, we confirmed that Prussia indeed carried out a major troop rotation half a month ago. However, it was done so secretively that the observers could not get close.
If all this information is urate, then the significance of Russia¡¯s ¡¯great victory at Smolensk¡¯ is greatly diminished.
We have not observed any major movements from the Prussian Army, neither on the southern nor the northern fronts show any intention ofunching an offensive, so the real purpose of concentrating their main forces is up for study."
The hypothesis that "Prussia deliberately gave up Smolensk" is hard to believe for many, Franz included.
From the situation on the battlefield, there was no need for Prussia to give up Smolensk. Even relying on local fortress works, the Russian Army might not have been able to take it in two to three more years.
In such a context, there was no need to give up such a strategic location and sacrifice arge number of cannon fodder troops.
"Luring the enemy in deep" was not something that no one had considered, but the cost of such an action was extremely high. Even for troops with lowbat effectiveness, they are still a valuable national defense force.
Franz asked, "Has there been any recent diplomatic activity from the Berlin Government?"
Franz could not help but be suspicious; thebination of Wilhelm I and Maoqi is unquestionably formidable, and their loss of Smolensk so easily was not a mistake they would make.
If it was not an ident, then it must have been deliberate. Apart from "luring the enemy deep," showing weakness to garner more diplomatic support was another possibility.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg answered somewhat awkwardly: "Your Majesty, diplomatic activities of the Prusso Federation have been ongoing since the outbreak of the war.
ording to intelligence from embassies around the world, envoys from the Prusso Federation meet with political leaders of various nations every week, with even neutral small countries like Switzend not being an exception."
This response left Franz dumbfounded; what was meant to be diplomatic activity had turned into a routine activity.
Meeting with world leaders every day, who knew if there were any results?
Sensing the Emperor¡¯s dilemma, Weisenberg added, "Recently, the Prusso Federation¡¯s envoy to the Ottoman Empire held a secret talk with the Sultan, the specifics of which are unknown to anyone.
The Berlin Government also increased diplomatic rtions with Central Asian Countries and the Far Eastern Empire, seemingly with the intention of reforming the Anti-Russian alliance.
There is still no confirmed news, and it probably does not look very hopeful. These countries have plenty of internal problems and are not very active in opposing Russia."
Thest time an Anti-Russian alliance was formed, it was mainly thanks to the British, with the Berlin Government just tagging along.
Times have changed; the Russian Empire is no longer John Bull¡¯s primary enemy, and the London Government naturally will not continue to spend a great price targeting the Russians.
Diplomacy has its costs, and without sufficient interests, why would everyone fight?
Whether it¡¯s the Central Asian Countries or the Far Eastern Empire, none have the courage to take a chunk out of Russia; maintaining the integrity of their own territories is good enough for them.
In Franz¡¯s view, instead of trying to persuade these countries, it would be more effective to lobby the Japanese Government, at least they are adventurous.
Of course, this does not have much practical significance. The Far Eastern region is too remote; even if it were all lost, it would not affect the strength of the Russian Empire.
```
The most capable allies that could help the Berlin Government were the Nordic Federation and the Ottoman Empire. Unfortunately, the former was disrupted by Danish people with the Tsarist Government making promises, making it impossible to sway them.
Not to mention thetter, the Sultan was busy with internal reforms. Even if there were desires for revenge against the Russians, there was more willingness than ability.
Prime Minister Felix, "If that¡¯s the case, the likelihood of the Berlin Government receiving substantial foreign aid has be very slim. Ennd and France wouldn¡¯t possibly invest indefinitely, they have to consider how to recoup their costs.
Could we assume that Maoqi is resorting to his old tricks, nning to imitate thest war by giving up the East Prussia region, thereby lengthening the Russian Army¡¯s supply lines and baiting the Russians into a decisive battle with them?"
No one has ruled out using the same tactics twice; in fact, on the battlefield, any tactic that is effective can be used continuously.
Whether it¡¯s repetitive or not, whether it¡¯s possible to be discovered by the enemy, these aren¡¯t concerns; the core objective always remains the same¡ªto win the war.
Chief of Staff Albrecht, "We cannot rule out this possibility. Strategically speaking, it¡¯s a tant scheme.
Even if the Tsarist Government knew of the Prusso Federation¡¯s ns, they couldn¡¯t possibly order the Russian forces at the front to halt their advance due to the risks involved.
However, whilst their n is good, it¡¯s hard to say whether it can be realized. There are risks inherent in their n that the Russian Army is bound to have noticed.
As long as they proceed with caution, advancing steadily and tactically without giving the Prussian Army any opportunities, the situation would be quite different."
As he said this, Albrecht suddenly chose to shut his mouth. "Advancing steadily and tactically" might be simple to say, but it was anything but simple to execute.
This world has never been short of fools, nor has the militarycked those with a strong sense of self-interest. Faced with obvious bait, could everyone restrain themselves?
War must serve the overall strategy, and conversely, local skirmishes impact the bigger picture. If something goes wrong in one ce, the supposedly wless strategic n can quickly be full of holes.
Albrecht had no confidence in the Russian Army¡¯s ability to execute ns. Not just the Russians¡ªin this era, no army from any country could guarantee that all their officers possessed a sense of the bigger picture.
Franz waved his hand, "Stop there; that¡¯s enough on this matter. If the Prussian Army is luring the enemy in deep, it¡¯s the Tsarist Government that should be worried now.
n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
Of course, Alexander II might still be celebrating the victory. However, I believe someone will remind him. After all, they have lost once before and should have learned from their lessons.
For now, let¡¯s discuss how we should respond to the uing changes in Europe."
"Long-term nning," unfortunately, didn¡¯t exist anymore. The Vienna Government¡¯s foreign policy always adjusted ording to current needs, with each policy enacted being timely.
This time was no exception, as the Prusso-Russian war was full of uncertainties, necessitating several contingency ns.
Which specific n to adopt would be decided after the dust settled, by choosing the one that best served Austria¡¯s national interests.
...
After the "Great Victory at Smolensk," the Russian Army didn¡¯t cease its advance; on the contrary, they took Minsk in hot pursuit and pointed their spears towards the Polish capital of Warsaw. The Prussian-Russian war seemed to be clearing up.
In the Russian General Headquarters, Marshal Ivanov stared nkly at the map. There was no hint of joy for victory on his face.
A middle-aged military officer approached him with a document and reported, "Marshal, the Seventh Army has sent a telegram urging for supplies."
Ivanov turned around and after a pause inquired, "Where has the Seventh Army reached?"
"The Seventh Army has advanced along the Bug River and has now passed Sarnaiki, less than 200 Russian miles from Warsaw," the middle-aged man replied.
Finding Sarnaiki on the map and examining it carefully for a while, Ivanov sneered, "It¡¯s all tnd ahead, nearly reaching Warsaw, and the enemy hasn¡¯t attempted an interception?"
Without waiting for the middle-aged man to respond, Marshal Ivanov continued, "Maoqi¡¯s appetite is really big. One army isn¡¯t enough to satisfy him; doesn¡¯t he fear choking to death?"
The enemy who knows you best is yourself. Maoqi became famous in one battle during thest Prusso-Russian war, naturally bing the focus of the Russian Army¡¯s attention.
The information gathered by Ivanov was so detailed it was said that even where Maoqi went to kindergarten was known¡ªa humorous exaggeration as kindergartens weren¡¯t popr at the time.
Nevertheless, Maoqi¡¯s biography, interests and hobbies, and style ofmand were all recorded. Simr records were not only collected by the Tsarist Government but also by many countries in Europe.
With increased understanding, naturally, some have developed tactics specifically targeting him. The tactics currently used by the Russian Army were intended to counter Maoqi.
And the facts proved that this conservative tactic was indeed effective. With their numerical advantage and cautious approach, even a military strategist like Maoqi was powerless, leaving him with the current tactics as his only option.
After pondering for a moment, Marshal Ivanov ordered, "Command the Seventh Army to halt their advance, find advantageous terrain nearby to construct defensive positions, and wait for the supply train to arrive.
Command the Sixth Army to advance into the Lithuanian Region, order the Northwest Front Army tounch a full counterattack, order the Southwestern Army to make a feint at the Volen Region..."
A series ofmands were issued, with none directed towards advancing on Warsaw. Facing a steady and cautious opponent was troubling; even though the Prussian Army had opened their doors wide, Ivanov decided to first conquer the enemy on his right nk.
```
Chapter 685 - 258, Debt Kidnapping
```
Watching the Russians dominate on the battlefield, the prepared Berlin Government could still keep itsposure, but the financial backers behind them began to grow restless.
"The borrower is king." This saying might be a bit exaggerated here, but the essence remains the same. Once the Prussian Federation was defeated, it would be very hard for creditors to reim their money.
The "coteral" previously promised by the Berlin Government would also depend on whether the Russians were willing to recognize it.
ording to the Tsarist Government¡¯s consistent behavior, there was an eighty percent chance they would pretend not to see it, and the remaining twenty percent they did see it, they would refuse to acknowledge.
To win this battle, the Berlin Government made every effort to borrow money, and the number of secret agreements signed was countless.
If the Prusso Federation were to copse, it¡¯s unknown how many financial institutions that lent money would go down with it. The consortium would want to transfer the losses, making a financial crisis inevitable.
Not only would financial institutions be out of luck, but real industries wouldn¡¯t fare much better. Manypanies might seem to have profited greatly from the war, but in reality, a lot of the profits were only on paper, with a huge backlog of final payments. Stay updated through empire
There was no helping it. Defaulting on final payments is a major chronic issue inmercial cirction, almost pervading every link in the capitalist market economy. It is a problem all manufacturingpanies have to face.
No one knows how long this war willst, and no one knows how much money it will cost. To sustain the effort for a longer time, the Berlin Government naturally had to spend as little money as possible.
Owing a lot of debt isn¡¯t a problem, nor are high interest rates; those are troubles of happiness. Only by winning this war would they need to consider these issues.
After the outbreak of Prusso-Russian war, the export prices of all strategic materials in Europe soared significantly.
Nominally, enterprises enjoyed massive profits from this surge inmodity prices; in reality, the Berlin Government only paid part of the costs, many just the initial deposits, while capitalists had to upfront the remaining production costs.
The Berlin Government did have money. There was a substantial amount lying in bank ounts, which was an open secret among those who were well-informed.
However, the deposits for purchasing materials meant that typically, only when ordering the next batch of goods would the payment for the previous batch be settled.
Given the high profits, the capitalists naturally wouldn¡¯t refuse. Many economically weaker enterprises had to borrow from banks to provide these upfront payments.
To a certain extent, the Prussian Federation had already ensnared the economies of Britain and France with its debts ¨C both were bound to lose together.
Everyone knew the "risks," but couldn¡¯t resist the lucrative benefits. Moreover, the Prussian Federation had once won a Prusso-Russian war, and newspapers constantly belittled the Russians, boosting people¡¯s confidence invisibly.
All this changed after the battle of Smolensk when everyone suddenly realized: "The Russian Empire is still the gendarme of Europe, and the Prusso Federation seems to be in trouble."
This just won¡¯t do. Everyone had already invested so much; under no circumstances could they let the Prusso Federation be destroyed! If the Berlin Government fell, everyone would face misfortune.
The capitalists didn¡¯t want the Prussian Federation to fall, and neither did the London Government. After finally supporting a chess piece, no one wanted to see it vanish.
Prime Minister Benjamin¡¯s pressure soared overnight as domestic interest groups demanded the government take action to avoid the worst-case scenario.
Putting aside the documents in his hands, Benjamin asked in disbelief, "Has the situation really be this serious, that Britannia would be held hostage by Teutonic savages?"
The thick disdain in his expression was enough to show how distressed he felt. The rtionship between Ennd and Prussia was usually quite good; under normal circumstances, he would not use an insulting term like "savages."
Chancellor Garfield replied, "The situation is even worse than that. I suspect that even if the Prusso Federation wins the war, they might not have the capacity to repay these debts.
We can leave aside the overdue payments for materials for now, they have at least paid some money, and as long aspanies aren¡¯t too greedy, it mainly covers production costs, so the losses wouldn¡¯t be substantial.
The real problem is the loans and bonds. Once the Prussian Federation is defeated, almost all coteral will have no security.
The gold they have put up isn¡¯t even enough to pay off a tenth of the debt. Even if we included all of the Prussian Federation¡¯s overseas assets, it wouldn¡¯t be enough to fill this gap.
In an iplete tally, we have even uncovered multiple cases of coteralized loans, especially the lending agreements signed in secret by the Berlin Government with financial institutions where the cases of repeated coteral are very severe.
The debts owed to us by the Prussian Federation far exceed the visible ¡ê180 million. The true figure might be ¡ê200 million or even ¡ê300 million, known only by the Berlin Government."
In an era ofx financial regtion in Britain, financial institutions give out loans in private, and the London Government has no real control over it.
The sale of bonds is even more chaotic. What is dered as a million might actually be an issue of three to five million, amon urrence.
In an age relying on manual supervision, urately ounting for these figures is too difficult. As long as problems don¡¯t arise, the British Government would not intervene.
If a problem did emerge, the British Government wouldn¡¯t be able to do much about it either. In finance, small problems don¡¯t surface, and by the time big problems do, the institution is already on the brink of bankruptcy.
"Bankruptcy" is the best way to evade responsibility, with the government at most arresting a few scapegoats, and more often than not, not even able to find those.
Prime Minister Benjamin had lost interest in digging deeper into the exact figures of Berlin¡¯s debt; there was no point.
Investment wise, this venture had be a toxic asset, and cutting losses was the best option.
Unfortunately, that was out of the question. Nobody wanted to see their money go to waste; the London Government had to take responsibility for the aftermath.
In the original timeline, Britain and France sessfully dragged the Americans into the fray with that tactic. Although it hadn¡¯te to that, it still gave Prime Minister Benjamin a headache.
```
"Damn barbarians, how did they be so cunning all of a sudden!" Prime Minister Benjaminined.
"Is this situation aimed only at us, or is it the same for all countries?"
This question was critical. If every nation was ensnared in the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s debts, then the issue was less problematic.
Chancellor Garfield shook his head, "I¡¯m afraid, Prime Minister, while simr issues have emerged in other countries, the numbers involved are not significant.
Perhaps the collective debt the Prusso-Polish Federation owes to all other nations doesn¡¯t even amount to a third of what they owe us.
Besides us, the secondrgest creditor nation to the Prusso-Polish Federation is likely to be France, followed by the German Federation Empire. The debts to the rest of the countries can be considered negligible.
The Berlin Government doesn¡¯t yet have the capability to borrow from the entire world."
On hearing this news, Benjamin nearly fainted from anger, swearing it was the worst news he had heard all year.
The main reasons for this predicament were, firstly, that the British had too much money, with a considerable amount of idle funds in the private sector; secondly, the diplomatic policies of the London Government. Without the government¡¯s encouragement, the private financial institutions wouldn¡¯t be so eager.
Everyone took it for granted that the government wouldn¡¯t let the Prusso-Polish Federation lose the war. With that assumption, what was there to worry about? Could the Berlin Government dare default on its debts?
Other countries, however, were different; not everyone was optimistic about the Prusso-Polish Federation, nor did everyone have the confidence to guarantee the safety of their debts.
For instance: the financial sector within Austria doesn¡¯t lend to the Prusso-Polish Federation, for a very realistic reason¡ªthe Vienna Government is supporting the Russians.
Politically influenced, no one was optimistic about the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s prospects, and naturally, no one was willing to lend to them.
There¡¯s even less to say about the small European countries. Not to mention theck of guarantee for the repayment of the money, they didn¡¯t have much to begin with!
Against this backdrop, it was not surprising that France became the secondrgest creditor, and the German Federation, the third. Who could me them? They had the funds and maintained a good rtionship with the Berlin Government.
Benjamin asked unequivocally, "What about the Russian Empire? Don¡¯t tell me that the Tsarist Government has also borrowed arge sum of money from us!"
Garfield nodded reluctantly, "I regret to inform you, Your Excellency, that the Tsarist Government indeed owes us a considerable sum, albeit not as much as the Prusso-Polish Federation¡ªsomewhere around fifty to sixty million British Pounds.
A significant portion of this was borrowed before the war as prepayments for Russian agricultural products, the rest being outstanding payments for war materials purchased after the outbreak of the conflict.
We¡¯ve roughly tallied the Russians¡¯ foreign debts, and unsurprisingly, theirrgest creditor is Austria, with a total debt likely no less than what we¡¯ve lent to the Prusso-Polish Federation.
Most of it was in loans, with a minor part in bonds, and very few outstanding payments for goods. Due to the Tsarist Government¡¯s history of defaulting, most Austrian businesses demand immediate payment."
Perhaps the news was too staggering, for it took Prime Minister Benjamin a few moments to recover.
"This is the worst scenario imaginable. We cannot watch the Prusso-Polish Federation lose, just like the Vienna Government cannot afford to see the Russians defeated. This war is no longer just about Prussia and Russia!"
It was either an Anglo-Austrian confrontation or the Anglo-Austrian two countries engaging in a proxy war through Prussia and Russia. Whichever it was, the oue did not bode well.
Especially now with the Prusso-Polish Federation at a disadvantage on the battlefield, the position for Britain was even more passive. The price for turning the tide in favor of the Prusso-Polish Federation would be too great.
Foreign Minister Edward said, "The situation is not as bad as it seems. In reality, it is mainly us who is entangled in debts; Austria still retains the initiative.
The Russians only involved a few major banks in their loans from Austria, and with territory as coteral, although slightly overvalued, as long as they can deliver, these businesses will not lose everything.
From what we see now, I don¡¯t believe the Tsarist Government has the capacity to default. On the other hand, our problem is bigger, with tens of thousands, even millions of people involved in the same debts."
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It was headache-inducing, lending money to two parties that seemed to be thriving but were actually in a difficult predicament. Regardless of who won or lost, there would be a debt default, it was just a question of how much.
The London Government could not control the financial sector. The bankers invested based on their interests, national interests were not within their considerations.
Being able to recuperate the loans would be fine, but if there is a debt default, these consortiums would escape unscathed, relying on the all-powerful "bankruptcy" escape use.
Of course, there were also those not so bright or too slow to shift the risk, who ended up ruining themselves in the process.
Luckily, the Russians had a poor reputation, and there were few capitalists willing to lend to them, otherwise the London Government would have to experience what it truly means to be caught between a rock and a hard ce.
Chancellor Garfield shook his head, "I don¡¯t think there¡¯s any difference, even with more options at the Vienna Government¡¯s disposal, they wouldn¡¯t allow the Prusso-Polish Federation to win the war.
They might even be happy to use us to weaken the Russians, clearing a significant obstacle to their unification of the German Region.
Think about it, the Prusso-Polish Federation disintegrates after defeat, the Russian Empire suffers severe damage, and our economy is hit hard by defaults; could there be a more ideal situation?
From the viewpoint of a beneficiary, I have reason to believe that this situation is truly the Austrian Government¡¯s doing.
Of course, it might also be France, but I don¡¯t think Napoleon IV has the capacity for such a scheme," Garfield said.
...
Chapter 686 - 259: The Tsarist’s Choice
"Troublees uninvited."
Simr urrences often happen in international politics and diplomacy, where political necessity often decides "the truth."
For instance, now, under economic influence, the London Government had to support the Berlin Government, but their strength alone wasn¡¯t enough; they had to rope in the French.
Against this backdrop, the "ck hand" could only be "Austria." From the perspective of interest, it just so happened that the Vienna Government also had a motive, which made it even harder to clear their name.
But it didn¡¯t matter if they could clear their name or not; on the issue of the Prusso-Russian War, the Anglo-Austrian two countries had already taken opposite stands, and being in too much debt didn¡¯t weigh them down.
Franz was indifferent, but Alexander II had a headache. Once the British made their move, most of their diplomatic efforts went down the drain.
There was no helping it; diplomacy really wasn¡¯t their forte, as the Tsarist Government¡¯s international reputation made it obvious how amateurish their diplomacy was.
Having achieved their current results was only because their opponents were also diplomatic novices. Both sides pecked at each other like newbies, barely on equal footing.
It¡¯s not to say that Prussia and Russiacked excellent diplomats. When it came to the individual abilities of the rank-and-file diplomats, even if there were differences, on the whole, the gap wouldn¡¯t be too big. The root of the problemy in decision-making.
In international diplomacy, exceptional diplomats are certainly important, but even more crucial are the decision-makers above them; they¡¯re the ones who truly have the power to decide a nation¡¯s foreign policy.
Unfortunately, not one of those making the decisions for Prussia and Russia excelled at diplomacy; no matter how hard the officials below them worked, it was futile.
The original time-space German Second Empire serves as the best example; under Bismarck¡¯s leadership, diplomacy reached its pinnacle, but once he was reced, it all fell apart.
After the Battle of Smolensk, the world generally favored the Russians; the Tsarist Government took the opportunity to reinforce its diplomatic offensive against the Nordic Federation.
It¡¯s difficult to provide aid in desperate times, yet easy to add frosting to the cake. Many within the Nordic Federation were tempted, especially the Danish people, who were eager to avenge the Prussia-Denmark War.
Strategically, if the Nordic Federation stabbed the Prusso Federation in the back now, this war would be over. Regardless of Maoqi¡¯s shocking strategies, they would be useless.
Unfortunately, the Tsarist Government¡¯s actions were too sluggish, whether due to interests or some other reason, negotiations had yet to bear fruit.
With the British stepping in, the Nordic Federation Government, originally poised to add frosting to the cake, wavered again. Joining forces became a fantasy, and the Russians missed their best opportunity to win the war.
Yet that wasn¡¯t even what caused Alexander II the most headache. More troublesome was the rise of optimism within the country after the victory in the "Battle of Smolensk."
Many who couldn¡¯t aplish anything and wasted everything turned into military experts overnight, instructing the frontlines with their unsolicited advice.
"Driving straight into Warsaw" or "Surprise attack on Berlin"... all sorts of bizarre tactics emerged, all sounding quite good and seemingly capable of winning the war easily.
Armchair strategists weren¡¯t the issue; you could just ignore them, like listening to stories, when it came to actual work. However, if armchair strategists had social influence, it was apletely different story.
The Russian armchair strategist had just that sort of social clout, and some even held significant power within the government. As these fellows started their "bantering," even Alexander II felt the headache, not to mention the pressure on the frontlinemanders.
...
In St. Petersburg during July, there was neither the severe cold of winter nor the scorching heat of summer. With a temperature around fifteen degrees Celsius, it was the most pleasant season.
During this best of times, the thrilling "Victory of Smolensk" arrived, and the entire St. Petersburg was permeated with the joy of sess.
As the leading contributor to the victory of this battle, Marshal Ivanov returned from the frontlines silently to attend the military conference.
Facing thepliments from his colleagues, Ivanov simply smiled and let it pass. No one knew better than he how much fluff was involved in the Battle of Smolensk.
The main force of the Prussian Army was still in existence, and it was too early to talk about "victory" now. If it weren¡¯t for a political necessity, Marshal Ivanov wouldn¡¯t mind disclosing the truth, revealing the malicious intentions of the enemy.
In politics, there are no ifs, and the Tsarist Government needed a victory. The "Great Triumph at Smolensk" came just at the right time, and what was fake had to be turned into something real.
Rtively speaking, this wasn¡¯t really cheating. At most, it was just a bit of artistic embellishment. Those pair of captives were the embodiment of military achievements.
Of course, as a true soldier, Ivanov didn¡¯t think there was anything worth boasting about. He even suspected that the enemy couldn¡¯t afford so much cannon fodder and had intentionally given them to increase his logistical pressure.
...
Winter Pce
Alexander II smilingly said, "Marshal, tell me about the situation at the front!"
There wasn¡¯t just one marshal in the Russian Empire, but Ivanov was the only one who appeared here and was treated with such importance by Alexander II.
The greatest confidence of a soldier always lies in military achievements. No matter how inted they might be, a win is a win. As the victor, Ivanov had the capital to be respected.
Perhaps Ivanov¡¯s militarymand ability wasn¡¯t the best, but he possessed advantages that others did not. Namely, the battles under hismand never ended in defeat.
When looking through his resume, one would find that he was a yer of steady output. His favorite approach was to be steady and conservative, opposing any form of military risk.
Besides, he had always been lucky, consistently encountering weaker opponents.
In the first Prusso-Russian war, he firstmanded troops against the Poles, then was sent to defend Istanbul against the Ottomans.
With such weak enemies and such a conservativemander, it would have been difficult for the Russian Army to lose even if they wanted to.
With the Russian Army facing a widespread defeat, the victorious Ivanov naturally stood out.
Then he ran right into the Second Near East War, where the Tsarist Government and Austria teamed up to beat the Ottomans. There was no question¡ªit was like gifting him military achievements.
When the second Prusso-Russian war broke out, Alexander II, seeking stability, promptly employed this "good-luck" marshal with "illustrious military achievements."
Reality proved that this appointment was incredibly wise. Although the Russian Army hadn¡¯t gained much during the past ten months of war, they hadn¡¯t suffered any significant setbacks either.
In this pure war of attrition that had been waged, suddenly everyone realized that the Russian Army was gradually gaining the strategic initiative.
The only downside was the somewhat high casualty rate; however, in the face of victory, these were minor issues. Compared to the first Prusso-Russian war, the current ratio of exchange in battle that the Russian Army had established was significantly better looking.
Ivanov picked up a pointer and, while speaking, pointed on the map, "After the Battle of Smolensk, the main force of the Prussian Army withdrew all the way back, as if ready to give up the Polish Region.
However, this was just the surface situation. The Battle of Smolensk did not severely damage the main force of the Prussian Army¡ªthey still had the strength to fight and didn¡¯t need to retreat so quickly, let alone give up Warsaw, the eastern gateway.
I have studied the enemy¡¯s reassignment directions, spreading out to both nks. As long as we enter the Warsaw region, they can immediately pounce on us.
Of course, it¡¯s not that we fear a decisive battle with the enemy, but there¡¯s no need for a decisive battle in the Warsaw region. Even if we were to fight one, it should be in a location of our choosing."
Clearly, Ivanov had a political mind and resolutely refrained from mentioning things that he should not.
Everyone present was smart. Even if Ivanov didn¡¯t say it, everyone knew the Poles did not wee the little father of the Tsar, and the Warsaw region was the most active area for anti-Russian sentiment. There was absolutely no public support for a decisive battle there.
```
However, smart people can also make foolish decisions because it is not their brains that determine their thinking, but rather their position of power.
Finance Minister Kristanval questioned, "Marshal, deciding on a decisive battle with the enemy in the Warsaw region may not be the best choice, but it is the most suitable one for us.
Since the outbreak of the war, we have already spent nearly 1.87 billion Rubles, and we are spending close to two billion Rubles every month.
This means that our annual fiscal revenue is not even enough for three months¡¯ worth of war expenses.
The longer the warsts, the more we have to pay in huge military expenses, so ending this war as soon as possible is the best choice."
As the saying goes, ¡¯when cannons fire, gold is ten thousand taels,¡¯ the Tsarist Government deployed millions of troops, and the daily cost of the military is an astronomical figure.
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Self-funding is impossible, Russia¡¯s finances have never been affluent. To wage this war, the Tsarist Government already incurred a huge amount of foreign debt.
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If this war continues, it won¡¯t be long before the government¡¯s finances are drained again. Then the Ministry of Finance will have to figure out a solution, and Kristanval is smart enough to understand that it is now too difficult for the Tsarist Government to raise money.
If we are not defeated on the battlefield, but rather because of financial reasons, the Ministry of Finance will definitely have to take the me. As the Finance Minister, he is the first in line and may well be dragged to the guillotine to appease public anger.
Moreover, borrowed money must be repaid. This loan was secured by mortgaging thend; if the coffers are too clean to fulfill the debt obligations,nds will have to be ceded for debt.
If that happens, the Ministry of Finance is once again the one to take the me, and as Finance Minister Kristanval cannot help but be anxious.
For him, this war is like a "sword of Damocles" hanging over his head, ready to fall at any moment and im his life.
It¡¯s not just the Ministry of Finance that¡¯s eager to end the war, many interest groups within the Tsarist Government also want to end the war soon.
The war is causing too much economic damage, with many industries unable to operate normally, which is undoubtedly cutting off everyone¡¯s financial lifeline.
Ivanov shook his head, "Your Excellency, you¡¯re oversimplifying things. The challenges of making a decisive battle in the Warsaw region are not slight.
If we pursue a rapid resolution through strategic risk-taking, then we fall into the enemy¡¯s trickery.
If something unexpected happens leading to heavy losses for our army, who will take responsibility?"
Exining is impossible; under the pretext of political correctness, many things can¡¯t be spoken aloud. Marshal Ivanov could only choose to stand firm.
Finance Minister Kristanval sneered, "The matters of the battlefield, aren¡¯t they the responsibility of the military? Or maybe they want us in the Finance Ministry to take charge? Or perhaps we should simply takemand!"
There are many who want a quick resolution, including Alexander II. Nobody speaks it openly, mainly for fear that pressuring the military to rush into a decisive battle might lead to war failure. No one wants to bear that responsibility.
Kristanval has no choice, the Tsarist Government¡¯s finances are too terrible, and the war expenses are too great.
The Ministry of Finance can sustain the war expenses for at most one more year, but can the war end within a year?
If he hadn¡¯t experienced thest Prusso-Russian war, Kristanval might say yes. After firsthand experience, he could no longer be optimistic.
As a militaryyman, Kristanval doesn¡¯t see the importance of changing the location for a decisive battle; at worst, there would just be greater casualties. After all, the expendables are not valuable; they can afford the loss.
Marshal Ivanov scoffed, "That is an excellent proposal, since Marquis Kristanval is so confident, then it¡¯s better that I yield my ce to the wise!"
At this point, Ivanov is very clear that he cannot concede. To retreat is not to gain a broad expanse of sea and sky but to fall into an abyss.
```
Direct confrontation was not the best option, as it would offend many people. However,pared with the risk of a premature battle, he felt that offending people was the safer choice.
The era was one of war, belonging to the most powerful military era; no one could touch him, the Marshal with illustrious military achievements.
Seeing the argument escting, Alexander II waved his hand, "All right, let¡¯s end this issue here. Marshal, please proceed with your operational ns!"
Without a doubt, this brief incident ended with the firm stand of Marshal Ivanov prevailing.
Faced with the risk of financial crisis and military defeat, Alexander II chose to face the financial crisis. The risk of military failure was simply too great for him to bear.
As long as the war was won, the financial crisis could always be resolved. If all else failed, they could simply default on debts again. Once habitual, it bes easier.
The only trouble was the mortgaged territories, but these were minor issues. In the worst case, they could recoup their losses from the enemy, as the Vienna Government was not opposed to territorial exchanges.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Ivanov replied solemnly, "The enemy hasid traps in the Warsaw region, waiting for us to jump in.
"For safety¡¯s sake, we have decided to first seize the Lithuanian Region and then encircle the enemy troops in the Baltic region from behind, thus removing the military threat to St. Petersburg."
Many were satisfied with this response and nodded in agreement. The Prussian Army had reached Estonia, not far from St. Petersburg.
This kept the officials restless, fearing that the enemy would arrive at the city gates any day. If not for Alexander II¡¯s insistence, the Tsarist Government would have moved the capital to Moscow long ago.
No one opposed giving priority to removing the threat to St. Petersburg. Even Alexander II agreed; no one wouldin about being too secure.
Pausing for a moment, Marshal Ivanov continued, "After reiming the Lithuanian Region, the situation on the battlefield will change.
"Considering the logistical strain, the headquarters ns tounch a full-scale offensive on the southern front, deploying troops along the Prussia-Austria Border for convenience in obtaining supplies from Austria.
"We only need to proceed cautiously and steadily push forward, relying on our numerical superiority to crush the enemy."
The strategy was one of stability. ording to Ivanov¡¯s military deployment, it was unlikely that the Russian Army would achieve a world-shocking victory, nor would there be any earth-shattering defeats.
Of course, the aftermath was severe, and the price to be paid was harsh. In defeating the enemy, the Russian Empire would also be greatly weakened.
Alexander II asked with concern, "Is there a way to reduce our losses? If we continue to fight like this, even if we win, the losses will be severe."
After reflecting for a moment, Ivanov, pointing on the map in the direction of the Nordic Federation, said, "The simplest method is to involve the Nordic Federation in the war.
"We have already tied up the enemy¡¯s main forces. If they were tounch a surprise attack on Berlin, the war could end within a month.
"Of course, getting Austria and the German Federation involved would have the same effect. The enemy¡¯s rear is very vulnerable; a mere fifty thousand troops could take Berlin."
This was an awkward answer, as the Tsarist Government¡¯s n to win over the Nordic Federation had failed due to John Bull¡¯s sabotage.
As for Austria and the German Federation, it was unthinkable. It was an impossibility, even if they were offered great benefits, it would be to no avail.
Not to mention international rtions, nationalists would be the first to refuse.
Austria, seeking to unify the Germany Region, could not do without the support of nationalists; the Vienna Government would not act against public opinion.
The German Federation was even more unfortunate; with a plethora of Sub-States internally, if the Central Government dared to act recklessly, they could dere independence in minutes.
Chapter 687 - 260, Madman and Genius
```
The fact proved that the tactic most suited to oneself is the best tactic.
Marshal Ivanov¡¯s use of troops was utterly conventional, building strong forts and engaging in sluggish battles, with nearly no bright spots to be found. He would rather watch opportunities slip away than take a military risk.
Faced with such a conservative foe, even Maoqi, hailed as Prussia¡¯s \\"God of War,\\" was impotent.
As the front-line situation didn¡¯t unfold ording to the nned script, the Berlin Government faced mounting pressure, with incessant criticism emerging.
Some of the old guard openly criticized Maoqi¡¯smand abilities, demanding that he take responsibility for the defeat at Smolensk, as if changing themander would enable the Prussian Army to reverse the situation.
Fortunately, Wilhelm I didn¡¯t have soft ears and firmly supported Marshal Maoqi; otherwise, the Prussian Army would have had to change its leaders.
In terms of tactics alone, the Prussian Army had won more than it lost, their record was quite impressive.
Regrettably, behind the victoriesy grievous casualties. The war potentials of Prussia and Russia werepletely different, with the Tsarist Government able to bear three times the manpower loss than the Berlin Government could.
The Prusso Federation might seem to have a poption of over thirty million, but its real fighting force still consisted of the army formed by the people from the core regions of Prussia.
While residents of the Polish Region also supported the war, the region¡¯s ethnicposition was veryplex, with numerous minorities and internal strife not necessarily lesser than external conflicts.
The Dual empire was not so easily integrated. The establishment of the Prusso Federation was so recent that the Berlin Government hadn¡¯t had time to sort out internal conflicts, let alone standardizenguage and script.
Issues that the government hadn¡¯t been able to solve inevitably seeped into the military. Simr to the historical Austro-Hungarian Empire, it was a great test ofmand and coordination.
When a single troop fights, itsbat strength is 10, but the strength of two units fighting together is not 20 but bes 20*90%*90% = 16.2; and so on, the power of three units cooperating drops to 21.87. The more armies work together, the faster thebat strength declines.
That Maoqi, fighting with such pig-headed allies, could achieve the current military results was already quite impressive. Had anyone else been in his ce, they likely would have made a mess of things.
In the Berlin Pce, a meeting concerning the future of the Prusso Federation was currently underway.
\\"To expand the armed forces, or not?\\"
Since the outbreak of the war, the Prusso Federation had been expanding its forces continually, from an initial 416,000 to the current 1.668 million.
The expansion under discussion now was not the routine monthly increase of hundreds of thousands of troops but rather \\"whether or not to mobilize to the limit immediately.\\"
There was no choice; in suchrge-scale warfare, there were never enough soldiers.
Not all of the expanded forces could be deployed to the battlefield; most of the new recruits required essential military training.
After training, it didn¡¯t mean all these soldiers could then enter the battlefield. Logistics needed to be maintained, coastal areas required troop defense, and marauding Cossack cavalry also needed forces to suppress them.
Moreover, a significant proportion of the troops would be replenished into units that had suffered heavy losses to ensure the main force¡¯sbat effectiveness.
Of the Prusso Federation¡¯s 1.668 million troops, barely half could bemitted to the front lines. This ratio was already very high, sufficient to prove the organizational capacity of the Berlin Government.
Insufficient troops naturally led to disadvantages on the battlefield. Although Ivanov was conservative in the use of troops, he didn¡¯tck the ruthlessness of \\"a general seeds at the cost of thousands\\" and yed the attrition game wildly.
The attrition war was underpinned by the Russian Empire¡¯s total forces approaching the 3 million mark. Even if the Russian Army suffered unfavorable exchange rates on the battlefield, their numerical advantage gave them the strategic upper hand.
...
n/?/vel/b//jn dot c//om
Maoqi: "I oppose mobilizing to the limit at this moment. War isn¡¯t just about having more people; in apetition of manpower, we can never match the Russians.
The unfavorable situation on the battlefield is only temporary. It may look like the Russians have the advantage, but behind that advantage, Ivanov faces increasing political pressure.
Victory is most likely to lead to losing one¡¯s way. ording to Ivanov¡¯s tactics, even if the Russians win the war, they will be greatly weakened.
Having paid the cost of millions of casualties, they would gain nothing but scorched earth and heavy debts. I¡¯ve heard that the Tsarist Government has mortgaged most of Ukraine and the Russian Balkans to Austria.
Given the current strength of the Russian Empire, if they don¡¯t wish to cede these regions to Austria, they must find a way to pay off their debts.
Ivanov¡¯s tactics may seem prudent, but in reality, he¡¯s working for the Austrians. If the Tsarist Government cannot repay the debts post-war, they will inevitably have to cede arge amount of territory as payment; I don¡¯t believe the Tsarist Government would ept that.
Just a few more victories, and as soon as it seems the situation is set, the Tsarist Government willpel Ivanov toe out and fight us decisively, or else rece him."
The government advocated for an expansion of the armed forces, yet the military¡¯s top brass opposed it. Such an odd urrence was rare in world history, yet now it was happening.
Maoqi was well aware that his decision would displease many military officers, as expanding the forces was everyone¡¯s best chance for promotion.
But there was no alternative; the war was fierce, and the Prussian Army suffered casualties ranging from tens of thousands to over a hundred thousand each month.
Mobilizing to the limit might seem to resolve the issue of insufficient troops, but in reality, it was far from the truth. The manpower of the Prusso Federation was limited, and mobilizing to the limit was just depleting future mobilization potential.
We are already luring the enemy deep into our territory. If we muster arge army and keep it idle at home, how could the Tsarist Government possibly let down its guard?
```
Never let our guard down. Let Ivanov keepmanding, and both sides will continue to drain each other, the Prusso Federation will be the first to crack.
Besides, newly formed troops can¡¯t buildbat effectiveness in the short term. They can¡¯t even initiate a decisive battle if they wanted to. Beyond increasing consumption, they aren¡¯t of much help to the situation.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman, "Marshal, I admit that you make a lot of sense, but let¡¯s not forget the international powers at y.
Our negotiations with the London Government have already borne some fruit. They¡¯ve made their move diplomatically, and the threat from the Nordic Federation no longer exists.
If we mobilize three million troops, the Tsarist Government will have to mobilize even more to maintain their advantage in numbers.
So how many more troops will they need to mobilize? Five million, or six million?
Armies are gold-guzzling beasts. We have the financial support of Ennd and France, and can hold out for another year without a problem. How long can the Tsarist Governmentst?
I don¡¯t think Austria will support Russia indefinitely. They¡¯ve already invested enough and will inevitably consider the issue of recouping their costs.
The Foreign Ministry has already extended an olive branch to the Vienna Government. We¡¯ve made major concessions; we no longer seek the territory pledged to them by Russia, and we support their acquisition of Istanbul.
Of course, this may not sway them, but it¡¯s enough to stabilize Austria. As soon as the Vienna Government wavers, the Tsarist Government willck the funds to maintain their troop advantage.
Without their advantage in numbers, I believe, Marshal, that you have plenty of ways to defeat them. That¡¯s far less risky than waiting for the enemy to make mistakes."
Behind the seemingly calm facade was a power struggle. If the government followed through with the expansion of the army and choked the Russians financially, then the government, not the military, would lead this war.
A closer analysis reveals the shadow of the British. The sudden intervention of the London Government presented the Berlin Government with an opportunity to seize control.
Marshal Maoqi roared, "Madman! Geoffrey, you¡¯re truly mad!
To pin our hopes on the British. Do you really think that they will support us indefinitely?
Stabilize Austria?
Ah, God!
Geoffrey, you really dare to dream!
To meddle in Anglo-Austrian gaming and expect to y them at our whim¡ªdo you not think we have enough troubles?"
It was not that Maoqi was pessimistic; it was just that Friedman¡¯s n was too idealistic. It all depended on Ennd and Austria following his script.
If the British stop providing loans or if the Vienna Government continues to lend to the Tsarist Government due to Anglo-Austrian gaming, it could spell disaster for the Prusso Federation.
Nations are not the same. The financial strength of Ennd and Austria is not something Prussia and Russia canpare with. If the stakes are high enough, spending a few billion on a proxy war is not impossible.
Geoffrey Friedman sneered, "Marshal, you worry too much, the risk is not as great as you imagine.
If you knew how much we owe the British, you¡¯d understand why the London Government supports us.
The principal alone amounts to 210 million pounds, and that¡¯s just the loans and bonds. We owe British businesses another 140 million in unpaid goods, and this number is growing by 600,000 pounds every day.
With interest, we need to pay the British nearly 600 million pounds in debt. If the creditors don¡¯t want to lose everything, they¡¯ll find a way to make the London Government support us."
This exnation left Maoqi dumbfounded. He could never have dreamed that the Berlin Government would umte such massive debt, nor that being in debt could have such benefits.
Of course, these benefits were only temporary. When it came time to repay, it would be their turn to cry.
After pausing to calm his emotions, Maoqi asked, "What about Austria? Don¡¯t tell me we also owe them a huge debt."
Geoffrey Friedman smirked slightly, "Of course not. Austrian bankers weren¡¯t optimistic about us, they lent their money to the Russians.
With no debt obligations, but we can engage in beneficial exchanges. In international politics, as long as the incentive is great enough, enemies and friends can change."
Friedman¡¯s confidence didn¡¯t shake Maoqi again, he only shook his head, "Your Excellency, it¡¯s time to wake up from your dream.
In theory, we could indeed transact with Austria after pulling out of the German Federation, supporting their annexation of the German Federation in exchange for their neutrality in this war.
But do you think we have a choice? Would the British agree? Would the French agree?"
This is the aftereffect of excessive debt. The British don¡¯t give money for nothing. There are countries that take money without doing anything, but the Prusso Federation is not one of them. Find exclusive stories on empire
The London Government now is willing to support the Prusso Federation, not just to strike at the Russians, but also to limit Austria and prevent unification in the Germany Region.
If they find out that the Berlin Government is willing topromise with Austria on this issue, John Bull would surely lose his temper.
The Prusso Federation¡¯s reserves are all in London, and the British Government can turn the Mark into waste paper at any time. The Berlin Government truly has no choice.
¡
Chapter 688 - 261: Chips
```
No matter how much scheming there is, wars must still be decided on the battlefield. As diplomatic games continued between Prussia and Russia, the battle of Lithuania also erupted.
At this time, Maoqi found himself in an awkward situation. Whether to engage in a decisive battle with the enemy in the Lithuanian region was a vexing question.
The Russian navy had been stagnant for more than a decade and was already behind the times. Yet this outdated fleet was still not something the miniature navy of the Prussian-Polish Federation couldpare with.
Times had changed, and both sides had prepared for this war, with the Tsarist Government stockpiling a massive amount of strategic materials in St. Petersburg, enough to fight for a year and a half without any shortage of supplies.
Against this background, naval supremacy could be fully leveraged. Ivanov was nowunching the Lithuanian campaign to take advantage of these factors.
Having lostmand of the sea and deciding to fight the enemy on the Baltic coast, especially when the enemy was prepared, Maoqi stated, "I am not yet mad."
The problem is that war isn¡¯t something you can just opt out of if you don¡¯t feel like fighting. The Russians had already begun their offensive, and unless the regions such as Lithuania and Latvia were abandoned, there was no choice but to grit one¡¯s teeth and proceed.
Abandonment was out of the question, for once the Lithuanian region fell, the mes of war would reach the East Prussia region again. The fruits of victory from the first Prusso-Russian war would be entirely lost.
If the enemy were different, Maoqi might have dared to take a gamble and seek an opportunity to break the enemy, but it was unfortunate that they faced the notoriously conservative Ivanov, which rendered any such ns futile.
Warsaw, Prussian-Polish Federation Headquarters
"Marshal, what if weunched an offensive from the Brusian Region, pretending to counterattack Smolensk, to force the enemy to abandon their Lithuanian campaign n?" a middle-aged military officer suggested.
Europe didn¡¯t have the anecdote of "Encircle Wei to Rescue Zhao," but there were still plenty of simr war temtes.
Maoqi shook his head. "It¡¯s useless. The enemy has deployed thirty infantry divisions and two cavalry divisions in the Brusian Region; we simply don¡¯t stand a chance."
In an open-field battle, Maoqi was confident he could defeat this enemy force, but that was impossible. Given Ivanov¡¯s style, this Russian army would certainly choose to hunker down.
If they actually fought all the way there, Maoqi¡¯s precious mobile forces would bergely depleted. If the men were gone, what would be the point of wanting thend?
Looking at the Russian military deployment marked on the map, Maoqi sighed deeply. Ever since the outbreak of the second Prusso-Russian war, the Prussian Army had been fighting in a frustrated state.
It wasn¡¯t that they weren¡¯t trying, but there was simply no room to flex their muscles. The Prussian Army¡¯s strength was slightly superior, but the difference was limited, and the Russian army couldpensate with numbers.
After hesitating for a moment, Maoqi pointed at the map and ordered, "Command the northern line troops to abandon Latvia and fall back to the Lithuanian Region."
Being the first to win doesn¡¯t mean victory; the real victor is the one who wins in the end. Maoqi was ready for another battle in East Prussia. The extent of the loss didn¡¯t matter; what was most important was that he had to emerge as the victor.
...
As Prussia and Russia intellectually dueled on the battlefield, they were also enveloped in diplomatic smog. Vienna once again became the frontline for their confrontation, with Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry and Belvedere Pce bustling with activity.
To avoid trouble, Franz had closed his doors to all visitors. There was nothing else to do with such an overwhelming number of guests; even the Emperor was distressed, and the best solution seemed to be not to see anyone at all.
Franz once again realized the troubles that came with having many rtives, not because these people were disrespectful, constantly whining, or interfering haphazardly, which would have been manageable.
```
```
Nobles capable of making a name for themselves are seldom fools; even acting as lobbyists requires skill, usually involving passing a message or beating around the bush.
Some want the Russians to win, some favor the Prussian-Polish Federation¡¯s victory, while others simply wish to gauge Franz¡¯s stance and determine the government¡¯s policy direction.
There¡¯s no helping it; the course of a nation is never solely the Emperor¡¯s affair¡ªall interest groups,rge and small, are participants.
This is part of the political game in Europe. For instance, to push a certain bill or resolution, it¡¯s not enough for Franz to act alone; usually, these channels are used first to test the waters and see how the outside world reacts.
Or they might hint at these individuals proposing to the government, effectively serving as the Emperor¡¯s mouthpiece and sparing the Emperor from entering the fray himself.
The Prusso-Russian War involves too much, including the futureyout of the European Continent, the unification process in the Germany Region, and a vast array of political and economic interests...
The more that¡¯s involved, the more interest groups are engaged, and the more people care.
Franz doesn¡¯t want to take a stand too early, so naturally, he keeps out of it. The Emperor can hide, but the senior government officials can¡¯t; Prime Minister Felix¡¯s hairline has receded a lot more.
...
In the Vienna Prime Minister¡¯s residence, the Prussian-Polish Federation Envoy, Freedman, spoke incessantly: "World peace is facing a severe challenge; the international order of Europe is being one..."
Felix furrowed his brows: "Envoy, please spare us these unproductive words. Our time is precious, and there¡¯s no need to waste it like this."
The impatience was tantly disyed; it was evident that Felix was truly annoyed, not even bothering with diplomatic courtesies.
Freedman was not upset either, as this was not the first such instance. As a professional diplomat, he knew how to keep his emotions in check and not to let personal feelings interfere with his work.
"Prime Minister, a powerful Russian Empire is not a good choice for Europe, nor for the world. Your country¡¯s interests..."
Before Freedman could finish, Felix interrupted him directly: "Not just the Russian Empire, a powerful Prussian-Polish Federation is also detrimental to us; you must know that rule breakers are often more detestable."
A staunch Greater Germany nationalist naturally wouldn¡¯t look favorably on a divided nation. To German nationalists, the existence of the Prussian-Polish Federation is a tumor.
Prime Minister Felix is a Greater Germany nationalist leader put forth by Austria; opposing Prussia is a must, so there¡¯s no need for pleasantries.
But in politics, anything is possible before interests. If the benefits are sufficient, there¡¯s nothing that can¡¯t be discussed.
"Rule breakers"; that¡¯s the joke. No one is much better than the others. If Austria had followed the rules, it wouldn¡¯t have its current foundation.
It¡¯s just that the Vienna Government is a rule maker, having left itself some backdoors early on, which makes it appear less unsightly.
Freedman felt a tinge of embarrassment; a spark of insight shed through his mind, and he quickly recovered. Internally, he had already started cursing, almost falling into their trap.
This meeting is diplomatic, and could Felix¡¯s Prime Minister¡¯s poor attitude not be a diplomatic tactic in itself?
After that small episode, Freedman had no further interest in beating around the bush; he feared that if the conversation dragged on, his heart couldn¡¯t take it.
"Prime Minister, we are very sincere. As long as your country agrees to stop supporting the Russians, Ukraine and the Russian Balkans will be yours after the war."
```
When interests were involved, Felix¡¯s demeanor softened a bit, and he asked with feigned confusion, "Sincerity? Where is it? Howe I have not seen it?"
"To offer Russian territory as a token of sincerity and then expect us to deploy our own troops to seize it, Your country¡¯s kind of sincerity is truly astonishing!"
Doing nothing and yet the Prussian-Polish Federation supports Austria in acquiring Ukraine and the Russian Balkans seems advantageous, but in reality, there is a hidden catch.
The two Prusso-Russian wars hadpletely sobered up the Berlin Government; the Russian Empire is like a cockroach that cannot be squashed¡ª even if we win this war, it won¡¯t be long before they rise from the ashes again.
If this cycle continues, they won¡¯t have to do anything at all. To secure a stable international environment for development, they must find someone else to share the hatred.
The ideal ally would be the Ottoman Empire, but unfortunately, they¡¯re too weak to rely on¡ªthey¡¯re really not up to the task.
Next are the Nordic Federation, but unfortunately, they have deeply offended the Danish people, and with the Danish people holding them back, an alliance with the Nordic Federation is simply not possible.
N?v(el)B\\jnn
Then there are the countries of Central Asia and the Far Eastern Empire; they¡¯re much like the Ottoman Empire, not very influential, and their support doesn¡¯t amount to much.
Austria was not originally part of the Berlin Government¡¯s alliance considerations, but the circumstances forced their hand; in order to win the war, they had to make the Vienna Government stop supporting the Russians.
Being exposed did not upset Freedman; he kept his cheerful tone, "Prime Minister, you can¡¯t say that. We have severely damaged the Tsarist Government in the war, and Your country upying these territories would be but a military parade.
"If Your country wishes, you could even take the Volga River banks, we would support that too."
Felix shook his head; anyone who looks at a map knows what "banks of the Volga River" means¡ª is that something Austria could reach for?
"We do not share Your country¡¯s appetite. Austro-Russian friendship has a long history, and we have no interest in the territories of the Russian Empire."
That was the truth; Felix had no interest in Russian territory, nor did the Vienna Government have any intentions of encroachment.
Of course, if the Russians did not want it and insisted on handing it over, everybody would be happy to ept it.
After hesitating for a moment, as if wrestling with his conscience, Freedman slowly said, "What if we include the German Federation?
"As long as Your country agrees to stop supporting the Russians, we will no longer oppose Your country¡¯s annexation of the German Federation."
Between the lines, Felix heard the underlying message: "No longer oppose" in other words meant not supporting, not opposing¡ª tacitly allowing Austria to absorb the German Federation.
Frankly, Prime Minister Felix was tempted, but he did not show it. Given the current situation, such a promise from the Berlin Government was already the limit.
If it were the Tsarist Government, they might have even expressed direct support.
There¡¯s no doubt about Alexander II¡¯s determination to win the war. Any monarch worth his salt can be both resilient and flexible.
For the Russian Empire, European hegemony is a matter for the future; the immediate priority is to win the war.
It¡¯s the same for the Prussian-Polish Federation; however, they are greatly influenced by the British and are unable to go that far.
"Your proposition holds no value, Envoy. Had Your country shown this sincerity back in 1853, the matter would have been resolved long ago.
"Now, do you think your stance still matters? As far as I know, Your country has not even licked its wounds from thest war.
"How long will Your country need to recuperate after this war? Twenty years, or thirty?
"If we truly take action, what can you do even if you oppose us? Fight a battle in the field, do you dare?"
This wasn¡¯t contempt; it was the harsh reality. Winning the war was just the beginning, and the Prussian-Polish Federation still had a long road to recovery of their strength.
Surely they could not gamble all their resources just to interfere with Austria?
With the precedent of Colombia there for all to see, no one could guarantee that the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t change their mind and give them a thrashing before backing off.
Timing is crucial for ying one¡¯s cards, even those of immense value; if theye at the wrong time, they are worthless.
Freedman¡¯s expression briefly shifted before returning to normal. "Prime Minister, it really depends on how you see it. If these conditions do not entice you, what if the Russians win the war?
"Looking around the world, there are few powers left that can threaten your country, and the Russian Empire happens to be one of them.
"Alexander II has not been reforming for long, and the Russians have alreadye out from theirst war. If they win this war and continue to develop, can your country rest easy?
"The Tsarist Government¡¯s greed fornd knows no bounds. Just look at the map to see how long the border between your country and the Russian Empire is; future friction is inevitable.
"Better to remove the threat now rather than leave it forter. Your country could take this opportunity to enter the ck Sea, and with your strength, turning the ck Sea into an ind sea is only a matter of time, and nobody has the power to stop you."
Freedman expressed the Vienna Government¡¯s worries. Russia¡¯s potential for development was enormous; with such vast territory, no one knew what might emerge.
Compared to that, the threat from the Prussian-Polish Federation was much smaller. Even if they won the war, their national strength couldn¡¯t digest much territory, and it would take decades for them to be a true major power.
Even that was optimistic. Austria had been through it step by step; the Vienna Government knew better than anyone the difficulties of integrating different nationalities.
It can be said that the more poption the Prussian-Polish Federation took from the Russian Empire, the more severe their internal ethnic issues would be.
A dual empire is not easy to run; dealing with an active Polish ethnic group is challenging enough, let alone adding more ethnicities to the mix. How would that be different from the original Austro-Hungarian Empire?
At least the Habsburg Family had managed it for centuries; their rule was deeply ingrained, and those who sought independence were genuinely few.
After a moment of silence, Felix shook his head, "Envoy, you are mistaken. Austria has always maintained neutrality and has never supported the Russians.
"What you see is merely normalmercial trade. As a member of the free trade system, we do not interfere with the market.
"If your country wishes to cut off Russian supplies, then spend money to buy them. As long as you buy up all the supplies, the Russians naturally won¡¯t be able to purchase them."
Freedman¡¯s face darkened. He was well aware that Felix had just been tempted, yet he still refused, not even leaving him a chance for further negotiation.
Chapter 689 - 262: In a Hurry
Refusal was inevitable, no matter how tempting the terms offered by the Berlin Government were, in essence, it was getting something for nothing.
Moreover, the Prusso-Russian War wasn¡¯t as simple as it appeared on the surface; it was also filled with the strategizing of Ennd, France, and Austria.
Initially, Ennd and France supported the Prusso-Polish Federation, while Austria supported the Russian Empire. Now the stance of the Anglo-Austrian two countries remained unchanged, but the French had be passively negligent.
It was all determined by interests. If it was possible to strike atpetitors, why not do it?
The French had not invested much in this war, and even if the Prusso-Polish Federation were defeated, their losses would be limited.
The economic losses could bepensated for through other means.
For instance, British businesses affected by debt could struggle in their operations, or even go bankrupt.
Not to mention the profits thate from the damage topetitors, just the sight of the British misfortune was reason enough for the French to be happy.
With the French Empire growing stronger by the day, the era of the Pro-British Faction hade to an end. The ever-increasing conflicts of interest drove the two nations further apart.
From the perspective of Great France, in the long run, it was more in their interests for the Russians to win the war.
The two countries¡¯ spheres of influence were very far apart, with almost zero possibility of conflict of interests. A strong Russian Empire could also restrain Austria from behind.
No matter how good the Russian-Austrian rtions were, as long as the Russian Empire grew strong, the two would go their separate ways, as national interests cannot be swayed by personal will.
By doing nothing, the French Government naturally knew how to choose when it meant striking at twopetitors at the same time.
The British had their calctions, the French had their calctions, and Austria was naturally no exception.
Indeed, a strong Russian Empire was a threat, but that was a potential threat in the future, one that didn¡¯t need to be considered for at least another twenty or thirty years.
In the short term, Austria¡¯s biggestpetitors were still Ennd and France. With the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s inevitable defeat and consequent debt default, the British economy would certainly be greatly affected.
N?v(el)B\\jnn
The French economy was not much better off. On the surface, they didn¡¯t invest much, and their losses were within a controble range, but the pitfall was that the French economy itself had problems.
During wartime, the market boom meant that high industrial raw material costs were not an issue. Once the Prusso-Russian War ended and those international orders disappeared, this problem would erupt.
Just at that period, it happened to be the peak of worldwide industrial overcapacity and the time when marketpetition was most fierce; cost would be one of the core factors in marketpetition.
With high costs, what could the French industrial andmercial circles use topete with Ennd and Austria in the market?
Capital is profit-driven, and interests would drive it from the unprofitable manufacturing industry to the financial industry, thereby changing France¡¯s economic structure.
This wasn¡¯t Austria¡¯s first time nning this. Almost after every economic crisis, the proportion of manufacturing in the French economy would decrease.
Fortunately, at this time, no one realized the importance of the manufacturing industry, or else the Paris Government would have been in a hurry long ago.
Of course, they were not far from being in a hurry now. In an era when the tertiary industry had not yet developed, it was still manufacturing that created jobs.
Industrial capacity reduction would inevitably lead to a decline in employment rates; surely, these people couldn¡¯t all be rushed off to work thend, could they?
Thend in France itself had long been imed, and though there were many overseas colonies, the question was, were the French people willing to go?
Unfortunately, influenced by maritime culture, the people of France preferred to stay in the cities rather than go to the colonies to clear thend.
```
This point had been proven long ago, whether in the original timeline or now, that the French enthusiasm for immigration was not high.
When the economy was poor, everyone naturally controlled their births, and the invention of the condom made a significant contribution to France¡¯s family nning efforts.
With fewer births, the pressure naturally decreased, as life expectancy for the lower sses was short, there was no need to consider elderly care issues, and whether there was a next generation was not important.
A declining birth rate is a long-term issue, and its harmful effects are not immediately apparent. However, the social crises brought by the economy could not be avoided.
The Franco-Italian merger was less than a decade old, and during times of economic growth, many contradictions were concealed. Once the economic crisis erupted, they would explode.
In some ways, this was the most vulnerable moment for France. In just a few short years, the Italian popce had not yet pledged their loyalty, and Napoleon IV¡¯s rule was anything but stable.
If they were given a few decades to assimte and develop a system of governance suitable for them, Great France would have truly be a "Mediterranean Empire," with a significantly increased threat.
...
Being at a disadvantage on the battlefield and unable to persuade Austria diplomatically, and with the French unwilling to increase theirmitment, the Berlin Government felt increasingly pressured.
On October 12, 1880, the Berlin Government initiated an expanded mobilization n, requiring all healthy males between the ages of sixteen and fifty to participate in militia training and be ready to be called up for service at any time.
It was evident that the Berlin Government was truly desperate, and their trust in Maoqi was not so solid. Although they had not initiated total mobilization, they had already begun preparations.
"Total mobilization" is a real test of a nation¡¯s organizational abilities, and not every person is willing to go to battle; a lot of work needs to be done.
Either it is the primitive feudal era, with limited territories under control, where the Lord could simplymand and all serfs would take up arms and go to battle.
Or it is when severe humiliation has been suffered, nationalism is aroused, and everyone is willing to fight for their country; or when survival bes difficult, and one must use the weapons at hand to carve out living space for themselves.
The Prusso-Polish Federation could not rely on any of those, so it had to depend on the government¡¯s organizational capacity. After all, war is not just about gathering people; military training is also necessary, as well as ensuring the supply of logistics and materials.
Vienna Pce
Putting down the intelligence report in hand, Franz asked, "If the Prusso-Polish Federation were to carry out total mobilization, how many troops could they potentially mobilize?"
After pondering for a moment, Chief of Staff Albrecht slowly replied, "Based on our analysis of the data collected, the Prusso-Polish Federation could mobilize up to six million people."
"Six million people" does not equate to six million troops; people and troops are two different concepts, not everyone can be a qualified soldier.
This "six million" simply excludes those with physical disabilities or illnesses, proving that the Prusso-Polish Federation has six million men of eligible age.
Turning all these men into troops is an impossibility. The reason is simple; society still has many positions that need to be filled, and these are indispensable.
Government agencies, hospitals, schools, military enterprises, research institutions...
Beyond these positions, there are also numerous special sses. It is not the nobility that is reluctant to serve in the military¡ªEuropean nobility would go to battle, as their honor would not allow them to shrink back at such a time.
It was mainly the capitalists, the middle sses, small businessmen, and expert schrs who were unwilling to serve in the military... These people had money and social status and did not want to risk their lives on the battlefield.
If the Berlin Government were to include them in the conscription, it could potentially cause an uproar within the country.
After deducting all of these, what is left is the true capacity of the Berlin Government to mobilize. After mobilization, a selection process would still be necessary to weed out those unfit for military service.
As for how many are left in the end, that would depend on the selection criteria of the Berlin Government. Perhaps three million, perhaps four million¡ªwithout total mobilization, no one knows exactly how many troops the Prusso-Polish Federation can muster.
```
However, whether it is three million or four million, this number is bound to shock the world.
The region where Prussia and Russia are at war is limited, and once the troop deployment reaches a certain level, it will hit the carrying capacity of the battlefield. It is not possible to keep increasing the forces indefinitely.
After reaching the battlefield¡¯s capacity limit, the Russian Army would no longer be able to maintain a numerical advantage, making it difficult for Ivanov¡¯s conservative tactics to have any effect.
Theoretically, as long as the Prussian Army has three million troops, and canmit two million to the frontline, Maoqi should be able to defeat the Russians.
Franz asked with a hint of doubt, "What, you¡¯re not optimistic about the Prusso Federation¡¯s total mobilization?"
Chief of Staff Albrecht nodded and exined, "Thebat effectiveness of the armed forces from the same country can also vary. Once the Prusso Federation undergoes total mobilization, thebat effectiveness of the Prussian Army will drop significantly,
With not enough officers, soldierscking training, and a decline in the quality of recruits¡ªall these factorsbined, thebat effectiveness of the Prussian Army might well be reduced to the same level as the Russian Army.
What elite troops can aplish, ordinary units simply cannot.
A drastic decline inbat effectiveness implies thatmanders also need time to adapt and harmonize, and time is exactly what is in shortest supply on the battlefield.
The Tsarist Government can now hold its own against the Prusso Federation, and it will be able to do so in the future as well. They don¡¯t even need to win battles; as long as they can inflict heavy casualties on the Prussian Army, even losing battles can lead to winning the war.
Unless Maoqi can achieve an impressive exchange ratio, sooner orter they are bound to be overwhelmed by the Russians¡¯ human wave tactics.
On this issue, my view aligns with Maoqi¡¯s; the advantage of the Prussian Army lies in its mobility, and blind expansion is tantamount to giving up this advantage.
This is also a warning to Austria: if you want to y the human wave strategy, you should learn from the Russians who prioritize quantity over quality. As for aiming for both, you may as well give up now!
Perhaps Austria could preemptively reserve enough officers for an army of two or three million, but once that number rises to five million, six million, or even tens of millions, preemptive reservation is nothing but a dream!
To train all the active soldiers to be officers? A beautiful thought, but in reality, there are differences between individuals, and not everyone can qualify as an officer.
An excellent soldier does not necessarily make an excellent officer; many people are only suited to be soldiers.
Even with the investment in training, they could at most cap out at thepany or toon level. Just a few years after retiring and going home, they would revert back to their former selves.
This problem did not trouble Franz for long; just thinking about hispetitors made him feel relieved. Superiority is rtive; it¡¯s not necessary to be the best, just better than thepetitors.
And Franz didn¡¯t n on being another Napoleon; Austria does not need to single-handedly fight all of the European Continent. When facing single opponents, there¡¯s simply no need for that many troops.
After some thought, Franz made a decision: "The Prusso Federation has not yet reached its limit; there is still fight left in this war. I¡¯ll put the nned sale of weapon technology on hold for now."
Although new weapons could mean more brutal warfare, Franz dared not release them rashly. Austria wants Prussia and Russia to both sustain heavy damage, not for the Prusso Federation to turn the tables.
The same weapon system, in the hands of different people, can yield very differentbat effectiveness.
One only needs to look at how Ivanov employs his troops to see that he is a clear-cut conservative. The kind of leadership at the top dictates what kind of subordinates you¡¯ll have. The Russian Army¡¯s use of modern weapons would undoubtedly be inferior to that of the Prussian Army.
Whether it¡¯s "machine guns" or "mortars," these seemingly low-powered weapons, they can all unleash their deadly potential. If Maoqi finds an opportunity, perhaps he could turn the tide of a major battle.
The Russians have deep reserves; losing a battle at the front is not frightening, but what¡¯s terrifying is war failure leading to a change of leadership within the Tsarist Government.
Marshal Ivanov might not have many highlights, but he is still the most suitable person tomand the Russian Army. If someone else takes over, who knows what kind of disaster might unfold.
It¡¯s not that Franz underestimates the Russians, but their overall officer quality tends to be a notch lower, primarily reflected in their educational levels.
High-ranking officers were generally fine, as most had received a thorough education, but many of the mid- and lower-ranking officers had only undergone military training within their families, and the proportion of officers educated in military academies was very low.
Otherwise, it wouldn¡¯t have been possible for a student from an Austrian military academy like Yalton to rise rapidly through the ranks and be a general in just a few years. (As mentioned before, the guardmander of Koweli)
It wasn¡¯t that an outsider could recite the scriptures better, but inparison to others, his abilities were indeed excellent, at least theoretically and knowledge-wise.
When conservative tactics were used, since it was all about fighting a sluggish battle, the need for officers to demonstrate personal ability was limited, and such disadvantages were not so obvious.
If there were a change inmanders and a shift in the battle strategy that required frontline officers to exercise their personalmand abilities freely, the Russians would suffer.
Perhaps some geniusmanders would emerge, but more often than not, they would be fools.
In wars involving millions of people, individual strength is minor, and it¡¯s often not the rare geniuses who determine the oue of the war, but rather the countless fools.
If there weren¡¯t any fools to contrast with, where would the geniusese from? Military history¡¯s miracles are often created by both groups together.
...
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, when I met with the British Ambassador yesterday, he brought some news.
As long as we stop supporting the Russians, the British Government will recognize our annexation of the Russian Balkan Penins after the war, including Constantinople."
Franz rolled his eyes at this, what kind of matter was this? Did Austria need the British to recognize its annexation of the Russian Balkans?
It wasn¡¯t that Franz was arrogant; since the opening of the Suez Canal, British influence in the Mediterranean had been in decline, and the Balkan Penins was even less subject to their meddling.
Should Austria truly annex these regions, the only real obstacle would be the Russians; whether the British "recognized it or not" simply wouldn¡¯t affect the oue.
It would be more or less the same if it were the French, as at least they had the capability to intervene. As for the British, let¡¯s talk when the main force of the Royal Navy dares to venture deep into the Adriatic Sea.
However, this also proved indirectly that the London Government was desperate. The French, on whom they had pinned great hopes, now chose to stand by and watch, leaving the British short on leverage.
Franz: "Not including the Ukraine Region?"
"No!" Weisenberg replied.
Franz shook his head: "It seems the London Government¡¯s thinking is still thirty years old, always wanting to meddle in everything.
Tell the British that Russian-Austrian rtions are longstanding, we have no interest in Constantinople, and they shouldn¡¯t try to sow discord."
Regardless of whether there was interest or not, Austria had to be uninterested at this point. Constantinople was not easily taken, and taking it would mean having to contend with the Russians to the end, taking over the hatred for the Prusso-Polish federation.
Austria already controlled the Dardanelles Strait; Constantinople would merely be the icing on the cake. Besides Constantinople, what else was there in the Russian Balkan Penins?
Bulgaria?
It is now 1880, not 1850; Bulgarian nationalism has already surged.
The Bulgarian region¡¯s culture and customs are very close to Russia¡¯s, and theirnguages are even mutually intelligible; the Tsarist Government hadn¡¯t managed to assimte them, and Franz didn¡¯t think Austria would easily be able to integrate the locals.
To put it bluntly, other than rose essential oil, Austriacked no resources Bulgaria could offer. With input and output not proportional, naturally, it was hard to be interested.
Chapter 690 - 263: Shocking Plan
Franz¡¯s decision signaled the end of the honeymoon period between the United Kingdom and Austria, and in theing years, conflicts between the two nations were bound to increase.
The world isrge,rge enough to sustain billions of people; yet it is also small, too small to amodate two hegemons.
If the whole world cannot amodate them, how could the European Continent?
With Austria¡¯s resurgence, shing with the British over interests was just a matter of time. Even without the Prusso-Russian war, they would have found themselves on opposing sides elsewhere.
If the Suez Canal had not been opened yet, Franz would still have been wary of the British. Now, the situation had changed, as the Austrian Navy could directly enter the Arabian Sea, with colonies along the way to rely on.
If the United Kingdom and Austria really turned against each other, Austria could certainly adopt a mutually destructive tactic. They could drive the British out of the African Continent, and even extend the mes of war to the Indian Ocean.
The significance of India to Britannia could be seen in its productivity; it was almost on par with The British Isles.
Undoubtedly, this parity was only in terms of economic output¡ªa contrast between agriculture and industry,pletely iparable.
"The brightest jewel in the British Empire¡¯s crown" was beyond Austria¡¯s grasp, but the Austrians certainly had the ability to overturn the chessboard.
Of course, "overturning the chessboard" was only thest resort. If it really happened, Austria too would be in a deeply miserable state.
The possibility of colonizing America was out of the question, and even the colonies in the Southeast Asia region might not be safe. Losing most of the overseas market, it would take decades to recover.
That was the optimistic view. If the British lost their senses and the Royal Navy¡¯s main force came out with all guns zing, pursuing the Austrian Navy for a severe beating, Franz would have reason to weep.
Rationally, the chances of such an event were very low. The British were worried that the French might sneak attack their homnd; Austria likewise dreaded that the French would pull the rug from under their feet, severing the connection between the homnd and Austro-Africa.
Austria¡¯s strength was built on the premise of its homnd and colonies being united. If that connection were severed, it wouldn¡¯t fare much better than the German Empire did when it was blockaded in the original timeline.
...
Chief of Staff Albrecht proposed, "Gentlemen, given the currentplex situation, it is necessary for us to expand our navy.
If the British suffer losses in the Prusso-Russian war, the London Government will definitely want to make up for it elsewhere. Future international conflicts are bound to intensify, greatly increasing the pressure on the navy.
The French are also a cause for concern. Ever since Napoleon IV ascended to the throne, the Paris Government¡¯s involvement in international affairs has dropped a notch.
In previous years, the internal strife within the Paris Government could have been the reason for theck of attention to international affairs. Now that Napoleon IV has taken control and stabilized the situation there, it would be abnormal for them not to make a move."
It¡¯s really not easy to get used to days without the French. Originally, the French drew attention by standing in the forefront, with the "Mediterranean Empire" intimidating the European Continent, while Austria¡¯s edge was somewhat concealed.
With the silence of the Paris Government, Austria had no choice but to step forward andpete with the British, whether in South America¡¯s "Guano Wars" or Europe¡¯s Prusso-Russian war¡ªFrance only yed a minor role.
In this era where might makes right, there is nothing that cannot be resolved by force. When pressure mounts, expand the military; once the strength is sufficient, the problem is solved.
Finance Minister Carl objected, "No, at least not before the tripartite alliance expires, we must maintain a spirit of agreement."
"A spirit of agreement" is a joke. It¡¯s likely none of the countries in the tripartite alliance between Ennd, France, and Austria took it seriously¡ªit¡¯s merelyforting themselves.
It is precisely because it doesn¡¯t exist that it¡¯s so precious and why everyone ces so much significance on it, frequently mentioning it.
Theck of breaches is not because of "a spirit of agreement," but because it¡¯s not worth breaching. As long as themon interests of the three countries outweigh the conflicts, there¡¯s no breaking of the alliance.
The "tripartite alliance" between Ennd, France, and Austria had been renewed once, and given the current situation, it would be difficult to re-form it a third time.
However, it¡¯s difficult to say for sure, as international circumstances are ever-changing, and no one knows what the future holds. Hastily tearing up the alliance would be unwise as it would narrow diplomatic avenues further.
Franz nodded, "The alliance still has half a year before it expires. If we are going to renew it, we will revise the naval proportion among the three countries then.
Expanding the navy is only a matter of time, but there¡¯s no need to rush it. Let the naval department make ns first, and we¡¯ll tentatively include it in the budget for the year after next."
Military expansion is never simple, especially when ites to expanding the navy, which requiresprehensive consideration of many factors.
Unless it¡¯s an arms race period, during normal times, naval expansion usually takes several years of discussion. It¡¯s not about government efficiency, but waiting for the budget.
Each year, the government¡¯s financial budget is predetermined. How can you suddenly say you want to expand the military? Where would the moneye from? It¡¯s not a wartime, so of course, the proper procedures must be followed.
...
N?v(el)B\\jnn
If London knew that a mere probe would elerate Austria¡¯s military expansion and trigger the subsequent arms race, it¡¯s likely the London Government would have refrained from taking such action.
As for the future, Prime Minister Benjamin need not worry just yet. But the current Prusso-Russian war was already causing him quite the headache.
"How can the Prusso-Polish Federation win this war?" That was a major conundrum. Land warfare was different from naval engagements, and the London Government, even if they wanted to help, had no way to intervene.
The size of the British Army was not even asrge as the casualties suffered in one month of the Prusso-Russian war.
Sending troops was out of the question, and the London Government once again realized: without direct military influence, it was too difficult to interfere on the European Continent.
Foreign Minister Edward: "Prime Minister, the Prusso-Polish Federation currentlycks neither supplies nor troops, and the situation is far from as bad as we have imagined.
At least within this year, the Prusso-Polish Federation will not be defeated. Winter ising soon, and the war efforts will inevitably slow down.
This is our opportunity, and nning the Second Anti-Russian Alliance has be imperative. Austria is supporting the Russians, and it will be very difficult for the Prusso-Polish Federation to win this war with their strength alone."
Prime Minister Benjamin asked in bewilderment: "Isn¡¯t the Foreign Office already working on this?"
Edward exined: "The French are causing trouble in Annan, and the southern border of the Far Eastern Empire is unstable; they simply have no capacity to contain the Russians.
Although the Ottoman Empire is eager to take revenge on the Russians, they are wary of Austria¡¯s reaction and need our security guarantees, which also requires France¡¯s involvement.
The Foreign Office has only persuaded the three Central Asian countries, but their strength is limited. Seeing the Prusso-Polish Federation at a disadvantage on the battlefield, they dare not bet on it too early.
We have already approached the Paris Government, but convincing them is very difficult. Now, the best solution is to find an ally for the Prusso-Polish Federation in Europe."
Prime Minister Benjamin asked with some surprise: "Are you suggesting the German Federation Empire?"
He then denied it: "No. The strength of the German people is indeed good, but there are too many sub-states inside, and Hanover can only barely control the situation.
If we let them go to war with the Russians for the sake of the Prusso-Polish Federation, wouldn¡¯t the bunch of petty sub-states within cause an uproar?
You should know what role Austria is ying in this. We can¡¯t afford to have the German Federation dissolving into chaos before we even manage to help."
The German Federation Empire was Britannia¡¯s important chess piece on the European Continent, mainly used to stop Austria from unifying the Germany Region. For this purpose, the London Government even promoted the Rhinnd trade deal; it couldn¡¯t be wasted so easily.
Edward smiled and said: "Direct involvement of the German people in the war is of course not feasible, but what if the Prusso-Polish Federation were to join the German Federation Empire?"
If this news got out, it would cause an earthquake across the entire European Continent, essentially upending the current international order.
The merger of the German Federation Empire and Prusso-Polish Federation would not be as simple as 1+1=2. With their strengthsplementing each other and their final weaknesses covered, it meant the rise of another top-tier power after Ennd, France, and Austria.
Although this new empire would be slightly less powerful than the big three, itsprehensive strength would exceed that of the Russian Empire, and winning this war would naturally not be a problem.
What¡¯s crucial is that the post-war Europeanndscape would undergo radical change, Austria¡¯s German unification strategy would be shattered, and the French eastward expansion strategy would equally fail.
Prime Minister Benjamin shook his head: "That¡¯s impossible; the Austrians would never agree. The Vienna Government would definitely send troops to intervene, unless you can get the French to contain them.
For the French, this is also a losing proposition. If ites to that, the Paris Government would most likely choose to ally with Austria to partition the Central European Region."
In the face of interests,petitors and allies can also transform into each other. France and Austria have a history, and no one can guarantee they wouldn¡¯t coborate a second time.
Edward spoke firmly: "Man proposes, and God disposes. The rapid growth of France and Austria¡¯s powers has been too fast; if this continues, one of them will have the capacity to threaten us.
If France and Austria join forces to partition the Central European Region, the war between France and Austria won¡¯t be far off, and German nationalists will not allow the French to rule the Germany Region.
If handled properly, both France and Austria could be severely weakened, and the European situation can be reset back to the right track."
This was a plot, both covert and overt. Nationalism is a double-edged sword, capable of striking down enemies as well as harming oneself.
Benjamin asked again: "After the merger of Prussia and Germany, how would the issue of dominance be resolved?"
This was the most pragmatic issue. With the Prusso-Polish Federation being stronger, they certainly would not want to be a vassal; the same was true for the German Federation Empire, whose Emperor would not want to step down.
Edward: "Of course there would be no domination, but a continuation of the Holy Roman Empire¡¯s Elective Prince system. Considering the current special circumstances, the Prusso-Polish Federation would need to make concessions, such as giving up the Imperial elections.
We do not need a powerful empire in Central Europe. The merged German Federation Empire would best be a loosely organized alliance with a certain level of strength.
A political system where the central power is weak and the sub-states are strong; individually formidable yet unable to integrate¡ªthat would contribute to stability in Europe.
Only such a country would be likely to be epted by France and Austria. There¡¯s no need to worry about the Berlin Government rejecting this; they simply do not have a choice."
...
Chapter 691 - 264: The Python
The British¡¯s astounding proposal directly shook the Berlin Government.
Annexing the German Federation was what they had long dreamed of, but reality didn¡¯t allow it, so to avoid getting hit while they were mixed in, the Berlin Government genuinely suppressed that idea this year.
To their surprise, the British actually brought it up, but this time it wasn¡¯t the Prusso Federation annexing the German Federation Empire, rather the German Federation annexing the Prusso Federation.
The order had been reversed, and the nature of the situation had changed. With the Prusso-Russian war ongoing, the Berlin Governmentcked the confidence to negotiate terms and had to relinquish its leadership role.
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Wilhelm I was troubled, as making concessions was not as simple as it sounded, Europe was a ce that observed legal principles.
Although the German Federation Empire was jokingly referred to as the "Comedic Empire" by the people, it was still an empire recognized by everyone, and the Prusso Federation now joining was merely a regr sub-state.
Moreover, under the current circumstances, who knew if the other side would take advantage of the situation, for instance, by demanding the partition of the Prusso Federation and joining under the names of Prussia and Pnd as two sub-states.
Or even further, by separating the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies to weaken the power of the Kingdom of Prussia.
...
Foreign Minister Sir Geoffrey Friedman advised, "Your Majesty, from the current situation on the battlefield, we are at an extreme disadvantage.
We¡¯ve lost the Brusian Region, the Lithuanian Region has fallen almost entirely, and the Volen Region we previously captured no longer exists, with the enemy less than 150 kilometers from Warsaw.
Our soldiers are brave, our officers are excellent, but these are not enough to bridge the gap in strength.
The disparity in power between Prussia and Russia is vast; winning the war with our strength alone is very difficult.
Our experiences from thest Prusso-Russian war tell us that to confront the Russian Empire, we must have enough allies,unch attacks from different fronts, disperse their forces, and increase the difficulty of their logistical resupply.
The unfavorable performance on the battlefield has made our former allies hesitate. Now we must secure a strong ally to boost everyone¡¯s confidence, and the German Federation Empire is undoubtedly the best choice."
Army Minister Philipotor challenged, "Sir Geoffrey, are you trying to sell out the country?"
"Joining the German Federation Empire, do you know what that means?"
With a higher authority above us, life naturally couldn¡¯t be so carefree. Despite many sub-states within the German Federation not adhering to the Central Government, in reality, the Central Government still held significant power.
For example, the issuance of currency.
Even the loosest nation wouldn¡¯t allow for multiple currencies, and the Central Government, under the banner of "for economic development," made it difficult for sub-states to refuse.
Of course, there were ways out. Like the smaller sub-states that simply used international currencies like the Divine Shield or British Pounds, the Central Government couldn¡¯t do anything to them.
For these small states, it didn¡¯t matter, since their market capacity was limited, and theycked the ability to print money themselves, the losses brought about by using foreign currencies were also limited.
For the sake of convenience in trade, using international currencies to settle overseas trades directly saved them an exchange fee.
However, it was different for the Prusso Federation; no matter what currency they used, they had to pay a hefty Coinage Tax to others, greatly affecting the government¡¯s fiscal revenue.
Economic losses were secondary; politically, they would be subjected to interference. The Central Government¡¯s non-interference in the domestic affairs of sub-states was an idea first proposed by Franz, and that was only effective for a few years before interference began.
It was just that the Vienna Government did it very covertly, by enactingws and promoting judicial independence, extending their reach into internal matters.
In name, the Central Government had no right to interfere with the operations of sub-state governments, but judicial institutions had the authority to arrest corrupt officials within sub-states.
If this influence wasn¡¯t significant enough, what about the taxes sub-states paid to the Central Government and the financial allocations from the Central Government to the sub-states? Does that count?
The traps had been set in advance, and no one knew initially that with just customs duties, coinage taxes, colonial ie, and sin taxes, while maintaining the Central Government¡¯s expenses, there would still be surplus funds.
This was an inevitable oue, as the Central Government did not shoulder local government administrative costs and did not need to invest in sub-state infrastructures. Besides the significant expense of the military, the financial ie just supported the Emperor and the several thousand bureaucrats of the Central Government.
Surplus funds, aside from some being invested into research, became opportunities for meddling in sub-state internal affairs.
Having money in the pocket made one¡¯s voice firmer. At first, these ies were limited, not enough for the Central Government¡¯s expenses, necessitating cost-sharing by the sub-states, and naturally, they did not dare offend the big bosses below.
But now with the Central Government¡¯s wallet being full, sub-states needing to apply for Central Government financial allocations had to take into ount the Central Government¡¯s opinion.
Simr circumstances could ur within the German Federation Empire.
Although they only collected coinage taxes, their expenses were also fewer. Initially, the Central Government¡¯s power was restricted, with the military being maintained by the sub-states themselves, and they only needed to support a bunch of bureaucrats and the Emperor.
Sir Geoffrey calmly replied, "Of course, I know what this means, but do we have a choice?
What are we afraid of being at a disadvantage for?
As long as we win this war, with our strength, can Hanover really do anything to us?
""
```
Do not forget that the system of the German Federation Empire is inherited from the Holy Roman Empire, which practiced an elective monarchy system. If we can win over enough allies, we can change the Central Government as well.
No matter how many restrictions they set up now, we will find ways to circumvent them in the future. Treaties can be torn up,ws can be amended.
When the timees, these will all be internal affairs of the Empire. As long as we have a usible reason, even the British cannot object!
As long as they want us to contain France and Austria, the London Government will not trouble us! The urgent matter now is to think about how to pull the German Federation to our side."
In theory, as long as the Prusso Federation joins the German Federation Empire, usurping Hanover¡¯s Central Government position would not be a problem.
What the Berlin Government can think of, Hanover can naturally think of too.
A snake swallowing an elephant is the legendary "Basilisk," not something just any snake has the appetite for.
Hanover can¡¯t even handle a group of sub-states within the German Federation, let alone be the master of ambitious plots. Even if the Prusso Federation were to present itself on a silver tter, they probably wouldn¡¯t dare to ept it.
Philipotor was deeply hurt. He opposed mainly because of the issue of dominance. However, the harsh reality was that the Prusso Federation was disregarded.
This was not the first time he had this concern. Many years ago, politicians had proposed the idea of a "Prusso-Austrian merger to jointly dominate Central Europe." Regrettably, Austria was unwilling to share the spoils.
There was no way around it; the input and the reward were not equal, so Franz naturally could not agree.
Even if the Berlin Government lowered their terms back then, the oue would have been the same. A dual empire was no fun, and Franz did not wish to challenge a hellish difficulty level.
This time, joining the German Federation Empire, the Berlin Government¡¯s bottom line is undoubtedly lower. As long as they win the war, they could always renege in the future since Hanovercks the power to force them to keep their promises.
After a moment of silence, Wilhelm I said slowly, "This time it¡¯s the British pulling the strings; the London Government surely has a way to make Hanoverpromise.
First, the Foreign Office should contact the British. As long as we can get the German Federation Empire involved, any terms can be agreed to for the time being. Whether we honor them or not can be discussed after winning this war."
No trouble there. It¡¯s only after winning the war that the Berlin Government will have the legitimacy to consider these issues. If the war is lost, the fate of the Prusso Federation is sealed.
Even if Ennd, France, and Austria intervene, the Kingdom of Prussia might survive, but it will be a diminished version,pletely disconnected from them.
...
The Berlin Government is worried, and so are the British. In particr, Sir Edward, who spearheaded this n, regretted it as soon as it was initiated.
Things are not as simple as imagined. Her Majesty the Queen agreed to work on behalf of the "Comedic Empire" royal family. However, the London Government must ensure the position of the royal family remains unshaken.
These are minor issues, just empty promises, and Sir Edward stated that it didn¡¯t matter.
After this war, the Prusso Federation will undoubtedly need time to recover. In the short term, the Berlin Government will not dare to y tricks. As for the future, that¡¯s for the next government to worry about.
The trouble is with the special system of the Comedic Empire; convincing the Emperor alone is useless, as they have the Imperial Parliament constraining them.
"Persuading these sub-states," the idea is great, but the approach is not viable. Informing them is as good as informing Austria, isn¡¯t it?
How much the "Comedic Empire" has been infiltrated is unknown, even to Franz. After all, the Divine Shield is the national currency that circtes more than the Central Government-issued Rhine Shield.
It¡¯s not that the Central Government doesn¡¯t want to ban it, but the currency is legally approved by the Imperial Parliament, and there is nothing the Emperor can do.
Of course, the Vienna Government also paid a price, rewarding these sub-states who voted favorably by opening colonial markets to them, and asionally providing economic aid.
Although politically divided, economically they have long been integrated.
Given this context, Edward truly doubted the sub-states¡¯ ability to keep secrets. Once the news leaks, the "n" can only remain a n, because bad news always spreads faster than good.
Without the support of the sub-states, bypassing the Imperial Parliament is possible, but then don¡¯t expect them to contribute significantly in the subsequent war.
The military forces of the "Comedic Empire" belong to the sub-state governments. The Emperor can onlymand the forces of Hanover, and scraping together a force of tens or maybe hundreds of thousands is already a stretch.
If the Imperial Parliament doesn¡¯t give face to the Central Government and rejects the resolution to allow the Prusso Federation to join the Empire, not even material support will be possible.
At most, the Emperor with Hanover¡¯s direct troops could go alone to fight the Russians, which would have nothing to do with the German Federation Empire at all.
Such power would only increase Russian casualties slightly and would not alter the oue of the war.
Alright, Edward admitted he had worried too much. Up to this point, only the Berlin Government had responded to his n, and the German Federation Empire had not given any answer at all.
The cost is visible while the returns are elusive. The legitimacy of the Central Government of the Comedic Empire has always been questioned by the public, and they always have to tread carefully, so as not to give the Imperial Parliament any leverage.
Without sufficient benefits, expecting them to take the risk of participating in a brutal Prusso-Russian war, even the British head cannot manage it.
Now is not the time without alternatives; push them too hard, and they might switch sides anytime. The market is full of buyers; changing to a different one could still fetch a good price.
```
Chapter 692 - 265: The Trend
The British proposal caused an uproar among the high ranks of the German Federal Government. Despite the substantial growth in overall national strength with the acquisition of the Rhinnd region, whichpensated for the shortage in heavy industry, the "Comedic Empire" had seen considerable improvements.
Unfortunately, the German Federation Empire was not a unified nation after all, and the issue of the confederate states within the federation uniting against the central government remained unresolved.
Without an overwhelming advantage in the Kingdom of Hanover, George I was not a ruler of grand vision and bold strategy, so the problem was shelved for the time being.
(Note: George I of the German Federation Empire, George V of the Kingdom of Hanover)
The German Federation Empire, unable to achieve internal integration, was naturally far behind the Prusso Federation. Personally, George I had no interest in the British "snake swallowing an elephant" n.
Several little states within the nation had already made him lose face; adding the Prusso Federation to the mix? That would be out of the question.
In these times, strength meant having a say. The moment the Prusso Federation joined the German Federation, it would immediately be the most influential state within the empire, inevitably impacting Hanover¡¯s position.
George I, "What do you think of the British proposal, do you see any feasibility in it?"
It was clear that he hesitated. The Comedic Empire still needed British power to confront Austria and ensure its independent status, so directly rejecting the British was certainly not advisable.
But to ept the Prusso Federation was too great a risk, and even with Queen Victoria¡¯s assurances, George I dared not fully trust her when it came to national interests.
Prime Minister Torben Hofmann, "Your Majesty, the British proposal seems tempting, but it is fraught with crisis. One false step and we could be the target of all.
Internationally, France and Austria do not wish to see our merger with the Prusso Federation. Rash actions will definitely provoke their discontent, possibly even leading to armed intervention.
Many states within the country have their own calctions, and joining this war has no benefit for them. The Imperial Parliament will not pass it.
In such aplex situation, if we bypass the Imperial Parliament and forcibly ept the Prusso Federation, we could very well lead the empire into a state of division.
Beyond these risks, the biggest issue is with the Prusso Federation itself. They are toorge; we do not have the capability, nor can we digest the Prusso Federation.
With their advantage in size, it is only a matter of time before they take control. This cannot be resolved by mere assurances unless the Prusso Federation can be divided."
Foreign Minister Steve Lee, "The risks are indeed significant, but this remains an opportunity. Miss it, and we will struggle to make further progress.
Everyone is aware of the situation in Europe. The Prusso-Russian war is a minor episode; the future will definitely involve a power y among Ennd, France, and Austria.
Other countries can choose neutrality, but we cannot. Austria¡¯s ambition has never been hidden, and what¡¯s more infuriating is that many in our country have been deceived by nationalism, almost eager to join Austria immediately.
The only way to escape this predicament is to strengthen the empire. Only with a powerful empire can we prove nationalism wrong and dispel their unrealistic fantasies."
Torben Hofmann shook his head, "Lee, you¡¯re still too idealistic.
I admit, annexing the Prusso Federation is indeed tempting; frankly, even I am moved. But the problem now is, we simply can¡¯t do it.
Even if the British could persuade the French and contain Austria, and we sessfully convinced the domestic states to agree, the chances of annexing the Prusso Federation are still less than ten percent.
Do not overlook the gap in strength. The Prusso Federation might seem to be in a dire situation now, but their poption is twice ours, their territory five times ours.
After the merger of the two countries, it is clear who would be annexing whom.
Moreover, the brutality of the Prusso-Russian war is an urgent reality. By epting the Prusso Federation, we must help them win this battle.
After the war, we will have to provide a substantial amount of money to repay their debts and assist them in reconstruction, and our gains would merely be an illusory dream of great-power status.
If we have to pay such a high price just to gain a great-power status, it might as well cooperate with the Austrians. At least that wouldn¡¯t require our young men to go to battle or the government to tighten its belt to get by."
Though spoken without intention, the words were significant to those who heard them.
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Deep down, George I had already nted a seed of doubt. "Distrust" was an emperor¡¯s instinct and, in this context, not a pejorative.
Despite the doubts, outwardly, George I remainedposed, seemingly unconcerned.
Foreign Minister Steve Lee, "Prime Minister, you¡¯re right. We indeed do not have the capacity to swallow the Prusso Federation, and the cost of participating in this war is indeed very high.
However, that¡¯s not important. The Prusso Federation has never been a part of the German states; why do we need them?"
We only need to incorporate the Duchy of Brandenburg, the Duchy of Schleswig, and the Holstein dukedom, and we canpletely abandon other territories outside the Germanic Region.
Right now, we don¡¯t need to do too much, just bide our time until the Russians win this war, then we can take action.
Ennd, France, Austria wouldn¡¯t allow the Russians to swallow up the Prusso Federation. Once they intervene, we can take the opportunity to regain the territories in the Germanic Region. We won¡¯t only gain the support of the British, but the reactions from France and Austria won¡¯t be as severe."
The proposal from Steve Lee was clearly much more feasible than the British n. By giving up the Prusso Federation and only annexing the German states within it, the Comedic Empire wouldn¡¯t have to worry about biting off more than it could chew, and the risks involved would be much lower.
One only needs to look at the history books to know that the Kingdom of Prussia was formed by the merging of the Duchy of Brandenburg and the Prussian Duchy.
The Duchy of Brandenburg was one of the German princes, while the Prussian Duchy originated from the Teutonic Knight Kingdom, and due to the majority of nobility in the country being German, it gradually assimted.
No matter how the assimtion went, from the narrow sense of geographical division, the Prussian Duchy region does not belong to the Germanic Region, and it would be justifiable to expel it.
George I was tempted, as though the territory of these three German states is not vast, they represent the most premium regions of the Prusso Federation.
If he could get his hands on them, not only would the nation¡¯s strength and his personal prestige take a significant step forward, but it would alsoe without the risk of waging war against the Russians.
After reiming the regions of Pnd and Lithuania and annexing the Prussian Duchy, if the Tsarist Government still wasn¡¯t satisfied, the trio of Ennd, France, and Austria would be up in arms.
Without paying much of a price, he could pick a sulent fruit; George I could see no reason to refuse.
After a moment of consideration, George I joyfully said, "Li, your n is brilliant. You will certainly be a great diplomat, just like Metternich Prince.
This matter is now in your charge, inform the British that we agree with their n, but the specifics need negotiation.
Your job from now on is critical, not only to drag out the time until the end of the Prusso-Russian war but also to secure support from Ennd, France, and Austria after the war.
Do you have a n?"
Stalling for time isn¡¯t difficult, excuses are easy to find, and the Imperial Parliament is the best scapegoat. If that doesn¡¯t work, we could "leak the information" and end the n with Austrian help.
The troublesome part is after the war, none among Ennd, France, and Austria are charitable; it¡¯s impossible for them to help out without expecting something in return; there will be a cost to pay.
After hesitating for a moment, Steve Lee replied, "This requires Russian cooperation. The more the Tsarist Government appears greedy, the more likely we are to seed.
If the Russians stop after reiming their lost territories and leave an intact Kingdom of Prussia, naturally we will have no opportunity.
But that¡¯s unlikely. The Tsarist Government has paid such a heavy price for this war; without spoils, what will they use topensate for their losses?
As far as I know, the Tsarist Government mortgaged a considerable amount of territory to Austria, and it would be very difficult for the Tsarist¡¯s finances to repay the money. After the war, it¡¯s very likely they will use thend of the Prusso Federation¡¯s Germanic Region to settle their debts.
This is not what Ennd and France wish to see. If Austria gets these territories, they would have the strategic upper hand and no one could stop them from unifying the Germanic Region.
On this issue, most European countries would support Ennd and France. The Russians only wish to settle their debt, not to see Austria unify the Germanic Region.
This is our opportunity. To hinder Austrian unification and to strengthen our power is a good choice as well.
Of course, that¡¯s still not enough. To gain everyone¡¯s support, we cannot do without exchanging interests, such as: we could sign a coal supply contract with the French."
The value ofnd is not equivalent; the same parcel can hold starkly different values to different countries.
Steve Lee judged that after the Russians win the war, they will use the territories of the Germanic Region to pay off debts, primarily because this part of the territory has political significance for Austria, and it could be sold at a high price.
After all, once Austrian-Germanic territories are secured, the movement for German unification would be an overwhelming tide driven by public opinion.
Once the idea of a great unification prates deeply into the people¡¯s hearts, it bes unstoppable. For Austria, "the momentum of unification" cannot be measured merely in mary terms.
In contrast,nds in the Russian Balkans, Pnd, Ukraine, and nearby,ck that political significance boost, and are dispensable for Austria; it would be good if the Vienna Government doesn¡¯t lowball the price.
Standing from the perspective of the German Federation Empire, if one wishes to maintain the current independent status, it is imperative to break the Austrian momentum of unification.
To achieve this, one must annex the Austrian-Germanic territories, creating a political structure of North and South Germany, to settle the public¡¯s heart.
This is also why Steve Lee is confident of securing support from European countries. Austria is already powerful enough, and if they unify the Germanic Region, they would be the undisputed master of Europe.
Chapter 693 - 266: The Climactic Showdown
Under the facilitation of the British, Prussia and Germany sat down at the negotiation table, embarking on prolonged talks.
Diplomatic actions had no effect on the apex confrontation of Prussia and Russia on the battlefield.
Compelled by the dire situation on the ground, after giving up Latvia, the Prussian Army had no choice but to continue to relinquish the Lithuanian Region as the mes of war had already reached East Prussia.
The situation continued to develop in favor of the Russian Army, with victories reported from the frontlines. Marshal Ivanov, far from feeling relief, grew even more tense.
He was well aware that with each victory, the Russian front line was also being extended. Not only was logistical pressure increasing day by day, but the defensive fortifications prepared in advance were now useless.
If only that were all; the key issue was that the mor for a decisive battle within the country was growing louder, and calls forbat were emerging endlessly within the military. Even with Alexander II¡¯s support, Ivanov could feel the heavy pressure bearing down on him.
An officer announced loudly, "Marshal, an urgent telegram from the Fourth Army."
Ivanov said indifferently, "Read it!"
"Yes, sir!"
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"...On October 18th, 1880, our forces captured Puwavi, annihting 12,000 of the enemy and capturing 1,876.
The gates to Warsaw are now wide open. To seize the opportunity quickly, our forces have decided to march towards Warsaw along the Vist River.
The Seventh and Fifth Armies are requested to liaise, advancing from the north and east towards the Warsaw region.
..."
With a "bang," the teacup in Marshal Ivanov¡¯s hand fell to the ground.
Despite all his calctions, he had underestimated his officers¡¯ thirst for victory. Of course, there might be other forces behind this, pressuring him to initiate the decisive battle prematurely.
The reason "The gates to Warsaw are wide open" was so far-fetched that Ivanov didn¡¯t even want to criticize it. The enemy, prepared to engage in a decisive battle in the Warsaw region, certainly would not block them outside.
Having secured the upstream of the Vist River might seem to provide a strategic advantage, but those familiar with Polish terrain knew the endless ins meant gentle water flows. It wouldn¡¯t be easy to flood the Seventh Army by damming, let alone devastate downstream farnds.
At this point, Ivanov could only follow up with measures. The Fourth Armyprised eight infantry divisions, one garrison division, three cavalry divisions, four artillery regiments, along with various misceneous auxiliary troops, totaling a force of 183,000.
With so many troops involved, no one could easily give them up. If possible, Ivanov wouldn¡¯t mind executing those who took matters into their own hands immediately.
Unfortunately, they were out of reach now. He would have to wait until after the war to settle scores.
ncing at the map, Ivanov muttered to himself, "The capture of Puwavi on October 18th, and now it¡¯s the afternoon of October 21st. Even if they rested for two days, they¡¯ve been marching for a day.
If they¡¯ve been quick, the battle for Warsaw might have already begun, and it¡¯s impossible to recall them now.
What a sly move from Obodo, calcting that I couldn¡¯t possibly abandon the Fourth Army. I have no choice but to fight this battle for Warsaw."
After hesitating for a while, Marshal Ivanov ordered, "Since the deployment has been disrupted, let¡¯s fight in disorder!
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Send the order down:mand the Seventh and Fifth Armies to initiate the battle for Warsaw; order the Third and Sixth Armies, currently resting, to immediately gather and march towards the Warsaw region.
Order the First and Second Armies tounch an attack on East Prussia, with naval cooperation;
Order the Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth Armies to abandon their current defensive tasks and initiate the southern line battle.
Command the newly formed Eleventh, Thirteenth, Fifteenth, and Seventeenth Armies to take over their defense duties."
Despite not knowing what plots the enemy had, Ivanov knew that if his strength were sufficient, the enemy would be choked.
Byunching simultaneous attacks from three directions with a force of two million, Ivanov didn¡¯t believe the enemy could swallow it all.
If the enemy couldn¡¯t handle it, the situation would change. Ivanov didn¡¯t expect total victory in all three battles; a single win would be a strategic sess.
After all, the Prusso Federation was only sorge; if they could significantly win on any front and tear open the enemy¡¯s rear gates, they could advance swiftly.
Despite the Prusso Federation hastening its mobilization, could farmers who had just put down their hoes instantly bepetent soldiers?
Of course, the farmers in the Federation had undergone militia training, making them slightly stronger than ordinary farmers, but there was still a considerable gap from a regr army.
It wasn¡¯t that the Berlin Government didn¡¯t know to conduct national training; the main issue was theck of funds. Reservist training costs money, and the expenses for nationwide participation in training for a month or two each year were not manageable for a poor country.
Apart from training discrepancies, weapon and equipment were also major concerns. The Federation¡¯s military-industrialplex was self-contained with its primary forces equipped with domestic weapons, relying on their own production.
After expanding the army, insufficient domestic military-industrial production forced Berlin to purchase English and French equipment reluctantly. Even ammunition calibers were different, and Prussian reserve troops were heading towards using weapons from various nations.
In contrast, the Russians had it much better. With standardized equipment, they could simply buy directly from Austria, without any worry.
This series of factorsbined meant that as long as the Russian Army tore through their defensive line, the newly formed units in the rear would have a hard time withstanding the Russian troops¡¯ assault.
Ivanov had not previously adopted this strategy,rgely to avoid risk. An advantage on paper only existed on paper; one wouldn¡¯t know the oue of a war until it was fought.
In his view, instead of risking a decisive battle, it was better to be steady and apply constant pressure, gradually wearing down the enemy¡¯s strength.
...
Once the Russian Army made a move, the Prussian Army naturally had to act as well. Having finally managed to mobilize the enemy, Maoqi certainly could not miss this rare opportunity.
The only regret was that the enemy had stretched their line of battle too long; with limited strength, the Prussian Army couldn¡¯t cover all three battlefields at once.
In some sense, this tactic was also targeted against "Maoqi¡¯s strength in concentrating forces for decisive battles with the enemy." Opening up three fronts and concentrating forces for a decisive battle was tantamount to suicide.
Dividing the troops to cover three battlefields yed right into the Russians¡¯ calctions. It was now the Age of Hot Weapons, and there were airships overhead for reconnaissance; no matter how skilled one was in deploying troops, one was constrained by actual strength.
Topensate for the disadvantage of insufficient troops, Maoqi had no choice but to organize military deployments while urging the Berlin Government to speed up mobilization.
Quality and such could not be a concern for the moment; the priority was to raise the numbers. New recruitsckingbat readiness could still be used as cannon fodder or to buy time at critical moments.
...
The Russians were ready for a decisive battle, and all of Europe¡¯s eyes were on the Prussian-Russian battlefield. To collect information on this epoch-making war, even the Austrian Air Force got busy.
If it weren¡¯t for the fact that anti-aircraft weapons were inefficient, with low uracy and high cost, and the Austrian military observation groups were too numerous and easily detected, themanders below would probably not mind creating a few "idents."
These were minor issues. Flying over someone¡¯s head to collect data without being shot down was already showing great respect; could one really expect to be weed?
At Vienna Pce, observing the troop deployments of both Prussian and Russian sides, Franz was confused and had no idea what was happening. To sum it up in one word ¡ª chaos, whether it was the Russian Army or the Prussian Army, both were in disarray.
"Albrecht, can you make sense of their deployments?"
After hesitating for a moment, Albrecht answered somewhat awkwardly, "Your Majesty, Prussia and Russia are headed for a decisive battle."
Seeing Franz¡¯s dissatisfied expression, Albrecht continued to exin, "Your Majesty, the total strength put into this war has already made history.
No one has ever had the experience ofmanding an army of millions at once; at first, the Russians were steady, and there weren¡¯t many troop movements.
Now that they are facing a decisive battle, Prussia and Russia are rapidly moving troops, and too many units are involved, so some chaos is inevitable."
This answer enlightened Franz; greatmanders are also humans, and even if a person¡¯s abilities are strong, they cannot ensure all their subordinates are equally so.
Moving an army of millions involves too many aspects; it¡¯s simply not something amander can do alone but requires the cooperation of various departments.
Affected bymunication constraints, often when amander issues orders, there is inevitably some dy before they reach the units.
The military side is better, being able to execute orders immediately, but the logistics department is not the same. No matter what, it isn¡¯t possible for the supplies in the warehouse to follow the troops to their location in just a day or two.
Even the most capable dispatch officers can¡¯t change the backwardness of transportation methods. Constrained by logistics, the troops naturally cannot move too fast.
If there¡¯s another unexpected event and the logistics lose track of the troops, it would be a disaster.
Such incidents have happened before, and now both Prussia and Russia have learned their lesson, emphasizing the coordination betweenbat units and logistical departments.
Of course, this is only a secondary factor. Now both Prussian and Russian armies are experiencing a degree of chaos, with the main responsibility lying on the shoulders of their suprememands.
Themanders have never had the experience of directing battles on this scale, and many of their past experiences are no longer applicable here, hence the chaos.
Concerned, Franz asked, "So, does our army have these problems too?"
Albrecht nodded, "Ourmanders alsock this experience. If we rashlymand an army of millions, initial confusion is inevitable.
No one in the world has this kind of experience; byparison, we are still doing well. We organize training for millions of reserves each year, which can barely count as arge-scale troop movement."
This truly was a dilemma; experience is something that needs to be umted. With active Austrian forces not even reaching a million, where would they get such experience?
Besides drawing lessons from the military deployment of Prussia and Russia, Franz felt powerless. They couldn¡¯t possibly pull millions of reserves for a nationwide drill, could they?
Not to mention the cost and the amount of supplies that would be consumed. The mere thought of mobilizing millions of troops at once was frightening.
If they actually did it, it would probably rm the whole of Europe. A misstep could easily escte into a war across the European Continent.
In this regard, European nations are very sensitive. Perhaps it¡¯s because they have suffered too many losses, or maybe it¡¯s due to many precedents, but anytime a country begins mobilizing, neighboring countries be apprehensive. If rtions are poor, they may even start their own mobilizations.
Causing unnecessary tension, adding to the smoke of war on the European Continent, and damaging good neighborly rtions are not what Franz wished to see.
Chapter 694 - 267: Little Fish
The sudden and decisive battle not only disrupted theyout of the Vienna Government but also broke the ns of the British. Your next read is at empire
In this world, it is always "easy to add flowers to brocade, difficult to send charcoal in snowy weather." Prusso-Russian forces had already begun the decisive battle, and the London Government had no time to help them draw allies.
The tendency to weigh pros and cons is a natural human instinct and is no exception in international political diplomacy since it is people who make the decisions in politics and diplomacy.
Whether it is the Central Asian Countries, the Ottoman Empire, or the German Federation, they would all choose to observe the situation at this time.
If the Prusso Federation failed in the battle, the war would end prematurely. The Berlin Government wouldn¡¯t have the strength to organize a second battle, and the Russians would not give them the time.
Even if these potential allies joined forces, they wouldn¡¯t be enough to take on the Russians, so helping or not, the result would be the same.
If the Russians were defeated, then there would be no doubt the war would continue, except that the momentum of strength and weakness would switch, and the initiative in the war would be reversed.
Everyone wouldn¡¯t mind adding flowers to brocade by selling favors to the English-Prussian, simr to the first Prusso-Russian war, pouncing on the Russians to tear off a piece of flesh.
No, the German Federation is an exception.
George I dared not ept the victorious Prusso Federation; though there are few instances of usurping power in Europe, the elective monarchy, known as the "Comedic Empire," is an exception.
Of course, if the Prusso Federation won this battle, the British would not push for a Prussian merger either. The London Government needs a chess piece to counterbnce Austria, not to cultivate apetitor.
...
As the battlefield shifted westward, winter was no longer and of ice and snow, posing another major challenge for the Russian logistical system. This can be seen from the deployment of the Russian Army¡¯s forces.
The troops on the southern front acted close to Austria to facilitate nearby resupply; the northern front had sea supply and could transport materials from St. Petersburg or purchase from the Nordic Federation; the Warsaw battlefield had the Vist River and Narew River, allowing for water transport.
However, the Narew River is mainly thawed snow, and its navigation time is limited each year. In two more months, it will be frozen, and if the upper reaches are blocked, the downstream can not be relied upon.
Ivanov had always opposedunching the battle of Warsaw, also considering these factors. If it weren¡¯t for controlling the Vist River, he would not haveunched the troops even if the Fourth Army was stuffed in.
In this respect, the Russian Army was much more rational than during the first Prusso-Russian war. They did not rashly move out troops, causing their front-line soldiers to go hungry.
The movement of an army takes time, especially the mobilization of an army of millions, which requires even more time.
"Speed is of the essence in warfare" clearly does not apply here. It¡¯s not that the soldiers are not trying hard, but marching with baggage and supplies, it is impossible to speed up.
In this aspect, the Prussian Army, fighting on home ground, had an absolute advantage. The railways built by the Berlin Government could now be put to use, and General Maoqi was the first toplete the deployment of troops.
At the Prussian Army¡¯s highmand headquarters, looking at the marked marching routes on the map, Maoqi let out a sigh.
Ivanov was still the Ivanov he knew, taking stability to the extreme. Except for the over-eager Fourth Army, the following troops all moved at a walking pace, and the distance between two approaching units typically did not exceed thirty miles.
A forced march would take just a morning. In such a short time, even if he wanted to do something, it would be difficult.
"Dispatch our cavalry, let them turn into small groups to harass the enemy, to slow down the marching speed of the enemy¡¯s other troops, but do not engage with them," he ordered.
Pausing for a moment, Maoqi added, "As for the enemy¡¯s Fourth Army that has already presented itself at our doorstep, don¡¯t bother with them for now, let theme in first.
Order the Seventh and Eighth Divisions to nk from the right for encirclement;mand the Fifth and Seventh Armies to assemble immediately. I want to strike at the Russian¡¯s vanguard first."
If they couldn¡¯t swallow up the Russian main force, taking down the vanguard first was a good choice. This was the extent of the tactical flexibility of the forces in Maoqi¡¯s hand.
War is about who makes more mistakes. Since the Russians had made a mistake, Maoqi naturally would not let it pass.
Time and again it was proven on the battlefield that rushing for merit and running too fast isn¡¯t always good. If the teammates cannot keep up, one must face a trial by fire.
The eagerly advancing Fourth Russian Army was now going to face a test. It appeared they had left just two days in advance, and their marching speed wasn¡¯t very fast, but in reality, they had slipped at least five days apart from their teammates.
The highmand needed time to make decisions, the orders needed time to be ryed, and the troops needed a gap time from assembly to action.
Five days was enough to make a significant difference. Even if the Fourth Army¡¯s marching speed was not fast, the nearest Russian force was pulled more than one hundred and thirty kilometers away.
In that distance, once war broke out, even if the surrounding Russian troops made all-out efforts to rescue, that would be a matter of two dayster.
In reality, this existed only in theory. Troops that could march more than one hundred and thirty kilometers in two days existed, but the premise was abandoning the baggage and heavy weapons and equipment.
Without these belongings, and dragging their weary bodies, the fighting capacity of the troops would be significantly reduced. Not to mention rescuing, it¡¯s possible they would merely be bringing their heads to be taken.
No, the Russian cavalry could certainly do it¡ªthey wouldn¡¯t even need two days. One day would be enough.
Perhaps relying on this, Major General Obodo dared to risk advancing toward Warsaw.
In any case, an early decisive battle was the demand of many people at home. As the initiator of the campaign, Obodo had naturally gained a lot of favors from day one.
If he could also secure military achievements, it would be natural for him to rece Ivanov as the spokesperson for the Russian military in the future.
"Risk"?
Nowadays, what doesn¡¯te with risks? The Fourth Army was strong and robust. Leveraging their strength, they could, at the very least, hold their ground and wait for reinforcements to arrive.
N?v(el)B\\jnn
Sessive victories on the battlefield had sent Major General Obodo soaring with pride, to the extent that he no longer regarded the enemy as a significant threat.
In the Russian Army, many shared the same view, with a multitude believing that the enemy¡¯s previous win was sheer luck, catching Russia at its weakest.
But now that the Tsarist Government had purged the rot from within its ranks, and these "divinely inspired" generals were inmand, how could they not triumph?
...
At dawn, as the first glimmer of light appeared in the sky, Major General Obodo, just out of bed and still groggy, heard the distant rumble of artillery.
But being an experienced soldier, he immediately became alert. Before he could figure out what was happening, a guard hurried over.
"General, our vanguard has encountered the enemy and is requesting fire support."
"How did the enemy get here so quickly?"
No sooner had Obodo spoken than he realized his mistake. It was not a question for the guard to answer.
"Order the artillery to support them, and call the officers for a meeting. I need to organize our battle assignments."
The enemy hadn¡¯t intercepted them on their way here, and now they were practically at Warsaw¡¯s doorstep when the enemy suddenly appeared. It was clear this wasn¡¯t a simple blockade.
Being a man unafraid to risk, Obodo naturally wasn¡¯t one to shy away from battle. Had he been ipetent, he couldn¡¯t have concealed it from the highmand and led the Fourth Army into action.
There are checks and bnces in the Russian Army. Only a strong officer can fullymand his troops. In an army that worships strength, "military achievements" are essential for asserting dominance.
Without convincing ability and aplishments, it is difficult to have deep control over the troops. Obodo guessed that if he made any premature movements,ints would have been telegraphed to headquarters in no time.
...
The brutal fighting began, and though Obodo had guessed the opening moves, he did not foresee the oue.
The Prussian Army moved faster than he had anticipated. Before he could respond, he found himself trapped within an encirclement.
From the outbreak of hostilities to the formation of the encirclement, the enemy had taken less than two days¡ªan indication that they hade prepared.
The decision whether to break out became the biggest dilemma for Obodo.
An officer with a bristling beard, speaking fervently, said, "General, we can¡¯t retreat now. The enemy¡¯s preparations are obvious, and choosing to break out would result in heavy losses.
This mission was initiated without orders, and if our troops suffer great losses, we can¡¯t avoid facing a military court upon return.
Rather than be disgraced and jailed, I¡¯d prefer to die on the battlefield. That¡¯s where soldiers belong!
Moreover, the situation isn¡¯t that desperate yet. We have over a hundred thousand troops; the enemy won¡¯t be able to digest us easily in a short time.
Let¡¯s hold our defensive position here and wait for reinforcements to arrive, then catch the enemy off guard!"
The "military court" was key to the issue. In battle, acting on one¡¯s own isn¡¯t a sin; one can¡¯t wait for orders from headquarters for every decision¡ªhow could opportunities be seized that way?
But to act independently and then suffer a defeat is a grave offense, and all the me would fall on them, with no one else to take the fault.
Obodo knew there had to be ws in the enemy¡¯s encirclement. Ordering a breakout now could get at least half his troops out, but as the highest-rankingmander, it would mean his end.
It wasn¡¯t just about him; the entire leadership of the Fourth Army would be doomed. Whether they would end up in a military court was a matter of luck; worse, Ivanov might use them as an example and simply have them executed.
After analyzing the situation, Obodo found himself in a bind. Ordering a breakout would be suicidal. Not only would he be finished, his family¡¯s honor would be tarnished.
Staying put was fraught with danger too. The enemy was clearly well-prepared, and the likelihood of their reinforcements arriving was slim. They could easily be wiped out if they weren¡¯t careful.
Getting reinforcements in a week was the best-case scenario. While the closest troops were only a hundred kilometers away and cavalry could make it by nightfall, some were several hundred kilometers distant.
To break the siege, it was necessary to mobilize arge force, otherwise, it would be like throwing meat buns to a dog.
Assembling troops and breaking through enemy mid-route obstructions required time¡ªand time was precisely what the Fourth Armycked most.
"Order our troops to hold their positions and await reinforcements. From now on, send a distress telegram to headquarters every day, making sure to emphasize the severity of the situation."
After much hesitation, Obodo decided to take a gamble. Better to survive by chance than to perish with certainty. For a glimmer of hope, he had to use the hundred thousand soldiers of the Fourth Army as bargaining chips.
If he lost the bet, he¡¯d rather die on the battlefield than be executed. The Tsarist Government was more forgiving towards the dead.
With death, all debts are cleared. As long as you die on the battlefield, all past issues can be overlooked.
If, by some chance, he won the bet, then he would be the big winner. Winners are above reproach, and previous insubordination would be adaptability and seizing opportunities on the battlefield.
The "aura of a famed general" would naturally fall upon him, making him another military marvel of Russia for posterity to admire.
...
Chapter 695 - 268: The Abandoned Piece
Upon receiving the distress telegram from the Fourth Army, Ivanov¡¯s entire demeanor darkened.
It was a very clear matter, anyone with even a bit of military sense knew that if an isted army realized something was wrong, they should immediately retreat.
The Fourth Army was not operating with abat mission and waspletely free to act on its own. After discovering arge enemy force, why didn¡¯t they immediately adjust their marching pace, maintain a safe distance from the enemy, and wait for reinforcements?
Even if they were slow to realize, the Fourth Army could have chosen to break through before the enemy encirclement wasplete and rendezvous with the Russian Army behind them.
The Fourth Army had cavalry units; it was impossible for them not to have noticed the enemy¡¯s movements, as the mobilization of tens of thousands of troops simply couldn¡¯t be kept secret.
Ivanov in the rear had already received news of the Prussian Army¡¯s movements, only a littlete, and before he could react, a telegram for help from the Fourth Army had arrived.
In an era without radio, the Fourth Army¡¯s call for help had to be delivered to the 107th Division in the rear by airship troops and then forwarded to headquarters.
Despite having ample time, they failed to act promptly; Ivanov always deeply despised suchmanders like Obodo whocked a grand vision.
Ivanov understood the reason very well; the Fourth Army had acted on its own. If they didn¡¯t achieve enough military sess, then returning in defeat would mean the end of the careers formanders like Obodo.
To act opportunistically and seize the chance of victory, it is essential to be sessful; failure does not equate seizing the opportunity.
n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
Thepetition within the Russian Army was also very fierce; once tainted, advancing further was almost impossible.
Not to mention, acting without orders could at best mean early retirement if one was lucky.
For their personal futures, themanders of the Fourth Army gambled on luck, dragging their feet until now.
This telegram for help might seem innocuous, but it actually implied shifting the me, probably hoping Ivanov would order their retreat.
Those who understood the troop deployments of the Russian Army knew that the Fourth Army was vital for the uing Battle of Warsaw, with the Vist River being crucial to the subsequent logistical support of the Russian forces.
"Bang!"
Ivanov mmed the table fiercely and cursed, "§§§Ò§ä§Ó§à§ð§Þ§Ñ§ä§î!"
"§±§à§ê§×§Ý§ß§Ñ§ç§å§Û!"
¡
Listening to Ivanov¡¯s roar, everyone in the headquarters was on tenterhooks, afraid of drawing fire unto themselves.
After a full quarter of an hour of cursing till his mouth was dry and his tongue parched, Marshal Ivanov finally stopped. He was truly angry; he had never seen such ipetence in his subordinates.
If the Fourth Army was finished, it would be difficult for the Russian Army to win the Battle of Warsaw. Militarily speaking, currently, the situation at the front was unclear, and rashly sending troops to rescue was highly risky, very likely resulting in the enemy encircling and annihting the relief forces.
Ordering the Fourth Army to break out and save as much strength as possible was the best strategic choice.
However, in reality, things couldn¡¯t be that straightforward. At Ivanov¡¯s level, a military leader must also consider politics.
If he ordered the Fourth Army to retreat and the losses were severe, he would bear part of the responsibility.
Seeing Obodo¡¯s foolish actions, it was clear there were others behind him. Given this opportunity, these people would inevitably try to pin the me on Ivanov.
Politics is not about right or wrong, but benefits and drawbacks. Don¡¯t expect your opponent to be merciful; politicians¡¯ bottom line is never the lowest, only lower.
Once he had calmed down, Ivanov¡¯s frown deepened. He surveyed the map, pondering the enemy¡¯s true intentions.
The Fourth Army was significant for the Battle of Warsaw, but with regard to the entire Prusso-Russian War, it was just one of many. In the heat of war, Russian losses in a month often exceeded tens of thousands.
If it meant winning the war, Ivanov wouldn¡¯t blink an eye over sacrificing the Fourth Army.
After a moment of contemtion, Ivanov approached the operations staff officer and asked, "Where is our closest unit to the Fourth Army now?"
The operations staff officer nervously replied, "The nearest is the 107th Division of the Ninth Army, currently stationed in the Radom region; next are the Fifth Army and the Seventh Army, but they are north of Warsaw and cannot move to reinforce."
Ivanov¡¯s frown grew even tighter; sending a division to reinforce would probably see them eaten by the enemy halfway there.
To relieve the Fourth Army, at least an entire army¡¯s force was needed. Unless the forces executing the southern strategy were diverted, other units would take too long to arrive.
ncing at the distribution of the Russian forces on the map, Ivanov shook his head. Abandoning the battle on the southern front to rescue the Fourth Army was strategically a loss far outweighing the gain.
The southern front battle could receive supplies from Austria, with the least amount of logistical pressure. Breaking through the enemy¡¯s defense line, whether advancing west towards Berlin or north to capture Poznan, was highly alluring.
If Berlin were taken, the Prusso Federation would be finished; if Poznan were captured, the enemy would be cut off from their rear, leaving the Prussian forces in the Warsaw region isted.
After pondering for a moment, Ivanov slowly said, "Order the Eighth Army, the Ninth Army, and the Tenth Army to immediately form the Southern Army."
"General Matilde,mander of the Eighth Army, will also serve as Commander, General Mettler,mander of the Ninth Army, as Deputy Commander, and General Mourinho will serve as Chief of Staff in addition tomanding the Tenth Army."
"They are toplete the organizational construction as quickly as possible. Within a week, I want to hear news of the outbreak of battle on the southern front."
The personnel appointments were highly irregr; however, extraordinary times call for extraordinary measures. The Russian Army¡¯s structure did not include the level of an army group; the army was thergest unit, with the army group being a temporary establishment during wartime.
The enemy¡¯s main force was on the Warsaw battlefield, and most of the troops on the southern front were second- and third-tier units. While termed the Southern Army, they would actually have to fight separately.
If one were to set up amand for paratroopers, it would take at least a month for them to sort out the situation with their troops.
On the battlefield, speed is of the essence. To waste a month was simply to court death.
In the past, there was a Southwestern Army within the Russian forces, but it had been decimated inst year¡¯s winter battles by Maoqi and subsequently disbanded.
Over time, as the Russian Army¡¯s strength continued to expand, an army¡¯s troop strength ranged from a few hundred thousand to over two hundred thousand, fully capable of independentbat, which also decreased the need for a separate army group.
Previously, the Russian forces had been primarily defensive, with most of the time Marshal Ivanov directlymanding therge troop formations. The recent delegation of authority had resulted in the Fourth Army acting on its own initiative.
It effectively dispelled Ivanov¡¯s idea of forming an army group. Had the situation not been so urgent, he would not have established the Southern Army.
After all, the damage caused by a wayward army group could be far worse than that of a single army.
The newly formed Southern Army was already facing severe internal checks and bnces, with three armymanders doubling as army group leaders, none of whom could act recklessly.
Duringbat, they wouldmand their forces separately, as these were well-established troops that required no additional coordination, allowing for the maximumbat power to be unleashed in a short period.
As for the drawbacks, Ivanov could no longer afford to consider them. If the war could be won, anyrger issue would be trivial inparison.
After a pause, Ivanov added, "Order the Fifth Army and the Seventh Army to attack the Warsaw region, instructing them to control their own pace and not to repeat the Fourth Army¡¯s previous mistakes. I don¡¯t have an unlimited number of troops to clean up their mess."
"Haut, draft a telegram to St. Petersburg, reporting our battle ns and the recent personnel appointments," he continued.
Without mentioning the Fourth Army, it was evident that Marshal Ivanov intended to disregard them. After all, the Fourth Army had advanced without orders and of their own volition¡ªit was not his responsibility to bear, even if they werepletely annihted.
A middle-aged officer asked with reluctance, "Marshal, what about the Fourth Army?"
Ivanov red at him fiercely, replying with great dissatisfaction, "What about them? Do what needs to be done, just as it ought to be done!"
"Is Obodo not confident in his own tactical genius? Now¡¯s his chance to prove it. As long as he can lead the Fourth Army to defeat the Prussian Army, all problems will be solved!" he asserted.
Defeat the Prussian Army?
The thought was already causing those present to silently mourn for the Fourth Army. Without a doubt, it was an impossible task.
Having realized his emotional slip, Ivanov sighed, "Order the Third Army and the Sixth Army in the rear to provide rescue, hoping there is still time."
"Send orders to the Fourth Army to formte their own battle n. Reinforcements will arrive as quickly as possible."
"Command the Airship troops to airdrop supplies to them. Send a telegram to St. Petersburg to secure a batch of transport airships as soon as possible, preferably Austria¡¯s Eagle 4," he instructed.
Man proposes, God disposes.
This phrase aptly summarized Ivanov¡¯s orders. The Third and Sixth Armies were resting and resupplying in the rear. It would take at least ten days to half a month for them to mobilize and arrive at the frontline. Find exclusive stories on empire
If any mishap urred en route, such as an encounter with the Prussian Army, they might not arrive within a month.
The only way to ensure speed was to deploy cavalry. Unfortunately, the Russian cavalry was distributed among various units, or else assembling hundreds of thousands of cavalry could be worth a try for the rescue.
Of course, that was in an ideal scenario. The logistics of sustaining hundreds of thousands of gathered cavalry alone could lead to copse.
Now the Fourth Army could only rely on itself, and the airdrop of supplies by airship was more of a psychologicalfort. The Russian Army had only a few dozen transport airships, and in theory, if all were operational, they could airdrop a maximum of forty to fifty tons of supplies per day.
In reality, being able to airdrop seven to eight tons of supplies daily would be a blessing from God.
Airships also needed maintenance and care; each flight required a thorough inspection, consuming a significant amount of time.
Furthermore, the Russian transport airships were scattered across various locations, limiting those that could be quickly assembled. Considering adverse weather conditions, managing to airdrop seven to eight tons daily was genuinely challenging.
Such a modest amount of supplies for an army of over a hundred thousand was a drop in the bucket. However, transportation of entirely high-calorie foods could at least meet the soldiers¡¯ basic sustenance needs.
Chapter 696 - 269: The Fading Halo
The changes on the Prusso-Russian battlefield attracted Franz¡¯s close attention. Although he didn¡¯t believe the Prusso Federation could turn the tide, the oue of war was never certain.
One only need to open a history book to know, records are created by people. ssic cases of the few defeating the many throughout history:
The Battle of Julu, the Battle of Weishui, the Battle of Guandu, the Battle of Red Cliffs, the Battle of Yiling, the Battle of Fei River, the Battle of Smis, the Battle of Issus, the Battle of Agincourt, the Battle of Cr¨¦cy...
There were simply too many, and the victors of these ssic battles all had one thing inmon¡ªa "famous general."
Although the Prussian Army was at a disadvantage, it was not without the strength to fight, and with the geniusmander Maoqi, victory was indeed possible.
N?v(el)B\\jnn
Franz¡¯s worries didn¡¯tst long before he convinced himself. The reason was very simple: "Maoqi is only one, but Ivanovs could be mass-produced."
In the army, "fools and geniuses" were the minority; most officers were ordinary people. As long as themanders didn¡¯t make a mess, letting them fight predictable battles in an orderly fashion, there really wasn¡¯t a problem.
Maoqi could make a move to calcte against the Fourth Army, but could he also anticipate every move of the divisions and regiments below?
Across a front of thousands of miles, most of the time it was these division and regimental level officers whomanded, and although the quality of Prussian officers was slightly superior, this advantage was offset by the numerical superiority of the Russian Army.
Amander-in-chief could only centrally direct andmand major campaigns; the smaller campaigns still depended on these ordinary officers. Deciding the oue was not solely aboutmand; the quality and quantity of soldiers were also key factors.
Small victories could umte into a major one, and when fighting steadily, what¡¯s tested even more is strength.
The Russiansunched three major offensives at once, and even Maoqi, as formidable as he was, could only pay attention to one battlefield. Those who could achiee victory bymanding from behind the lines without a full understanding of the front were the stuff of "myths."
Without the ability to make precise calctions and without understanding the true situation on the front lines, how could one deploy troops urately?
Some might say that you can understand front-line situations through reports conveyed by "telegraph," but in reality, it¡¯s just not feasible; many things can only be understood by seeing them firsthand.
An army is made up of people, and where there are people, there are societies, and where there are societies, there are disputes. Telegrams, muddled with various interests, in reality, had obscured much.
Franz asked, "Albrecht, are the Russians about to give up on the Fourth Army?"
It wasn¡¯t that Franz couldn¡¯t see what was happening, the issue was that it was hard to believe that an army of more than a hundred thousand could just be given up on so easily.
Let¡¯s put it this way, the Fourth Army alone would rank in the top ten armies of the world. In all of Europe, only France, Austria, Russia, and Pnd had standing armies exceeding two hundred thousand.
Albrecht shook his head and replied, "Yes, and no! It can only be said that Ivanov made the most correct choice.
Strategically speaking, the most important thing for the Russian Army right now is tounch an offensive on the southern front, to leave the Prussian Army no time to prepare.
If they were to abandon the offensive on the southern front to rescue the Fourth Army, the key to deciding the victory of this war would shift to the Warsaw battlefield, which is precisely what Maoqi would want to see."
Albrecht paused, then picked up a baton to point at the map: "Your Majesty, look, this here is Warsaw, right at the center of the battlefield.
Before this, the Russians had not nned to have a decisive battle here and had not stockpiled materials around Warsaw. Once the Russian main forces gathered, logistics would be a major problem."
Franz nodded, understanding that Warsaw¡¯s central strategic position was significant, and the Prusso Federation had long turned it into a fortified city.
Sufficient defenses were one thing, but the issue was that the logistical lines for the Russians had been extended. To the north, there was the Baltic Sea, and to the south, Austria; supplies were easily obtainable, except for the Warsaw region, which relied onnd transportation.
Ordinarily, this might be okay, but with winter approaching, it was impossible for the Russians to sustain the demands of an army of millions.
There was no choice, as the Fourth Army being surrounded and the Vist River falling into Prussian hands meant that the only water route was no longer reliable.
Even retaking it would be useless, as destruction is always easier than construction. Simply causing some havoc in the river channel to obstruct ship traffic was too easy.
Albrecht: "Aside from strategic needs, the Prussian Army might also use the Fourth Army as bait to lure the surrounding Russian forces and encircle them for an attack.
Ivanov was very cautious in using his troops, always preferring a steady and secure approach. He has always intentionally avoided such high-risk battles.
It seems like he is abandoning the Fourth Army, but in reality, he has already begun the rescue, only in a roundabout way."
The Russian Army marching from the east and north towards Warsaw would surely bind arge portion of the Prussian Army, leaving Maoqi with no extra forces to annihte the Fourth Army in the short term.
While maintaining the encirclement, the actual number of Prussian troops able to engage in frontlinebat was not much greater than that of the Fourth Army.
As long as themanders of the Fourth Army are not stupid and stabilize the morale of the troops, there is no immediate danger of annihtion for the time being.
Just yesterday, the Tsarist Government rented a hundred transport airships from us, presumably to supply the Fourth Army.
If all these airships are used for the Fourth Army, they will be able to drop over a hundred tons of supplies daily, and together with their own carried supplies, with a bit of luck, they mightst until reinforcements arrive." Experience tales with empire
In the matter of "morale and fighting spirit," one has to admire the Russians. Being besieged is no big deal; as long as supplies are sufficient, Mao Xiong retains itsbat effectiveness.
Perhaps influenced by Russia¡¯s unique culture or maybe it¡¯s the soldiers¡¯ thick nerves, the Russians truly live up to the name of a "fighting nation."
Even so, Albrecht still did not hold a favorable view of the Fourth Army. The reason was obvious; it was all theoretical, and the Prussian Army was not going to sit idly by while the Russians transported supplies.
|How much supplies can actually be delivered under enemy interception is an unknown.
Of course, being intercepted is not the worst thing. This day and age, the effectiveness of anti-air firepower is limited, and as long as the airships don¡¯t recklessly fly at low altitudes, they are not so easily shot down.
The best method is airship against airship, but it takes time tounch an airship, and unless you happen to bump into one, by the time you take off, they¡¯ve already fled.
Against this backdrop, "luck" bes the key factor in deciding the fate of the Fourth Army. However, relying on luck is in itself an unreliable approach.
"Ivanov has already made his move, so what could Maoqi be thinking at this time? Surely he wouldn¡¯t stir up so much trouble just for the sake of one Fourth Army, would he?" Franz asked, puzzled.
Albrecht waved his hand and answered with some difficulty, "Your Majesty, you¡¯re overestimating Maoqi. No matter how capable he is, he¡¯s just amon man.
No matter how cunning his strategies, they only work if the Russians fall for them. Ivanov¡¯smand of his troops is very stable, indifferent to whatever bait is put out.
Without underhanded tricksing into y, strength is what ultimately determines the oue of the war. As long as the Russians don¡¯t mess up, winning the war is almost certain.
For Maoqi to turn the tables, he would need to quickly win the battle of Warsaw and then rapidly move his troops to cut off the Russian Southern Army¡¯s supply lines, engaging in another encirclement battle.
I¡¯m sorry to say, militarily, this is almost impossible. The Russians are not fools; there¡¯s no need for a decisive battle in the Warsaw region, just stalling for time until a breakthrough is achieved in the southern front is sufficient."
Franz asked uncertainly, "Really?"
Albrecht nodded very confidently. This question was amon issue among transmigrators, a sense of extra apprehension toward historical figures of great repute.
In the original timeline, Maoqi was ced on a pedestal, and Franz had heard so much about him that he was left with an impression of "invincibility."
Although after transmigrating, having met numerous famous people lessened this impression considerably, the underlying apprehension had notpletely dissipated.
Albrecht naturally did not know about these things. He could not understand Franz¡¯s excessive concern.
After thinking for a while, Franz replied dismissively, "I understand. Maybe I¡¯ve been influenced by reading too many newspapers from the Prusso Federation, they praise him too much."
...
As an onlooker watching the Prusso-Russian war, there are ws everywhere, and problems keep arising for both sides, with innumerable mistakes being made.
However, these are the views ofypeople. In reality, there is a lot in this war that is worth learning from.
The greatest impact on Europe is the training of military personnel, and the Prusso-Russian war is a watershed for the cultivation of military talent.
Before this, when European countries trained military personnel, with the exception of junior officers, they aimed to cultivate famous generals.
However, the phenomenon of a "famous general" is something you can encounter but not seek, and too reliant on luck. The most troublesome aspect is that no one knows their true caliber until they have been tested by the fires of war.
The Prusso-Russian war taught the world that in the Age of Hot Weapons, the "aura of famous generals" is fading, and that strength is the key to deciding the oue of a war.
Indeed, a "famous general" can improve the odds of victory, but when the scale of war rises to the level of millions, an individual¡¯s power on the battlefield is just too insignificant.
Especially for a great country like Austria, rather than gamboling on the possibility of a "Maoqi-style genius" emerging, it is better to train thousands upon thousands of steady officers like Ivanov.
If the quality is not enough, make it up in quantity; enhancing the overall military literacy of officers is far more valuable than fostering one or two "famous generals."
Chapter 697 - 270: A Cornered Beast Fights On
Since learning that he had been abandoned as a pawn, Obodo was not in good spirits. In his mind, he cursed Ivanov¡¯s entire family time and again, yet on the surface, he had to appear confident and reassure his troops.
With things havinge to this point, no matter how unwilling he felt inside, Obodo had no choice but to put on a brave face and gamble his life against the enemy.
Surrender was out of the question; his entire foundation was in Russia, and his family was waiting for him to return home in glory for a reunion.
It wasn¡¯t just him without options; all the senior officers of the Fourth Russian Army faced the same predicament. Either hold off the enemy¡¯s assault until reinforcements arrived or die on the battlefield, using their blood to cover up their mistakes.
In the face of a strong desire to survive, people can always exhibit extraordinary powers.
The senior officers of the Fourth Russian Army were now erupting with such powers, aiming to stabilize morale. Those who were once high and mighty now mingled with the troops, showing warmth and frequently visiting the front lines to boost their spirits.
To conserve food, Obodo even ordered the closure of the officers¡¯ mess hall, making all officers and soldiers dine together. Rank and etiquette counted for nothing against the need to survive.
The officers had no choice but to understand; the supplies airdropped to them were of a uniform standard¡ªhigh-calorie food meant for soldiers, with no special meals for officers.
Everyone knew that unauthorized actions had seriously offended Marshal Ivanov, and no one dared to submit reports and risk getting into trouble at this point.
Due to the limited cargo capacity of airships, which also had to transport weapons and ammunition, to save on transportation capacity, the food delivered consisted mostly of meat, beyondpressed biscuits.
This time, the supply standards of the Russian Army were leaning towards those of the British Army, with a diet mainly of dried beef and biscuits, with a small quantity of canned fish, as if overnight meat had suddenly be worthless.
Wiping the blood from the corner of his mouth, Obodo struggled to chew on the dried beef and swore he had never eaten such terrible food before.
Unable to stomach it, Obodo opened a can of fish. From thebel, he knew it was again an Austrian product. Without any surprises, it was probably the cheapest freshwater fish.
This was a characteristic of Europe; due to industrial development, river pollution was severe, and many people didn¡¯t eat freshwater fish. As consumption decreased, naturally, the value dropped as well.
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Such cheap raw materials became the favorites of capitalists. Once processed into cans, who knew where the fish came from?
"The water is polluted, and the fish may be affected." But as long as there was no immediate food poisoning, anytent harm didn¡¯t really count.
Especially the cans exported to the Russian Army, the quality was even less guaranteed, with many unscrupulous merchants mixing in cheap potato flour, with only a small part being fish.
Despite these many ws, it was still a favorite choice for the procurement department of the Tsarist Government¡ªsimply because it was cheap.
Not just canned fish, but also the dried beef andpressed biscuits purchased by the Russians were the cheapest on the market.
Cheap goods aren¡¯t good quality; since they were the cheapest products, naturally, there was no guarantee of quality.
Enduring the difort, Obodo ate the canned fish. As for the dried beef, he would leave that to someone with better teeth; he no longer enjoyed that privilege.
Despite the canned fish not tasting particrly good, there was still one point worthy of praise. The processing of the fish into cans involved special treatment, making the bones and spines edible and directly consumable.
On the battlefield, time waits for no one. Picking out fish bones would be highly inappropriate. Adhering to the principle that the customer is king, the capitalists naturally fulfilled this reasonable requirement.
With a bit of chemical processing, bones and spines became edible. Long-term side effects were of no concern; the important thing was that it didn¡¯t cause problems shortly after eating.
Just as he thought to rest for a while, a young officer burst into headquarters and approached with a report, "General, the enemy hasunched another attack. The 41st Division is requesting fire support."
Looking at the operational map, Obodo asked with a frown, "Didn¡¯t we already send them an artillery battalion? Why are they asking for fire support again?"
The young officer exined, "The enemy¡¯s firepower is too fierce; our artillery ispletely suppressed, so..."
Before he could finish, Obodo cut him off with a wave of his hand, "Enough, tell the 41st Division to figure it out themselves. I don¡¯t have any artillery to reinforce them right now.
If the enemy¡¯s firepower is too fierce, then take cover for now. We are in a state of emergency; don¡¯t be idle at night, and have some of the soldiers dig anti-artillery shelters.
If the enemy charges, we¡¯ll fight them with bays. We are surrounded now, and we definitely cannot match the enemy¡¯s firepower, but we can be more fearless than they are."
The in area is exactly what is disadvantages; seeking to upy advantageous terrain there proves futile. If a small mound one hundred and eighty meters tall could be considered a mountain, then the Fourth Army would now be nestled by the mountains and the waters.
Obodo was certain that the enemy didn¡¯t want to engage in a battle to the death with them, otherwise, the intensity of their attacks would not have been so weak.
Piecemeal attacks that continually wear down their military morale, strategic materials, and ultimately forcing them to surrender, are the normal course of action.
If it takes the loss of a hundred thousand or eighty thousand men to annihte the Fourth Army, the Prussian Army would have won yet still lost. Find adventures on empire
...
In the Prussian Army headquarters, Maoqi propped his head with one hand, sinking into deep thought.
ns are not as fast-changing as reality; the original intention was to use the Fourth Army as bait to draw in the main Russian forces for encirclement and annihtion, but the Russians didn¡¯t take the bait at all.
In this way, the Fourth Russian Army became trouble, tying down arge number of Prussian forces, rendering them unable to advance or retreat.
If they hadunched a fierce attack on the Fourth Army from the start, not giving them the chance to set up camp, the problem would have been resolved by now.
There are no ¡¯ifs¡¯ on the battlefield. Misjudging the importance of the Fourth Army to the Russians and underestimating Ivanov¡¯s determination, Maoqi had no choice but to swallow this bitter pill himself.
The battle of East Prussia had already begun, the battle on the southern line is about to erupt and the Warsaw battle, in effect, had alsomenced.
The Russian Armyunched attacks from the northeast on two fronts; with the Fourth Army tying down arge number of Prussian troops, the Warsaw battleground could only hold its position.
The ringing of the telephone brought Maoqi out of his reverie. He picked up the receiver and shouted, "This is Maoqi, what¡¯s the matter?"
A hoarse voice came through: "Marshal, this is Division Commander Winslet reporting to you. The enemy to our north has suddenly increased the intensity of their attack; our defensive line is in critical danger. We request support."
It is unrealistic for one division to hold off an army, particrly the Russian Army with their massive units; it is even more impossible.
A crisis on the defensive line is inevitable; the fact that the Seventh Division could hold off the enemy for three days before requesting aid was alreadymendable.
Maoqi¡¯s brow furrowed: "Major General Winslet, the Eleventh Division will take over your defense by tomorrow. Will there be a problem if you hold out for one more day?"
There was silence on the other end of the line; after a while, the hoarse voice came back: "No problem, Marshal!"
The tone carried a heaviness, as if the decision was made after a tough internal struggle.
After hanging up the phone, Maoqi instructed an officer nearby: "Send a message to General Hansgeya immediately, telling him that he must consume the Fourth Russian Army within a week.
Tell him the fish up north has taken the bait. Don¡¯t dy any longer for a bird in the cage, or the fish will slip away."
A cornered beast will still fight; what more a human?
Knowing well that now was when the enemy resistance would be fiercest, Maoqi had no choice but to issue this order. If the Fourth Russian Army continues to drag on here, issues will arise on the Warsaw battleground.
Even though the Prusso Federation had established a solid defensive line in Warsaw, even the most secure defenses need men to guard them.
Moreover, Maoqi was not just aiming to hold Warsaw, but to inflict heavy damage on the Russian forces there, which required even more troops.
To encircle the Fourth Army, the Prussian Army had deployed nearly six hundred thousand troops. Originally intended for attacking potential reinforcements, now without the enemy¡¯s reinforcements arriving, dragging on any further became pointless.
Even though he knew issuing this order would lead to heavy losses on the front line, for the overall situation on the battlefield, such sacrifices were necessary.
The dire situation told him that the battle over Warsaw must be resolved quickly. The Berlin Government needed a great victory to rally allies, even if it was a victory marred with heavy casualties.
"Yes, Marshal!" the young officer replied.
Chapter 698 - 271: Not Enough Officers
Theory and reality often run counter to each other. Perhaps it was owing to Major General Obodo¡¯s effective countermeasures, or perhaps the officers had no way out. The Fourth Russian Army, under siege, erupted with abat force that exceeded Prussian expectations.
Seven days shed by, and the Fourth Army, like a nail, was firmly embedded there, presenting a dilemma for the advancing Prussian troops.
Looking at the continuously rising number of casualties in his hand, and thinking of his own mission, General Hansgeya¡¯s beard was almost turning white with worry.
The enemy had lost more than half its troops, yet showed no sign of surrendering, making it clear they preferred to fight to the end.
If the Russian Army was this tenacious, there was no point in continuing the war. The Prusso-Polish Federation had a limited poption and could not sustain such a war of attrition.
Rubbing his forehead, Hansgeya instructed his adjutant, "Send a telegram to headquarters, report our situation in detail, and tell Marshal Maoqi to give us five more days. I guarantee that we can annihte this enemy force.
If other regions need support, we can start by redeploying some troops away from here. We no longer need so many forces surrounding them."
After several days ofbat, Hansgeya was certain the enemy would not run. Toplete his mission, he even deliberately left an escape route to lure the enemy into attempting a breakout.
The result was that the enemy, as if blind to it, staunchly held their ground, giving him no opportunity to exploit.
To not seize the chance to escape waspletely illogical; Hansgeya did not know what the Russianmander was thinking, but for sure, he was extremely frustrated.
"Yes, General!"
...
It wasn¡¯t just the Prussian Army that was frustrated; the besieged Major General Obodo was even more troubled. The Prussians, as if gone mad, initiated relentless attacks without concern for their own casualties, leaving the Fourth Army only able to defend without any ability to counterattack.
Once encircled, he waspletely in the dark about the situation outside and had no idea why the enemy was so frenzied.
The wails sounded, and airships flew in from the horizon. This was the most joyous yet tense moment for the Russian Army each day.
Starting from some unknown point in time, the roaring airships had be the Fourth Army¡¯s pir of morale, bringing them hope for life.
This was the most nerve-wracking moment. Except for the first few days, subsequently, every arrival of the airship troops was apanied by an inevitable air battle.
In just over ten days, the Russian Army had lost thirty-five downed airships, with almost three airships destroyed in aerialbat daily.
Of course, the Prussian Army was not having an easy time either. The gap between the two forces was trivial; the airship troops might be where the fighting capacity of Prussia and Russia was most closely matched.
Obodo picked up his binocrs to observe the breathtaking air battle, silently counting in his heart, "1, 2, 3, 4¡ 49."
"49" airships, a number that filled Obodo¡¯s heart with wild joy, had increased by a full third over yesterday, whereas the enemy had only half this number.
A numerical difference of half, and even if there were transport airships amongst the Russian airships, they still held an absolute advantage.
Although there were distinctions betweenbat airships and transport airships at this time, it wasmon for transport airships to be used inbat.
These airships were behemoths that could withstand several ordinary bullets. Heavy machine guns for aviation had not been invented yet, and the real killer move was still artillery.
Whether it wasbat airships or transport airships outfitted with cannons, they could enter the battlefield. Their uracy was pitifully low, but if they hit, the result was the same for both¡ªvulnerable targets.
In essence, airships were not designed for closebat; their high cost could make any country weep with pain. The Prusso-Russian War marked the beginning of the earliest aerialbat in human history.
Seeing that the fight was futile, the Prussian airship troops made a decisive retreat. The Russian Army, focusing on dropping strategic supplies, paid no attention to pursuit.
Perhaps the Fourth Army¡¯s numbers had diminished; or perhaps the higher ups at headquarters had a moment of generosity, empathizing with the Fourth Army¡¯s soldiers for their hard battle. Today¡¯s supplies were exceptionally plentiful.
Rare vegetables, fresh beef, ham, cheese, bread, butter, and soy flour appeared, making even Obodo hungry.
As amander, Obodo quickly realized it likely wasn¡¯t out of kindness from the higher-ups but that the worth of the Fourth Army had increased.
```
Their greatest valuey in holding five or six hundred thousand Prussian troops right here; if they needed to risk their lives, naturally, the treatment had to improve.
Shaking his head, he dismissed the thoughts swirling in his mind, Major General Obodo instructed the guard beside him, "Send someone to search carefully for any orders from headquarters."
Before the guard could respond, a young officer hurried over with a document in hand, "General, this is a battle report from headquarters."
Obodo dodged the document and quickly opened it to read. The more he read, the darker his expression became, as if the sky had fallen.
It wasn¡¯t that the situation was bad¡ªon the battlefield overall, things were going quite well, and the Russian Army was getting closer to winning the war by the day.
On October 28, 1880, the Fifth and Seventh Russian Armiesunched attacks from the northeast on the Warsaw region, and now they were at the outskirts of Warsaw City.
On November 1, the First and Second Russian Armies initiated the Battle of East Prussia.
With the navy¡¯s cover, on November 3, the Russian Armynded in the Gdynia region and secured aplete victory.
On November 5, the Russian Army made another sessfulnding in Kolobrzeg.
On November 7, the Southern Russian Army broke through the Prussian defense.
The next day, the Russian troops split into three divisions, with the Eighth Army marching straight towards Berlin, the Ninth turning north to attack Poznan, and the Tenth responsible for central support.
...
The battlefield was rich with good news, except there was no message of relief for the Fourth Army. The implication was obvious, and although it hadn¡¯t been explicitly stated, the warning was very clear.
The rapid progress of the Russian forces was inseparable from the efforts of the Fourth Army. If they hadn¡¯t tied up the Prussian Army¡¯s mobile forces, neither the Fifth nor the Seventh army would have had the guts to approach Warsaw, and the Southern Army wouldn¡¯t dare to split their forces in three.
In such a scenario, whoever failed to maintain this hard-won situation would be held ountable.
There were no explicit orders, but this battle report was the best order. Obodo was very clear that they were not only treating the Fourth Army as expendable; they were outright using them as sacrificial pawns.
If they had broken through earlier, at worst they would have lost their own heads; now, if they ran, their whole family would end up on the guillotine. Discover exclusive content at empire
Don¡¯t think that because the killing of nobility isn¡¯t fashionable in Europe, one can rest easy. Alexander II had the reputation of a "Butcher"; if he hadn¡¯t executed people, how could his reforms have seeded?
After some thought, Obodo instructed, "Announce this good news to all troops, tell them victory is within sight, just hold on for another half a month, and we will have Warsaw!"
"Seeing through things without pointing them out" is also one of the survival rules in this cruel world. The wise could see clearly, while those who couldn¡¯tprehend were simply thick-headed; to these soldiers, the battle report was genuinely good news.
Hold on for half a month?
Obodo himself didn¡¯t believe it; he felt that the fact the Fourth Army had held out until now was already beyond their normal capacity.
But people tend to follow blindly, especially when victory seems close at hand, they always manage to hypnotize themselves and unleash unimaginable fighting power.
Deep inside, Obodo had decided¡ªto hold the Prussian main force for as long as possible, and if they really couldn¡¯t hold on anymore, then stay behind as molehill dwellers.
As long as the Fourth Army didn¡¯t retreat and continued to hold on here, no one could me him for any failure.
Fortunately, the soldiers were unaware of Obodo¡¯s unscrupulous thoughts, or else the morale that was so hard to build up would dete once again.
Sometimes, ignorance is a blessing; being immersed in a sea of hope is always better than knowing the bitter truth and plunging into despair.
...
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With the Prussian forcesprehensively at a disadvantage on the battlefield, the Berlin Government was in total panic, and even Marshal Maoqi¡¯s repeated assurances couldn¡¯t dispel everyone¡¯s doubts.
Full mobilization was necessary; as long as one could bear arms, they were required to join the battle.
```
It doesn¡¯t matter if there are not enough officers, the officers of the main forces cannot be touched, so they will have to be pulled from local troops.
If that really doesn¡¯t work, we¡¯ll find someone to fill in temporarily until a suitable recement is found. If a suitable one never appears, then naturally there is no need for a recement.
The enemy is about to reach Berlin, so who has the time to care about quality! First, we need to boost our numbers, which at the very least can increase everyone¡¯s sense of security.
While Berlin is in the midst of military mobilization, it also hasn¡¯t forgotten tounch a diplomatic offensive.
Seeking the support of minor yers such as the Ottoman, Central Asian Countries, and the German Federation is now futile, as they have lost the capacity to influence the oue of the war.
At this stage, what the Prusso Federation needs is the support of the great powers. The European Continent is unlike other regions; what is gained on the battlefield can just as easily be relinquished at the negotiation table.
The Berlin Government is not delusional enough to expect the Russians to return empty-handed, but acquiring the support of the great powers to preserve its strength as much as possible is still necessary.
In Vienna Pce, Franz had just sent away the special envoy sent by the Berlin Government.
To be honest, he was quite puzzled. The war had not yet been decided, why was the Berlin Government in such a hurry?
It appears that the Russians are advancing triumphantly on the battlefield, but the war is not over yet. Inside the Prusso Federation, there are still six to seven hundred thousand new recruits. Even if these troops are weak inbat power, they should be able to defend a city, right?
Faced with Franz¡¯s doubts, Chief of Staff Albrecht exined, "Your Majesty, as the battle has unfolded, the number of casualties in the Prusso Federation¡¯s army has already surpassed one million, with the dead alone exceeding three hundred thousand.
If we talk about the loss of ordinary soldiers, they can be reced immediately, but the loss of junior officers is much harder topensate for.
Based on the data we¡¯ve collected and analyzed, the casualty rate of Nobility Officers in the Prussian Army is far higher than that of ordinary soldiers at 13.5%, and it is approaching 20%.
The Prussian Army is suffering from a shortage of officers, not just because of this war, but also due to the previous one.
In the first Prusso-Russian war, the new generation of Junker aristocracy suffered heavy casualties. Now they are not only short of junior officers but also seriouslycking in mid-level officers, and even the high-ranking officers are actually insufficient.
Theck of qualified officers has a veryrge impact on thebat effectiveness of the army. Compared to the start of the war, thebat effectiveness of the Prussian Army has actually declined.
This became evident from their siege of the Fourth Russian Army; if it had been the Prussian Army at its peak, there would have been no need for such a prolonged engagement.
The shortage of officers is not anyone¡¯s fault. The Prusso Federation has already done well, having reserved enough officers tomand an army of one million five hundred thousand.
This number, in theory, should have been sufficient to deal with any war. Before the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, no one could have foreseen that the war would escte to the current scale.
Whether it is the Prusso Federation or the Russian Empire, their mobilization capacity has exceeded our expectations."
It¡¯s not only the people of this era who are surprised, even Franz, the transmigrator, did not foresee that Prussia and Russia could achieve what they have today.
Their mobilization capacity is almost approaching that of the First World War. The Prusso Federation mobilized over two million six hundred thousand troops, and the Russians, crazed with war fever, mobilized nearly four million troops.
This number isn¡¯t the end; the troop counts of both sides are like inting balloons, ever-expanding.
Just like the balloon, as the number of troops intes, theirbat effectiveness also continues to decline.
This is more evident in the Prussian Army since they follow a path of quality; the Russians started out with quantity, and although theirbat effectiveness has also fallen, since the quality wasn¡¯t strong to begin with, the degree of this decline isn¡¯t as steep.
Franz, puzzled, asked, "As I understand it, many of the officials in the Berlin Governmente from the military. Now that we¡¯re in a time of crisis, it shouldn¡¯t be much of a problem to have them return to duty on an emergency basis.
With these people setting the example and the promotion of some civilian soldiers to officer positions, the issue of insufficient junior officers should be solved. There¡¯s no need for the Berlin Government to be so anxious, is there?"
This isn¡¯t Franz talking nonsense; many officials in the Berlin Governmente from a military background. This is the case not just for the Prusso Federation but for Austria as well.
Under the system of universal conscription, not only government officials have served in the military but people from all walks of life have had a stint in the armed forces.
In times of crisis, recalling them back to the forces would also be a solution to the shortage of officers.
Albrecht shook his head, "Your Majesty, these people seem to have organizational abilities, but they are simply not suited for the military.
In the Prusso Federation, the officer corps is dominated by the Junker aristocracy, influenced by traditional power. The most excellent talents among them, or rather those most suited for the military, would develop their careers there long-term.
Most of those who retire from the military and then enter government departments are actually rejects who were eliminated halfway, and their military abilities are already questionable.
If these people are reluctantly reinstated, their rank would correspond to their previous military positions, but this rank has no bearing on theirmand capabilities.
To have a group of bureaucrats with unknown military abilities in charge of troops is simply unimaginable.
I believe that they might even be inferior to first-year military academy students, who at least are full of zeal, do not shirk responsibility or pass the buck, and can strictly follow orders."
Franz nodded with a hint of embarrassment. Having bureaucratsmand troops was indeed a huge pitfall. It could entangle the army in political struggles before a war even begins.
After a pause, Albrecht added, "Promoting non-noble officers is something the Prussian Army has already started doing. However, these soldiers have not received military academy education, so their potential for development is extremely limited, and only a very small number can serve as officers.
Currently, the number ofmoner officers among the lower ranks of the Prussian Army is actually not small. But their performance is not good, and many problems have arisen."
Franz seemed hesitant to speak. The issue withmoner officers is a tough problem across European countries.
It¡¯s not aster generations im, that the nobility monopolized the military and excludedmoner officers.
In reality, the nobility is only interested in middle and high-level positions. The lowerpany and toon-level positions are simply not their goal; nobody is that shortsighted.
The real issue lies in military literacy,mon soldiers have never been exposed to this knowledge, so how can they be qualified officers?
It can be said that in peacetime, the pathways formon soldiers to rise up were locked down early, and only a rare few geniuses could be officers.
War times indeed present opportunities, but the condition is that they need to survive. Military honors are not so easily earned; they must be exchanged with one¡¯s life.
Even lower-ranked noble officers must lead the charge. Not to mentionmoner officers, who will probably have many dangerous tasks fall upon them.
No matter how talented you are, only if you survive the battlefield will you have a future; otherwise, you be a martyr.
Having earned military honors is not the end. Quite the contrary, it is only the beginning.
Upon being promoted to a higher position, the demands are even greater. The requirements for an individual¡¯s military literacy also be much higher.
In peacetime, there¡¯s a chance to study at a military academy and bepetent after returning. During wartime, that¡¯s not an option; the war won¡¯t wait for anyone.
To some extent, Albrecht¡¯sint about the poor military literacy ofmoner officers is an undeniable fact.
Aside from a few rare geniuses, most of the promotedmoner officers are like ducks out of water, struggling to adjust in a short time is quite normal.
The military is a ce that believes in the survival of the fittest; no one will consider so many reasons, nor will they give you time to learn at your own pace.
If you¡¯re not up to snuff, you¡¯ll face ostracism, and without even needing to employ any tactics, you¡¯ll be squeezed out.
It¡¯s not justmoner officers; many nobles¡¯ offspring, with insufficient abilities, will be pushed out just the same.
Not only now but even in the future, there is only one way forward formoner officers¡ªmilitary academy.
Through school education, they enhance their military literacy and bridge the capability gap with nobility officers.
This path is also challenging, with limited enrollment in higher military academies, it¡¯s like a single-log bridge crossed by a throng of soldiers; they also facepetition from nobility candidates.
Impacted by educational resources, without being a genius, it is practically impossible to break through."
Chapter 699 - 272: Inheritance and Threat
The Prusso-Russian War has progressed to this point, and the post-war international situation in Europe is bound to undergo earth-shattering changes. The Vienna Government, as the g-bearer, naturally wants to guide the situation to develop in a direction that is favorable to itself.
Reeling in his stray thoughts, Franz slowly said, "The Berlin Government is desperate. The situation in the Prusso Federation might be worse than what we understand.
"Given the current development of the situation, the possibility of the Prusso Federation turning the tables is already very small. We can start preparing for the aftermath.
"This time, it¡¯s not only about striking downpetitors and recouping our earlier investments; we also aim to take thergest share of the spoils."
The Prusso-Russian War is not just as simple as it appears on the surface. The Vienna Government has invested so much effort, and it is not just for the Russians to win the war.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s credibility is well known, and without a generous return, why would Franz support them?
Russian-Austrian friendship can at best deceive themon man. Anyone with a bit ofmon sense knows it¡¯s unreliable.
Perhaps before the Prusso-Russian War, the friendship between Russia and Austria was indeed long-standing, but after the war, the two countries will transition from allies topetitors.
Of course, the Tsarist Government has paid a heavy price in this war, umting huge debts, and it will not be able to recover for decades,cking the capital to turn against Austria in the short term.
In the foreseeable future, Russian-Austrian friendship will remain the theme of both countries¡¯ foreign diplomacy until one side no longer needs it.
The reason Franz willingly invested heavily was not naturally because of the coteral offered by the Russians. In fact, demanding territory as coteral was only meant to put Alexander II at ease so he could confidently seek revenge against the Prusso Federation.
Regardless of how fertile the Ukrainian Region¡¯snd is, it would only fall into Austria¡¯s hands under the condition of Russian defeat and default.
If the Tsarist Government wins the war, Austria will merely earn a profit from loan interests and a bit of war wealth¡ªthe earningspletely disproportionate to the risk.
Using debt default to strike at the British can be considered one objective; utilizing post-war production surplus to suppress the French manufacturing industry is also one of the goals; however, what trulypelled the Vienna Government to invest heavily was to devour the inheritance left by the defeated Prusso Federation.
It¡¯s not thend, as the territory of the Prusso Federation, though not scant, is not enough to tempt Franz.
Moreover, considering the Russians have paid a blood price of over a million casualties for this war, it¡¯s impossible to let thembor in vain, right?
If Austria naively moves to take over the territory of the Prusso Federation, not much meat will be consumed, but instead, it will have the burdensome task of guarding Europe¡¯s eastern gateway, leading to a relentless struggle with the Russians.
The establishment of a Central European Empire is indeed tempting, yet the price to be paid is also incredibly steep. Austria already has a very precarious strategic position, further extending its territory to the Baltic Sea would mean endless troubles.
In Franz¡¯s view, the greatest legacy left by the Prusso Federation isn¡¯t thend but the people on it, most notably the rich-inbat-experience military officers.
After the demise of the Prusso Federation, only Russia and Austria are qualified to inherit this legacy.
Without a doubt, following a hard-fought battle between Prussia and Russia, the seeds of hatred have been sown, and the Junker nobles wouldn¡¯t immediately defect even if theycked scruples.
Moreover, even if they are willing to switch sides, there must also be a willingness from the others to ept them.
Not to mention that the Russian military would not wee Junker aristocracy; even the Austrian military wouldn¡¯t wee them, as no one wishes to add another grouppeting for their food.
Franz wishes to harness these people for his own use, but he would not directly recruit them, as there aren¡¯t so many cements in the Austrian army to amodate them.
Apart from a few generals who would enter military academies and teach war experience, most Junker aristocracy would need to return to farming and be part of the Austrian military¡¯s reserve officers.
If a great war breaks out on the European Continent, they will have their chance to shine; otherwise, they can only perish in the fields.
It is the instinct of an emperor; there is no doubt about the military aptitude of Junker aristocracy, and Franz must keep it in his grasp. Even if he doesn¡¯t use it, he cannot give it to others.
After the Russians win the war, they would have to reward their own people and settle them locally, which inevitably involves purging these beneficiaries.
Not only the Junker aristocracy, but even the ordinary people, I¡¯m afraid, are going to be unlucky. In fact, they have no choice but to face misfortune; if the Russians don¡¯t confiscate their assets, with what will they repay Austria¡¯s debts?
The loan between Russia and Austriaes with a secret agreement, not just involvingnd exchange but also poption debt redemption as one of the covertly agreed-upon terms.
This satisfies the needs of both parties; the Tsarist Government can clear up unstable elements in the locality, whereas Austria obtains a workforce for developing colonies.
Of course, there are restrictions on the agreement. Austria is not a rag-picker; the Vienna Government will not take just anyone. After the war, under the guise of rescuing Germanic brethren, the Vienna Government will buy these ethnic prisoners of war from the Russians and incidentally take their soldier¡¯s families with them.
Franz was not afraid ofpetition; nationalism had already risen. Aside from his role as the Shinra Emperor, lifting the banner to unify Greater Germany, he could subjugate them with the grand cause of the nation. Other countries did not have this advantage.
Disperse these people in the colonies, and Austria could digest them quickly. If they fell into the hands of Ennd and France, they would likely hesitate to send these people to the colonies.
The defeated troops are only rtively so; theirbat effectiveness is not poor, and it would definitely be outstanding in the colonies.
If they entered the British and French colonies, the differences in cultural traditions would make it impossible for them to assimte in the short term. They would be unequivocally unstable elements, and the kind that could ignite conflict at any moment.
Prime Minister Felix said, "Your Majesty, the British are currently the biggest problem, as they may stir up other European countries to interfere in this war.
The fate of the Prusso Federation has nothing to do with us, but the Kingdom of Prussia is one of the German Confederation states, even though they have dered their withdrawal.
As the leader of the German people, on this issue, we cannotpletely lean toward the Russians. Publicly, we must still make a show of trying to protect Prussia, to give an exnation to society and the outside world.
If the Tsarist Government cannot withstand the pressure and lets go of the Kingdom of Prussia, our ns may be difficult to continue."
Nationalism is a double-edged sword. Since Austria has enjoyed the benefits of nationalism, it must bear the obligations thate with it.
For example: unifying the Germany Region, maintaining the territorial integrity of the Germany Region,bating separatism...
Without a doubt, the Vienna Government will certainly intervene. Not to save the entire Kingdom of Prussia, but at least to preserve the territories of the German areas under Prussia.
After some consideration, Franz shook his head: "Don¡¯t worry. Pnd and the Lithuanian Region have been internationally recognized as Russian territories. As the victor, the Tsarist Government will definitely be able to take them back.
Even if the Kingdom of Prussia is saved, they will still be severely weakened. Huge debts, war indemnities, and a weary domestic economy¡ªall these factorsbined are not so easily ovee.
To rise again, they would need the international situation to allow it. The Russians won¡¯t stop oppressing them, and we won¡¯t give them that opportunity."
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For Austria, the size of the Kingdom of Prussia is still toorge, so much so that Austria fears choking on absorbing them.
Without breaking up the Kingdom of Prussia, the path to German unification will always be an unfounded dream. The New Shinra Empire that Franz established does not need powerful sub-states; the existence of the Kingdom of Prussia would weaken the authority of the Central Government.
While it¡¯s easy to talk about breaking them apart, the operation is veryplicated. Such a resentful task should not be undertaken by Austria. Otherwise, even if unification is achieved in the future, the Prussian people would be alienated from the Central Government.
In this context, Franz chose to let the Russians be that knife. Given the strategic considerations, it was not surprising to support the Russians in the Prusso-Russian war.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "Your Majesty, if the Prusso Federation is defeated, the future of the European Continent will be dominated by the four great powers of Ennd, France, Austria, and Russia.
Geographically, we upy the heart of the European Continent, naturally the most favorable contender for the hegemony of Europe.
Whether we like it or not, in the future we will have to get involved in European conflicts. In recent years, our strength has grown rapidly, causing many to feel uneasy.
As times evolve, international conflicts will gradually increase. Following the trend of interests, the possibility of the French-Russian countriesing together is very high.
Theoretically, we could also ally with the British to counter the French-Russian Alliance, but this is the worst choice."
It is not just possible, but very likely. In the original timeline, both French and Russian countries joined forces, while the Anglo-German alliance turned out to be an illusion.
Did the Russians really lean towards the French because of loans? Before his transmigration, Franz thought so, but now he no longer believed it.
In the original timeline, the French-Russian rapprochement was essentially due to strategic needs; the German Empire was too strong, posing a threat to them, so they had to band together for warmth. Loans were just a catalyst, not the decisive factor.
Although the international situation has changed now, Austria¡¯s strength can also alert France and Russia.
The French-Russian countries have not yete together, simply because the rtions between Russia and Austria are friendly for now, and the French are still basking in the glory of the Napoleonic Era, not fully aware of the Austrian threat.
Franz nodded in satisfaction, seeing that Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry had matured, not dwelling on past sesses but possessing a sober self-awareness, was evidence that they clearly understood the potential threats of the post-war international structure to Austria.
"This is indeed a significant threat, but it concerns the future. We still have time to arrange our strategies, topletely weaken their powers before ourpetitors realize.
The most important thing at the moment is the Prusso-Russian war, to take over the legacy left by the Prusso Federation and enhance our potential strength."
... Enjoy new adventures from empire
Chapter 700 - 273: The Warsaw Battle with No Victors
```
The shifting fortunes on the Prussian-Russian battlefield directly impacted the European financial markets, which became panic-stricken. All the war bonds issued by the Prusso Federation plummeted in market value.
Anyone with a bit ofmon sense knew that if Maoqi couldn¡¯t turn the tide in the uing battles, a Prusso Federation defeat would inevitably lead to a default on their debts.
A financial winter wasing.
Prime Minister Benjamin, far away in London, felt the chill.
Sometimes, being saddled with too much debt isn¡¯t really a burden. Those fearing the copse of the Prusso Federation the most were none other than the British themselves, aside from the Federation.
The more information he held in his hands, the clearer Prime Minister Benjamin saw the seriousness of the issue.
A defeat for the Prusso Federation wouldn¡¯t just mean loans turning into bad debt and bonds turning into worthless paper, the key issue was the trade payables owed by the Berlin Government.
The earlier losses were mostly borne by financial institutions and spectors, who themselves were wealthy and had a strong capacity to absorb risks.
The trade payables, on the other hand, were a different story. Large corporations might weather the storm, but small and medium-sized enterprises, with their fragile financial chains, simply couldn¡¯t withstand the turmoil.
If banks were to exploit the situation, the day the Prusso Federation copsed would mark the beginning of Britain¡¯s industrial crisis.
The actual situation could be even worse. After all, the capitalist world was already experiencing overcapacity. Post-war marketpetition would be fiercer, and a wave of corporate bankruptcies was inevitable.
For a great power like Britain, these small and medium-sized enterprises might not ount for a high proportion of the economic structure, but they provided the majority of jobs.
A wave of bankruptcies and unemployment are inseparablepanions. An unprecedented economic crisis was brewing in Britain.
Sometimes, knowing too much is also a burden.
Benjamin asked, "Sir Edward, what did the French say?"
To reverse this war was no longer something the British could do alone; the stance of the French was crucial.
Foreign Minister Edward shook his head, "The Paris Government rejected our proposal. They believe that the Prusso-Russian conflict is irreconcble and that even if this war is forcibly halted, another war would soon follow.
The French hedged their bets in this war. A Prusso Federation defeat wouldn¡¯t incur significant losses for them; they might even have reached a secret agreement with the Russians."
Prime Minister Benjamin helplessly nodded, aware of the longstanding grudges between Ennd and France. How could the French wish for anything but misfortune for the British, much less extend a helping hand?
Take this Prusso-Russian war, for example. Initially, Britain and France both supported the Berlin Government, but the British got their hands on the Prusso Federation¡¯s gold reserves, almost monopolizing the financial gains.
It turned out that hogging all the food wasn¡¯t such a great feast. The more they consumed, the higher the price they paid. The British undertook most of the loans and bonds from the Berlin Government.
The French chose to let go for various reasons. Apart from the meager benefits, they also required substantial capital for the development of French African territories, with the Paris Government artificially limiting capital outflow.
Even though it didn¡¯tpletely stop capitalists¡¯ greed, the total outflow of capital was significantly reduced.
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Without government guidance, this capital not only flowed into the Prusso Federation but also into the Russian Empire.
Effectively, they bet on both sides, ensuring a slice of the winnings no matter who triumphed. With lesser interests at stake, the Paris Government naturally became disengaged.
Napoleon IV was different from his father; born during the revival of France, he inherited a natural pride and would not bow to anyone.
From France¡¯s foreign policy, it was evident that the Paris Government¡¯s stance was increasingly assertive, and in recent years, rtions between Ennd and France, as well as France and Austria, had been deteriorating.
The British Army had limited power and was therefore both eager and unable to intervene in the war.
Now that the French refused to y the enforcer, the London Government essentially lost the capability to directly intervene in the war.
After a moment of contemtion, Prime Minister Benjamin firmly said, "Then we must resort to alternative methods. By any means necessary, we must find a way to preserve the Kingdom of Prussia. We need the debtor to exist, to provide an exnation to our people at home."
A post-defeat Kingdom of Prussia naturally wouldn¡¯t have the capacity to repay its debts. However, as long as the debtor existed, there was a possibility of payment.
After the war, the Berlin Government¡¯s financial resources would be limited, and for many years toe, their annual repayments might not even cover the interest.
But hope is always better than no hope. The London Government needed a sign of hope to restore the public¡¯s confidence in the market.
Chancellor Garfield said, "Prime Minister, you are too pessimistic. Perhaps things are not as bad as you think. The Prusso Federation is still fighting.
If Maoqi creates a miracle and beats the Russians to win the battle of Warsaw, they might still have the chance to end the war with dignity."
Foreign Minister Edward countered, "Sir Garfield, that is impossible. All signs indicate that the Austrians want the Prusso Federation to lose this war, toy the groundwork for the unity of the German Region."
```
Even if Maoqi created a miracle, he still couldn¡¯t change the fate of defeat for the Prusso-Polish Federation. With the support from Vienna, the Russian Army¡¯s troops would keep pouring in until they finally overwhelmed them to death."
"Numerical superiority"¡ªperhaps that was the most profound concern for European countries. The Russians had proven with facts: "As long as our army has enough numbers, the enemy is powerless."
...
While the British were trying to make up for their losses, the Prussian-Russian War entered a new phase. The Fourth Russian Army had been thoroughly beaten by the Prussian Army and could only struggle to survive behind simple fortifications. Stay updated with empire
Unexpectedly, the Prussian Army did not seize the moment topletely annihte the Fourth Russian Army. Instead, after crippling it, they left behind two infantry divisions and a bunch of militia pretending to be the main force to besiege the Russians, while the main body quickly moved north.
To avoid detection by Russian Army zeppelins, the Prussian Army, for the first time, chose to sleep during the day and march at night, quickly reinforcing the Warsaw battlefield.
On November 10, 1880, the main force of the Prussian Army arrived in Warsaw, and together with the Warsaw garrison,unched a counter-attack on the Russians. Caught off-guard, the Fifth Russian Army suffered heavy losses.
This was just the beginning. After suffering heavy casualties, the Fifth Russian Army was forced to retreat with their remnants. The Seventh Russian Army, which was each other¡¯s nking support, was also exposed to the edge of the Prussian Army¡¯s de.
It was proven that once the advantage in numbers was lost, the Russian Army was truly no match for the Prussian Army.
The Seventh Russian Army could not create a miracle. The warning from theirrades came toote, and they failed to retreat in time. Under the assault of the Prussian Army, they lost a third of their forces.
The Battle of Warsaw ended with a victory for the Prussian Army. However, Maoqi¡¯s expression showed no joy, because the time that belonged to them had already slipped away.
There was no choice; the Russian Army wasn¡¯t made of paper. Defeating the Fifth Russian Army relied on a surprise attack, which only took them two days. However, it took them a full five days to defeat the Seventh Russian Army.
In the battlefield, time is life. At this point, Russian Army¡¯s Third and Sixth Armies were only a little more than two hundred kilometers away from them.
Theoretically, it would be possible to intercept them halfway, dy the enemy¡¯s marching speed, and drag it out for ten days or half a month.
In such a long time, they could also go to support the southern front. For example: first to take out the enemy besieging Poznan, the Eighth Russian Army, and the Ninth Russian Army staying in the middle.
In reality, this was just not feasible. Prussian soldiers were also human; to maintain thebat effectiveness of the troops, they also needed time to recuperate after battle.
Even if they rested for only two days, Maoqi would still not have enough time.
Even though it was only 278 kilometers from Warsaw to Poznan, and a train could make the trip from morning to evening, transporting hundreds of thousands of troops would not be something that could be done in a day or two.
The troops might reach there, but that didn¡¯t mean the war could start immediately. It also depended on whether the enemy was willing to engage in a decisive battle¡ªthey could simply dy the timing.
For instance: by finding advantageous terrain to hold their position. As long as they weren¡¯t annihted, the Prussian Army¡¯s rear would be insecure. The longer the time dragged on, the more it favored the Russians.
Without waiting for them to wipe out the Eighth Russian Army, the Russian reinforcements had already arrived in Warsaw. Without the main force, Warsaw could certainly not be defended.
The fall of the Warsaw region also meant the fall of the Polish Region. At that stage, even if they had taken out the Eighth Russian Army, Maoqi would only have to retreat in disgrace and conduct a defensive battle for the Kingdom of Prussia.
If they gave up the Polish Region, the Prusso-Polish Federation would already have lost the war. Having lost most of their territory and poption, what was left of the Kingdom of Prussia had even less potential for warfare; there was simply no way to keep fighting against the Russians.
With no time to deal with the threat on the southern front, they could only hope that the domestic garrison was strong enough to hold on until they could defeat the Russian reinforcements and then return to support the homnd.
The premise, of course, was that this was thest batch of Russian reinforcements; otherwise, the Warsaw siege would continue. Judging from the current situation, it was more likely that the war would go on.
Looking at the map, Maoqi felt helpless for the first time.
"Marshal, here are the battle reportspiled for your review," a young officer said softly.
Maoqi raised his head and waved his hand to indicate that the young officer should leave the battle report and go out. After a moment of silence, Maoqi calmly opened the report.
The cold numbers on the paper seemed to drop the temperature in the room by a few degrees.
War meant death. In the past month, the Prussian Army had scored glorious victories, sessively crippling the Fourth, Fifth, and severely damaging the Seventh Russian Armies.
They had annihted or captured a total of more than 430,000 enemy troops, dissolving the Russian offensive on Warsaw and creating the world-shocking "Great Victory of Warsaw."
However, behind this glory were 110,000 Prussian soldiers who had fallen forever on the battlefield, and an additional 150,000 were wounded.
These were only the casualties. In fact, their costs were far more than that, not even to mention civilian casualties which Maoqi didn¡¯t care for, as he didn¡¯t consider the Polish significant.
Economic losses were not his concern as a marshal, but he couldn¡¯t ignore the expenditure on weapons, equipment, and strategic materials.
In just one month, the Prussian Army had used up half of the ammunition in their warehouses and consumed nearly a third of their strategic materials.
Chapter 701 - 274: The Human Heart
```
After the news of the Battle of Warsaw spread, the Russian Army Command was shrouded in gloom. The favorable situation in the Warsaw region hadpletely vanished overnight, and calls within the Tsarist Government to abandon the north-south battles and reinforce Warsaw grew louder.
The day the battle reports were received, Ivanov took a train back to St. Petersburg and had an all-night private meeting with Alexander II.
Nobody knew the specifics, but the internal tumult within Russia was quashed by Alexander II¡¯s intervention.
Having settled the internal strife, Marshal Ivanov¡¯s attention returned to the battlefield, sighing deeply as he looked at the casualty data in his hands.
"Order the Fourth Army to retreat," he said. "There¡¯s no need for them to stay there any longer."
There might have been some kindness in the decision, but more so there was no longer a need. Originally, Ivanov had counted on the Fourth Army to hold up the main force of the Prussian Army, buying time for the Russians.
Now, with the Fifth Army crippled and the Seventh Army suffering heavy losses, even with the arrival of the Third and Sixth Armies, the Russian Army no longer had the ability to encircle and annihte the main Prussian force.
At this point, there was no need for the Fourth Army to sacrifice themselves. Even if he was displeased with them, Ivanov still had to consider the political repercussions if the Fourth Army were to bepletely annihted.
The middle-aged officer reminded him, "Marshal, ording to intelligence from the front lines, the Fourth Army has lost its main force. The troops under General Obodo are now less than thirty thousand, and breaking out will likely be..."
Ivanov snapped, "No ¡¯likely¡¯ about it! The Prussian Army¡¯s main force is in Warsaw, the enemy¡¯s total strength is just so much, and Maoqi is not God, he can¡¯t pull armies out of thin air.
Most of those surrounding the Fourth Army are just for show, and it¡¯s only because Obodo is such a fool that he hasn¡¯t realized the enemy¡¯s main force has left. If it were someone else, the situation wouldn¡¯t be this bad now."
Passing the buck!
Somebody had to take the me for the lost battle. The higher-ups of the Fifth and Seventh Armies, being the parties involved, could not escape it.
They¡¯re not being held ountable now; they¡¯re told to continuemanding troops and redeem themselves through service because the war demanded it, but post-war, the Tsarist Government would still scrutinize their merits and faults.
As the Supreme Commander of the Russian Army, Marshal Ivanov must also bear responsibility. At times like these, a scapegoat is needed, and Obodo was just the unlucky one.
Of course, Obodo wasn¡¯t entirely meless. Had he not acted on his own, disrupting the overall Russian deployment, there wouldn¡¯t have been such a massive defeat in Warsaw.
...
Franz had been closely following the Warsaw battle ever since it began. He had to admit that the Prussian Army fought the campaign brilliantly, pushing the pace to the limit.
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In contrast, the Russian Army¡¯s performance left much to be desired. Especially in terms of cooperation; the Fifth Army was surrounded by the Prussian Army, and the Seventh Army failed toe to their aid in time. Before they could react, the Fifth Army was finished.
If the Russians had responded faster or had been more vignt, and the Fifth and Seventh Armies could have closely coordinated and provided timely reinforcement, it wouldn¡¯t have been so easy for the Prussian Army to win.
Chief of Staff Albrecht said, "Your Majesty, the Prusso-Russian war is nearing its end. If no miracle happens, the defeat of the Prusso Federation seems inevitable."
This conclusion shocked Franz. Before the Battle of Warsaw, the staff had estimated that the chances of victory were split between Prusso-Russian forces at twenty-eighty. Now, even though the Prussian Army had won the Battle of Warsaw, their chances of victory had not increased, but decreased.
Franz, puzzled, asked, "Why? The Prussian Army won the Battle of Warsaw, so they should have increased their chances of winning. How could it be..."
Albrecht exined, "Tactically speaking, the Prussian Army won the Battle of Warsaw very beautifully, instantly reversing the disadvantage in the Warsaw region.
But strategically, it¡¯s a different story. After the Battle of Warsaw, the Russian Army lost its advantage in troop strength in the Warsaw region, and now the Third and Sixth Russian Armies will have to be very, very cautious.
The Prussian Army¡¯s chances of finding an opportunity to encircle and destroy the remaining Russian forces are practically nil. Given Ivanov¡¯s style, the Russian Army will likely not initiate attacks next, but hang back far away from the Prussians."
```
The Third Russian Army, along with the Sixth Army and the remnants of the Seventh and Fifth Armies, still boasted a total force of six hundred thousand. To defeat them was not something that could be aplished overnight.
In the previous battles, the Prussian Army also suffered losses; the forces at Maoqi¡¯s disposal were likely to be no different from that of the Russians. It was difficult for him to allocate troops to reinforce other battlefields.
Once the Prussian Army divided its forces, these Russian armies would immediately pounce and seize the Warsaw region.
Maoqi dared not abandon the Warsaw region; losing it meant losing Pnd. Neither the political nor the military impact was something the Berlin Government could bear.
Before the war, the General Staff had judged that the Prusso Federation had a fifty percent chance of winning, based on the premise that the Prussian Army would bepletely victorious in the Battle of Warsaw. Maoqi had to wipe out both the Third and Sixth Russian Armies.
Normally, this would be an impossible mission. It was likely that Maoqi realized he had no assurance, which would exin why he made a preemptive move, giving the Russians no time to gather their forces.
Militarily speaking, Maoqi¡¯s actions were certainly correct. If he waited for the Russian Army to assemble, even if they came to him, he would not be able to defeat them. Striking first was undoubtedly the best choice.
The right choice did not equate to ultimate victory; the gap in strength could not be bridged by one person alone.
If only military considerations were taken into ount, abandoning the Warsaw region now and first wiping out the Russian forces on the southern line before returning for a decisive battle would be the best choice.
But in reality, this was simply not possible. There was still arge number of Polish soldiers in the Prussian Army. If Maoqi dared to vacate Warsaw without a fight, the Polish soldiers would mutiny.
Finance Minister Karl questioned, "That may not necessarily be the case! The Prusso Federation has fully mobilized, and many retired veterans have returned to the troops. Military academy students have also graduated early and entered the service.
These newly formed troops mayck training, and theirbat effectiveness is a concern, but they can certainly defend a city and buy time."
Albrecht nodded, "Berlin might be able to hold out, but Poznan definitely cannot. At this stage of the war, we can no longer rely on the Polish people.
During the Battle of East Prussia, the Russians had naval engagements to deal with, and the Prussian Army had no chance of victory. Failure was only a matter of time.
The Prusso Federation cannot afford to lose; if the Russians break through anywhere, the Prussian Army in the Warsaw region will be an isted force."
Human hearts are the mostplex, and loyalty has its price.
People are more willing to believe what they see than what the government proims. With the Russians at the gates, who would believe the government when they say that perseverance is victory?
The Prusso Federation has only been established for a few years; there hasn¡¯t been enough time to cultivate national loyalty. Once the public sentiment bes chaotic, it¡¯s like ¡¯birds of the same feather,¡¯ each fleeing at the approach of danger.
The Tsarist Government has been ruling the Polish Region not just for a day or two; it does have a foundation there. For capitalists and nobility to have under-the-table dealings with the Russians for their own interests is anything but unusual.
...
After some contemtion, Franz made a decision, "Since the overall situation is settled, we should not interfere. Let the Immigration Bureau prepare, as a new wave of immigration is about to erupt.
This wave of immigration is extraordinary, containing arge number of retired soldiers. We must screen carefully to prevent extremists from slipping in."
There¡¯s no help for it; nowadays, the ideological realm in Europe is aplete mess, with all kinds of thoughts prevalent ¨C over eighty percent of which are utopian dreams.
Especially in war-torn areas, such regions are hotbeds for various extremist ideologies. Austria absorbs immigrants for the development of colonial economies, not to test new ideas.
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
...
Chapter 702 - 275, The Blame That Must Be Taken
Berlin Pce had just concluded a celebration banquet, and Marshal Mochi, the focal point of the event, was specially kept behind by Wilhelm I.
As the guests dispersed, the joy on Wilhelm I¡¯s face also vanished. It was evident that the nonchnce and confidence he had exhibited earlier were feigned.
As the King of the Prusso-Polish Federation, Wilhelm I was more aware of the current crisis than anyone. The Battle of Warsaw was merely a tactical victory and had not changed the unfavorable situation on the battlefield.
However, the people needed confidence and a sense of victory. In order to stabilize public sentiment, this self-deceptive celebration was staged.
Wilhelm I asked with concern, "Marshal, when can the Battle of Warsaw be brought to an end?"
"I don¡¯t know!"
These three ordinary words seemed particrly heavy in this context. It was as if Marshal Mochi had exhausted all his strength to say them, and his expression instantly became gloomy.
This was the truth. When the Battle of Warsaw would end was no longer up to the Prusso Federation. The power to decide had long shifted to the Russians.
After a pause, Wilhelm I pressed, with a heavier tone, "What if I insist on having a time frame?"
Mochi shook his head, "Your Majesty, this is not something I can decide! To end the Battle of Warsaw, it depends on whether the Russians agree.
The Fourth and Fifth Russian Armies are decimated, but their Seventh Army still maintains a certain fighting capacity. The Third and Sixth Armies are en route and will soon reach the front.
This is just the beginning. As far as I am aware, the Russians have seven newly raised armies. The enemy can deploy at least four of them to the Warsaw front.
Even if they are mere cannon fodder, we cannot defeat them quickly. Besides, the enemy is in no hurry to engage in a decisive battle, which makes it even more difficult for us tounch an offensive.
Militarily speaking, the enemy has prated deep into our territory, and the Warsaw region has lost its strategic value to be defended.
If it¡¯s feasible, I suggest we abandon the Warsaw region for now, concentrate our forces towards resolving the crises in the north and south, and focus on the defense of the Kingdom of Prussia."
Seeing Wilhelm I remain silent for a long time, Mochi knew he was hesitant and hence added, "By falling back to defend the Kingdom of Prussia, we can not only ovee our strategic passiveness but also exploit German nationalism to influence the decisions of the Vienna Government.
The Austrians¡¯ support for the Russians is not without limits. If they perceive that the Tsarist Government intends to annex German territories, the situation is bound to change.
Without Austrian support, the Tsarist Government won¡¯tst long. Once they run out of money, the war will alsoe to an end.
If things go well, we might even have a chance to encircle and destroy the main Russian forces in Prussian territory and recapture our lostnd."
On the surface, Austria supported the Russians to eliminate thepetition posed by the Prusso-Polish Federation and clear internal obstacles to the unification of German territories.
The moment the Russians show interest in German territories, a Russian-Austrian fallout could happen in minutes. Even if the governments could maintain the big picture, nationalists would stir up strife.
Wilhelm I shook his head, "That¡¯s the worst-case scenario. Giving up Polish territories is easy, but reiming them will be difficult.
You have personally experienced Ivanov¡¯s style ofmand, what do you think are the chances of him being tricked?
If the Russians continue their steady approach, we won¡¯tst long. We might not evenst until the Tsarist Government runs out of money before we exhaust ourselves.
Moreover, do you really believe that Russia and Austria will turn against each other soon? Alexander II isn¡¯t foolish; no matter how much he covets the territories of Germany, he wouldn¡¯t show it now.
If I were in Alexander II¡¯s position, I would give up all Prussian territories in Germany to Austria to settle debts in exchange for the Vienna Government¡¯s full support.
Maintaining good Russian-Austrian rtions and recovering strength behind Austria¡¯s back after the war, while observing the changing situation in Europe and waiting for the next European upheaval."
Sowing discord between Russia and Austria isn¡¯t realistic, but seeking support from other countries is somewhat possible, at least enough to persuade the British to increase their investment.
It¡¯s a pity that Denmark has leaned towards the Russians, otherwise renting the Royal Navy tounch a surprise attack on St. Petersburg would have been a brilliant move."
The Berlin Government has deeply studied Russian-Austrian rtions, concluding that a fallout between them is inevitable, but not now¡ªit will happen during the future struggle for European supremacy.
The Prusso-Russian war hasn¡¯t even ended yet, and no matter how obstinate the Tsarist Government is, they cannot immediately join the struggle for European dominance.
This means that Russian-Austrian contradictions have erupted and there is still a long way to go. In the short term, the Prusso-Polish Federation will remain the primary target of the Russians.
Indeed, there was another reason Wilhelm I had not voiced, which was that he was now not only the King of the Kingdom of Prussia but also the King of the Kingdom of Pnd.
Once he abandoned the Polish Region, it would be impossible for him to gain recognition from the Polish people in the future.
Politics is cruel. If there was no chance to turn the tables, that would be the end of it, and the situation couldn¡¯t get worse; but if the Prussian Army turned the tide on the battlefield and reimed the lost territory, his role as the Polish King who abandoned the Polish Region would be over.
When the time came to rebuild the Prusso-Polish Federation and ease Prusso-Polish rtions, he as the king would have to take responsibility. Abdication would be the best oue, and worse yet, he might face an untimely demise.
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In the face of interests, nothing is impossible. As the war has continued, Wilhelm I¡¯s control over the nation has essentially dwindled to its lowest point.
In this context, abandoning the Warsaw region was eptable, but the order could not be given by him; someone else had to be found to take the me.
Was there anyone more suitable than Maoqi at this point?
It madeplete logical sense for the front-linemander to order the abandonment of Pnd in order to win the war.
As for Maoqi, he was bound to face censure after the war, even to the point of utter disgrace. Wilhelm I, for that matter, would probably prefer Maoqi¡¯s reputation to turn even sourer, as no Emperor likes his subjects to overshadow him.
If it hadn¡¯t been for hinting at Maoqi to take the fall, Wilhelm I would never have made those ambiguous statements, and that finalint would have been superfluous.
The n tounch a surprise attack on St. Petersburg was not abandoned because the Danish people sided with the Tsarist Government; the critical point was the British failing to deliver.
The London Government was not willing to make such an expenditure, and there were many reasons involved.
Domestically: opposition from the Opposition party; internationally: France and Austria hoped the British would abide by the rules of the game, while The Nordic Federation did not wish to see British influence stretch to the Baltic Sea.
If it were for the sake of guarding Britannia¡¯s own interests, the London Government could stand firm. However, the problem was that they were now asked to pay such a high price for the interest of the Prusso-Polish Federation, naturally, they were reluctant.
No matter how much debt there was, it was of no use; the financial consortium could influence politics, but that did not mean they could make decisions on behalf of the government. In this day and age, it was not yet the turn of the capitalists to call the shots.
After pondering for a moment, Maoqi smiled wryly and said, "I know what to do."
Having said that, Maoqi immediately turned and left the Pce, not even bothering with the ceremonial farewell.
From the beginning to the end, Wilhelm I did not utter a word to stop him. The rift had widened, an unavoidable matter; since Roon¡¯s death, the rtionship between Wilhelm I and Maoqi had taken a gap.
Without a lubricant, the conflict between the Prusso-Polish Federation government and the military had intensified. Wilhelm I¡¯s intention to y political bnce by supporting the weaker government to counter the military was inevitable.
As the head of the military, Maoqi naturally became the forefront of the conflict. With multiple shes urring, deterioration of the rtionship was inevitable.
Wilhelm I now making Maoqi take the me was not just about the situational needs but also a continuation of political struggle.
Otherwise, the government could have taken the me just as well; however, the Berlin Government was already weak. If they took this me as well, they would be even less able to counter the military.
After the unamicable meeting, Maoqi took the night train to hurry back to the front. On the surface, it looked like an urgent matter at the front, in reality, it was also a silent protest.
Who else but him could carry this pot of me? It was not easy being the head of the military; one must consider the overall interests of the armed forces.
The Army¡¯s authority is built on victory. The Prusso-Polish Federation is a state possessed by the military. If the war were lost, it would be the Junker aristocracy, leading the military, who would suffer the most devastating losses.
Purely from a military standpoint, retreating to the safety of the Prussian Kingdom offered a glimmer of hope. For this reason alone, Maoqi had to go through with it.
Offend the Polish people, and he would still be a high-ranking Marshal. At most, he would be criticized a few times; after all, reputation could not be used as food. But if he lost the war, he would be nothing.
Acting out of anger was out of the question. If he were to act on impulse now, refusing to retreat and stubbornly defending Warsaw, it wouldn¡¯t just be acting on a whim but gambling with his life.
The phrase "national traitor" is not the exclusive property of the Japanese. In fact, the Kingdom of Prussia was the progenitor, just not as diabolically extreme.
...
Chapter 703 - 276: Run Away
On November 18, 1880, the Russian Army captured Poznan, and the Prussian Army in Warsaw was constantly facing the danger of having its supply lines cut. The Prusso-Russian War had be clear.
Prussian Army Headquarters in Warsaw
Receiving this bad news, Maoqi was not surprised in the slightest. Since he had refused to divide his forces to reinforce Poznan, he had prepared for the worst.
There is an art to taking the me, and giving up Warsaw isn¡¯t as simple as saying it out loud. Without sufficient reason, there would be no way to exin it to the outside world.
At the military conference, Maoqi calmly stated, "Poznan has fallen ahead of schedule, our rear is threatened, and the n to encircle and annihte the Third Russian Army and the Sixth Army has failed.
We now have to change the original battle n, retake the Poznan region first to ensure our lines ofmunication are open, and then turn back to Warsaw for a decisive battle with the Russians.
Currently upying Poznan is the Eighth Russian Army, mainly infantry, with a total force of nearly two hundred thousand. Itsbat strength can only be considered average among all Russian forces.
The Eighth Russian Army is not fighting alone; the Ninth Russian Army is less than one hundred sixty kilometers away from them. Once weunch our counterattack, the enemy will certainly send reinforcements.
Everyone is aware of the domestic situation; newly formed troops¡¯bat effectiveness is worrying, and they cannot be deployed to the battlefield in a short time.
To recapture the Poznan region from the enemy¡¯s hands as soon as possible, we must call up our main force to participate in the battle. Now we need someone to stay behind in Warsaw to ensure that during the main force¡¯s absence, Warsaw does not fall."
Staying behind in Warsaw is no easy task. The current battlefield situation is clearly unfavorable to the Prusso Federation. If progress goes well, they might have a chance for a counterattack. If anything unexpected happens, the troops left behind will be sacrificial pawns.
The Commander of the First Army Group, General Giovanni Ferrari, quickly interjected, "Let us stay behind. The First Army Group has the strongestbat power and should be able to buy enough time for the main force."
This was not a show of vanity. The First Army Group was the absolute main force of the Prussian Army, and the stronger a unit¡¯sbat strength on the battlefield, the heavier thebat mission it usually carried.
Not knowing that the domestic decision had already been made to abandon Warsaw, General Giovanni Ferrari naturally took on this arduous task considering the bigger picture.
Maoqi immediately rejected, "No!"
He then exined, "It¡¯s true that the First Army Group has the strongestbat capability, but you specialize in offense, not defense. The uing operation to recapture the Poznan region also cannot do without the First Army Group.
The defense battle of Warsaw is going to be difficult. The Russians might attack with unprecedented ferocity, and we can¡¯t leave too many troops behind for defense. To hold the Warsaw region under such circumstances, we must closely cooperate with the local militia.
A national mobilization order has already been issued. Warsaw and the surrounding areas can mobilize about two hundred thousand people. These troops have only received simple military training and cannot act as the main force but can suffice as auxiliary forces.
In the situation of insufficient troops, we must maximize thebat capability of this force. We do not seek to defeat the Russianspletely, just to hold Warsaw and prevent its fall. That, in itself, would be a victory.
Considering all factors, the headquarters has decided that the Third Army Group, which has the best foundation among the popce, will stay behind in the Warsaw region.
General Vashi Kavis, you must hold Warsaw against the Russian attack for at least forty days. Any problems with that?"
The Prusso Federation was established too recently, and although the Warsaw government intended to promotenguage and script unification, there was not enough time, and the resistance of the Polish people naturally didn¡¯t yield results.
Lacking unifiednguage and script, for the sake ofmand efficiency, the Prussian Army had no choice but to organize separately.
The Third Army Group was mainlyposed of Polish people, with most soldiersing from around the Warsaw region. A unit made up of locals naturally had a better mass base than other units.
Vashi Kavis¡¯s face looked somewhat unsightly. On the surface, Maoqi seemed to be asking for his opinion, but in fact, he had no chance to refuse at all.
The headquarters had made the decision; what else could he do aside of executing the order?
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Furthermore, Maoqi¡¯s reasoning was quite sound¡ªthe Third Army Group consisted of locals, and defending their hometown was their rightful duty.
Unaware that he was being made into a sacrificial pawn, Vashi Kavis¡¯s aversion was not strong and he simply treated it as a normal assignment.
Concerned, Vashi Kavis asked, "Overall, I have no problem. The Third Army Group will do its best to gain time for the main force. However, to cooperate with local forces, who will havemand authority?"
Having received an affirmative response, Maoqi nodded with satisfaction, "Of course themand authority belongs to you all. Before weunch our counterattack, the Third Army Group will take over all military and administrative power in the Polish region.
"This is a special period; it must be treated specially. Both the local troops and the local government are temporarily under your control."
"How this war is fought is not the concern of the headquarters. I only have one demand, Warsaw must be held."
Delegation of power, the utmost delegation of power. Vashi Kavis was about to be the most powerful Commander of the Prusso Federation¡¯s military groups. Even Maoqi, the Marshal, did not have the authority to control the local government."
Vashi Kavis did not feel surprised; during times of war, anything was possible. Although the Prussian Army had never taken over local administration before¡ªthis might be the first case¡ªmilitary intervention in local government affairs had long been rampant."
To win the war, the Berlin Government had grown ustomed to turning a blind eye. As long as it favored the war, any action was permissible."
The control over local government was a first but would undoubtedly not be thest.
Setting such a poor precedent was undoubtedly a heavy blow to government authority. However, all sitting here were military personnel; their positions demanded a bias towards the military side."
A look of joy crossed Vashi Kavis¡¯s face. To gainmand over local troops was an unexpected delight, and now that he could even control the local government, the resources avable to him would significantly increase."
With so many resources, if he couldn¡¯t hold out for 40 days, he might as well go home and farm, lest he stay and make a fool of himself."
Vashi Kavis answered with certainty, "No problem. The Third Army Group guarantees toplete the task!"
Maoqi cast a nce at Vashi Kavis, a trace of sympathy showing in his eyebrows before quickly being concealed, as he warned with earnest gravity,
"Don¡¯t celebrate too soon. The Third Army Group has only 156,000 men; even with an additional 200,000 local troops, the total strength is still only slightly more than half of the enemy¡¯s.
Even as the defending side, holding the geographical advantage, we are still at a disadvantage and must be careful and cautious.
The local troops have only recently been formed; many haven¡¯t evenpleted basic military training, so you had better not have too high hopes for theirbat effectiveness."
"The battlefield situation changes unpredictably; 40 days is only the minimum duration. If any contingencies arise, no one knows when we might be able to reinforce Warsaw."
"Yes, Marshal!" Vashi Kavis replied seriously
His expression carried a hint of gratitude. Since Maoqi had taken over as themander-in-chief, he had taken good care of the Third Army Group, never showing any bias in distribution of supplies or military tasks.
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Defending Warsaw was the most challenging task the Third Army Group had received since the war began. However, high risk also meant high reward. Such difficult tasks were often where military merits were most easily earned.
Vashi Kavis was ambitious and did not fear challenges. He took Maoqi¡¯s warning as nothing more than themander¡¯s concern for his subordinate; it did not provoke any doubts in him.
Maoqi nodded in satisfaction, "Good. Since you have such confidence, the task of defending Warsaw is entrusted to the Third Army Group.
We don¡¯t have much time left; other troops, pack up immediately, and set out for Poznan first thing tomorrow.
Due to the limited capacity of rail transport, heavy weapons and logistical materials will be transported by train, while the troops will march lightly equipped."
The railroad facilities of the Prusso Federation were already rtively well-developed. However, no matter how advanced, they were incapable of transporting hundreds of thousands of troops and their logistical materials hundreds of miles away in a short time.
In this context, to save time, priority was naturally given to the transportation of weapons, equipment, and strategic materials, while soldiers still had to march on foot.
Fortunately, Pnd was not veryrge. From Warsaw to Poznan was less than 37 Prussian miles (about 280 kilometers), and the troops would take roughly one week to march lightly equipped."
Of course, that was theoretical data. In practice, it would undoubtedly take longer since the operational speed ofrge military groups was inherently slow.
Before reaching the battlefield, heavy weapons and logistical materials must be distributed to the troops first, an act that would test the organization¡¯s logistical abilities.
If the organizational capability wascking, and these efforts were not promptlypleted, it would have been better for the soldiers to carry their equipment and supplies from the start to avoid confusion and time wastage.
...
Chapter 704 - 277: Refugee Crisis
Russian Army Command, Ivanov was immersed in the joy of capturing Poznan. It could be said that this was the greatest victory achieved by the Russian Army since the war began, and its strategic significance was in no way inferior to the recapture of Smolensk.
One needs only to open a map to know that Poznan is situated in the heart of the Polish in and is the most important transportation hub and industrial center between Prussia and Pnd.
With the Russian Army¡¯s upation of this area, it also meant that they had severed the main artery connecting Warsaw with its rear, and the Prussian Army¡¯s main force, led by Maoqi, was about to be isted.
A young officer hurriedly came in to report, "Marshal, we¡¯ve received news from the front. ording to the airship reconnaissance, yesterday there was arge enemy force retreating from the Warsaw region, numbering in the hundreds of thousands.
The enemy¡¯s marching speed is very fast, and they are suspected to be the main force; however, they did not carry heavy weapons, and it¡¯s temporarily impossible to ascertain."
A shock went through Ivanov¡¯s mind, and he thought to himself, "Not good, the enemy wants to escape." Then he hesitated again, since Maoqi was full of tricks and often surprised with his military tactics, no one knew whether this was a feint.
Airships could only do reconnaissance and it was difficult to discern whether the units below were indeed the main force. There were still arge number of local forces in the Warsaw region, which were fully capable of pretending to be the main force.
The same tactic was used by Maoqi inst year¡¯s winter battle. Not long ago, in the battle of Warsaw, the enemy had used the same trick to deceive the Fourth Russian Army.
However, to give up just like that, Ivanov could not bear it. If the Prussian Army¡¯s main force were let go now, it would be much harder to encircle them in the future.
After a moment of thought, Ivanov made a decision, "Order the Seventh Army to immediately dispatch cavalry deep into enemy territory for reconnaissance to confirm whether it is indeed the enemy¡¯s main force.
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Inform the Eighth Army of the news, and have them destroy the roads and bridges on the Prussian Army¡¯s return path, preparing to intercept the enemy¡¯s retreat to the west.
Order the Ninth Army to immediately head to Poznan and meet up with the Eighth Army to carry out the interception mission.
Order the Eleventh Army and Seventeenth Army to leave a small contingent of troops for defense, and the main force to promptly head to Poznan for reinforcements.
Order the Third Army, Sixth Army, and Seventh Army to close ranks immediately. As soon as it is confirmed that the enemy¡¯s main force has left,unch an attack on Warsaw.
Order the Fourth Army and Fifth Army, which are currently in repairs, to be ready forbat at any time, ready to reinforce the Warsaw battlefield.
Order the Thirteenth Army and Fourteenth Army to abandon their originalbat missions and cut off the connection between the enemy forces in Warsaw and those in the East Prussia region."
Ivanov was still the same Ivanov, and did not blindly order a pursuit just because the enemy might retreat.
The Prussian Army, to escape as quickly as possible, did not carry heavy weapons. If several cavalry divisions from the Warsaw region were to be dispatched, the likelihood of sessfully intercepting them were still very high.
But what then if they were intercepted?
The Fourth and Fifth Armies in the Warsaw region were already decimated, and the Seventh Army had sustained great losses in previous battles, greatly reducing theirbat effectiveness. The Third and Sixth Armies, which had prematurely ended their repairs, were also not at their peakbat strength.
Even if these armies did catch up, they were not strong enough to encircle and defeat the main Prussian force. Besides, to pursue, they must first deal with the Prussian troops left in the Warsaw region.
Considering the risks involved, Ivanov would rather choose a more conservative tactic by intercepting further away in the Poznan region.
While it was a safer choice, the sess rate was also pitifully low. The Polish in was t and devoid of natural defenses, leaving too many options open for the enemy.
Unless luck was on their side, the Eighth Army would hardly be able to intercept them. Ivanov¡¯s order for reinforcements was not really to block the Prussian main force in the Polish region. Keeping them out of Pnd was also a decent option.
Ivanov, who preferred to proceed methodically and steadily, did not mind first clearing the Warsaw region of enemies before concentrating forces to fight a decisive battle with the Prussian Army.
¡
Vienna Pce, upon receiving the news of the Russian Army¡¯s upation of Poznan, Franz sprayed his tea out in shock.
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Intuition told him that there was a serious problem here.
The strategic value of Poznan was something Maoqi could not be unaware of. No matter how scarce their forces were, it seemed impossible not to pay attention to such a strategic location.
Even if the main forces were insufficient, the second-line troops should have been fully staffed. Yet, only three under-strength second-line infantry divisions were deployed in the Poznan region, with just seven thousand men stationed in the city of Poznan itself.
```
This modest force might as well tell the enemy, "Our troops are weak here,e and attack quickly."
Franz asked, "Albrecht, what do you think Maoqi wants to do? Entice the enemy deep ind to annihte Russia¡¯s Eighth Army?"
Chief of Staff Albrecht smiled, "That might be a factor, but it¡¯s more about preserving strength and getting out of that big pit in Warsaw sooner rather thanter."
The Russians have too much of an advantage; the Prusso Federation stands no chance in a head-to-head confrontation. To turn the tables, Maoqi can only resort to unexpected tactics.
I¡¯m not sure about the specifics, but militarily speaking, abandoning Pnd to extend the Russian front does indeed increase the Prussian Army¡¯s odds of victory.
The loss of the Poznan region also involves historical issues. Since the Vienna Congress in 1815, the area had been assigned to the Kingdom of Prussia, but the locals have never been verypliant.
To be precise, it¡¯s the local capitalists, nobility, and intellectuals who are very dissatisfied with the Berlin Government.
On the surface, it¡¯s the Berlin Government¡¯s policy of national integration through Germanization in the area, but in reality, the Junker aristocracy has upied most of the government¡¯s interests, leaving these neers with leftovers.
In times of peace, these people can¡¯t cause trouble, but it¡¯s different in times of war, especially when it looks like the Russians are about to win, these disgruntled individuals naturally be active.
Perhaps, Maoqi wants to root out these hidden problems in one go, deliberately exposing them."
"Draw the snake from its hole, eliminate dissenters."
Franz was also well-versed in such matters. Political struggles are inherently brutal; if you can¡¯t make them your own, you have to purge them.
The war has progressed to this stage, and the internal contradictions of the Prusso Federation have also umted to a pinnacle, just short of a spark to explode. Since Poznan has be a trouble spot, it naturally needs to be purged.
Looking at the map, Franz sincerely eximed, "Maoqi is really ruthless, abandoning the hundreds of thousands of troops in the Warsaw region just like that!"
There¡¯s nothing wrong with this approach. As the saying goes, "Mercy does not lead an army." To win the war, there¡¯s nothing you cannot abandon.
It seems like hundreds of thousands of troops have been forsaken, but in fact, the Berlin Government doesn¡¯t lose out. The war has progressed to the point where the two sides are bitter enemies, and as long as there¡¯s hope, the Poles will not surrender.
Most of these troops are locals, and it¡¯s almost impossible topletely annihte them in battle. Even if a victory is achieved, it will be very difficult to purge the local area after the war.
The Berlin Government just needs to y its part, and local guerri squads would be formed. Just think of the Cossack cavalry¡¯s atrocities in the Polish Region earlier, and you¡¯ll know how much the locals detest the Russians; there will be plenty of guerri warfare toe.
Finance Minister Karlughed, "Your Majesty, Maoqi probably had no choice. The Warsaw region is not just about hundreds of thousands of troops; it also has arge number of refugees."
The war drags on without end, and these people cannot return home to resume production. The Prusso Federation cannot provide so many jobs; you could say the Polish Region is overpopted with refugees.
Preliminary estimates suggest there are close to three million people relying on the Berlin Government for relief food, with about halfpletely losing their source of livelihood.
Maintaining millions of troops while also supporting millions of refugees, even with British blood transfusions, the Berlin Government¡¯s finances cannot bear it.
By losing the Polish Region, they¡¯ve also shed this heavy burden. On this issue, the Berlin Government must have yed a disgraceful role."
Refugees are always a headache, and while Austria indeed epts arge number of refugees, the colonial government is past the point of indiscriminate eptance, having set up thresholds that block most people due tonguage barriers.
The British and French colonies and American Countries do wee immigrants, but unfortunately, you have to buy your own ship ticket, and upon arrival, you need to find your own way to make a living.
Franz nodded, "This is a dilemma for the Berlin Government, but it probably won¡¯t stump the Russians; they have plenty of experience in handling such situations, it¡¯s just uncertain what Alexander II will do this time."
Aid is out of the question, as most of these refugees were created by the Russian Army. Even if the Tsarist Government spends money to help, it won¡¯t win back people¡¯s hearts.
Moreover, the Tsarist Government isn¡¯t wealthy. Such a meaningless investment is definitely not something that Alexander II would do.
Expulsion might not be the best method, but it¡¯s the most likely one for the Tsarist Government to undertake, just like during the second Near East War when the Russian Army expelled arge number of Ottoman People into the ind areas.
```
Chapter 705 - 278: Stop Loss
On November 27, 1880, the Prussian Army arrived in the Poznan region. After a brief rest, theyunched an attack against the Eighth Russian Army the next day.
Harassed by Russian cavalry and airships, it took the Prussian Army less than eight days to travel from Warsaw to Poznan, a feat that demonstrated the essence of speed in warfare.
Anyone with even a little military knowledge knows that therger the troop numbers, the greater the coordination difficulty and the slower the march velocity.
The Prussian Army¡¯s total strength amounted to 468,000. Toplete an over 280-kilometer march in 8 days was a miracle in military history.
If organizational capacity wascking, perhaps the frontline troops would have reached their destination while the rear was yet to set out.
After all, with so many people queuing up, one could form two lines from Poznan to Warsaw.
Without a doubt, the swift movements of the Prussian Army exceeded the Russians¡¯ estimates. Even the closer Ninth Army had not arrived, and the enemy had already reached the scene first.
Despite the valiant resistance of the Eighth Russian Army, it was to no avail. Not to mention stopping the Prussian Army from returning west, keeping Poznan itself was problematic.
...
At Russian Army Command, Ivanov sighed helplessly while looking at the telegram plea for help in his hands.
"Order the Eighth Army to hold Poznan and await reinforcements,mand the Ninth Army to speed up its march to reinforce the Eighth as soon as possible," he said.
Staff officer Julian Bet reminded him, "Marshal, the Prussian main force arrived in the Poznan region two days ago, and now Warsaw City may already be encircled.
It is difficult for the Ninth Army to immediately join forces with the Eighth Army inside the city; instead, they might be targeted by the enemy for attack while in transit.
The Eighth Army has the city to defend, and it can hold out for ten days to half a month without trouble. It would be better for the Ninth Army to join with the Eleventh and Seventeenth Armies before moving out to reinforce."
Militarily, Julian Bet¡¯s concerns were very valid. In a field battle, a lone Ninth Army certainly could not match the enemy¡¯s main force.
If an encounter battle were to take ce, at best they would suffer heavy losses, and at worst, they would bepletely annihted. Without the Ninth Army, just the two second-line armies following would not be a match for the enemy.
Ivanov scoffed and said, "There is no need. If Maoqi has such a big appetite, what harm does it do to give them the Ninth Army?
"The Eighth Army¡¯s total force amounts to 216,000, and the Ninth Army, 187,000. Together they exceed 400,000, not so easily swallowed.
"If we can¡¯t achieve a quick decision, our Eleventh and Seventeenth Armies will have reached the battlefield. Even if Maoqi is victorious, how much of their force would remain afterwards?
"Exhausting their main troops, and then trying to recover, is not something done overnight, and we won¡¯t give them the time.
"Now, this force in Maoqi¡¯s hands is the very essence of the Prussian Army. If they are willing to exchange it, then why should we be stingy?"
The Berlin Government had already begun full mobilization. The main reason newly formed units could not achievebat effectiveness was theck of officers and the small number of veterans.
This elite force in Maoqi¡¯s hands became especially critical. With this force present to lead the new soldiers, the Prussian Army still had a chance for onest surge of strength.
Of course, surging was not easy. The Prussian Armycked sufficient time, and Ivanov was not going to give them a chance to catch their breath.
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The war had progressed to this point where losses were no longer significant. Opening a map, one could see that the Prusso Federation had already forfeited 55% of its territory, 40% of its poption, half of its food production capacity, and a third of its industry.
This was only the beginning. With the fires of war already reaching the hearnds of the Kingdom of Prussia, once the Warsaw region fell, the Prusso Federation would be reduced to a third of its former size.
No matter how splendidly the Prussian Army performed on the battlefield, they could not ovee the gap in national strength, and theirck of reserves was increasingly evident.
...
The Russian Army¡¯s setback in the Poznan region did not mean it was also losing on other fronts.
In the Baltic Sea region, Russians held naval superiority, and, moving by sea andnd, they heavily pounded the Prussian Army, seizing about a quarter of East Prussia.
In the Warsaw region, the bnce of power shifted after the withdrawal of the Prussian main force. Though they had not yet broken through Warsaw City, they were close.
It wasn¡¯t that the Poles defending Warsaw weren¡¯t fighting hard, but the Russians were too cunning, drivingrge numbers of refugees into the city and increasing the pressure on the defenders.
The Tenth Russian Army, tasked with the surprise attack on Berlin, was now less than eighty kilometers away from the capital. Of course, this distance might be the limit, and advancing further was not something the Tenth Army could achieve.
From a military standpoint, the raid by the Tenth Russian Army had obviously failed, having no element of surprise and being detected by the enemy early on.
Politically, however, it was a different story. The presence of the Tenth Army near Berlin had a disastrous impact on the Prusso Federation, with more and more people bing pessimistic about the war.
If it weren¡¯t for the deep-seated hatred towards the Russians and the fact that too much had been staked on this war with no way out, perhaps the Berlin Government would have alreadypromised with the Russians.
In London, once it was confirmed that the Prusso Federation¡¯s situation was beyond salvage, the Benjamin Cab began considering how to cut losses in time and minimize Britain¡¯s damage.
Finance Minister Garfield: "After our investigation and data analysis, the most optimistic estimate is that once the Prusso-Polish Federation is defeated, we will lose at least 300 million pounds in wealth.
And all the Federation¡¯s overseas assetsbined may not even amount to 150 million pounds, including the final deposits in the Berlin Government¡¯s ounts and the gold mortgaged to us.
Most of these overseas assets are located in Austro-Africa and are in private names; we can¡¯t even freeze them if we wanted to."
Without a doubt, it¡¯s already very difficult to mitigate the losses. The Federation¡¯s financial base is too weak¡ªmany of the coterals are predicated on the assumption of winning the war before they can be realized.
Theoretically, immediately freezing the Berlin Government¡¯s bank ounts in Britain, seizing their mortgaged gold, and foreign assets could minimize our losses.
In reality, it¡¯s not possible to take such action. As the world¡¯s dominant power, Britain also has a reputation to maintain. Kicking someone when they¡¯re down at this time, how would that make the other subordinates feel?
Though Britain is strong, it¡¯s not yet in a position where it can do without its subordinates.
It is now the era of Ennd, France, and Austria; no one can dominate alone. In a context where the three great powers do not support direct confrontation, whoever can rally more subordinates gains the advantage in international politics.
Foreign Minister Edward: "We can forget about freezing assets, including the gold mortgaged to us by the Berlin Government. We can¡¯t touch it, at least not until the Prusso-Polish Federation is finished.
The most pressing matter is to figure out a way to preserve the Federation, or at least the Kingdom of Prussia.
We need to set an example to show the world that even if they fail while cooperating with Britain, we still have the power to protect them."
In some respects, the Prussian-Russian war is a continuation of the conflicts among Ennd, France, and Austria, with the three countries using the war for political maneuvering. However, the French withdrew midway, turning it into a match between Ennd and Austria.
Great powerpetition isn¡¯t an overnight affair; what¡¯s lost today can be won back tomorrow. If one were to stab subordinates in the back just because they¡¯ve suffered losses in the struggle, who would dare cooperate with them?
Finance Minister Garfield nodded: "Of course, that¡¯s essential. Only if the debtor exists can we possibly recover our investment.
The current Berlin Government is too impoverished; even if we were to freeze all their assets, it wouldn¡¯t cover our losses.
The problem is, can we really save them? The Russians have the upper hand now, and I don¡¯t think the Tsarist Government will let go of this great enemy just for the sake of our face."
How much is Britain¡¯s face worth? This is a question without a definitive answer, varying from region to region and country to country.
From the moment the London Government supported the Prusso-Polish Federation, their influence ceased to carry weight in the Russian Empire. When their own interests were harmed, the Tsarist Government couldn¡¯t care less about any British threats.
Foreign Minister Edward: "The Russians have no choice but to agree. No country wants to see Russian influence prate deeply into the Central European region, including Austria who backed them.
If the Russians swallow up the Federation, how can Austria¡¯s dream of a Central European Empire be realized? The Vienna Government¡¯s bottom line should be making the Tsarist Government withdraw from the Pnd-Lithuania region.
The only concern is that Russia and Austria might have a secret deal to partition the Federation. This is a strong suit for the Vienna Government, and nobody knows how many secret treaties they¡¯ve concluded over the years."
"Austria¡¯s secret treaties" are also a hot topic in Europe, with widespread spection about Russian-Austrian, Franco-Austrian, Anglo-Austrian, Spanish-Austrian, Dutch-Austrian¡ as well as treaties with the states of the German Confederation.
Without a doubt, many of these so-called "secret treaties" are baseless rumors. Most are simply ordinary treaties that were temporarily kept secret due to political needs and were touted as "secret treaties" once the word got out.
The Vienna Government has never provided exnations since these matters only be murkier the more they are discussed. Many, even after the content of the treaties is exposed, still have arge number of people who refuse to believe.
The waters only get muddier, the mix of truths and falsehoods makes it even harder for outsiders to distinguish the reality.
It¡¯s certain that a Russian-Austrian secret treaty exists; the mere public agreements are not enough to justify the Vienna Government¡¯s heavy investment in support of the Tsarist Government; the London Government just isn¡¯t privy to the specifics.
Prime Minister Benjamin: "That¡¯s not a problem, Austria isn¡¯t ready just yet. They don¡¯t have the confidence to swallow up the Federation at this time, let alone the Kingdom of Prussia.
I¡¯ve studied Franz; he ces great importance on personal reputation. Even if he wishes to annex the Kingdom of Prussia, he wouldn¡¯t choose to cooperate with the Russians at this time.
The most pressing issue is to get the support of France; we can¡¯t dy any longer. I have a bad feeling, a sense that something big is about to happen in Europe."
Foreign Minister Edwardughed: "Prime Minister, you¡¯re really humorous! The European Continent is already in big trouble, the politicalndscape of Europe will be reshuffled after the Prusso-Russian war. In the future, France, Austria, and Russia will stand as equals.
Although we failed this time in supporting the Prusso-Polish Federation, the situation on the Continent is still favorable.
The Russians may have won the war, adding anotherpetitor to the European Continent. The days ahead for the Vienna Government are unlikely to be pleasant."
Finance Minister Garfield: "Sir, you¡¯re too optimistic. Russo-Austrian rtions are still in good standing, and there is no chance of a fallout in the short term.
The Prussian-Russian War has brought substantial losses to the Russians. For a long time toe, the Tsarist Government will need to recuperate and won¡¯t advance westward.
Instead, we¡¯re the ones who are about to have trouble. Having dealt with the Prusso-Polish Federation, the Russians are likely to target the Central Asian region next."
In this dog-eat-dog age, it¡¯s only normal to pick on the weak.
The severely weakened Russian Empire, powerless to contend with Austria, would have no problem bullying a few Khanates in Central Asia.
Chapter 706 - 279: The Skilled Warrior Has No Prominent Battle Achievements
In the Poznan Prussian Army Headquarters, Maoqi was busy convening a military meeting to discuss whether to recapture the city of Poznan.
Geographically, Poznan is located at the heart of the Polish in and is a transport hub and industrial center, naturally it would be best to have control over it in one¡¯s own hands.
Poznan, situated on the Polish in, is not associated with a strategically important location; as an ind central city, Poznan does not need to consider the threat of foreign enemies, so naturally, it would not have many defensive fortifications.
On the surface, it might seem easy to conquer. In reality, it was quite the opposite; the main force of the Eighth Russian Army had holed up in the city, and to defend it, they had even driven out all the locals.
If this were inter times, it might have been a blessing, meaning the Prussian Army would not need to worry about civilian casualties and could fight without restraint.
In this era, however, the power of artillery was limited; to destroy a city, a vast amount of ammunition and time was needed.
To ensure the Warsaw garrison could dy as much as possible, the Prussian Army left behind arge amount of artillery and ammunition when they withdrew, carrying only a small amount with them.
Even if domestic supplies could be delivered, it wouldn¡¯t work; the Russians had made it clear they intended to fight street by street, which couldn¡¯t be ended in a day or two. The Prussian Army didn¡¯t have enough time to waste here.
The Berlin Government had repeatedly insisted, ordering them to hurry back and deal with the Russian Army that was nearly at Berlin¡¯s doorstep.
As for the battlefield at Poznan, the military was still trying its best. Most people in the Berlin Government were no longer thinking about defeating the Russians but preserving their strength for negotiations with Russia, hoping for a dignified oue.
This was the European custom: negotiate after losing in war, withnd cessions and indemnities usually being the result, while the annihtion of a nation was rather rare.
The politicians were very aware of how strong the forces that did not want to see them fall were, and before long, it wouldn¡¯t take much time for the great powers to intervene and mediate. As long as the main Prussian force still existed, they would have a chance to bargain.
It wasn¡¯t just pressure from home; time on the battlefield was also running out for the Prussian Army as Russian reinforcements steadily approached.
A military staff officer briefed, "The current situation is very clear, the Ninth Russian Army is only a day¡¯s march from Poznan. If we want to recapture the Poznan region, we must severely damage or wipe them out.
The total strength of the Ninth Russian Army is around two hundred thousand troops. It may not be difficult to defeat them, but to annihte them is not something that can be done in a short time.
From the intelligence gathered by reconnaissance, the Ninth Russian Army is acting very cautiously, leaving no possibility for surprise attacks or ambushes.
n/?/vel/b//in dot c//om
Furthermore, behind them are the Russian Eleventh and Seventeenth Armies, which have now elerated their pace and will arrive at the front within a half-month at most.
If we are to recapture Poznan, it must be done before the Russian reinforcements arrive. Without incurring significant casualties, it¡¯s nearly impossible."
Prussian soldiers are humans too, even though they might be stronger in battle, they too can get tired and can die.
To swallow up four hundred thousand Russian troops, even if one could cut them off in two different ces and aplish the feat, would still result in heavy casualties.
Whether to suffer losses of one hundred thousand or two hundred thousand, no one could provide a definite answer.
In any case, if the Prussian Army suffered heavy losses in this battle, it would be difficult for them to handle the Russians that followed.
The Prusso-Russian war had been going on for some time and had a bit of a feel of the hegemonic struggle between Chu and Han, with Maoqi continually winning battles just like Xiang Yu had.
Regrettably, despite winning many battles, the number of enemies did not decrease but increased, while one¡¯s own troops kept dwindling.
After a few more victories, Maoqi would have no more troops to use. Such a bizarre situation was truly baffling.
A middle-aged military officer countered, "This battle must be fought. If we just return in dejection, not only will the military¡¯s morale be affected, but the Polish people in the Warsaw region might directly surrender to the Russians.
Now we need a victory to boost morale. We must show the people hope for winning, or else this war simply cannot continue."
It is most important for people to have hope; wars that are destined to fail are wars no one would want to continue.
Warsaw is the capital of the Kingdom of Pnd. The Berlin Government could ept the fall of the Warsaw region, but not Polish surrender, which held too much political significance and equated to shaking the foundation of Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s rule.
Perhaps to the average person, since the war was bound to be lost and the territories destined to be relinquished, why bother? But politics certainly cannot operate this way. The Prusso-Russian war was ongoing, and Berlin needed Polish support to fight the Russians better.
In this context, the g of the Prusso-Polish Federation could not be allowed to fall. If lost, that banner, the Berlin Government would lose its legal basis for ruling the Polish regions, and those willing to fight for them would significantly decrease.
The Berlin Government was willing to make an exception for the military to cut off the Warsaw region, mainly because the War Party¡¯s influence within the army was stronger; they would not easilypromise with the Russians.
Maoqi waved his hand to stop the argument, "This battle is definitely to be fought, but selectively.
We don¡¯t have time to y a war of attrition with the Eighth Russian Army holed up in the city. But the Ninth Russian Army that is practically on our doorstep, we must defeat.
Otherwise, once we retreat, they will join the Eighth Army inside the city, and along with the reinforcements on their heels, the Russian forces will swell to nearly eight hundred thousand. That threat is too great.
Although the nation haspleted the mobilization, we stillck the time to reorganize our troops. By defeating the Ninth Russian Army and inflicting heavy damage on the enemy¡¯s reinforcements, we can secure at least two more months."
On the battlefield, time is life, and two months could not restore the Prusso-Polish Federation to its peak period, but it would at least give us the power to make a final stand.
Unlike ordinary officers, Maoqi thought more deeply. Harsh reality told him that the oue of a war is not determined solely by winning battles but by overall national strength as well.
Ivanov taught him a lesson through action; as long as a nation is powerful enough and has enough troops, it doesn¡¯t fear losing battles.
Wars entail death, and lost battles can deplete an enemy¡¯s strength, too. Being the first to win doesn¡¯t mean victory; thest one standing is the true winner.
```
...
On December 12, 1880, the London Government issued a peace appeal to Prussia and Russia, which was positively received by the Berlin Government but met with a rejection from the Tsarist Government.
The war had progressed to a point where it was no longer possible to simply stop at will. The Tsarist Government had paid a great price for this war and was finally seeing the first lights of victory, stopping now would raise the question: who would pay for the costs of war?
The Russians¡¯ snub obviously angered the London Government, but before they could act, news of the fall of Warsaw arrived, clearing up the situation of the Prusso-Russian War.
After the withdrawal of the main Prussian Army, the situation in the Warsaw region became critical. Despite fierce resistance from the Polish, they could not make up for the gap in strength.
After resisting for a month, the Russians breached the defenses and entered the city, where street fighting was now taking ce.
What followed did not matter much, as everyone knew that there was no turning back for Warsaw. Surrounding areas had fallen, reinforcements would not arrive in time, and the annihtion of the defending forces within the city was just a matter of time.
From the moment Warsaw was breached, it was tacitly acknowledged that the city had changed hands.
The fall of the Warsaw region also meant the fall of the Kingdom of Pnd. With the main Prussian forces already withdrawn, the military impact was still within manageable limits, but the political impact was significant.
This indicated theplete disintegration of the once illustrious Prusso-Polish Federation; the remaining Kingdom of Prussia was no longer able to uphold its great power status, and the Russians would not give them the chance.
In the grand scheme of things, Maoqi¡¯s performance in the Poznan region became insignificant, even though he had inflicted heavy damage on the Ninth Russian Army, it did nothing to change the overall sense of defeat on the battlefield.
...
In St. Petersburg, Alexander II was holding a victory banquet in the Winter Pce.
As the war progressed, both Prussia and Russia were weary, but the difference was that the Prusso-Polish Federation was on itsst breath while the Russian Empire was just fatigued, able to hold on a bit longer.
This return to St. Petersburg was different for Ivanov; he received the grandest wee from the Tsarist Government, and overnight it seemed that his poprity soared, attracting crowds to his doorstep.
Having no interest in these trivial matters and after resting at home for a night, Ivanov once again entered the Pce to report the next military ns to Alexander II.
...
Alexander II asked with some doubt, "Marshal, are you sure this is not an error, to not pursue our victory now but instead give the troops some rest?"
Ivanov answered affirmatively, "Your Majesty, the soldiers have been fighting intensely and are extremely worn out.
Especially the main forces, most of which have suffered heavy losses. To recover theirbat strength, a period of rest is essential. Now that the enemy is severely wounded, it is the perfect time for us to rest our troops."
Alexander II questioned, "But isn¡¯t providing the enemy a chance to breathe now only going to make the war more difficultter on?"
Ivanov exined, "This does not affect the ultimate victory. The Prusso-Federation was never an opponent for us, and the remaining Kingdom of Prussia even less so.
Up to now in this war, the soldiers of the Prusso-Federation have suffered more than three million casualties, with deaths totaling one million, half of whom were from the Kingdom of Prussia.
No matter what the Berlin Government thinks, they cannot continue the fight. The quality of the soldiers they are now mobilizing has drastically decreased. Even if they recover their numbers, theirbat effectiveness will be greatly reduced.
There¡¯s no need for us to keep taking risks. After resting the troops for a month and assembling an army of millions, our chances of victory will be much higher than they are now."
There¡¯s a different weight to the words spoken by different people. Having retaken the Lithuanian and Polish regions, Ivanov¡¯s reputation as a great general had taken root in people¡¯s minds.
The only regret was that Ivanov¡¯smand involved high consumption of resources, with every victory followed by massive consumption of materials and human casualties.
However, it was no big deal, having learned from the previous Prusso-Russian War, Alexander II was much more patient, and a steady leader like Ivanov was exactly what he favored.
After some hesitation, Alexander II made his decision, "Alright, let the troops rest for a month,
However, my marshal, the war needs to be concluded as soon as possible. The longer it drags on, the more likelyplications will arise.
We have just refused the British mediation, and they are likely not to let the matter drop. If the great powers exert pressure together, the government will not be able to hold out for much longer.
Moreover, the finances of the government are in very poor shape. If this drags on too long, we are likely to go bankrupt."
It¡¯s not a matter of ¡¯might go bankrupt,¡¯ it¡¯s a certainty. The Berlin Government is also broke; getting any war reparations from them is impossible.
To finance this war, the Tsarist Government has already incurred enormous debts, with the interest payments alone being astronomical. The newly liberated Polish and Lithuanian regions would also require massive funds for reconstruction.
From the start, Alexander II had prepared for financial bankruptcy. He had been through it once before and did not mind going through it again.
The pity is that this time it¡¯s different; most of the foreign debts have coteral, and direct default is not an option. Unless absolutely necessary, the Tsarist Government will not let the finances copse.
Ivanov nodded awkwardly, genuinely at a loss for how to respond to this issue. Guaranteeing an early end to the war was impossible.
War is not child¡¯s y¡ªit can¡¯t simply be ended early just because he says so. These are not promises that can be carelessly made; failing to do so could disastrously affect the government¡¯s judgment.
One need only look at "Round and fat," who, with the myth of "defeating Liaoning within five years," duped the emperor, leading not only to his own downfall but also to the fate of the Ming Dynasty.
As for financial issues, when the government itself is at a loss, a military man like him is even more clueless. Aware of his limitations, Ivanov chose to ignore Alexander II¡¯s expectant gaze.
```
Chapter 707 - 280: Best Ally
After the news of the Warsaw battle¡¯s conclusion spread, the whole of Europe was in an uproar. Newspapers were scrambling to allocate space for this news.
Prior to this, the Prussian Army had achieved the "Great Victory of Warsaw," and the public, unaware of the details, always assumed the Prussian Army was prevailing in the Warsaw region. Such a stunning turn of events was indeed hard to ept.
Especially for the spectors who had purchased the Prusso-Polish Federation¡¯s war bonds, it was even harder to face this harsh reality.
Protesters had already appeared on the streets of London, and the stock exchange was surrounded byyers of enraged people, with no telling how manyyers there were in between.
"We¡¯ve been cheated," they naturally demanded justice. Only a small portion of these people had bought in from the start; most had beenter lured into buying at high prices.
After the Prussian Army¡¯s "Great Victory of Warsaw," the British media were unanimously optimistic about the Prusso-Polish Federation winning the war, resulting in a surge of war bonds issued by the Berlin Government.
As it turned out, capitalists¡¯ bargains are not easily gained. If the Prusso-Polish Federation were about to win the war, why would they leave the market?
Other than a few front-line workers at "Karma Coffee Securities Company," the firm responsible for issuing the Prusso-Polish Federation bonds, the corporate executives had long since vanished.
"Trash it!"
No one knows who shouted first, but the spectors, blinded by rage, broke through the security staff¡¯s blockade and vented their fury, leaving the few unfortunate workers behind as scapegoats, brutally mistreated by the crowd.
Fortunately, the stock exchange was a priority defense area for the London police. The violence at Karma Coffee Securities Company was quickly stopped by the police who arrived in response to the calls.
This was but a microcosm; with the exit of the big financial sharks, it wasn¡¯t only the securities market that was hit hard. The stock market also couldn¡¯t escape the disaster.
Undoubtedly, the banks that undertook the loans for the Prusso-Polish Federation became the epicenter of the crisis, with their share prices plummeting.
The Prusso-Polish Federation had not yet been defeated, but London was already in chaos. The British Government of those days was still very capable of taking action, and Prime Minister Benjamin promptly held a press conference to calm the public.
His general message was: The creditor is still here, don¡¯t worry, the London Government will find a way to keep the Berlin Government afloat, and your bonds won¡¯t turn into scrap paper.
If one were to delve deeper, it could also be interpreted as: The creditor is still around, but now they¡¯re really poor, and when they¡¯ll be able to repay the money is anybody¡¯s guess.
As for war bonds, it¡¯s certainly not possible to cash them immediately. The shortest time frame would be three to five yearster, and it¡¯s normal for it to be ten or even twenty years.
By that time, the British Government would have already changed hands; the worries would belong to the subsequent government, and Prime Minister Benjamin didn¡¯t mind writing a post-dated check.
However, the UK Foreign Office did elerate its pace, constantly persuading other European nations to intervene in this Prusso-Russian war. Up to now, Portugal, the Nethends, and Belgium have echoed the London Government¡¯s call for a ceasefire.
...
Not long ago, the Austrian Government also received a mediation invitation from the Berlin Government. Franz had been hesitant, but with the end of the Warszawa battle, things couldn¡¯t be dyed any longer.
"We can¡¯t keep waiting like this; the Prusso-Russian war is about to end, and we must take action, or else the situation will spiral out of control," suggested Foreign Minister Weisenberg.
Indeed, things were almost out of control. If the Tsarist Government actually swallowed the Kingdom of Prussia, it would be difficult to make them regurgitate it.
Based on the current international situation, it was very likely that the Tsarist Government would use Austrian nationalism to settle its debts with the territory of the Kingdom of Prussia, putting the Vienna Government on the hot seat.
What¡¯s more tragic was Russia doing so would not only force the Vienna Government to swallow the bitter pill but alsopel them to thank them, at least outwardly.
What did the Kingdom of Prussia have now?
The answer is¡ªdebt!
If Austria were to take over the Kingdom of Prussia now, not only would the money lent to the Russians not be recovered, but it might also have to pay the Tsarist Government an additional sum.
It wasn¡¯t just that; the Berlin Government had incurred a huge debt and definitely couldn¡¯t repay it after the war. Taking over the Kingdom of Prussia now also meant taking on a massive debt.
Apart from the debt, the post-war economic reconstruction would also require a lot of money, which the Berlin Government definitely couldn¡¯t afford. The Central Government must underwrite it.
And these were just the economic aspects; politically, there were even more troubles. If not handled well diplomatically, they could find themselves in a quagmire of me.
Knowing it was a mess, and Austria wasn¡¯t foolish enough to take over at this point.
Intervention became the best choice. As long as they prevented the Russians from upying the Kingdom of Prussia, all these troubles would naturally cease to exist.
n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
Regardless of the amount of debt or the magnitude of the difficulties, that was Berlin Government¡¯s responsibility. Even if they really couldn¡¯t repay the money, they could still default. After all, there was no unification yet, and it wouldn¡¯t affect Austria¡¯s credibility.
"It¡¯s still too early, the strength of the Prusso Federation still exists, and we must wear it down with the help of the Russians, or it will be a big trouble in the future," Prime Minister Felix opposed.
As the leader of Greater German nationalism, Prime Minister Felix always prioritized the unification of the Germany Region. The Kingdom of Prussia, with its strong military capabilities, was obviously not conducive to national unity.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg reminded him, "Prime Minister, our primary national policy is the localization of Africa, and the unification of the Germany Region can only take second ce.
Up to now, our Africa Strategy has been more than halfpleted, except for Egypt, which is upied by the French, and there¡¯s only the half-dead Ottoman Empire left.
The most urgent task is to stabilize the European Continent as soon as possible, establish a new international order, and look for opportunities to deal with the Ottoman Empire first."
In fact, Austria¡¯s national policy involved many aspects, which changed over time, and now only these two remained.
For example, the original Near East strategy, with the decline of the Ottoman Empire, directly became part of the Africa Strategy.
This was alsopelled; after localizing in Africa, maintaining connections with the homnd became of utmost importance. Sea routes are indeed convenient, but their security is not guaranteed during war times.
The Royal Navy¡¯s advantages were too great; the Austrian Navy simply couldn¡¯tpare. For the short term, not to mention catching up with the British, the French Navy even had an edge over the Austrian Navy.
Since the sea was not an option, the only possibility was to look tond. Most of the Middle East region had already fallen into Austrian hands, and the Vienna Government wanted to connect the homnd with Africa, with only French Egypt and the Ottoman Empire as obstacles in the center.
You have to eat your meals one bite at a time; the French are not weak, and the Vienna Government has no intention of targeting Egypt for now, but the weak Ottoman Empire is unfortunate.
Prime Minister Felix nodded and then shook his head, "Our core strategy of integrating Africa is correct, but this does not conflict with our ns for German unification.
We will have plenty of opportunities to deal with the Ottoman Empire, and after the Prusso-Russian war, the Tsarist Government will behave for a long time,cking the energy topete with us in the Near East.
One could say that for the next ten years, any actions against the Ottoman Empire will be led by us, and the Russians won¡¯t prevent us from extending the railway to the Suez Canal.
On the other hand, the Kingdom of Prussia is more troublesome; we cannot act directly against them, and if we don¡¯t deal with them now, it will be difficult to find an opportunity in the future."
Being the top dog is not easy, especially when you care about your image. Even if there is a split within the Germany Region, the reason for recognizing Austria¡¯s leadership is due to the Vienna Government¡¯s consistent management of its image over the decades.
Having painstakingly built a good reputation, it naturally cannot be destroyed in a civil war. Especially for Emperor Franz, he would rather let the Germany Region remain disunited than smash his own brand.
Otherwise, he would awkwardly find that after finally unifying the country, his own throne would be lost too.
There are plenty of simr cases, and Franz does not believe all his descendants will be strong leaders capable of controlling the situation.
Not wanting to draw hatred, the best way is to ensure as little bloodshed as possible in the German unification process, and even if bloodshed is necessary, finding a scapegoat to take the me first.
In this respect, the Russians truly are Austria¡¯s good allies. The southern nemesis, the Ottoman Empire, was knocked down by the Russian-Austrian forces together, and the ambitious Kingdom of Prussia in the north is being dealt with by the Tsarist Government.
Every time there is a conflict of interest between Russian-Austria, just thinking about the contributions of the Tsarist Government, Franz¡¯s attitude immediately calms.
Money is trivial, the main thing is the friendship between Russia and Austria. Just look at thest time the Tsarist Government announced a debt default, the Austrian Government didn¡¯t even burst out.
Franz interrupted the two¡¯s argument, "Let¡¯s slow down mediating the Prusso-Russian war, send someone to probe the Tsarist Government¡¯s bottom line.
If they intend to use the Kingdom of Prussia as debt repayment and want to put us on the grill, immediately coborate with the British and intervene in this war.
Under any other circumstances, it is negotiable. A weak or even fragmented Prussia is the best Prussia.
As long as it¡¯s not too excessive, we can tacitly permit the Tsarist Government to annex some territory of the Kingdom of Prussia, as long as it doesn¡¯t involve the Germany Region, everything else is negotiable."
Even hitmen require an appearance fee, so what about the Russians? They fought hard all the way here, suffering casualties in the millions and amassing huge debts; they definitely deserve some reward.
In Franz¡¯s view, the Kingdom of Prussia has had it too easy in thest few decades, bingcent and now even daring to create a system to rival Austria, which must be struck down.
If we do not strike one to warn the others, what will we do with the imitators among the other German Confederation Sub-States?
For example, the Kingdom of Hanover, which is dissatisfied with the current German Federation Empire and buoyed by British support, is ndestinely toying with nonsensical ns for North and South Germanic unity.
The Vienna Government hasn¡¯t sought trouble with them because Hanover is still at the nning stage, having made many ns but not taken any substantive action.
¡
Chapter 708 - 281: Every Family Has Its Own Hardships
It turned out that the British had overestimated their influence. Against the backdrop of Austria¡¯s silence and France¡¯s passive non-cooperation, the willingness of the European nations to intervene in the Prusso-Russian War was not as strong as they had anticipated.
Diplomatically, everyone was waving the g of "peace" and actively calling for Prussia and Russia to cease hostilities. However, when it came to the point of military intervention, they were all offline.
"Sending troops" was out of the question; even when the British merely suggested everyone maintain a posture of intimidation toward the Russians, no one was willing to pay the price.
In essence, everyone wanted to limit the Russians only because they feared a threat to their own national defense security.
The situation was different now. With the resurgence of Austria, it was simply impossible for the Russians to advance westward.
Without sufficient interests, everyone¡¯s enthusiasm to participate was naturally low. The British¡¯s face was only enough for everyone to shout a few times diplomatically, as a way of pressuring the Tsarist Government.
The London Government was active in intervention because they had invested too much in the Prussian Federation and had too much at stake, and the London Government was unwilling to let go.
In some ways, this was also the result of Britannia¡¯s declining influence in Europe. The presence of France and Austria had weakened the British hegemony.
Without the cooperation of France and Austria, the British alone were not able to make the Tsarist Governmentpromise. International mediation had be real "mediation," without the ability to influence the oue of the Prusso-Russian War.
The international intervention promised by the British had not arrived, and the Berlin Government, wanting a full retreat, became anxious.
The Polish region was already lost, the Poznan region had be a battlefield, and it seemed that the East Prussia region also could not hold on for much longer.
The once mighty Prussian Federation now only held onto less than 30% of its territory and less than 40% of its poption, with the morale of the people at home also dropping to a freezing point.
In recent times, strikes, market shutdowns, tax resistance... and other malignant events had continuously urred in the Kingdom of Prussia.
The Prussian people had already paid too much for this war; the heavy burden was crushing them.
Berlin was already under martialw, and if the war continued, Wilhelm I feared he might one day be sent to the guillotine.
This was the drawback of "nationalism": the disproportionately high military expenditures were severely affecting people¡¯s livelihoods.
To support this powerful army, the Berlin Government had no choice but to exploit its own people. The taxes the Prussian people needed to bear had always been the highest in Europe.
When victories kepting, patriotism could be the support. But now, with defeat on the battlefields, the contradictions could no longer be suppressed.
Wilhelm I, concerned, asked, "What do the British say?"
cing hope in the British was ast resort. The strength of the remaining Prussian Kingdom was limited and no match for the Russians.
To survive this crisis, they must seek help from the internationalmunity. In the realm of nations, only interests are eternal. Aside from being bound by debt to the British, the Berlin Government now had no adequate interests to buy the support of other countries.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman replied bitterly, "The London Government is trying to persuade the French; they rmend that we leverage the power of German nationalism to seek the support of the Vienna Government."
Upon hearing this, Finance Minister Gorman, as if struck by lightning, stood up abruptly: "No! Absolutely not! We must not use the force of German nationalism, or it will lead to endless trouble in the future.
For all these years, we have continuously promoted Great Prussia-ism, and only with great difficulty have we suppressed German nationalism. Compromising now would be to abandon all our efforts.
Austria is not an easy partner either, andpromising with them now would make it difficult to break free from them in the future.
Nationalism is a double-edged sword; while using nationalism to gain Austrian support, the Kingdom of Prussia will also be restrained by it.
As the saying goes, "It¡¯s easy to invite the gods, but hard to send them away," the strength of Austria is not easy to borrow. When inside we face the burgeoning German nationalism and outside Austria bears the banner of German unification, it will be hard for the Kingdom of Prussia to refuse.
Formon people, perhaps unification is also a favorable oue, but for the Junker aristocracy, it would be a disaster falling from the sky.
Under the Shinra Empire system, led by Austria, the military and government are strictly separate. With the Central Government as their backbone, the first thing the Berlin Government would do is to kick out the military, led by the Junker aristocracy.
After unification, the Prussian Army would be marginalized, and losing control over the Berlin Government, they would find it difficult to live asfortably as before.
When ss interests are involved, naturally there can be nopromise.
n/?/vel/b//in dot c//om
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman: "Your Excellency, please be calm. The British more than anyone else do not want to see Austria unify Germany, and things are not as simple as they seem on the surface.
Let¡¯s not forget we have a restless neighbor next door, who, seeing our current predicament, also wants to kick us while we¡¯re down.
ording to intelligence from the embassy, there have been frequent contacts between Britain and Germany recently, the details of which are unknown, but it can be roughly inferred that it is rted to the Anglo-German consolidation proposed previously by the British.
German nationalism also has its categories, apart from the Greater Germany-ism led by the Austrians, there is also North German-ism proposed by Hanover.
Various signs indicate that the British want us to join hands with Hanover to establish North Germany and prevent Austria from unifying the Germany Region.
First using German nationalism to gain the support of the Vienna Government, then turning around to sell out Austria in favor of North German-ism, this is no simple maneuver.
Even if we seed, we will make an enemy of Austria, plus our enemy to the east, the Russian Empire; apart from clinging to Britain, they would have no other choice.
If we fail, it would be even worse, either being partitioned by the Russian-Austrians or swallowed by Austria, or even possibly being absorbed by the Comedic Empire.
The Kingdom of Prussia is no longer in its heyday, having lost the Rhinnd region, it might also lose the Prussian Duchy region, and another division would leave it with nothing.
Wilhelm I shook his head, "The British n is too risky and does not guarantee our interests; it cannot be used unless absolutely necessary.
How are the contacts with the French going at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs? What do they want before they are willing to take action?"
Even a cornered rabbit knows three ways out, and the Berlin Government naturally has more than just the British path; the French are also one of the alternatives.
Even before the war broke out, the Berlin Government had been trying to improve rtions between the two countries. If it weren¡¯t that the British took too much, leaving only scraps for the French, France would not have withdrawn halfway through.
Of course, the Berlin Government also has its own responsibilities, with insufficient diplomatic methods failing to bnce the interests of Ennd and France properly.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman replied, "The Paris Government has not given a clear answer; they are still hesitating. It may be rted to diplomatic activities by the Russians recently, which have shaken the French conviction to support us.
A long time ago, some in the French government proposed an alliance with Russia to curb Austrian expansion.
However, these calls were not loud. On one hand, the rtionship between Russia and Austria was good, making it difficult for efforts to sway the Russians to have any effect; on the other hand, it was the pride of the French. They didn¡¯t believe that containing Austria required allies."
"Is the French-Russian Alliance aimed at containing the expansion of Austria? This exnation might be believed bymon folk, but Wilhelm I would definitely not believe it."
"Austria had been behaving itself on the European Continent for many years, presenting a harmless face to the outside world and maintaining good rtions with most countries. The theory of an Austrian threat did not yet have a market on the European Continent."
"If a French-Russian Alliance truly emerged, the first to be targeted would definitely not be Austria."
"At least not until the Prusso-Polish Federation was finished, as Prussia and Russia were already at war. Before they had finished each other off, the Tsarist Government would not likely provoke new enemies."
Wilhelm I said solemnly, "In any case, we must prevent the French-Russian Alliance from forming, even a possibility cannot be allowed."
"If our power is insufficient, we should leak the news to the Anglo-Austrian two countries and release some rumors to draw their attention."
Excessive sensitivity¡ªthat¡¯s exactly what Wilhelm I was at the moment. He couldn¡¯t help but feel anxious; if a French-Russian Alliance were to be formed, not only would the Prusso Federation be beyond salvation, but even the Kingdom of Prussia itself might not be preserved."
...
The Berlin Government was in a state of urgency, and the Russians were not faring any better. Alexander II hadn¡¯t had many days to rejoice over the recovery of Warsaw before new troubles arose.
upying the Polish Region was not the end of the problems; rather, it was just the beginning. While therge enemy forces were gone, small ennemies were everywhere.
"Where there are Poles, there are guerris," one might say.
Calling them "guerris" was actually an insult to the guerris. Essentially, these diverse armed groups were nothing but a rabble.
They were primarily made up of defeated soldiers and refugees roaming about. With no political program, let alone a clear battle goal or direction, they represented sheer "chaos."
Most of these armed groups were not established to fight the Russians but to strive for survival."
The Prusso-Russian war generated arge number of refugees, whom the Berlin Government had settled in the Warsaw region. Apart from a very few who found work again, the rest depended on government-relief food to live on.
In their retreat, Maoqi, in a race against time, left behind even the wounded in Warsaw, not to mention taking the refugees along.
Before the conclusion of the Battle of Warsaw, seeing the tide turn, the defending troops deliberately sabotaged the food supplies. Without securing sufficient captures, the Russianscked materials and naturally could not provide food relief to the refugees."
Hunger doesn¡¯t lie. To survive, cmity struck shortly afterward. The ugly aspects of human nature began to surface. The chaos in the cities was suppressed by the Russian Army, but the countryside was temporarily neglected.
This dy caused the problem to be more severe. Now in the Polish Region, bandits, guerris, mountain thieves, and ouws were rampant.
Without a doubt, Marshal Ivanov ordered immediate extermination. These were local bullies who wouldn¡¯t even stand and fight; if they couldn¡¯t be beaten, they would flee."
After a period of strategic struggle, the Russian Army now controlled only a few major cities, and the rest of the areas were dominated by these disorderly armed factions."
In St. Petersburg, Alexander II asked sharply, "What exactly is going on, why has the Polish Region not stabilized after such a long time?"
"The enemy¡¯s main forces have been annihted, and now we are still unable to deal with a bunch of rabble? Has the army been sofortable in their barracks that they have forgotten how to fight?"
The Russian Army¡¯s military discipline has always been poor, and Marshal Ivanov could only control it during wartime, after which indulgence prevailed as usual.
After the recapture of Warsaw, naturally, there was no exception, and the Russian soldiers indulged themselves thoroughly.
Times have changed, and now we have newspapers. The atrocitiesmitted by the Russian Army in the Warsaw region were exposed by zealous righteous individuals, further tainting the Tsarist Government¡¯s reputation.
In light of the victorious battle, Alexander II did not pursue the responsibility of the frontline officers but merely warned them.
Alexander II now brought up "the gentle homnd," not to dwell on old issues or because he was angry, but rather to admonish the military. For the Tsar, unrest in the Polish Region was a minor problem; the more pressing issue was to keep the military in check.
Victory tends to inte egos, and after reiming the Polish Region, the Russian military became excessively arrogant, which greatly displeased Alexander II.
Ivanov furrowed his brow and stepped forward with a stiff demeanor, exining, "Your Majesty, the problem with the Polish Region is not the deserters or the chaotic bandits. Eradicating these mobs would require no effort at all.
The real trouble lies with the refugees. The chaos is driven by the refugees. Without a solution to the refugee issue, the bandit problem will be endless."
It¡¯s not that the Russian Army hasn¡¯t striven to eliminate the bandits; millions of refugees are roaming chaotically in the Polish Region, and bandits, mountain thieves, and guerri fighters sprout up like leeks, one batch after another.
Without eradicating the root, the Polish Region will never stabilize. The solution is simple: address the refugee crisis.
Although the refugee issue seems straightforward, it¡¯s actually the most troublesome.
Theoretically, with the war in the Polish Region ended, refugees could simply return to their original homes and resume production, supplemented by a half-year¡¯s rations.
The Russian Empire is not short of food; distributing these supplies wouldn¡¯t be a significant problem.
However, that¡¯s merely theoretical. During World War I in the original timeline, Russians didn¡¯tck food, yet frontline soldiers still suffered from cold and hunger.
Ivanov didn¡¯t even mention aiding the refugees, not because he was heartless, but because it was simply unfeasible.
The Russian Empire had ample food, but the problem was that it wasn¡¯t avable in the Polish Region. The Tsarist Government¡¯s logistical capacity was limited and strained to the utmost just to meet the needs of the forces at the front.
Tackling the food needs of millions of refugees was asking too much. Unless the Tsarist Government gave up its subsequentbat ns, it was hardly possible to redirect transport capacity from strategic materials to food.
Alexander II shook his head: "When we encounter problems, we must find solutions. I don¡¯t care how you do it, but the Polish Region must be stabilized as soon as possible, so as not to affect our uing spring offensive against the enemy."
Making things difficult for others might be part of it, but more so it was about shifting me. Alexander II didn¡¯t want to inherit the moniker "Butcher," so naturally, his subordinates had to bear the responsibility.
Since the Polish Region still belonged to the front line and the governmental departments hadn¡¯t taken over local administration, the military was destined to be med.
As for who would bear it, that was an internal military matter. Relieved that he wouldn¡¯t be made a scapegoat, Marshal Ivanov secretly breathed a sigh of relief.
After a moment¡¯s consideration, Ivanov replied, "Your Majesty, please be assured. The General Headquarters has already issued an ultimatum to the Fourth Army in charge of Warsaw, ordering them to pacify the area within two months, and results will soon be evident."
No one raised an objection. There always needs to be a scapegoat. The Fourth Army had recently acted without orders, nearly resulting in their destruction, and had not yet settled scores after the fact. Now making them the scapegoats suited the situation perfectly.
Chapter 709 - 282: Expelling Refugees
Upon receiving the headquarters¡¯ orders, Major General Obodo was still somewhat confused. However, after wandering around the streets and seeing the beggars everywhere, he understood what was going on.
The Russian Army¡¯s main forces were mostly concentrated in the Polish Region, and under normal circumstances, the severely weakened Fourth Army would never be chosen to suppress bandits.
Now that they were being tasked with this heavy responsibility, it definitely wasn¡¯t out of trust. Given his rtionship with Marshal Ivanov, the easy-credit missions certainly wouldn¡¯t include him.
After carefully studying the materials sent by the headquarters, Obodo had mixed feelings. epting this mission meant that the issues of the past would be overlooked, and he wouldn¡¯t have to worry about being held ountable by a military tribunal.
The regret was that the mission to pacify Pnd was not an easy one, and even though Ivanov had ordered other units to cooperate with the Fourth Army, Obodo still had no confidence inpleting the mission within the set time.
Putting down the documents in hand, Obodo instructed a young officer, "Invite representatives from the Third Army, Sixth Army, Seventh Army, and Fifth Army to discuss the suppression of bandits."
"Wait!"
The one who called for a halt was Contreras, the Chief of Staff of the Fourth Army, a middle-aged man with a full beard.
"Commander, it¡¯s not that simple. As far as I know, the Third and Sixth Armies have been deployed multiple times and have killed more than a hundred thousand bandits, still without any effect.
If we can¡¯t solve the problem at its root, no matter how many bandits we kill, the Polish Region won¡¯t stabilize."
Everyone knew this problem, but no one wanted to take responsibility, so the issue remained unaddressed.
Obodo was also hoping for a stroke of luck, that the problem could be solved through military deterrence, so that he could avoid bearing a bad name.
Unlike Obodo as the armymander, Contreras felt much less pressure.
Normally, people only remember themander-in-chief, and the one to catch criticisms would also be Obodo. Being the Chief of Staff, as long as he kept a low profile, no one would recognize him.
From Contreras¡¯s point of view, the urgent task was to finish the mission quickly, to atone for the mistake madest time by acting without orders.
People are pragmatic. Major General Obodo had high prestige in the Fourth Army, but that was all in the past. Since thest operation failed, his prestige had plummeted to rock bottom.
No one would trust a general who has lost a battle, although strictly speaking, Obodo hadn¡¯t actually lost.
The Fourth Army, despite heavy losses, had bought enough time for the main forces and had yed an important strategic role.
Obodo waved his hand helplessly, "In theory, that¡¯s true, but my Chief of Staff, are you sure you want to solve the problem from its root?
This involves millions of Polish refugees. Besides ¡¯killing the chicken to scare the monkey,¡¯ and military deterrence, do you have any other methods?"
No one wants to bear the name of a ¡¯Butcher,¡¯ which would stink for thousands of years. Obodo still wanted to struggle, and he wouldn¡¯t give up without a fight.
Contreras ventured, "Perhaps we could consider sending them away. The Austrians need immigrants, right? Let¡¯s do them a favor and send the refugees their way."
Obodo shook his head, "If the Austrians were willing to take them, the respected Marshal Ivanov would have done it already, and this task wouldn¡¯t have fallen to us.
Not just Austria, I¡¯ve asked all the colonial countries. Not a single one is willing to take the refugees unless we can deliver them."
It¡¯s not that they don¡¯t want them; they simply can¡¯t afford them. Taking in millions of refugees at once is very difficult, not just now but even in the 21st century.
Let¡¯s not even talk about the high cost of transportation; the key issue is the millions of people: How do you move them quickly?
If they can¡¯t be moved immediately, then we must provide the refugees with supplies, sustaining them.
That¡¯s not all; just getting the people to the colonies is only the beginning. We also need to take care of their settlement. Merely thenguage barrier could cause a colonial government to copse.
n/?/vel/b//in dot c//om
A rough estimate shows that in the best-case scenario, it would take at least two to three years to settle so many refugees, and it wouldn¡¯t be possible without billions of Divine Shields.
It may take three years to make people diligent, but to make themzy takes only three days. With such a long period of non-productivity, who can guarantee that these refugees would still be willing to work?
One mishap, and a good deed bes a disaster. Instead of creating wealth, it would add to the burden of the colonial government.
With such huge expenses and the risk involved, the payoff does not justify the effort. It¡¯s no wonder the great Colonial Empires are reluctant to take in these refugees.
From the immigration policies of all the great colonial empires, one can see that everyone prefers to ept immigrants in a dispersed and phased manner, rarely taking in arge influx at one time.
This includes Austria. Apart from organizing immigration within the country without restrictions, the intake of foreign immigrants is always screened.
Moreover, people are unpredictable. Who can assure that these refugees, after receiving supplies, will continue to immigrate instead of simply returning home?
With so many people, relying solely on Russian integrity for supervision, no country would feel at ease.
The spirit of contract is useless against refugees; it is precisely because of its absence that people advocate for it.
If we really rely on contracts to enforce immigration, I guess upon arrival, no one would dare to take them in. Many of these people have rich experience with guerri warfare.
Contreras expressed his doubts, "Yesterday, as I passed by the Austrian Embassy, I saw many people applying for immigration, including beggars among them. There was no mention of refusal to take in refugees."
Obodo shook his head, "Those people are mostly German, and the Vienna Government has regtions that they can avoid a series of restrictive conditions as long as they im to be citizens of the Holy Roman Empire.
Even so, to get through, they must know German. How many of these refugees do you think can proficiently speak German?"
The ability to form long queues outside the Austrian Embassy was also thanks to the Berlin Government¡¯s efforts in vigorously promoting the Germannguage in the Polish Region.
Unfortunately, the time has been too short. Along with the Polish resistance, those proficient in German are not many, and arge part of theme from the immigrants in the Rhinnd region.
Of course, this "not many" is in rtion to all the refugees. In fact, this "not many" still amounts to hundreds of thousands of people.
After a moment of contemtion, Contreras fiercely said, "If that¡¯s the case, then we might as well expel the refugees to the Kingdom of Prussia and let the enemy worry about them."
Major General Obodo sighed, "That is difficult to achieve. There are too many refugees; they simply will not obey ourmands. Once the news spreads, the most likely oue is that they will flee in all directions.
Besides, before long we will beunching an attack against the enemy, and in the end, we still have to deal with these refugees."
Contreras shook his head: "Obodo, you¡¯ve changed; the old you would never be so indecisive.
We certainly can¡¯t expel all the refugees, nor do we need to. If we expel the majority, the remaining few won¡¯t be able to cause much trouble.
As for future problems, we can cross that bridge when wee to it. What we need to do now isplete our mission. After the war, we will have plenty of time to deal with the refugee issue."
Obodo nodded, "Perhaps. People must grow. The lessons fromst time were severe enough; now we must be more considerate in our actions, and perhaps this is the real me.
Nevertheless, your suggestion to expel the refugees is a good one, at least more eptable than ughtering them, and perhaps that¡¯s what St. Petersburg wants to see."
...
With amand from Obodo, the Polish Region descended intoplete chaos.
It started with the cities; the Russian Army didn¡¯t have the time to differentiate so many people, and many ragged-dressed citizens became unintended victims.
This caused widespread panic, and ordinary people dared not leave their homes, fearful of being mistaken for refugees and dealt with ordingly.
Where there is oppression, there will be resistance.
However, how could ordinary people be a match for the army? And the Russian Army was notoriously ruthless; their method of handling this was summed up in one word¡ªkill!
If one person resisted, they killed one; if a thousand resisted, they killed a thousand.
Ultimately, the Russians held firm to the belief that there was no problem too big that couldn¡¯t be solved with a butcher¡¯s knife; if there was, it just meant not enough people had been killed.
As it turned out, the storm of blood and violence unleashed by Obodo was highly effective. The refugees started fleeing on their own at the mere sight of the Russian Army¡¯s shadow, so there was no need to arrange for the army to expel them.
Suddenly, bandits and brigands vanished from sight, either fleeing orying low, leaving only guerri units to struggle in istion.
...
At the Austrian embassy in Warsaw, Envoy Andrew was in a very bad mood; the number of people applying for immigration dropped instantly after the Russians began expelling refugees.
It wasn¡¯t that the Russians were preventing Austria from epting immigrants; rather, in the process of expelling the refugees, those who could have immigrated were also driven out.
It wasn¡¯t that the Russians intentionally caused trouble; it was just that everyone was mixed in with the refugees, and unless they actively revealed their identities, there was no way for Russian soldiers to tell them apart.
Facing the menacing Russian soldiers, very few dared to step forward and reveal their identities. Most people simply went with the flow and fled with the masses.
By the time Envoy Andrew realized what was happening and protested to the Russians, it was toote. The people had already left, and the Russians certainly couldn¡¯t be asked to bring them back, could they?
Without refugees as the main contingent, the number of people applying for immigration plummeted. Unless the criteria were rxed, the immigration task could not bepleted.
Porta Kaffa, the official responsible for immigration, asked, "Your Excellency Envoy, what did the Russians say?"
Andrew replied with a wry smile, "Regret, apologies, inability to help!"
This answer was incredibly frustrating but urately described the situation. The Russians indeed had no solution at the moment, and Austria couldn¡¯t afford to dwell on this issue either.
"So what do we do about our immigration work? Just recently we assured our country that we could secure at least three hundred thousand immigrants from the Polish Region.
From the current situation, it seems we may at best fulfill half of our mission. Damn those vic barbarians, they never think things through..." Porta Kaffained angrily.
Envoy Andrew fully understood Porta Kaffa¡¯s feelings. It was frustrating to watch a cooked duck fly away, and anyone would feel the same. However, nothing would change byining at this point.
"Mr. Porta Kaffa, now is not the time forints. We best report the situation to our country promptly. What happens next is beyond our control.
However, from what we can see, there isn¡¯t much our country can do. Now that the Russians have expelled the refugees to Prussia, these people are as good as done."
Porta Kaffa nodded in agreement, understanding Envoy Andrew¡¯s point. "Done" did not refer to physical destruction, but primarily to a break in spirit.
When the Prussian Army controlled the Warsaw region, they distributed relief supplies once a week, and the refugees managed to maintain basic social order.
When the Russians arrived and stopped the relief supplies, social order naturally copsed. Those with reserves were still struggling, but those without had started seeking a living elsewhere.
Foraging for wild vegetables, gnawing on bark, or turning to banditry. The Russians had just arrived, and the famine was still recent, so most people could barely stay alive, clinging to their sanity.
But as the Russian expulsion intensified, this crisis would escte; there wasn¡¯t nearly enough food to be found along the roads. Starving people are capable of anything.
"Eating one¡¯s children" isn¡¯t just a historical tale but was about to be a present-day reality.
Those who had endured such an ordeal and survived were no longer truly human but were merely upright-walking beasts,pletely broken in spirit.
...
Chapter 710 - 283: Refugee Camp
```
Difficulties in the immigration work did note as a surprise to Franz. It was an inevitable oue, beyond the power of any individual to stop.
In the Polish Region, there were millions of refugees whom the Russians were unable to aid; to maintain stability in the area, there were only two options: expulsion or ughter.
The Russians could only choose expulsion. It wasn¡¯t that the Tsarist Governmentcked the courage to wield the butcher¡¯s knife, but rather that doing so would surely invite international intervention.
It was now thete 19th century, and the rules of the game had been established; wanton vition of these rules would surely lead to ostracization by the European world.
In its heyday, the Russian Empire cared little for offending the European world but the situation was now different. As the Prusso-Russian War had not yet ended, the Tsarist Government did not wish to be diplomatically isted and thus had to y by the rules.
As the Russian Army began expelling refugees, Austria¡¯s immigration efforts naturally suffered. Even with the Tsarist Government¡¯s full cooperation, it was impossible for Russian soldiers to identify every refugee.
In this age of chaos and unreliablemunication, no matter how hard the Immigration Bureau tried, it was impossible to notify everyone.
Besides setting up fixed immigration points in the cities, there wasn¡¯t much the Immigration Bureau could do; even venturing out of the city required caution.
Outside the city, there was no social order. Mountain thieves didn¡¯t care whether you were Austrian or not¡ªthey treated everyone equally: by robbing them.
Putting down the telegram in his hand, Franz said nonchntly, "At this point, nothing can remedy the situation.
The difficulties encountered by the immigrants are due to force majeure, not the fault of any one individual. There¡¯s no need for ountability if the previous ns are notpleted.
Tell the staff in the Polish Region to ensure their own safety. For their travels, try to have Russian soldiers provide protection, and the Foreign Ministry will coordinate."
Austria had aprehensive assessment and ountability system wherein good performance by an official was considered a political achievement and served as the main basis for promotion. Conversely, failure toplete tasks required ountability and if there were problems, it generally meant the end of one¡¯s career.
However, there were exceptions to every rule; if failure was due to force majeure and there was no clear negligence on the part of the official, they likewise did not have to take responsibility.
Without a doubt, the events urring in Pnd were a force majeure; the Vienna Government couldn¡¯t prevent it, much less its employees below them.
Such a good opportunity naturally allowed Franz to win people¡¯s hearts. His words of concern were not meant only for the officials in Pnd, but also for the domestic officials.
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
Foreign Minister Weisenberg replied.
Prime Minister Felix said, "Your Majesty, arge number of refugees have gathered at the Polish border, wanting to cross into Austria.
Many refugees have been trekking over mountains and sneaking through forests to cross the border. Since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the border troops have arrested over a hundred thousand illegal crossers.
Especially since the Russians began expelling refugees, this situation has be even more severe with thousands of refugees intentionally rushing the border and getting caught each day."
Since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, illegal crossing has been a difficult problem for the Vienna Government, with the actual situation being far more serious than what Prime Minister Felix stated.
This also involved historical issues, as there were many people on the Austrian-Polish border who had familial or friendly ties; many of the illegal crossers were refugees who received cover from the local popce.
Furthermore, arge number of illegal immigration organizations existed. These organizations controlled the little-known mountain trails, orchestrating refugee smuggling from the Polish Region.
Undoubtedly, these organizations were profit-driven. Those with money paid smuggling fees, while those without were directly arranged to enter sweatshops or construction sites.
ording to statistics from Austrian courts, over 76% of illegal activities in the border regions were caused by illegal immigrants.
Facing such detrimental criminal activities to Austrian social order, the Vienna Government naturally sought to crackdown.
Unfortunately, the efforts yielded little sess, as illegal immigration organizations sprouted like weeds, quicklying back after being cut down.
N?v(el)B\\jnn
Compared to these groups, the illegal immigrants who relied on rtives or friends for help were somewhat morew-abiding. Most of these people hid in the countryside, with their family and friends finding ways to arrange for their livelihood.
After a few years, when they learned to speak Austrian, many of them would apply for citizenship. The method was simple: go to the border and pretend to be a Shinra citizen living in Pnd; with so many states in the German Confederation, it was virtually impossible to verify.
Well, thetter was the result of the Vienna Government turning a blind eye.
The reality is such, sometimes it¡¯s better to be confused; if someone ims to be German, the government naturally doesn¡¯t bother to investigate further. Otherwise, the proportion of Austria¡¯s main ethnic group wouldn¡¯t have been steadily rising.
One could specifically look at the Galicia Area, where in 1848, the Germans ounted for less than one-tenth of the poption, but by 1880 they had risen to 38.6%, surpassing Poles and Ukrainians to be thergest ethnic group.
Normally, such a change would be impossible, but in reality, it had indeed urred. Whatever had happened in the interim, Franz neither knew nor wanted to know.
It might seem self-deceptive, but in fact, it was quite effective. These people actively integrated themselves, and their sense of belonging was beyond doubt. If anyone questioned their ethnicity, they would earnestly object.
Essentially, the ethndscape of Europe was a tangled mess, and most ethnicities were artificially divided byter generations. The 19th century was Europe¡¯sst chance to integrate ethnicities.
The influx of arge number of refugees into Austria was inevitable; everyone knew that the Kingdom of Prussia was no match for the Russians, and settling behind Prussia would still mean enduring war.
```
Aside from the Kingdom of Prussia, the only other countries bordering Pnd are Russia and Austria, and unless one is tired of living, nobody would run to Russia, so Austria is the only option.
If the Russian Army hadn¡¯t intentionally driven the refugees toward the Kingdom of Prussia, more might have headed to Austria.
In some sense, those now at the Austrian-Polish border are either the fortunate ones or the clever ones.
Heading to the Kingdom of Prussia isn¡¯t safe, and there¡¯s no guarantee of receiving aid. It¡¯s different with Austria, no matter how brutal the Russian Army may be, they wouldn¡¯t stir trouble at the border area.
Normally, as long as one enters the buffer zone agreed upon by both parties, the Russian Army would stop.
If you can bluff your way through here, then do so by all means. If not, you can still attempt to cross illegally; just surrender to the guard troops if you¡¯re smart, and you¡¯ll find someone to feed you.
As for the future?
Why worry about so much when the immediate priority is to survive?
After all, Austria is a country ofw and order. Unless you break through the border violently, getting caught would mean either imprisonment or deportation.
After pondering for a moment, Franz slowly said, "Establish temporary refugee camps in the border area, as the number of people trying to cross is expected to increase. Not just the Austrian-Polish border, but soon the Austrian-Prussian border will also be a hotspot for refugee inflow.
The number of refugees this time is astronomical; our prisons might not even have enough space. Sending them all to the colonies would also present major management issues.
Prime Minister, are there any major infrastructure projects back home that need to be built? We now have a batch of freebor knocking at our door that we can¡¯t afford to waste."
The most important thing in a country ofw is to uphold thew. No matter how many refugees there are, those who cross illegally must be captured and detained if necessary.
This is a matter of principle, and Franz would not break the rules. Being willing to spend money to set up refugee camps is already a show of his conscience, as there is no notion of gratuitous relief for refugees from other countries nowadays.
Prime Minister Felix said, "The Ludwig Canal (the predecessor of the Rhine-Danube River) in the Bavarian Region can no longer meet the demand, and the government is looking into expanding it.
The Department of Agriculture ns to build fifty medium-torge water reservoirs over the next decade; the Railway Department ns to build the Ring Arabian Penins Railway and the Middle East Railway; the Electric Power Department is set to advance hydroelectric power projects, nning to increase hydroelectricity from the current 0.3% to 8.5% over the next ten years..."
A series of grand ns made Franz feel as if he were back in the era of great construction in Austria. But he knew clearly that this was distinctly different.
Back then, Austria mobilized national efforts to work on infrastructure, whereas now these projects are huge, they only require a portion of the government¡¯s effort.
Canal expansion and reservoir construction, these projects are all about money; there¡¯s no technical difficulty.
Railway and hydroelectric power projects are different, they involve not only economic issues but also technical ones.
Austria has experience in constructing railways in the desert, although only over short distances. This time, the construction of several hundred or even thousands of kilometers of desert railways is not the same level.
Hydroelectric power is rtively simple, but only rtively. The reason is simple: the technology has just emerged and is still in the experimental stage.
One can tell from the electricity output -- hydroelectric power ounts for just three-tenths of a percent of total power generation, almost negligible.
Most European rivers have small drops, which undoubtedly increases the difficulty of utilizing hydropower. If not for the abundance of rivers in Austria, probably no one would have thought of promoting hydropower.
Franz asked, "Are the technical issues with the desert railway resolved?"
He didn¡¯t ask about hydroelectric power station technology because most of Austria¡¯s hydroelectric construction is privately invested, and capitalists are smarter than anyone else; no one would engage in a business that loses money.
Prime Minister Felix answered, "We have preliminarily resolved it. The Railway Department ns to build protective forests, nting shrubs, date trees, pors, and other sand-fixing nts alongside the railways.
Considering the threat of sandstorms, we n to construct desert highways first in areas with frequent sandstorms, postponing railway construction. These issues mainly concern branch lines prating ind.
The areas through which the Middle East Railway and the Ring Arabian Penins Railway will pass are mostly deste, and many are affected by sand and wind but aren¡¯t true deserts, so protective forests should suffice.
We¡¯ve already conducted trials, and thus far, the results seem promising; as long as we don¡¯t encounter a major sandstorm, they¡¯re very effective, though the process takes some time."
Franz nodded, understanding. During these times, the Middle East and the Arabian Penins had not yet suffered the severe damage ofter years, especially since Austria upied these areas and immediately implemented policies such asnd fallowing and the prohibition of grazing, thereby protecting the natural environment.
"Proceed ording to n. For these freeborers, the government will bear the responsibility to allocate and use them rationally, sendingnguage teachers for their edification.
Remember to weed out the criminals first, and then it¡¯s up to the individuals¡¯ performance. Those who perform well may receive slightly better treatment. The proactive ones could even finish their forcedbor early.
After the end of theirbor service, they are allowed to leave freely; those who wish to stay will be paid normal wages.
For refugees who have brought their families, including the elderly and weak, we should grant certain privileges, cing them in better areas when possible."
Granting privileges to the elderly and weak does not mean Franz is a saint; those able to flee with their families are generally of good character. Since they have the burden of family, this group is often the easiest to assimte.
...
Chapter 711 - 284: Contradiction
Compared to Austria¡¯sposed response, the Berlin Government was anxious and agitated.
The Prusso Federation¡¯s sign was still there, the refugees were all citizens of the Prusso Federation, and now stopping their own nationals from entering clearly didn¡¯t seem justifiable.
But not intercepting them also posed a problem, with millions of refugees flooding in, there certainly were no jobs avable, and the Berlin Government, even if it exerted its utmost effort, would not be able to amodate them.
Job cement could be dyed, and housing issues were manageable, a mere makeshift tent could serve as shelter for an entire family, and as refugees, they had no right to be choosy, but they had to be fed, right? Read exclusive content at empire
Hunger cannot be faked, with millions of mouths to feed, once let in, the Berlin Government must figure out a way to satisfy their hunger.
Without a doubt, this was a bottomless pit. Perhaps the Russians wouldn¡¯t even need to attack; the refugees alone could eat the Kingdom of Prussia into copse.
Since the start of the Second Prusso-Russian War, Wilhelm I¡¯s physical condition had rapidly deteriorated, with the unfavorable news from the battlefield nearly suffocating the aged King.
Time spares no one, the years had eroded Wilhelm I¡¯s youthful ambition, now he only wished for a safending. However, that had be a luxury.
The unique system of the Kingdom of Prussia dictated that once the war chariot was set in motion, it could not be stopped. Anyone who tried to halt its advance would be crushed to dust.
This war chariot, with no brakes, could only stop when the horses tired. As a coachman, Wilhelm I could only adjust the direction of the chariot, picking as spacious a road as possible.
Dragging his weary body, Wilhelm I asked with concern, "What stance do the European countries hold?"
Undoubtedly, with millions of refugees, the crisis had surpassed the Kingdom of Prussia¡¯s limit to cope. Incapable of solving the refugee crisis on its own, the Berlin Government had no choice but to appeal to the internationalmunity.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman answered grimly, "The situation is very bad. European countries have condemned Russia¡¯s atrocities, yet few have taken any practical action.
Currently, the main substantial aides from the states within the German Region.
Austria has promised to provide us with materials worth 5 million marks and 20,000 tons of food for relief within a month, while the other German Confederation statesbined offer approximately 30 million marks worth of aid.
Our previous negotiations with the Anglo-Germans have also taken a turn; the London Government¡¯s stance has changed again, now leaning more towards Hanover.
If we want to obtain more of their support, we must establish North Germany in conjunction with Hanover, and even sell some territory to Hanover to obtain funds to pay off debts."
Wilhelm I did not have the luxury of feeling relieved that in a crisis, his own people were reliable, as he was shocked by the subsequent conditions; they had tantly taken advantage of them.
Establishing North Germany was eptable, although having Hanover in the lead was somewhat hard to swallow. The sale of territory was life-threatening.
The enormous debt owed by the Prusso Federation would fall upon the Berlin Government. To alleviate the debt crisis, thend required for sale was certainly significant.
To gain dominance in North Germany, Hanover would weaken the Kingdom of Prussia as much as possible, a harsh shing was inevitable.
Frankly, if these sacrifices could ensure a safe passage through the current crisis, Wilhelm I wouldn¡¯t mindpromising with Hanover.
The problem was, Prussia was not his alone to decide. The conditions offered by Hanover had already crossed the Junker aristocracy¡¯s red line, and they would not possibly ept this.
This was somewhat simr to the Late Ming Dynasty¡¯s Donglin Party. Knowing full well that without taxes the Ming Dynasty would be doomed, yet as beneficiaries, they would suffer too, yet they refused to back down even slightly.
After the Ming Dynasty fell, they soon realized that the new masters were hard to serve, and by then it was toote. Under the de, these people quickly chose topromise.
The situation was much the same for the current Junker aristocracy. They were open to a ceasefire, but only if their interests were first guaranteed.
However, the reality was impossible toply with. No one was willing to pay such an extravagant price.
Things hade to a stalemate here, the Berlin Government dared not take action to manage the aftermath. Because those who initiated the wake-up call usually end up with dire consequences.
Wilhelm I asked, "What do you think?"
The room fell silent; nobody picked up the topic, not because they didn¡¯t know how to respond, but because they dared not.
Politics are cruel, and too often, a single misstep in word could lead to severe punishment, especially at this sensitive juncture where one might bebeled a traitor for inciting the wrong ideas.
Seeing no reply, Wilhelm I sighed, "Today¡¯s meeting will be strictly confidential, known only to us present. Once you leave, you canpletely deny having said anything. Be as bold as you wish with your thoughts!"
There was no choice; this was the tragedy of "****ism." Especially after the first Prusso-Russian War, the Junker aristocracy¡¯s influence grew stronger, and the Berlin Government could not escape their sway.
It¡¯s worth noting that all the cab members present were of the Junker aristocracy, theoretically representing group interests.
However, thanks to Wilhelm I¡¯s political manoeuvrings and their divergent interests, the Junker aristocracy had also be fragmented.
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At this point, apart from the radical faction within the military still hoping to turn defeat into victory, others realized the Prusso Federation was finished. Unless they acted to save themselves, the Kingdom of Prussia would be doomed.
In times of great disaster, officials look to secure their interests first. Of course, patriotic integrity existed, but for most politicians, it followed personal gains.
Feeling his scalp tingle under Wilhelm I¡¯s intense gaze, Prime Minister Mnie Griffiths answered anxiously, "Your Majesty, at this point, no matter how outrageous the conditions may be, we must negotiate."
"It¡¯s not surprising that the British are leaning towards Hanover; if they want to support a pawn, they would surely choose the one that is easiest to control. Compared to us, North Germany under Hanover¡¯s control would be far more dependent on them."
"Additionally, the debt is a crucial factor. Our financial revenue is bound to drop significantly post-war, and over the next five years, our revenue might not even surpass the interest payments."
"The British want their debts repaid, and the prerequisite is that we have money in our pockets first, so it¡¯s not surprising they¡¯re pressing us to sellnd."
"However, our debts are toorge; even if we sell off all remaining territories after being harshly exploited by the Russians, we still might not be able to clear our debts."
"If the British want us to continue paying off the debt, they must leave us with enough capital."
"Moreover, Hanover has limited capacity; they also can¡¯t take on too much. From this perspective, the price we have to pay should not be too high."
"If their terms are too excessive, we can consider initiating contact with the Austrians. Although the Vienna Government might not wee us now, if we present ourselves, they certainly will not be able to refuse."
Prime Minister Mnie Griffiths was apromise from all sides, usually inconspicuous like an eraser. But achieving the position of Prime Minister couldn¡¯t be as simple as it seemed on the surface.
This answer brightened Wilhelm I¡¯s eyes. It was not that he couldn¡¯t think of these issues, but due to his advanced age, he did not have the energy to delve deeply into them.
Indeed, the Berlin Government still had options, and though both paths were difficult, having choices was better than having none. With more options, one had more bargaining power.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman shook his head, "As for Austria, there¡¯s no need to entertain the idea; at most, we make a gesture of contact to negotiate a bargain with Hanover, but the military would never agree."
Joining the Shinra Empire led by Austria, it wasn¡¯t the government but the military that would suffer the most. The Vienna Government generally does not interfere with the localities, but the army must remain firmly in their hands.
We only need to look at the other states to see that after the Central Government took over the State Army and was responsible for military expenditures, the government¡¯s armed forces were reduced to police and militias.
Of course, the absence of government troops does not mean the kingcks troops. In addition to the direct Pce Guard, the troops stationed in the regions also eptmands from the Kings of the states.
This easy transfer of militarymand to the Vienna Government only stripped the Sub-States of their militarymand authority; the power of the Kings remained untouched.
From the perspective of the Kings, it was actually a strengthening of royal authority. Having troops made one¡¯s words carry more weight, and the military budget was allocated by the Central Government, making it difficult for the Sub-State governments to exert influence financially.
That said, difficult didn¡¯t mean impossible; if the Sub-State governments were willing to pay, they could still maintain a certain level of influence.
However, no Sub-State government was willing to do so. No matter how they expanded the army,mand rights remained with the King and the Emperor¡ªthey couldn¡¯t get a word in edgewise.
And they weren¡¯t preparing to rebel; why maintain influence over the army?
Fundamentally, the political structure of the New Roman Empire was something the Emperor and Kings of the states had built together¡ªits core was to safeguard their own power.
Wilhelm I didn¡¯t mind, but the Prussian Military was not willing! In other states, it was the government that suffered, losing control over the military; Prussia was theplete opposite, with the military losing control over the government.
Should a merger happen, the first thing the Berlin Government would likely do is cut military funding and perform massive troop reductions.
If the conditions allowed, they might even apply to the Central Government to disband the military¡ªa feat the politicians were capable of.
There was precedence; the Liechtenstein Teritory disbanded its military after joining Shinra. Don¡¯t ask why; they simply didn¡¯t want it anymore.
Finance Minister Gormanughed, "It¡¯s not entirely impossible if the military faces a crushing defeat on the battlefield, then they will lose their capital to object.
Looking at the current scenario, the likelihood of this happening is quite high. The only trouble is, if the army suffers heavy losses, we lose our bargaining power with the Russians."
Politics is cruel, and ss interests are not the same as personal interests. After a defeat, the Junker aristocracy would be hard hit, but for politicians, it presents an opportunity to seize power.
If not for the concern of losing bargaining power with the Russians after a defeat, no one present would care about heavy losses to the military.
Wilhelm I¡¯s heart was also deeply conflicted; on one hand, he hoped the army could win a few battles to gain bargaining power with the Russians and end the war with dignity.
On the other hand, he wanted to use the war to strike at the military¡¯s influence, allowing the government to take the lead in decision-making, end the war quickly, ovee the current crisis, and preserve his throne.
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, Wilhelm I made a decision, "Let¡¯s initiate contact with both parties for now and decideter based on the battlefield situation.
Austria has already established itself; the Vienna Government is not keen to wade into these murky waters, so it¡¯s unlikely they will offer any substantial results. If ites to it, we¡¯ll simply cling to them regardless.
Our current focus should still be on negotiating with Hanover to determine the extent of the British support for them, as this will affect our future position within Germany Region."
This response was not unexpected; the Prussian Military was simply too dominant, and even the Kingcked the power to openly resist them.
Unless the Prussian Army suffered a resounding defeat and the Russians upied Berlin, the government had to consider the military¡¯s interests in decision-making.
Chapter 712 - 285: Life is Full of Hardships
```
While the Berlin Government was grappling with the refugee problem, those below had already made a choice for them.
The issue started when too many refugees flooded in, and local government relief efforts were not timely, leading to the desperate refugees looting a nobility estate in Skwierzyna, inadvertently killing the old Earl who was inspecting the estate.
There had been numerous cases of plundering, but killing a high-ranking noble was unprecedented. Perhaps realizing the gravity of their actions, in a bid to save their own lives, these people decisively chose to kill to silence any witnesses.
The refugees were just a ragtag assembly brought together on the fly, and while silencing witnesses and covering up the truth might sound easy in theory, how could they do so without leaving any trace?
What followed goes without saying¡ªthe news leaked and caused an uproar, and the nobility naturally sought revenge.
A mass influx of refugees caused damages, and not only to the local nobility; the losses suffered by local residents were even greater, and they had long been in dire straits. With someone leading the charge, a collective response was inevitable.
Great chaos erupted, and once the ughter had begun, there was no turning back. To restore order, the Berlin Government immediately ordered the stationed troops to intervene.
In truth, by this time, the Berlin Government was already unable to control the situation. The local troops were certainly more inclined to side with the locals, and their bays naturally turned against the refugees.
Perhaps many of the refugees were innocent, but no one was able to, nor wanted to, make that distinction. The massacremenced.
Upon receiving news of the massacre, Wilhelm I¡¯s first thought was to stop it immediately, but then he abandoned that thought.
He faced a multiple-choice question with no options: stand with the refugees and alienate the nobility, capitalists, and themon people of Prussia, or stand with the Prussian people as if nothing had happened.
Without needing to think hard, the Berlin Government knew which side to take. As for the refugees lying in pools of blood, they saw nothing, knew nothing.
A bizarre scene unfolded, with the Russian Army driving out refugees, and the Prussian Army doing the same, together orchestrating a "Symphony of ughter."
This event had its impact, and even led to a mutiny among Polish soldiers in the Prussian Army. Had the Russians not been too cautious and suspicious of a trap, failing to seize the opportunity to send out their troops, the Berlin Government might have been out of the picture.
...
The sudden massacre left the European world collectively speechless.
Condemnation?
The media were already on it, newspapers and radio broadcasts were vehemently condemning the atrocities of the governments of Prussia and Russia. Of course, there were also many condemning the refugees.
Journalists need to eat, their stances naturally influenced by their financiers.
...
In the Vienna Pce, this shocking news pulled Franz back to reality from his contemtions on life.
How to characterize this event was yet another headache-inducing issue. As an observer, Franz was unable to determine who was right or wrong.
Were the refugees at fault? The answer is: yes, and no!
They were simply trying to survive, which in itself was not wrong; but in their bid to stay alive, they harmed others, which was a grave mistake.
The tragedy in Skwierzyna was not an ident. Along the way of their escape, even more innocent lives were lost.
Perhaps only a fraction of the mobmitted atrocities, but the restcked the ability to make distinctions, nor did they wish to do so. Nobody was obligated to pay for their mistakes.
Human nature cannot withstand tests, especially in the face of hunger.
Were the Prussian nobility and public at fault? Again, the answer is: yes, and no!
Defending their own interests and suppressing rioters was undoubtedly right; however, intentionally escting the issue to epass the entire refugee group was problematic.
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Yet, as an observer, Franz felt he had no right to judge. If one is unable to avert a crisis beforehand, why demand they resolve it after disaster strikes?
The wise knew that with the loss of the Polish region, the Berlin Government was already incapable of providing relief for so many refugees.
Without relief supplies, refugee unrest was inevitable, a situation beyond human control.
If the war could not end promptly, even if Prussian nobles and capitalists opened their granaries, it would be of no avail.
In the interest of their own benefits and the country they protected, choosing the simplest and most pragmatic solution seemed hardly wrong.
Even the Russians¡¯ expulsion of refugees was something Franz could understand. Putting aside morals, since the Tsarist Government was incapable of providing relief, expelling refugees was, in fact, ast resort to prevent more people from bing refugees.
Franz was no saint; he knew to think rationally. A refugee crisis involving three to four million people is a problem difficult to solve even in the 21st century, let alone in that era.
Just a simple mathematical problem shows that, assuming a ration of one pound per person per day, three million people would consume 1500 tons of food daily, and four million would need 2000 tons.
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This is just theoretical data; in reality, this amount of food is definitely not enough. High-calorie foods might only require one pound to sustain a person¡¯s survival needs, but cheap, low-calorie foods will obviously be in higher demand.
In those days, people hadrger appetites; a healthy adult could easily consume three to five pounds of food in one meal, with most beingparable to the big eaters of the future.
Relief doesn¡¯t need to be filling, just enough to prevent starvation. Assuming refugees need 2000 tons of food per day, this number should be increased by at least 500 tons to ount for transportation losses, making it 2500 tons in total.
Besides food, other supplies are indispensable. With the sheer number of refugees, epidemic prevention is a must, or an outbreak of gue would be troublesome.
A preliminary estimate of tents, clothing, medicine, coal, household goods... these assorted items together would cost no less than hundreds of millions of Divine Shield without proper procurement.
Even with supplies ready, a daily transportation capacity of tens of thousands of tons is absolutely necessary to meet the demand.
This figure might look manageable, but remember, it¡¯s per day, not per month, and certainly not per year.
Franz doesn¡¯t know about other countries, but Austriacks the capability to transport such copious amounts of materials, not even half.
Perhaps if all of Europe united, they might resolve this refugee crisis, but the chance of sess is still less than one in three.
To attempt the impossible is the mark of either a hero or a fool. Franz is neither, so he can only watch from the sidelines.
It¡¯s not just watching passively, at least he donated money. Even though it¡¯s just a drop in the bucket, he made an effort.
Those affairs beyond control are one thing; however, the refugees at his doorstep cannot be ignored. Since they can¡¯t go to Prussia or Russia, they can only flee towards Austria.
That route is equally challenging. Prussia and Russia dare not let the Vienna Government think they are driving refugees into Austria, so they must intercept them.
Let¡¯s not even talk about how effective that is; the number of refugees at the Austrian border is growing daily. If the Vienna Government hadn¡¯t prepared in advance, they would be utterly overwhelmed.
Even with preparations, they can only just manage to provide food. Maintaining order relies on the military, and nearly every refugee camp has several criminals hanging around outside.
Happiness is rtive; after witnessing the atrocitiesmitted by Prussia and Russia, Austria¡¯s methods don¡¯t seem so unbearable.
Trouble?
Don¡¯t you see the troublemakers hanging outside? Right now they are illegal entrants, the kind without human rights. Dead or alive, it¡¯s the same; breaking any rules in the camp could lead to one bing a decapitated chicken meant to scare the monkeys.
Looking at the report he was handed, Franz felt terrible. He suspected that there was something wrong with the world when the number of refugees Austria epted surpassed one million.
With a puzzled look, Franz asked, "Prime Minister, is there a mistake with this data? How can there be so many refugees?"
The more the number of people, the more troublesome it is to amodate them. Refugees who can make it all the way to Austria are either from nearby or are in their prime.
Those with families are easier to handle, but young, single men are potential risks. Military-run refugee camps are meant to suppress such individuals from causing trouble, and the tragedy in Skwierzyna has raised the Vienna Government¡¯s vignce.
Felix replied with certainty, "There¡¯s no mistake. We¡¯ve double-checked the numbers three times, and every refugee camp corresponds correctly.
The numbers have exceeded past estimates, rted to the atrocities of both Prussia and Russia. Even though they are intercepting, there are soldiers sympathetic to the refugees who secretly let them through.
We¡¯ve lodged a diplomatic protest with both Prussia and Russia, and we expect the situation to improve going forward."
Raising the butcher¡¯s knife doesn¡¯t equate to killing millions. In reality, most refugees were driven to the Prusso-Russian border region. Today you chase them to my side, tomorrow I chase them to yours; in the end, neither wants them.
What really leads to mass death among refugees is starvation. No one has counted how many have starved to death. Estimates range from several hundred thousand to over two million.
Governments around the globe are turning a blind eye. At this time, providing relief to refugees is a thankless task; do well and it goes unnoticed, fail and face international criticism.
After pondering for a moment, Franz shook his head, "I fear the situation will worsen. Even if Prussia and Russia cooperate, there¡¯s no guarantee they can hold the line.
"We need to select a group of able-bodied individuals from among the refugees. If the situation exceeds our capacity to cope, we must close the border and make them handle their own interception.
"Furthermore, the government must prepare for epidemic prevention, prohibit refugees from leaving the camps, and prevent them from contacting the local poption. As for those with rtives to rely on, they too must go through a medical examination and only leave after being cleared."
In times of life and death, humans can exhibit their greatest potential. Unless the Prusso-Russian armies are willing to engage in mass killings, there will always be someone who manages to break through the blockade.
Berlin and St. Petersburg can¡¯t control this. The Tsarist Government is slightly better off, at least able to control its troops; Franz truly doubts the Berlin Government¡¯s hold over its military.
If the Russians are willing to pay a high price for the support of the Junker aristocracy, whether the Berlin Government would still exist remains uncertain.
A massive influx of refugees into Austria will also be untenable. To prevent the situation from deteriorating, there¡¯s no choice but to turn awayter arrivals with apologies.
Dispersed settlement is a theoretical ideal. Withnguage barriers preventing normalmunication, the health conditions and potential for gue among the refugees are unknown. If done carelessly, blind dispersal could easily lead to unrest across the country.
The refugees at the forefront are true refugees, while those following are like the living dead, barely retaining humanity¡ªit¡¯s all incalcble.
Chapter 713 - 286: The Vienna Peace Conference and the Abyss
In some sense, the refugee crisis also propelled the progress of the Prusso-Russian War. After replenishing his forces, Maoqi hastilyunched a counteroffensive.
There was no choice, if they didn¡¯t fight now, they would be even less capableter. They had hoped the refugees would dy the Russians¡¯ movements, but they hadn¡¯t expected this trouble to follow them all the way back.
The Russians did not immediatelyunch an assault, not only because they needed to rest their troops, but also because they were constrained by logistics. Ivanov was a cautiousmander and was resolute in not rushing into a decisive battle unless the logistics were in ce.
No matter how much the Berlin Government tried to rally, the poption had already set the upper limit. After losing most of its territory, the Kingdom of Prussia had just over ten million people left, all of whom capable of bearing arms were sent to the battlefield.
In this respect, they couldn¡¯tpare with the Russians; the longer the conflict dragged on, the more it favored the Russians.
Of course, this was only true militarily. Economically, the Tsarist Government couldn¡¯t hold out much longer either. If not for Ivanov¡¯s insistence, the Russian Army would haveunched an attack much earlier.
These were the secrets Maoqi could not have known. Even if he had known, it wouldn¡¯t have been of any practical use, since they still had to fight.
The government having no money didn¡¯t mean they couldn¡¯t get any money. In times of crisis, robbing Peter to pay Paul was also a way to deal with emergencies.
The Russian Empire had deep reserves; as long as they were willing to pay the price, they could scrape together the funds needed for several months of warfare.
Maoqi¡¯s efforts were not in vain, as the Prussian Army sessively defeated the threatening Tenth Russian Army, the Third and Sixth Russian Armies that had followed the refugees, and inflicted heavy damage on the Eighth and Ninth Russian Armies stationed around the Poznan region.
If one didn¡¯t look at the overall battlefield, no one would believe that the Prussian Army, with such impressive battle records, was actually in its death throes.
In just two short months, Maoqi had caused the Russians over five hundred thousand casualties. As a price for victory, the Prussian Army also suffered nearly three hundred thousand casualties.
With limited differences in the fighting strength of the soldiers, obtaining a 3:5 exchange ratio as the attacking force was tactically impable.
Yet tactical victories still couldn¡¯t make up for strategic defeats.
The Russians didn¡¯t just passively take hits; Ivanov set the battlefield in the East Prussia region where the Russian advantage was even more apparent. As for the Russian Army engaging Maoqi, their sole mission was to tie down the main force of the Prussian Army.
On March 18, 1880, the battle of East Prussia ended with a Russian victory, after nearly three hundred thousand casualties were suffered.
This was just the beginning. Having lost the painstakingly managed East Prussia region, West Prussia was also unable to withstand the Russian de, and the me of war continued to burn towards the hearnd of the Kingdom of Prussia.
¡
In the Vienna Pce, putting down the battle report and looking at the map of the Kingdom of Prussia, Franz knew that the Prusso-Russian War should end now.
The Kingdom of Prussia had already been weakened substantially; the Rhinnd region sold to the German Federation, the Silesia area to Austria, and Prussian Saxony was also sold off.
Now with the Poznan region falling into Russian hands, the loss of East Prussia, most of West Prussia, and Pomerania turning into a battlefield, the Junker aristocracy¡¯s foundation was severely damaged.
Continuing this war no longer held any relevance for Austria. If they didn¡¯t stop this war now, the Russians would reach the Ode River, which was not what Franz wanted to see.
"What¡¯s the internal situation like in Prussia and Russia?"
To intervene, they naturally needed to understand the respective situations of Prussia and Russia first. Franz had an intelligence organization and had obtained the information early on, but that was something not to be exposed.
An intelligence organization that frequently appeared in the public eye was not in fact an intelligence organization; it would be more suitable as a government department.
Franz had always sought to minimize the presence of the intelligence organization, and except for a few senior government officials and members of the nobility, no one else even knew that the Emperor had a secret intelligence organization in his hands.
Even those who knew didn¡¯t take it seriously, as the organization was too low-profile, low-profile enough to be forgotten.
Over the years, except for collecting intelligence, Franz hardly ever activated this secret organization for missions; it was the exposed and government-gged intelligence organizations that were responsible for carrying out tasks.
Just like the Jin Yi Wei (Imperial Guards), no matter how important they are or how much they contribute to the country, if they pose a threat to their own interests, the bureaucrats will find a way to crush them if they can¡¯t keep control in their hands.
Creating obstacles and causing trouble is nothing; the real problem is framing, defamation, and then pressure from public opinion, forcing the Emperor to give up.
History told Franz that emperors whopromised on this issue didn¡¯t end up well, no matter whether it was Zhu Yunwen or Zhu Yujian¡ªthey were both ssic negative examples.
So, you are talking about public opinion kidnapping and moral attacks, right? Well, I¡¯ll just hide the intelligence organization. Normally it won¡¯t show up at all¡ªit will only collect the dirty secrets of domestic bureaucrats and interest groups.
This dirt is the ammunition, and when needed, throwing it out can st away arge swath.
Byparison, overseas intelligence work is merely a sideline. Collecting some basic information is fine; the real responsibility lies with the overt intelligence organization, which is ountable to both the Emperor and the government.
It¡¯s not only for bnce but also a practical necessity. Special agents are high-risk jobs, especially for spying overseas, often requiring the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to intervene for rescue; it¡¯s inevitable to interact with them.
Moreover, during international diplomacy, intelligence is needed for support. To cooperate with each other, the overseas branches of the intelligence organization also fall under the embassies.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg answered, "The situation in the Kingdom of Prussia is very bad. Even after the expulsion of refugees, the lives of ordinary people have been affected, and many have to rely on wild turnips to stave off hunger.
ording to messages from the embassies, just this month, the Berlin Government has suppressed eightbor strikes and three revolutions. Right now, the Kingdom of Prussia is like a powder keg.
The Russian Empire is slightly better off. Victories on the battlefield have, to some extent, covered up the crisis, but the domesticbor disputes are very severe.
In the past year, there have been more than a hundred strikes, which are almost catching up to the French.
This past winter, more than fifty cities, including St. Petersburg, experienced varying degrees of supply shortages.
To save coal, residents of St. Petersburg had to join together to cook meals, and many areas saw whole families cramming into one room to keep warm."
Strikes in Russia did not catch Franz¡¯s attention, mainly because there was that anomaly of France, which had already reset his expectations.
It turns out that the French people¡¯s love for strikes has a historical legacy. Even now, in the neenth century, the French people have taken to this meaningful activity.
Unliketer times with many challengers, nowadays, France leads the world inbor strikes with a high three-digit number annually; there¡¯s currently no one who can match them.
In all the years since Franz ascended the throne, the total number of strikes in Austria might not evene close to the annual amount in France.
Of course, this is just counting organized strikes involving more than a thousand participants; as for small-scale strikes, no one knows how many happen every day.
That makes sense, after all, France now is abination of France and Italy, both with rich experience in striking; it¡¯s normal to have a higher number of strikes.
Winter has passed, and the people¡¯s demand for materials is decreasing; the Tsarist Government has survived the most dangerous time.
It¡¯s different for the Berlin Government. The frequent uprisings of the Revolutionary Party undoubtedly show that Prussia¡¯s internal weakness has reached an extreme.
War is not the problem¡ª"****ism" makes the Prussian people not afraid of war, provided that they are well-fed first.
Starving is absolutely uneptable; it¡¯s no wonder they united in animosity to expel the refugees¡ªwho would want an extra bunchpeting for food when they themselves are not even full?
Franz puzzledly asked, "Prussia is connected to us by the Ode River and the River Elbe, and they have a fairlyprehensive railwaywork. They should have both water andnd transportation and shouldn¡¯t becking in food supplies, right?
Hols, how much grain has the Berlin Government bought from us in the recent months?"
After the sea routes were blocked, only Austria, Denmark, and the German Federation remained bordering the Kingdom of Prussia that could trade.
Without a doubt, the Berlin Government would turn to Austria for grain imports, as the other two didn¡¯t have that much to sell to them.
Minister of Agriculture Hols replied, "After Christmas, we have sessively exported 768,000 tons of agricultural products to the Kingdom of Prussia, including 200,000 tons of flour, 300,000 tons of potatoes, 120,000 tons of corn, 20,000 tons of soybeans, and 30,000 tons of meat products..."
Potato exports had surpassed flour, and Franz knew this was a harbinger of economic copse in Prussia. It was only when they truly could no longer hold out that they would makerge-scale purchases of the cheaper potatoes.
With a sigh, Franz said, "Even at a time like this, there are still people hoarding goods. Wilhelm I¡¯s control over the country is really not that great, they deserve their defeat this time.
"Let the Foreign Ministry step in for mediation. The Kingdom of Prussia is about to copse, and the Russians have had their fill, I believe they won¡¯t refuse our mediation this time.
"We must try to hold this international conference in Vienna; now we need to show everyone the efforts we¡¯ve made to maintain the territorial integrity of the German Region."
What results from this doesn¡¯t matter; as long as everyone sees the efforts made by the Vienna Government, that¡¯s sufficient.
War is a high-risk activity. As the defeated party, the Berlin Government will surely pay a heavy price this time.
This was something Franz was pleased to see. Without a sense of crisis, how could the many sub-states in the German Region realize Austria¡¯s importance?
The overbearing Kingdom of Prussia served as a perfect negative example, awakening the crisis awareness of the Germans and deeply ingraining the idea of unification.
This meant that the Vienna Government was destined not to clean up after the Kingdom of Prussia. One had to pay one¡¯s own debts, and a harsh armistice treaty was inevitable.
With uncertainty, Foreign Minister Weisenberg asked, "Your Majesty, wouldn¡¯t it be too soon to leave the British out of the picture?"
The London Government had been calling for mediation, toying with it for months without any result.
If at this moment the Vienna Government steps in and achieves the goal, it would be a real p in the face.
This is not only a matter of face but also involves international influence. It is imaginable that after the Vienna Peace Conference, the British prestige in Europe will plummet to rock bottom.
Franz shook his head, "Sooner orter we woulde to this. Opportunities thate knocking shouldn¡¯t be missed to weaken the British¡ªnext time, who knows when it will be.
"Don¡¯t you think it¡¯s an interesting thing to let the countries of Europe feel that Britain is in decline?"
"That Napoleon IV, who¡¯s been biding his time for so many years, should also let his own light shine. If this continues, I estimate he might go crazy from the pent-up frustration.
"Keep in mind, the London Government was ready to let Prussia merge and establish a North German Empire to confront us. If they dare do that, our small counterstrike is not excessive, right?"
It wasn¡¯t that Franz underestimated Napoleon IV; it was mainly that the internal situation in France was really bad. Compared to Napoleon III, his control over the country was much weaker.
France has fallen behind in the past few years, not only objectively due to ack of resources but also directly rted to changes in the government¡¯s economic policy.
Sometimes the more you do, the more mistakes you make. Is developing North Africa a good idea? Of course, it¡¯s good to add a source of resources and a market for goods, but the key is to be able to develop it effectively.
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The policies of the Government look good on paper, many of which have borrowed Austria¡¯s sessful experiences; the key issue is that the national conditions differ.
First, the Paris Governmentcked effective execution. Napoleon IV did not have themanding authority, and the French Cabcked efficient cooperative capability.
This was a pit left by Napoleon III. Although it cleared the way for Napoleon IV to take power, the cost was an esction of internal political strife.
Lacking sufficient prestige, Napoleon IV had to y a bncing act within the government in order to seize power, and this internal fighting consumed a great deal of the French government¡¯s energy.
Secondly, there was the issue of cultural tradition. Whether it be the French people or the Italians, influenced by maritime civilization, they are passionate aboutmerce and have little interest in farming.
Even if people are brought to the colonies, they prefer to stay in cities, and there are too few who are willing to settle down and cultivate thend.
Capitalists clearlyck interest in remote colonies. Even if they invest in colonies, they prefer mining, which promises to be highly profitable.
The few that manage ntations are national treasures, too few and far between.
With impetuous hearts, everyone is eager for get-rich-quick schemes, unwilling to struggle gradually. The notion of working hard to prosper has no market in France.
Society¡¯s overarching environment cannot be transformed by the effort of a single individual, if one cannot change society, they must change themselves.
If Napoleon IV were mediocre, it would be fine, with the robust capital of France, maintaining the status of a great power would pose no issue.
But if he harbors grand ambitions, that¡¯s when tragedy would strike. When ambition exceeds strength, a societal bacsh is inevitable.
Seeing Franz¡¯s expression, Weisenberg hesitated, wanting to say but stopping short, He really wanted to say, "The United Kingdom¡¯s ns are all indulged by Austria."
To establish North Germany, it¡¯s not enough to have just Hanover and Prussia, it¡¯s also essential to pull in other German Confederation states.
With more participants involved, state secrecy naturally bes a joke.
Perhaps the British have yet to notice the problem, after all, the London Government has been extremely cautious this time. The allies they¡¯re courting are all states with distant rtions to Austria.
The n has progressed to the present where all those in the know,bined, might not even exceed thirty individuals, all from the absolute upper echelons of their respective nations¡ªbetrayal is out of the question.
In theory, as the masters of a nation, it is impossible to betray one¡¯s own country. However, there are always exceptions, and if anyone sees that prospects for North Germany are dim and want to secure a backup n for themselves, then there¡¯s nothing one can do.
If it were the height of the Prussian-Austrian union, Franz would certainly try to interfere. Yet at this stage, whether Prussia and Austria merge is no longer important.
The war inflicted tremendous damage on the Kingdom of Prussia, a loss of massive amounts of territory and poption, and the burden of enormous debt, representing aplete mess.
If North Germany were to be formed, the Central Government simply won¡¯t have the energy for anything else, they must first find a way to ensure the Kingdom of Prussia survives.
This is not a joke, the Kingdom of Prussia is rife with widows and orphans post-war, the economy is utterly withered, and without a significant injection of funds, they will copse on their own.
At this time, one cannot count on the British, who are not in the charity business. To think they are stirring up North Germany with good intentions is unthinkable.
In addition to needing to counterbnce Austria, it is more likely to ensure that the Kingdom of Prussia¡¯s debts can be properly serviced. The former is merely a slogan, while thetter is what domestic interest groups need.
Just thinking about the massive debt the Berlin Government carries makes Franz recoil; this time it¡¯s truly an unaffordable burden.
The United Kingdom¡¯s debt + other countries¡¯ debt + domestic debt +pensation for injured soldiers + post-war reconstruction costs, and possibly even a Russian war indemnity.
How nice the name North German Empire sounds; first help the Berlin Government repay its debts, otherwise why would the Kingdom of Prussiae in as a junior partner?
3 billion divine shield, it seems not enough to pay off the debt of the British alone; 3 billion divine shield, it appears still unable to fill the gap; 3 billion divine shield, maybe enough, but who knows before the dust settles?
3 billion divine shield, what¡¯s the concept here?
The Central Government of the New Holy Roman Empire has a fiscal ie of less than 2 billion divine shield, and it would take fifteen years of fiscal revenue just to fill this huge gap.
Of course, these 3 billion divine shield do not need to be paid in a lump sum, and it includes the calction of the interest on funds, the final amount needed to be paid.
If it¡¯s just the principal, not to mention the still unborn North Germany, even the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t have the capacity to take on such a debt.
Even with installment payments, the Berlin Governmentcks the ability to pay such a massive debt, and that would require meticulous management.
What the Berlin Government will do next, Franz is almost clear about. First of all, pride must be cast aside; begin printing money at full capacity, using intion to wipe out domestic debt.
International loans must also be gradually negotiated down, striving to get creditors to waive some interest, ideally only repaying the principal. Issued bonds must be postponed in redemption, repaying whenever there is money.
Guessing it might be possible to cut the debt in half, the Berlin Government still wouldn¡¯t be able to pay it, which means only the Central Government can share part of the burden.
The question is, would other states be willing to pay for the Kingdom of Prussia? When ites to their own interests, what is the North German Empire?
Chapter 714 - 287: The Viability of North Germany
```
In St. Petersburg, watching the report of the battle in his hands, Alexander II¡¯s face lost its joy, leaving only a heavy sorrow.
The Russian Army had achieved a major victory at the front, strategically pressing the enemy to the point they could barely breathe, inching closer and closer to war victory.
Yet, behind these victoriesy stacks of white bones built by Russian soldiers. Seeing the ever-increasing number of casualties, Alexander II admitted he was afraid.
This world was not only made up of Prussia and Russia; the Russian Empire had many enemies. What to do after winning the war at such a great cost?
¡
Foreign Minister Gerard Yeserot: "Your Majesty, this morning the Austrian Envoy in St. Petersburg sent us a diplomatic note, with the Vienna Government proposing an international conference to mediate this war."
Alexander II nodded his head: "It has finallye."
It was as if a sigh of relief, mixed with a hint of unease, escaped him.
After a moment¡¯s pause, Alexander II asked, "What conditions have the Austrians offered?"
Foreign Minister Gerard Yeserot shook his head: "It¡¯s just an ordinary diplomatic note; the Austrians have not made their position clear.
Given the current situation, the Vienna Government is unlikely to take a stance easily."
That was the truth, as the Vienna Government really had a tough choice to make. Between interests and public sentiments, no matter the choice, it would be wrong.
Since it couldn¡¯t choose, it decided not to take a stance and wait for further developments in the situation before making its position clear.
By now, Austria didn¡¯t need to pick sides to survive; their share of the profits would not be missed whether they acted sooner orter.
After hesitating for a while, Alexander II made a decision: "Tell Austria we agree to the mediation.
Prepare the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the negotiations. A tough battle lies ahead. The soldiers¡¯ blood must not be shed in vain; we must not give up at the negotiation table what we¡¯ve gained on the battlefield."
The game of diplomacy, though smokeless, is no less intense than the battlefield.
Since Ennd, France, and Austria established a new international system, the oue of European wars can no longer be determined by battles alone.
A military victory is just a start; the final allocation of benefits must still be decided at the negotiation table.
Of course, Russia is also a great power and has a voice. It will not be at the mercy of others. A victory on the battlefield gives an absolute advantage at the negotiation table. The difference is only in the size of the gains.
¡
The Tsarist Government agreed; the Berlin Government had no reason to disagree. They were the ones unable to hold on, and even the radicals in the army knew the tide had turned. If they didn¡¯t negotiate now, they would have no capital left to negotiate with.
The war had gone on so long that, in the Kingdom of Prussia alone, not fewer than four hundred thousand had died in battle. If you add those who died of illness or wounds, that number might grow by another two or three hundred thousand.
Just considering those dead, the number was six to seven hundred thousand, not to mention the injured and disabled. A permanent reduction in manpower of over a million was not at all an exaggeration.
For Prussia, with just over ten million people, it was as if every household was in mourning, every individual in tears. Except for a few deeply poisoned, most had already woken from their dreams.
Fortunately, it was a time when the poption was young, with a high proportion of working-age people. If it had been an aging society, they would have copsed under such losses long ago.
At the Prussian Army headquarters, upon hearing the news of the negotiations, Marshal Maoqi seemed to age ten years overnight. The war had dealt him too great a blow.
The gap in strength could not be filled with personal power alone. To have fought so many victorious battles only to end the war in defeat amidst victory.
Having lost the war, Marshal Maoqi¡¯s reputation as a great general was not diminished; on the contrary, it seemed to ring louder, an irony indeed.
Bearing his inner grief, Maoqi continued to fulfill his duty: "Order the troops to strengthen their guard, prevent the Russians from sneaking an attack."
Unlike past military defeats, this time, there was little domestic criticism of him as the suprememander.
Perhaps the blow was too grievous, leaving everyone without the strength toin. No one mored for a change of generals, nor did anyone call for his punishment.
"Yes, Marshal."
"Yes, Marshal."
¡
The weak responses one after another made Maoqi¡¯s face grow grimmer: "Has nobody had anything to eat? All of you, listless, look at yourselves. Do you still resemble soldiers?
It¡¯s just one lost war, not like we haven¡¯t lost before. Our forefathers survived; what makes us any different?"
No one responded, and from their expressions, most looked ashamed, while a few seemed indifferent.
There is no greater sorrow than a dead heart. The more people understood, the less confident they were in Prussia.
The European geopoliticalndscape hadrgely stabilized, and it was too difficult for Prussia to turn the tide. Many had already lost hope.
Seeing that his words had little effect, Maoqi sighed in resignation. A few harsh words might awaken a confused man, but they are of little use to someone already aware.
"Enough, regardless of what you think. As long as you wear this uniform, you must fulfill your responsibilities.
At this point, I do not expect you to be brave and capable in battle, to turn defeat into victory on the battlefield.
Just do your duty, do not give the enemy an opportunity to exploit, and preserve Prussia¡¯sst assets. That will be the best reward you can offer to the country that raised you."
¡
In London, as news of Prussia and Russia epting Austria¡¯s mediation spread, the British Government seemed to be shrouded in dark clouds.
``` Your next chapter awaits on empire
Prime Minister Benjamin, "Austria is convening the Vienna Peace Conference, and both Prussia and Russia have epted the invitation. Britannia¡¯s hegemony is being challenged, and we must take action."
Although it is a tripartite rule of Ennd, France, and Austria, Britannia is still the default leader. This time, the Vienna Peace Conference has clearly broken this convention.
The London Government was unable to mediate the Prusso-Russian War but instead allowed the Austrians to facilitate it, meaning that the British influence on the European Continent has fallen behind.
If it were any other region, it wouldn¡¯t matter¡ªthe global hegemony of the Great Britain Empire hasn¡¯t prated every area, and losing regional supremacy in one or two ces is bearable.
But not Europe, for in this era, the center of the world is Europe. The difference between European hegemony and world supremacy is only a fine line.
Whether from an economic or military perspective, the European Continent surpasses the rest of the worldbined. Securing European hegemony is tantamount to essentially establishing world supremacy.
The British Government cannot tolerate this happening. Though Austria¡¯s convening the Vienna Peace Conference does not equate to seizing European hegemony, it still undermines Britannia¡¯s implicit dominance on the European Continent.
Destruction is always easier than construction. It took centuries of effort for Britannia to establish its position in Europe, and now that it has been challenged, recovery is almost impossible.
As the world¡¯s hegemon, the British have appropriated too many interests. It¡¯s not just Austria that covets those benefits, but in fear of British prestige, no one dares to act.
Once Austria has made the first move, if the London Government doesn¡¯t promptly react to dispel the delusions of other countries, they will find themselves embroiled in endless probing and provocations, with no peace in sight.
Foreign Minister Edward, "We can¡¯t influence the Russians, and the Berlin Government is truly unable to hold out any longer; it¡¯s simply impossible for them to reject Austria¡¯s proposal.
It¡¯s no longer feasible to directly undermine Austria¡¯s ns from the Peace Conference. We must retaliate from other angles.
Perhaps we can increase our investments and hasten the establishment of the North German Empire. Cutting off Austria¡¯s dream of a Central European Empire should deter the other European nations."
Previously, the London Government had also been scheming for the North German Empire, but due to concerns over Austria¡¯s reaction, they had been pushing from behind the scenes. Now that faces have been shown, there¡¯s no need for courtesy.
Chancellor Garfield opposed, saying, "Establishing the North German Empire won¡¯t be easy; most of the German Confederation member states are only mildly interested, and the Austrians might sabotage it, making sess unlikely.
Taking a direct stand to promote it¡ªwell, if it were sessful, that¡¯s fine, but if the n fails, it would be another blow to our reputation.
Continuous failures could make our allies waver. Right now, it¡¯s better to secure Prussia first, and then consider how to retaliate against Austria."
How many ways does Britannia have to retaliate against Austria?
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The answer is: quite a lot.
Either it¡¯s too little influence to achieve the goal, or there¡¯s a potential bacsh that could boomerang on us if not handled well.
For instance: causing trouble in the colonies.
But all they could really affect were backwater regions; even if sessful, the impact would be minimal and wouldn¡¯t cause a stir in the European world.
Blockading the seas and hindering navigation is another method.
Regrettably, it couldn¡¯t be done openly¡ªthe Royal Navy could masquerade as pirates, as could the Austrian Navy. That tactic would be mutually harmful.
The most effective way is still to cause trouble on the European Continent. This poses a challenge to the London Government, as their influence in Europe has suffered since cooling rtions with France.
If France¡¯s enforcers were still around, Franz wouldn¡¯t be causing trouble at this time.
Foreign Minister Edward shook his head, "Sir, do we have a choice?
If we don¡¯t suppress Austria, more countries will emerge with challenges. By then, we will be overwhelmed and won¡¯t have the capacity to retaliate against Austria.
Establishing North Germany was already part of our initial n. With the Kingdom of Prussia¡¯s devastating defeat, the odds of sess have risen."
The cmity that has befallen the Kingdom of Prussia has diminished the fear of the North German Empire among European nations. Many countries that were originally opposed might even offer support.
Interest dictates this stance. The Berlin Government¡¯s debt borrowing isn¡¯t without its advantages¡ªnow the creditors have to take care of their own wallets when es nx international issues.
For instance, France hasn¡¯t lent much for this war, but they have dispensed a considerable amount of money to Prussia and Pnd before.
Pnd is gone, and nobody can make Russia regurgitate it. All these debts have now fallen on the Berlin Government, which under normal circumstances could never repay them.
In order to honor these debts, we must help restore Prussia¡¯s economy, which will require further investment, something the French surely don¡¯t want to continue funding.
The importance of the North German Empire bes apparent at this point. As the Central Government, they certainly can¡¯t watch member states copse. Even if they don¡¯t directly repay Prussia¡¯s debts, they would have to provide financial aid and help the Kingdom of Prussia recover economically.
A loose German Confederation poses no threat to France¡¯s interests and can even obstruct Austria¡¯s unification of Central Europe, making support from the Paris Government very likely.
Even the Russian Empire can be bought, despite the recent bloodshed between Prussia and Russia. Many things can be negotiated with the right interests in ce.
A Prussia weakened by war has lost the strength to threaten the Russian Empire, and even uniting with the Germans to form the North German Empire would not change that.
Poption and territorial size define the limits of this fledgling nation; it will never reach the former Prusso-Polish federation¡¯s level. Not to mention the multitude of member states within that government cannot unify their forces.
The Tsarist Government is desperately poor; after finally winning the war, they will undoubtedly seek to demand a hefty war indemnity.
Getting the Berlin Government to sign a treaty for reparations is easy, but getting the Kingdom of Prussia to actually pay is another matter.
Without support for Prussia¡¯s survival, let alone paying war reparations, post-war pensions alone could bankrupt the nation.
Besides, there are Russian-Austrian rtions to consider. It¡¯s impossible for the Tsarist Government to have no wariness towards Austria.
The two have avoided falling out only because they are interdependent. After the war, Russia¡¯s need for Austria will gradually decrease, and rtions will shift from allies topetitors¡ªit¡¯s just a matter of time.
Without taking the lead, it¡¯s reasonable for the Tsarist Government not to reject a move that would limit Austria."
Chapter 715 - 288: The Newly Dug Pit
No matter what the British thought, the Vienna Peace Conference was held as scheduled. Without any surprises, Ennd, France, and Austria all became mediating countries.
With the arrival of the negotiating delegations, Vienna became ever more bustling. Representatives from Prussia and Russia buzzed around like diligent bees, flitting from embassy to embassy, producing hot news every day that the public eagerly discussed.
The British supported the Berlin Government, the French were somewhat hesitant, barely siding with the Prusso Federation, though their support was limited.
Austria, as the host, had yet to dere its stance and was now the main target of both parties¡¯ struggles. Whoever won the support of the Vienna Government would gain an advantage in the negotiations.
Setting aside valuable meeting minutes, Franz asked, "Have we roughly figured out the bottom lines of both Prussia and Russia?"
It was not clear when it began, but everyone in diplomatic negotiations learned to make outrageous initial demands, not considering feasibility in the slightest.
Take the current situation, for example: the Russians demanded that the Berlin Government cede East and West Prussia, Pomerania, Poznan region, and the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies, and also demanded war reparations amounting to approximately 960 million Divine Shields.
Among these, the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies were to be returned to the Danish people, and although Franz was not sure if the Russians had an agreement with the Danish, he knew that "money" was the root of the problem.
The war had ended, but the troubles of the Tsarist Government had just begun. In the years toe, the Russians would have to embark on a long journey of debt repayment.
Up to now in the war, the Russians had umted a tremendous amount of debt. Just the debt to Austria alone amounted to 670 million Divine Shields.
Currently, the Russians had to pay nearly 4 million Divine Shields in principal and interest to Austria every month, and it would take decades to fully repay the debt, with the final total exceeding 1.4 billion Divine Shields.
With an annual revenue of only around 100 million Divine Shields, just the debt to Austria took away nearly half, which was clearly unsustainable for Russian finances.
ording to Franz¡¯s knowledge, aside from Austria, the Tsarist Government¡¯s foreign debt in other countries also amounted to no less than 200 million Divine Shields, mainly from the Nordic Federation and the United States of America.
The Nordic Federation¡¯s loan was secured by Find, and the United States was one of the few diplomatic achievements of the Tsarist Government.
There was no choice, as individuals fear solitude, and nations, being made of individuals, naturally inherit this trait. It was not surprising for two countries isted by the world to band together.
During the Civil War, the Tsarist Government supported the Northern government, and now naturally expected something in return. Not that the Americans were particrly righteous, but the United States was alsopelled to do so.
Facing the united pressure from the four countries including the UK, France, Austria, and Spain, European countries kept their distance from them, and except for the equally unwee Russians, they could not find better partners.
Although the United States, after the division, was not as wealthy as in the original timeline, they still managed to sell tens of millions worth of war bonds for the Russians.
This was only external debt, and in addition, the Tsarist Government owed arge amount of domestic debt, the specifics of which Franz could not know, but it was an astronomical sum anyway.
Thepensation for injured and deceased soldiers post-war, the settlement of veterans, and the economic reconstruction of areas affected by the war represented another huge expense.
In this regard, the Tsarist Government was not much better off than the Berlin Government; both were on the verge of bankruptcy every minute.
Times had changed, and most of this debt was secured by territories; failure to pay meant cedingnd, so fiscal bankruptcy was not a viable option anymore.
Leaving other regions aside, the Find region absolutely could not be abandoned; otherwise, the strategic security of St. Petersburg would be an issue. Continue your story on empire
From an economic standpoint, the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies were more valuable than the icy wastnd of Find. Using these two duchies to offset the debt might even bring in some extra pocket money.
In passing, he wanted to strengthen the Danes andplicate the internal rtions of the Nordic Federation, eliminating any potential threats from the north.
Franz understood the Tsarist Government¡¯s desire to extricate itself from the fiscal crisis, but the conditions they proposed were uneptable.
Setting aside whether the Germany Region would be divided, the problem was that the Berlin Government was also broke. How could they pay the war reparations after such a ughter?
If the Russians¡¯ terms were eptable, given they were the victors, a lion¡¯s big mouth was nothing unusual. However, Franz barely nced at the conditions proposed by the Berlin Government before he lost interest in reading further.
The first condition was for the Russian Army to immediately withdraw from the territory of the Prusso Federation; the rest was no longer important, as this point was non-negotiable.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg replied, "We can preliminarily confirm that the Russians aim to annexnd and demand war reparations.
Besides taking back their original territories, they also want to swallow up the already upied East Prussia and Poznan region, which is not a big problem.
The key issue is the war reparations. The Tsarist Government is genuinely out of money and wants to seize this opportunity to recoup and fill the financial gap.
From the current situation, if the Berlin Government provides enough reparations, the Russians might ept without annexing territory.
The situation in Prussia is a bitplicated. The Berlin Government is neither able to pay the war reparations nor does it want to lose East and West Prussia; only the cession of the Poznan region is considered."
After pondering, Franz smiled and said, "The situation is a bit better than we expected. It seems the cash-strapped Tsarist Government is the best kind of Tsarist Government, or else they could have swallowed Prussia whole.
As for the thoughts of the Berlin Government, they are not important at this time. As the defeated party, they have little room for choice. The territories already consumed by the Russians are unrealistic to expect back.
Both Prussia and Russia are in poor financial shape. For every day the war continues, they must add hundreds of thousands of Divine Shields to their military expenditures; they simply cannot afford to drag this on.
For the time being, we should not get too involved. The negotiations have just begun, and it¡¯s likely that the Prusso-Russian representatives have not yet entered the fray. It is necessary to let them cool down first.
We can meet privately with the Prussian representatives and suggest they pay off debts to various countries with physical assets. I believe no one would refuse,"
"Paying with ¡¯physical assets¡¯" is the biggest pitfall. Prussia does not produce many resources. Paying debts with "physical assets" would mean industrial andmercial goods are the only things they can offer.
Franz had seen how harmful this stuff can be. At the outbreak of World War II in the original timeline, the industry of the Third German Empire actually surpassed thebined total of Ennd and France.
Before World War I, the German Empire contributed 14.8% to the global industrial output, while the Great Britain Empire ounted for 13.6%, with both nations quite close, and Ennd and France together far surpassing the German Empire.
Durin the World War II period, the situation changed. Initially, the Third German Empire made up 13.2% of the world¡¯s industrial output, the British fell to 9%, and the French were at a mere 4.5%. After annexing Austria and the Czech-Slovak region, the Third German Empire surpassed thebined total of Ennd and France.
(Data for reference only, as different sources may vary)
From the industrial data alone, Ennd and France appeared more like defeated countries. Germany¡¯s share of industrial output decreased because of the rich coal and iron producing Alsace-Lorraine returning to France, and the textile center of Silesia being ceded to the newly independent Pnd.
The main reason for all this was "payment in kind." To repay the war reparations, Germany had to provide arge amount of industrial andmercial goods at discounted prices each year.
Capitalists discovered that being middlemen was more profitable than producing goods themselves. Naturally, they prioritized profits first.
Soon, made in Germany goods flooded both the domestic and colonial markets of Ennd and France. The markets the German Army failed to capture on the battlefield were ironically secured through post-war reparations.
It must be said that sometimes this world is truly nonsensical.
As nonsensical as it might be, Franz was very much looking forward to this moment.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" replied Foreign Minister Weisenberg.
¡
Prime Minister Felix said, "Recently, the British have been very active, promoting the benefits of establishing the North German Empire everywhere,pletely disregarding us and causing a very negative impact.
Especially in the Kingdom of Hanover, many newspapers are advocating North German nationalism. They are stirring up people¡¯s hearts under the guise of religious beliefs, attempting to split the Empire.
¡"
What was toe would stille; establishing a North German Empire of such magnitude wasn¡¯t a decision a few people at the top could make on a whim.
If they couldn¡¯t get the support of the people, then the North German Empire would be no different from the current "Comedic Empire"¡ªin name a country, but in reality, the Central Government couldn¡¯t govern anyone.
If the structure of the system remained as loose as it now, it would be more appropriate to call it a Sub-State Alliance rather than an Empire.
That is not what the British or George I want. If they can¡¯t increase the centripetal force among the people, the empire will only have value as a buffer zone for the major powers.
After some thought, Franz said, "We could create some small trouble for them, but we must be mindful of the extent¡ªcan¡¯t scare them off.
It would be best to draw everyone out; it¡¯s a good opportunity to filter who our friends are and who our enemies are.
If the British want a North German Empire, let¡¯s give them a North German Empire, but it must meet our requirements.
The Kingdom of Prussia is an excellent pawn; no matter how much it is weakened, its power is still above Hanover¡¯s.
A central government that is weak while regional powers are strong has always been the way to disaster.
Once they get through the post-war decline, the unrestful Junker aristocracy will stir the Berlin Government to challenge Hanover, and then there will be a spectacle to see.
Perhaps we won¡¯t need to wait that long, as the Kingdom of Prussia is currently in urgent need of money to save itself. I don¡¯t believe these active supporters will still want to establish the North German Empire when it¡¯s time for them to pay up."
Deep down, Franz had already made a decision to let the Russians impose an exorbitant indemnity on the Kingdom of Prussia.
It didn¡¯t matter whether Prussia could pay it back; at worst, they could pay it off over one hundred years, or even two hundred if necessary.
When needed, the Berlin Government¡¯s debts could be transferred to the head of the North German Central Government.
There was a precedent for this; after the Prusso Federation was established, the Berlin Government wanted to thoroughly integrate Prusso-Pnd, directly unifying the military and civil administrations, making the Polish Government¡¯s debts fall on the Central Government.
Theoretically, now that the Kingdom of Pnd had fallen, the Berlin Government had the opportunity to refuse to honor the previous Kingdom of Pnd¡¯s debts, allowing the Russians who upied Pnd to take responsibility.
But this is a world where the strong prey on the weak; the will of the great powers is internationalw. The creditorsck the power to force the Russians to repay, and can only bully the weaker Berlin Government.
The Berlin Government, without the boldness to refuse, can only continue honoring these debts. A simr event could be replicated in the North German Empire.
No matter what promises the British have given, with one debt transfer, the supporting Sub-States would choose to switch sides.
Why rush when you have the means to undercut the foundation? Using this opportunity to deplete the excess energy of John Bull, preventing them from scheming in secret, is the true path to power.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said with great concern, "Your Majesty, the situation may not develop ording to our will. Given the current situation, the Kingdom of Prussia will definitely downsize its military significantly after the war.
Due to the impact of this war, the Junker aristocracy has suffered greatly. Over a thousand Nobility Officers have fallen on the battlefield, and more than three hundred noble families face a crisis of extinction caused by the war.
With the massive loss of the younger generation and the older generation stepping back, the Junker aristocracy will face the crisis ofcking sessors and their control over the country is bound to decrease dramatically.
Perhaps we don¡¯t need to wait for the future; this war itself is an opportunity.
Someone must always bear responsibility for defeat, and if Wilhelm I decides to abdicate in the aftermath of the war, these high-ranking Junker aristocrats will also be forced to step down.
Time is so pressing that they won¡¯t even have the time to train sessors. The positions they leave will be filled by deputies or subordinates.
After this round of political shakeup, Junker aristocracy will lose control of the government. The new government will most likely take actions to continue weakening the power of the Junker aristocracy.
For instance: use financial pressure as an excuse to dismantle most of the domestic army and break free from the deformed political structure of an army-dominated state."
It¡¯s not a matter of possibility; it is bound to happen. Political struggles are cruel. If Wilhelm I doesn¡¯t take advantage of this opportunity, then he is not Wilhelm I.
Wilhelm I is already over eighty years old and doesn¡¯t have many years left to live, and his health has already begun to deteriorate from the impact of the war¡¯s failure.
Having the chance to oust political rivals and clear the hazards to his descendants¡¯ ession to power, he has no reason to refuse.
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And this is a tant strategy, not the Emperor forcing everyone to resign, but the honor of the aristocrats makes it awkward for them to hold high positions.
Because of the war, the core of the Junker aristocracy is mostly in the military. In the government, apart from some of the upper echelon, most aren¡¯t military Junkers.
After the political reshuffle, the military loses control of the government. No matter whoes to power, they will not give them a second chance to control the government.
The same scene yed out in the original timeline as well. After World War I, the Junker aristocracy was greatly diminished, and after being suppressed from all sides, was marginalized during World War II by "Hit***," losing even control of the military.
¡
A Prussia controlled by politicians is not the same concept as a Prussia controlled by the military, and it is much lower at its base.
Unlike "milit***ism," which habitually uses fists to speak, politicians preferpromise. This undoubtedly adds uncertainty; no one can guarantee the Berlin Government won¡¯tpromise with Hanover.
Franz nodded, "This is indeed a problem. However, the interests involved here are so massive that even if both sides really dopromise, it won¡¯t be possible toplete in the short term.
Let the Foreign Ministry keep an eye on them. If necessary, we can take extraordinary measures."
Frankly, Franz wasn¡¯t too worried. To achieve this, not only superior political skill is required, but also a suitable international environment is necessary.
Chapter 716 - 289: It’s Not About Money, It’s About Life
The indifference of the Vienna Government undoubtedly emboldened the nationalists of North Germany. Although the Sub-State governments didn¡¯t take a stand, the calls from the civilians were growing louder.
In order to proceed with his ns smoothly, Emperor George I even dered in private that establishing the North German Empire was a key step in the unification process of Germany.
On the surface, it seemed unproblematic, from a tripartite to a bipartite structure, indeed a step closer to the unification of Germany.
However, upon closer inspection, the problems were substantial. If the amalgamation of Prussia and Germany was considered the North German Empire, then the New Holy Roman Empire that Franz was scheming would be the South German Empire.
Who would unify whom in the future would require careful discussion.
Did George I want to unify South Germany under North Germany?
Well, if said aloud, probably no sane person would believe it.
If it were the peak period of the Prusso Federation merging with Germany, there might have been a sliver of a chance. That tiny possibility, however, rested on the condition that Austria was collectively attacked by other European countries.
Now, even that tiny chance was gone. The Kingdom of Prussia, severely weakened, hadprehensive national power that was even less than Bavaria¡¯s, and the so-called Comedic Empire was at most equivalent to the power of a few Sub-States within Shinra.
Lacking in strength and gued with internal issues, not to mention that even the armies of the various Sub-States were not straightened out. Each Sub-State¡¯s army existed independently, and the Central Government had nomand over them.
If that were not enough, most Sub-States, including Hanover, had a defense treaty with Austria.
Mainly aimed against the French, it also implied opposition to the Russians. ording to the treaty, allied forces would be formed with Austria at the core when facing foreign invasion.
This was Metternich¡¯s contribution. The international environment back then waspletely different from now; everyone was merely worried about the French-Russian threat, and Austria was considered harmless, so they boarded the ship cheerily.
Now, this treaty had be a double-edged sword, protecting the security of the German Federation while also restraining the Central Government of Germany from consolidating military power from the Sub-States.
The Vienna Government could pull everyone together for joint exercises, but the Central Government of Germany could not; they did not have this authority, and the Sub-State governments were under no obligation to cooperate.
In order to unify the military and political issues within the country, Emperor George I negotiated with the Sub-State governments several times to no avail.
Without the threat of an external force, no one was willing to give up their power in hand. That inconspicuous defense treaty from the past had be one of the legal bases for Sub-States to maintain their independent military forces.
After multiple failures, George I had fallen into despair. He was ready to give up, but at that moment, the British gave him a new hope.
The establishment of the North German Empire marked a new round of political reshuffling. The Kingdom of Prussia, originally the biggestpetitor, had lost its qualification to contend for the Empire¡¯s leadership due to the war.
Even because of financial reasons, the Berlin Government had to make a series of concessions in order to obtain financial aid from the Central Government.
That included themand of the military forces. No mistake, the Berlin Government was prepared to give up its army.
It wasn¡¯t that Wilhelm I did not want an army, but they genuinely could no longer afford it; the Berlin Government at that time couldn¡¯t even pay out pensions.
To exchange an army that they couldn¡¯t support for financial aid was a non-losing proposition.
Unlike Austria, Hanover had limited capacity. If the two countries¡¯ armies merged, the experienced Junker aristocracy could easily take up a dominant position.
This was also Wilhelm I¡¯s way to appease the military. By trading benefits to ensure the regr disbursement of pensions, losing some authority was more agreeable to everyone than sending them back to work the fields, making it a case of mutual need.
Their generosity was not limited to the military; the financial concessions were even more severe. The Berlin Government proposed that as long as Hanover was willing to take on its debt, the Kingdom of Prussia¡¯s fiscal revenues could be entirely handed over to the Central Government for unified distribution.
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Without a doubt, this unreasonable demand was staunchly refused by George I. What a joke, as if he coveted the financial ie of the Sub-States, he absolutely couldn¡¯t ept it!
Unlike in the military and financial aspects, where significant concessions were made, when it came to territory, the Berlin Government became stingy, and the two parties failed to reach an agreement for a long time.
...
In Hanover Pce, George I angrily threw down the documents in his hand, cursing, "Damn Prussian barbarians, really think we¡¯re like them, all boneheaded brutes?
Always looking to reap the benefits without paying the price, does such a good deal even exist in the world?
Always scheming, treating others like fools, never thinking about the German people at all.
It seems like they¡¯ve spent too much time with the Polish, forgetting their own identity, and utterly lost our fine traditions.
..."
Despite not understanding how George I managed to link "boneheaded" with "scheming," Prime Minister Philip still dutifully responded, "Your Majesty, don¡¯t worry. Harsh reality will bring those Prussian barbarians to their senses.
They are still basking in their past glory and failing to recognize their situation. They will know how to choose after the Vienna Peace Conference."
Frankly speaking, George I was right in his rant. On the surface, it seemed that the Berlin Government had made significant concessions, but in essence, they were bartering interests.
If they wanted the financial authority, they would have to take on the resulting debt; if they desired themand of the military, they would have to pay for the casualty pensions.
The debts were not to be touched. If George I dared to take them on in the name of the Central Government, the Imperial Parliament would not hesitate to reject them, and while at it, perhaps rece the Emperor.
The military situation might be negotiable. The Berlin Government had already paid out a considerable amount for pensions, and the remaining amount was due to be paid in installments over the years.
When ites to soldier pensions, there is no country in the world that dares to im it can do better than the Kingdom of Prussia.
No matter how tight the finances were, Wilhelm I never paid much attention to it. Even when there had been asional defaults, they were quickly rectified.
Among the Berlin Government¡¯s colossal military expenditures, pensions also upied a significant portion.
George I¡¯s expression eased slightly, "Let¡¯s hope so! We cannot make any concessions on this issue.
Although I don¡¯t know what price the Kingdom of Prussia will have to pay at the Vienna conference, we must absolutely preserve the traditional territories of the Germany Region.
The remaining territories also far exceed Hanover. We cannot maintain dominance without weakening the Kingdom of Prussia, even if the North German Empire were established.
Taking the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies and the territories west of the River Elbe is our minimum requirement, and the foundation for suppressing Prussia in the future.
The Foreign Ministry continues to work with the London Government, it was their n, and now we need their support."
The Schleswig-Holstein Duchies + territories west of the Prussian Elbe, in terms ofnd area alone, have already surpassed the Kingdom of Hanover.
Of course, the Kingdom of Hanover¡¯s economy is more prosperous, and its poption greater. Our shared cultural traditions make it easier to digest this piece of fatty meat.
Moreover, being freed from the Kingdom of Prussia would mean escaping the enormous post-war debt and avoiding high taxes, so the local people might even feel fortunate.
After assimting this territory, along with the Rhinnd region controlled by the Imperial Parliament, the merged Prussian-German Central Government will possess the strength to suppress the Kingdom of Prussia and hold a definitive advantage over other Sub-States.
Under these circumstances, as long as the Kingdom of Prussia makes concessions in military and political matters, the other smaller Sub-States won¡¯tst long.
After that, it¡¯s just a matter of time. Theoretically, in another twenty or thirty years, political means couldrgely integrate the North German Empire and step into the ranks of the great powers.
If this prospect weren¡¯t so tempting, George I wouldn¡¯t be so enticed. Who would want to y second fiddle when they could stand on their own?
Although the likelihood of failure is somewhat high in practice, it is clearly less risky than joining the Shinra Empire.
There¡¯s no helping it; the unification of the Germany Region by Austria would be the spark for a major war in Europe. Faced with universal opposition, George I had no confidence in Austria.
Rather than leaving fate in the hands of others, it¡¯s better to take control of it oneself.
George I naturally prepared an exit strategy before daring to join the Anglo-Austrian game so early. He stood with the British now because there was greater profit to be had.
Failure would be no hindrance, the Shinra Empire¡¯s unique system meant that as long as one didn¡¯t go too far, challenging the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t lead to utter ruin.
If sessful, it wouldy the foundations of an empire; if not, at worst he would abandon the throne, but the Hanoverian crown could still be retained.
As long as there was no military sh on the battlefield, Austria would have no reason to strip him of his kingship; the most severe consequence would be his abdication, with his descendants continuing as Kings.
A business venture with low risk and high reward is always fascinating.
"Yes, Your Majesty," the Foreign Minister replied.
"Your Majesty, while our fiscal revenue is not low, our expenditures are considerable, and there isn¡¯t much money avable for purchasingnd.
We must control the transaction price during negotiations and cannot exceed the market price by too much," Finance Minister Gomez Farias cautioned.
"Market price," in reality, means that currently there is a price but no market. This is not just now but has been the case for most of the time. Colonial trades aside, European nations are rarely willing to sell their own territories unless necessary.
In this day and age,nd valuation is not high, but any territory in the European Region, regardless of its value, won¡¯te cheap.
International territorial transaction prices can only serve as references. The specific price has to be determined based on the demands of both sides, taking all factors into ount.
The Russians sold ska, an area over a million square kilometers, for just a few million Divine Shields, while the Kingdom of Prussia previously sold the Rhinnd territories, only tens of thousands of square kilometers, for up to a hundred million Divine Shields.
Simr cases include the Saxon territory trade under Prussian control. Even during wartime, these could fetch tens of millions of Divine Shields.
George I waved his hand dismissively, "Money is not an issue, the British are very willing to take this deal. The Kingdom of Prussia owes them a massive debt that could turn bad at any moment, and the bankers have long been anxious.
Right now, what the Prussiansck most is money, they might concede in other aspects, but when ites to ¡¯money¡¯, there is no room for negotiation.
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The Foreign Ministry should just do its best. As long as the final transaction price does not exceed that of the previous Rhinnd territories, we can ept it."
One must admit, George I had a knack for understanding the human heart, and his judgment was indeed urate.
The British were truly worried about the copse of the Berlin Government, and the loans they had issued bing bad debts. Now that Hanover was willing to step in, they would dare to lend even without coteral.
Frankly put, it was a matter of transferring funds from one hand to the other. Hanover would take out loans to buynd, and the Berlin Government would use the money to repay the British.
In essence, John Bull doesn¡¯t need to shell out a penny; a few ount adjustments wouldplete two business transactions, while also reducing their own operational risk.
With its strong fiscal status and virtually no government debt, lending money to Hanover was definitely more reliable than lending to the potentially bankrupt Prussia.
The worse the financial situation, the more the government values money. For the current Berlin Government, money was not merely money anymore, but their lifeblood.
Without sufficient funds, they would soon copse on their own.
Chapter 717 - 290: The Demise of the Great Emperor
While the Prusso-Russian negotiations were fraught with tension, another event that would influence the politicalndscape of Europe took ce.
On May 15, 1881, Alexander II was assassinated in St. Petersburg. The time and ce had changed, but the oue had not.
It wasn¡¯t that Franz¡¯s butterfly effect wasn¡¯t strong enough; the key issue was that Alexander II brought it upon himself, knowing full well he had offended so many yet still frolicked about everywhere.
Years earlier, Alexander II had already earned the media¡¯s nickname of the ¡¯King of Assassinations,¡¯ due to the triple-digit assassination attempts against him.
Perhaps being targeted so frequently had desensitized him; Alexander II had grown ustomed to such a life and continued his willful ways, often appearing in public ces.
Wandering in the dark often enough, one inevitably encounters ghosts. Alexander II had barely managed to win the war and had yet to enjoy the fruits of victory when he had to tragically leave the world.
Alexander II was dead, but the assassination case was far from over. The Tsarist Government had not given a clear answer about the killer.
The assassin was publicly identified as a member of the People¡¯s Party; a im that Franz, at least, would never believe, no matter if others did.
Surviving over a hundred assassination attempts, Alexander II¡¯s security was undoubtedly excellent. Under normal circumstances, strangers approaching would definitely be intercepted by the guards.
To let an assassin get within a few dozen meters to throw a bomb, were the guards eating shit?
The fact that someone could divert the guards, creating an opportunity for assassination, clearly indicated internal involvement, possibly even by the Emperor¡¯s confidants.
As for which faction was involved, that was beyond Franz¡¯s ability to determine. Alexander II¡¯s reforms had offended too many, and many prominent households had declined due to them.
As far as Franz knew, Alexander II had been preparing tounch a new round of reforms after the war, aiming to fundamentally change the Russian Empire.
Unsurprisingly, this would have touched the vested interests once again, and their bacsh was understandable.
Even those who initially supported the reforms had turned against them once their own interests were jeopardized.
The victories on the battlefield, while enhancing Alexander II¡¯s reputation, also pushed him towards hell. Those with vested interests were unwilling to continue with reforms, and a highly respected Tsar who favored reform had be a stumbling block for everyone.
No matter the reason, "regicide" was thest thing rulers could tolerate; as part of the interested elite, Franz was no exception.
"What do the Russians say, have they identified the murderer?"
Foreign Minister Weisenberg shook his head, "Not yet. All the evidence is currently pointing towards the Russians¡¯ Will Party, but the Crown Prince Alexandrovich refuses to ept this result, and is using the threat of renouncing his session as leverage.
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The Tsarist Government is now also in turmoil, with many suspecting the work of the Conservatives, and both sides are fiercely at odds.
ording to intelligence gathered by the embassy, there are many suspicious points in this assassination, for instance: the Guard Commander, responsible for Alexander II¡¯s safety,mitted suicide at home on the day of the incident.
The Guards tasked with protecting Alexander II¡¯s carriage have, sequentially,mitted suicide in prison, fearing guilt.
Moreover, Alexander II did not die on the spot after being attacked; it wasn¡¯t until the following day that he passed away after unsessful medical treatment. A traffic ident urred just as doctors were arriving, dying the rescue attempt.
...
A son naturally could not let his father¡¯s assassination go unavenged. It was inevitable for Alexandrovich to seek out the murderer.
But the investigationmittee is intriguing; knowing all these suspicious points yet still pinning the murderer¡¯sbel on ¡¯People¡¯s Will,¡¯ isn¡¯t this insulting everyone¡¯s intelligence?
If the Revolutionary Party had the power to extend its reach into the Tsar¡¯s Guards, they would have already raised the standard of revolt rather than engage in low-tech assassination plots.
The series of subsequent guilt-driven suicides is even more nonsensical. Franz could understand a few individuals weighed down by guiltmitting suicide. A whole group collectivelymitting suicide clearly indicates a cover-up.
With the dead, the leads are broken, and it certainly won¡¯t be easy to pursue further investigations.
"Have the Foreign Ministry keep a close eye, but withholdments for now. Order the police to arrest members of the People¡¯s Party active within Austria immediately, and await further development in the case."
It¡¯s a sensitive time, and Austria must avoid suspicion. Although no one would suspect Austria of involvement, it¡¯s clearly not the right time to get involved.
Arresting members of the People¡¯s Party is Franz¡¯s way of publicly stating his position. Regicides, for whatever reason, must be severely punished.
The Russians¡¯ Will Party wasn¡¯t wrongly used; even if they were used as a tool, it was still in their hands that Alexander II died.
The assassin had been caught and had even confessed, directly pointing to the People¡¯s Party¡¯s leadership, leaving them no opportunity to wash their hands of the affair.
Thest assassination that shocked Europe resulted in the demise of the Kingdom of Sardinia and the once-powerful Italian Carbonari dissipated into smoke. Now, it was the Russian People¡¯s Party¡¯s turn.
Those with concealed identities were still better off, but those exposed were in trouble if they didn¡¯t act quickly at this time.
No monarch in Europe, regardless of their standpoint, would tolerate regicides; it¡¯s a matter of principle.
That was indeed the case. Simultaneously with Franz¡¯s orders to apprehend members of the Russian People¡¯s Party, monarchs around Europe also issued simrmands.
Whether they are caught is not important, as members of the Russian People¡¯s Party are naturally within the Russian Empire. Very few had ventured outside.
Most countries did not have members of the Russian People¡¯s Will Party; capturing them was merely a gesture everyone made to demonstrate their determination to fight against this evil organization.
Seemingly overnight, the Russian People¡¯s Will Party became like rats crossing the street, forced to disappear from the world and hide in the shadows.
¡
Alexander II was assassinated, and Wilhelm I had mixed feelings about it.
He was d because with Russia in internal turmoil, theycked the energy to entangle with them any further, meaning Prussia would pay a significantly lesser price in the uing negotiations.
He worried though that if the murderer was not conclusively identified, and if the me were ced on them, the Kingdom of Sardinia would serve as a cautionary tale.
Considering that a failed assassination attempt had led to the annihtion of a nation, now that Alexander II was dead, if they were to be med, the Russians would hardly settle for anything less than their destruction.
Nothing could be ruled out before the dust settled. The Berlin Government was particrly zealous in its arrest of the People¡¯s Party.
It was not just the People¡¯s Party members that they captured; members of other Russian Revolutionary organizations were also seized by the Berlin Government. To prove his sincerity, Wilhelm I also took great pains.
In the Berlin Pce, Wilhelm I asked in a low tone, "Marshal, what do you mean by this?"
Looking at the resignation that Maoqi presented gave Wilhelm I an instant feeling of unease.
Maoqi replied bitterly, "Your Majesty, with the situation having developed to this point, the Kingdom of Prussia no longer needs a marshal.
With Alexander II gone, the Tsarist Government will be preupied with sorting out internal affairs, and the likelihood of war breaking out again is almost nil.
I¡¯d be an eyesore if I continued to stay. If I don¡¯t leave now, I¡¯d be driven out. Neither the Russians nor Hanover wants to see me remain in Prussia."
Sometimes being too capable is also a sin. Maoqi had stumbled into this taboo, with the Tsarist Government regarding him as a thorn in their side, and Hanover did not want to see him stay andpete for control of the military.
By taking the initiative to retire, he was, in fact, also trying not to put the Berlin Government in a difficult position, lest his personal reasons lead to an even more precarious situation for the Kingdom of Prussia.
Wilhelm I tried to persuade him, "But there is no need to give up everything, after retirement they will not..."
Maoqi shook his head, "Without aplete severance, George I will not rest assured. Moreover, we need to pay a bigger price for the Russians."
It wasn¡¯t pride on Maoqi¡¯s part but a fact. With Maoqi as a symbol, it would be difficult for Hanover to divide the Prussian Army, and naturally, George I would not rest until he had seeded.
As for the Russians, it goes without saying. Maoqi¡¯s glory was built upon a series of their defeats. How could the Russians be content without bringing him down?
If external troubles could still be resolved, then the internal ones were a matter of life and death. The military was bound to be suppressed after the war; with suppression came retaliation, and the infighting in the Kingdom of Prussia was certain to intensify.
As a leader of the military, Maoqi could not avoid this conflict as long as he remained in the country. He was old now,cking the energy to get involved in the uing strife.
To avoid further troubles, Maoqi chose to use the opportunity provided by the defeat to give up his marshal¡¯s title, publicly iming he was disheartened and departing from the political whirlpool of Prussia.
It seemed like he was giving up the title of marshal, but it was actually retreating in order to advance, not only eliminating the impact of the defeat but also further establishing his glorious image in the eyes of the public.
Having thought through all of this, Wilhelm I did not continue to dissuade him. Not only did Maoqi the Marshal need to step down, but he, the King, would also abdicate.
His not abdicating now was because things had not yet settled. The Vienna Peace Conference would inevitably result in a humiliating treaty for the Kingdom of Prussia, and Wilhelm I did not want to pass this political stain on to his son.
Having failed to secure the nation, it was now time to strategize for himself.
These things, in fact, had been destined from the very beginning. If the gamble won, it would establish the Imperial foundation; if it lost, it would still leave one exceedingly wealthy.
In a sense, it was only Wilhelm I who had lost; Maoqi was still esteemed as having a sessful career.
The defeat was primarily due to the great disparity in strength, not because the army was inept. A general who had always led sessful campaigns was not responsible for a war lost due to overwhelming differences in power.
After reflecting for a while, Wilhelm I asked with concern, "Marshal, where do you n to go after leaving Prussia?"
Maoqi shook his head, "I don¡¯t know. I might travel the world and, when tired, settle down somewhere to consolidate my life¡¯s experiences."
Wilhelm I hesitated, then seemed to make a decision, "You might consider Austria; the end of the Prusso-Russian war is only a prelude. The European Continent has never been tranquil."
Maoqi was startled by the implications of Wilhelm I¡¯s suggestion. With a wealth of experience through many a storm, Maoqi quickly grasped the meaning.
"European royal families are one and the same," and that was no exaggeration. It was normal for Wilhelm I to have connections with the Austrian Royal Family; it would have been strange if he didn¡¯t.
At this point, for the Hohenzollern Dynasty to maintain their throne, they undoubtedly needed Austrian support, and behind-the-scenes bargaining was only to be expected.
It was then that Maoqi realized how scalding the invitation he had received was.
"I will consider it carefully!"
Chapter 718 - 291: Thought is the Core of Unity
St. Petersburg, with the assassination of Alexander II, the atmosphere throughout the city tightened.
Military police were constantly deployed, everywhere hunting down members of the Revolutionary Party. The prisons were almost bursting at the seams, yet the mastermind behind the scenes still had not surfaced.
Winter Pce, ording to the customs of the Russian Empire, began to be presided over by Tsarevich Alexandrovich in the capacity of the Crown Prince upon the death of Alexander II.
Perhaps stimted by his father¡¯s assassination, Alexandrovich went to the other extreme, confining himself at home without stepping out.
Staying at home did not impede official business. Catching the murderer did not require the Crown Prince to take to the field himself; there were plenty below eager to seize this opportunity to soar to the heavens.
...
Alexandrovich asked, "Has the person been found?"
Minister of Police Nichs Federho trembled as he replied, "They have been found, but unfortunately, our men were a step toote, the suspect is already dead.
It appears to be suicide, but after our careful examination, we found that the deceased had undergone intense mental struggle before death, likely forced tomit suicide."
No wonder he was nervous; after such a significant case urred, he, as the Minister of Police, could hardly shirk responsibility. Being sent home to farm was not the worst oue, but what was truly frightening was failing to deliver a result and being dealt with by the new Tsar as a Rebel.
Nothing was impossible; the assassination case of Alexander II had too many questions, and a usible answer had to be produced to ount for it to everyone.
Politics is ruthless; if the real murderer can¡¯t be found, scapegoating someone else is not out of the question.
Everyone knew that Minister of Police Nichs Federho was a confidant of Alexander II and would not plot an assassination, but he was precisely the person capable of silencing and covering up the case.
The police cordon around the Tsar during his outings was the responsibility of the Ministry of Police. Arge-scale violent riot happened nearby on the day of the incident. Alexander II ordered those policemen to intervene, which created the opportunity for the assassin.
That responsibility certainly couldn¡¯t be borne by Alexander II, and the Ministry of Police must shoulder it. Moreover, with a multitude of suspects mitting suicide," the Ministry of Police, responsible for investigating the assassination, was even more inexcusable.
As the head of police, Nichs Federho was, in fact, already unable to extricate himself. Unless he could find the real murderer, his suspicions would not be cleared.
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Alexandrovich red at him sharply and rebuked, "Useless! One by one, those in the know are mitting suicide,¡¯ and yet you have discovered not a single clue. What, will it take your own ¡¯suicide¡¯ for you to understand?"
Nichs Federho¡¯splexion turned green, and his body trembled continuously, as if he might copse at any moment.
"You, too, being ¡¯suicided,¡¯" those words held too many implications. Nichs Federho admitted he was frightened; if the Crown Prince began to doubt him, it would mean his end.
Evidence?
That was wishful thinking; in this world, many things don¡¯t require evidence. When ites to regicide, just having a suspect is enough; the presence or absence of evidence is unimportant.
Watching the Minister of Police¡¯s performance, Alexandrovich couldn¡¯t help but breathe a sigh of relief. Knowing fear was good; if the Minister of Police remained unmoved, then there would indeed be a problem.
There was no choice; Alexander II¡¯s departure was too abrupt, and Alexandrovich waspletely unprepared for session.
Retaining his father¡¯s former team was out of necessity. Currently, even if he wanted to rece people, Alexandrovich had no idea whom to promote.
Was the Minister of Police Nichs Federho genuinely ipetent? Clearly not; a true waste would not be in a high position. His current inadequate performance was due to being scared by the situation at hand.
As a participant tied to this regicide, if he could still respond calmly, then he either had a heart of stone or was utterly fearless.
Either case represented a threat to Alexandrovich, who was about to ascend the throne.
After a pause, Alexandrovich continued, "Since you can¡¯t find anything, let capable people take over the investigation! I¡¯ve already invited detectives from all over Europe; you just make sure to cooperate."
Afraid to lose face by asking for foreign help?
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The answer is: No!
The Tsar was assassinated; the Tsarist Government had already lost face. For Alexandrovich, not finding the mastermind meant he couldn¡¯t sleep at night.
Compared to personal safety, face didn¡¯t matter that much. This assassination suggested the involvement of domestic interest groups; not knowing who he could trust, Alexandrovich was forced to seek external help.
Of course, that was all for show, deliberately done for the outside world to see, making everyone believe the Crown Prince was at his wits¡¯ end.
In secret, Marshal Ivanov was indeed hurrying back with meritorious servants to receive rewards; these people were the Tsar¡¯s real support.
It¡¯s not that St. Petersburgcked loyal servants, but currently, Alexandrovich couldn¡¯t distinguish the loyal from the treacherous. For safety¡¯s sake, he had no choice but to call the army back.
Whether or not the real killer could be found, a major purge was inevitable. Unlike Alexander II¡¯s previous domestic purging based on anti-corruption, this time it would be bloody.
In a sense, the great purge conducted by Alexander II under the guise of anti-corruption after the first Prussian-Russian Warid the foundation for subsequent reforms.
Simrly, thisid the grounds for his own assassination; starting from 1871, Alexander II lived through an era where assassination attempts urred with rming frequency.
Over the years, the Tsarist Government had executed more than a thousand assassins, yet this failed to deter the passion of those whose interests were harmed and continued toe forward, one after another.
During the reign of Alexander II, there were so many assassination attempts, yet very few led to the identification of the true culprits; it was usually either the Revolutionary Party or patriots who ended up taking the me.
Finding the true culprits might have been challenging, but one could specte. Who had their interests damaged and sought revenge? Who most wished for Alexander II to die?
Target those two groups for investigation and gradually, some connections emerge. Even if unrted to the current assassination attempt, uncovering the culprits behind previous attempts was still a considerable achievement.
Keeping matters quiet was out of the question. The Prusso-Russian War had just ended, and Alexander II was at the zenith of his power; Alexandrovich needed to present a satisfactory oue, as he could not justify the situation to his people otherwise.
...
With the assassination of Alexander II, the immediate impact was felt in the Prusso-Russian negotiations. The Berlin Government truly panicked, as their previously unyielding stance on territorial issues began to soften.
The main contention in the negotiations now seemed to have reached a resolution, essentially settling the dispute.
In London, a breakthrough had been achieved in the Prusso-Russian negotiations, clearing a major hurdle in the establishment of the North German Empire, yet Prime Minister Benjamin did not feel ted.
The proceedings were going too smoothly, eerily beyond expectations, giving an air of unreality.
Putting down the draft contract in his hands, Prime Minister Benjamin said, "Sir Edward, did Austria not make a move?"
Foreign Minister Edward replied, "No, the Austrians did intervene. However, their response this time was somewhat slow, and their interference markedly slight.
Perhaps they believed they could rely on The Federation of German Imperial Assembly to veto the transaction, which is why they did not act hastily."
"Of course, the sudden assassination of Alexander II is also one of the reasons. ording to intelligence from our embassy, the Vienna Government is currently focusing most of its attention on the Russian Empire."
These reasons seemed insufficient; no matter the focus, it was unlikely all efforts would be directed there. Shifting even a fraction of their attention couldplicate the Prusso-Russian negotiations.
Waiting for the Imperial Parliament to veto was far too passive and did not align with Austrian tactics. Moreover, The Federation of German Imperial Assembly could be circumvented.
The n for the North German Empire was to proceed step by step, with the merge with Prussia as the final step. It was just the beginning, and it was Hanover, not The Federation of German Imperial Government, that was currently negotiating with the Kingdom of Prussia.
Under the unique system of The Federation of German Imperial, a Sub-State had its own diplomatic rights, including the power to make treaties with other nations; thus, the dealings between Hanover and Prussia did not require Imperial Parliament approval.
The first step was territorial trade; the second, an alliance between Hanover and the Kingdom of Prussia; the third, the establishment of a joint kingdom between Prussia and Hanover; and the final step was the creation of the North German Empire.
In fact, by the time of the Prusso-Hanoverian merger, the Kingdom of Prussia would already be a part of The Federation of German Imperial, leaving the Imperial Parliament powerless to intervene.
After establishing a fait apli, it became much easier to thenpel the Imperial Parliament to agree, with significantly less resistance.
In theory, Austria could emte such a strategy, but in practice, it was an impossibility.
To survive, the Kingdom of Prussia could abandon its pride and not worry about losing face, setting up a dual-system country with Hanover at the forefront to jointly rule over the forting North German Empire. Austria, however, could not do the same.
Franz could not afford such a loss of face, and the Austrian people would not tolerate it. A major power must act like one and cannot engage in just any endeavor.
Prime Minister Benjamin nodded in agreement, "Let¡¯s hope for the best. Urge them to hasten the negotiation process and establish the facts on the ground sooner, to avoid any furtherplications."
Despite lingering doubts, at this stage, even if the London Government knew there was a pitfall ahead, they had to leap into it.
To retreat at this time would be to contribute to Austria¡¯s efforts to unify the Germany Region.
Public sentiment is the mostplex matter; the London Government seeded in persuading Prussia and Hanover because not many believed in Austria¡¯s ability to unify the Germany Region.
If the British were to pull back now, people¡¯s perceptions would shift. Many would think the London Government feared Austria and dared not confront them directly.
Once such a notion took hold, everyone would start to reconsider the issue of whether Austria had the capability to unify the Germany Region.
The core of unification lies in the mindset; if all Germans believed Austria capable of unifying the Germany Region and were willing to join a greater Empire, then no one could stop it.
The Vienna Government¡¯s fundamental hesitation stemmed from the fear that before they could integrate the Germany Region, they might face a concerted assault from the nations of Europe.
Unstable from within and threatened from without, no one could withstand such pressures. The grand task Napoleon had left unfinished, Franz did not believe he could aplish.
If everyone held unification as their goal, there would be no need for further discussion. The nations of Europe wouldck the drive to interfere, as any interference would be futile¡ªthe region would unify regardless of how it might be partitioned.
The reason the British could currently work to sow division was precisely because people did not believe in Austria¡¯s capacity for unifying the Germany Region. In fact, many deemed such unification a certain route to failure.
Even with numerous pro-Austrian factions within the states, aware of the benefits of a grand unification, no one dared take that first step. It was against this backdrop that North German nationalism grew and flourished.
Chapter 719 - 292: It’s Time to Make a Scene
The Vienna Conference was ongoing, yet the refugee issue, which should have received significant attention, was subconsciously ignored by everyone.
The Russian representatives didn¡¯t mention it, and the Prussian representatives yed dumb; with no one seeking aid, the internationalmunity naturally assumed the issue was already past.
Starting from an unknown point, the main task of the military forces on the border between Prussia and Russia had shifted frombat to suppressing refugee uprisings.
Since April, the number of refugees fleeing to Austria had drastically reduced, and by May there were virtually no border crossings.
Franz neither knew nor dared to ask what had happened during that time.
ording to estimates collected by the Vienna Government, the Prusso-Russian War had resulted in at least four million deaths and more than six million disced individuals.
Including local forces and guerris, the Prussian Army lost about 1.768 million in battle and had 382,000 wounded; the Russian Army suffered about 1.433 million in battle deaths and 671,000 wounded; civilian casualties amounted to about 800,000, most of which urred in the Prusso-Polish Federation.
It was no surprise that the war losses of both Prussia and Russia were so close, with a significant portion contributed by Polish local forces and guerri fighters.
Mountain thieves and bandits could have been included in the tally as well¡ªthere was no way to distinguish them¡ª and the Russians counted all resistance fighters as military achievements.
After abandoning the Warsaw region, Pnd became an enemybat zone; naturally, there was no talk of the wounded. The Russians certainly wouldn¡¯t rescue their enemy¡¯s casualties, so the number of Prussian wounded came exclusively from the soldiers of the Kingdom of Prussia.
Calcting for the Kingdom of Prussia alone, the death toll should be around 566,000, and along with the 382,000 wounded, it nearly reached a grim milestone of one million, which was surpassed when civilian casualties were included.
Considering the Kingdom of Prussia¡¯s poption base of over ten million, the war had wiped out an entire generation. Thebor force had sharply declined due to the massive loss of young adults; the outlook for post-war development in the Kingdom of Prussia was bleak.
In contrast, the Russian Empire was faring much better. Despite simrly heavy losses, their casualties were less than three percentpared to the Russian Empire¡¯s poption base of eighty million.
Theoretically, this loss ofbor could be recovered in the next five to ten years.
Of course, it wasn¡¯t as simple as that; the massive loss of young adults would also affect future poption growth, a persistent issue.
As always in wars, civilians suffered the most, and this time was no exception. The Russians¡¯ scorched-earth policy further increased the number of refugees.
Six million disced individuals didn¡¯t mean they had all be refugees.
Those with better economic conditions had fled to other countries for asylum early on, and this group possibly numbered less than a hundred thousand.
An additional two hundred thousand or so people had their immigration applications epted by Austria and settled in the colonies.
Before the fall of the Warsaw region, the Berlin Government was still providing relief to refugees; a number of fortunate individuals managed to find work again and established new homes.
This group numbered around three hundred thousand, most of whom were Rhinnd immigrants previously settled by the Berlin Government and possessed useful skills, making them more resilient.
Beyond these individuals, the rest were real refugees.
The figure of 5.4 million is theoretical; in reality, there couldn¡¯t have been that many since many weak and sick individuals met God at the outset of their flight, with at most about 4.7 to 4.8 million actually escaping.
Throughout the entire Prusso-Russian conflict, Austria had taken in a total of 1.436 million refugees¡ªording to the current situation, it¡¯s unlikely to exceed 1.5 million.
The Vienna Government¡¯s protests were effective; neither Prussia nor Russia dared to drive refugees over, and Franz¡¯s worst fear of a refugee tide didn¡¯t materialize.
Over four months have passed since the full outbreak of the refugee crisis. Without relief for such a long time, not many individuals could have survived, in reality.
This meant that the death toll caused by the refugee crisis directly exceeded thebined casualty numbers of both Prussia and Russia.
One wouldn¡¯t realize until it was calcted¡ªadding all the numbers together, the direct poption loss caused by the Prusso-Russian War exceeded eight million, with an indirect loss of over ten million.
In those days, there were not even fifteen countries worldwide with a poption over eight million, and even fewer in the European Continent, which included only Austria, Russia, France, the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, Prussia, and the Nordic Federation¡ªeight countries in total.
Of these, the Nordic Federation only had a poption of eight million, and the German Federation Empire had just over thirteen million. Whether the post-war Kingdom of Prussia could maintain a poption of eight million was uncertain.
Without question, these shocking statistics had to be released. How could people appreciate the value of peace without knowing the horrors of war?
Gazing at the highly valuable statistical report, Prime Minister Weisenberg sighed, "The Prusso-Russian War is the zenith of human warfare history; after this battle, the era of great European wars has ended!"
Looking at the solemn Prime Minister, Franz highly doubted he had been taken aback; otherwise, how could he havee to such a conclusion?
ncing over the crowd, Franz helplessly found that, apart from himself, the Emperor, everyone else was immersed in the major data point of "eight million deaths."
Observing their expressions, Franz seriously doubted that the release of this data would spark an anti-war wave across Europe.
Especially for the numerous smaller nations, with total poptions below eight million, what could they contribute to the bottomless pit of warfare?
Franz interrupted, "Enough, gentlemen. Regardless of how great the losses are from the Prusso-Russian war, they are not ours to worry about.
Whether or not there will be a great war on the European Continent is something we can leave to time to verify; right now, we need to think about the forting international shifts.
The war¡¯s brutality exceeded our anticipations, and its impact also went beyond our expectations; we must now re-n."
It can¡¯t be helped, international politics is so fickle that sticking to the n is impossible. If we don¡¯t keep up with changes in the international situation immediately, we are destined to be left behind.
After a short pause, Foreign Minister Wessenberg said, "Your Majesty, the Prusso-Russian war has shown everyone the cruelty of war and will make everyone more cautious when making decisions in the future.
Under normal circumstances, people will deliberately avoidunching wars on the European Continent, and future internationalpetition will gradually shift from the European Continent to overseas.
The world has been divided up almostpletely, and the fight over the remaining overseas colonies and markets is likely to be more intense than ever."
This is an inevitable result. The cost of waging war on the European Continent is too high, and it¡¯s easy to incite public anger, with the spoils of war possibly not even covering the expense of the conflict.
Just look at this Prusso-Russian war¡ªthe Tsarist Government barely won, yet the spoils were insufficient to cover even half of the war¡¯s losses.
In this context, unless absolutely necessary, everyone will certainly seek to avoid the outbreak of war.
In a sense, the Prusso-Russian war also enhanced Austria¡¯s international influence. The Russians piled up bodies with their overwhelming numbers against the Prusso Federation, shattering everyone¡¯s preconceptions.
Before this war, European wars only ever required consideration of whether you had the funds, but now it¡¯s not so simple¡ªconsideration of avable manpower is also crucial.
As the scale of wars has increased, the traditional concept of ¡¯money equals troops¡¯ has been eliminated by the age.
In terms of numbers, Russia and Austria are undoubtedly in the top tier, and with its overseas territories, Austria¡¯s potential for war is even greater than that of the Russian Empire.
Next in line is Great France, with nearly sixty million in total poption, putting other countries far behind.
The Russians proved their strength with numbers, securing their position as the fourth strongest nation on the European Continent. The political framework of the three major powers of Europe shows a trend towards that of four.
At sea, the solidified supremacy of the Royal Navy is very stable, with Britannia¡¯s position as the master of the seas unshakeable, with the chasers, France and Austria, only able to look on from behind.
Onnd, France and Austria stand parallel, with the Russians close behind.
Before the Prusso-Russian war, everyone unanimously thought the French Army was more formidable, but now that view has shifted due to the impact of new ideas.
The French Army may have a more illustrious record, but Austria can summon greater numbers and has stronger national power, giving the impression of being evenly matched.
At sea, nobody can beat the British, and onnd, the powers are so closely matched that fighting would only lead to mutual destruction.
Under such conditions, hoping for a sh between Ennd, France, and Austria is unrealistic. With the three giants unable to fight among themselves for the biggest shares, they can only go overseas to overwhelm the weaker ones.
Franz nodded, "That¡¯s right. The majority of the international conflicts that follow will happen overseas. Once the unimed territories are divided, it¡¯s the small countries¡¯ turn to suffer.
If things go as expected, the naval feast is about to start again. But as long as no one challenges the British¡¯s naval supremacy, this naval feast will notst too long.
Stay connected with empire
The foreign ministry can secretly contact the French-Russian side to try and see if we can sign a treaty to limit the size of armies to prevent a great war in Europe from breaking out."
Frankly speaking, Franz also wanted to challenge the British naval supremacy, butcking the power, he had no choice but to painfully let go.
This isn¡¯t just about shipbuilding; while in the shipbuilding industry Austria does have a chance topete with the British, in other aspects, it just doesn¡¯t measure up.
The Austrian Navy has not really faced any significant opponents, naturallycking the opportunity to umte war experience¡ªthe best war experience has been against pirates.
If this shoring could bepensated for by the number of warships, then theck of funds is the real problem.
Austria¡¯s financial revenue is not low at all, but maintaining arge Continental Army while vying for naval supremacy is too much to handle.
The army is different from the navy; even with limited army sizes, it is quite quick to mobilize in wartime.
Messing with arms limitation treaties is more aboutforting oneself than exerting real restriction.
Of course, it is better to have it than not. Before war breaks out, it can indeed save a considerable amount of financial expenditure. By saving military expenses on the army, everyone will have more funds to invest in the navy.
Even if it does not shake the British¡¯s position as the master of the seas, reducing the gap with the Royal Navy would still be a great victory.
N?v(el)B\\jnn
¡
Chapter 720 - 293: The Closest Day to Hegemony
The casualty report from the Prusso-Russian War, publicly disclosed by Austria, quickly ignited public opinion; the figure "eight million" was so shocking that it instantly captured everyone¡¯s attention.
Countless people marveled at what seemed like another "Thirty Years¡¯ War," but unlike thest time, the Prusso-Russian Warsted less than two years.
Was there a victor?
Perhaps the uninformedmon folk would say Russia won the victory, but those who truly understood the Prusso-Russian War knew that it was a battle where both sides suffered great losses.
Both Prussia and Russia were losers, and the victors were the three fishermen ¨C Ennd, France, and Austria ¨C whose status solidified even further in the aftermath of the war.
As the nominal victor, the Russian Empire was touted by the media as "the fourthrgest country in Europe," but in reality, it had gained nothing more than a title.
The political shift from three to four great powers was easy to talk about, but anyone who took it seriously was fooling themselves.
What the Russian Empire possessed was only the potential to be the fourth great power, not the actual strength. If future developments went smoothly and its national power caught up, there might be an opportunity to reestablish the structure of the four great powers in Europe.
Before themencement of the first Prusso-Russian War, the Russian Empire was indeed one of the four great powers in Europe and even considered the top contender in the struggle for world supremacy with the British.
After much turmoil and enduring two Prusso-Russian Wars, it had lost millions of troops, spent hundreds of billions of rubles in military expenses, depleted the umtions of past tsars, and umted a huge debt.
Its ultimate gain was a tumble from the hegemon of continental Europe to the fourth in Europe, along with some unwanted territorial expansion.
"Reflection" is perhaps the greatest strength of the European people. Looking at the list of losses suffered by both Prussia and Russia in the newspapers, everyone subconsciously concluded: War is damn terrifying!
It wasn¡¯t just the ordinary people who were frightened; the politicians were also scared by the sets of data. As a result, the influence of hawkish factions in various countries greatly diminished, and the anti-war sentiment began to spread worldwide.
In the Pce of Versailles, the chilling casualty numbers from the Prusso-Russian War struck a heavy blow to Napoleon IV, who was full of ambition.
Regarding thebat effectiveness of the French Army, Napoleon IV was very confident, and so were the French people; everyone believed that the French Army was the best in the world and that the hegemony of continental Europe would eventually belong to France.
As for the Austrian Empire, which stood in the way of France¡¯s road to supremacy, it would have already been attacked if the international situation had allowed it.
Well, that was just talk. War is not a joke, and France had been busy integrating the Italian area these years.
Now that the Italian area had stabilized, the Paris Government finally had the energy to consider expansion, but they were still not prepared for war with Austria.
Continental hegemony was important, but the prerequisite was that one¡¯s own power was strong enough to protect the fruits of victory. After annexing the Italian area, France began its long career of development.
The original n was to expand into Central Europe after Prussia and Russia had both been weakened, seizing the coal mines that France needed most.
Napoleon IV believed that, after Prussia and Russia were both weakened, Austria would not have the strength to stop them from making this move; otherwise, France would not have had the chance to annex the Italian area.
The n was to use the Rhine River as a boundary, with France annexing areas such as Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Rhinnd, and using the remaining territories of the German Federation Empire to appease Austria.
It was not out of fear of Austria; it was a tactic. In military terms, this is called "clipping the enemy¡¯s wings."
```
Without Belgium and the German Federation Empire, once the war between France and Austria broke out, Austria would be short of two allies, increasing the odds of victory for France.
Having absorbed these regions, France would have shored up its weaknesses and then defeating Austria to take control of Europe would be a perfect strategy.
On the military front, Napoleon IV felt a psychological advantage, his ancestor Napoleon was exceptional, having beaten up the entire European Continent, and he nearly won; there was no reason why it shouldn¡¯t be the same for him.
The current situation was much better than before: the Italian Area had been upied, Spain was an ally, and both Prussia and Russia were severely weakened by the war.
There were hardly any independent countries left, except for Austria; none were worth considering; there was no reason he couldn¡¯t win a one-on-one fight.
However, ns change faster than the situation, and the casualty figures from the Prusso-Russian war shook Napoleon IV¡¯s dream of dominance for the first time.
There was no helping it, as the French government, an old rival, knew Austria very well, and thoserge numbers in the reserve force couldn¡¯t escape their notice.
Initially, Napoleon IV didn¡¯t take the reserves seriously; no matter how numerous, they were nothing but ragtags easy to defeat before the French Army.
The Prusso-Russian war changed his perspective. The Paris Government had also sent a Military Observation Group, and the brutal reality showed them that the reserves were indeed capable of fighting.
With proper officers, the reserves could quickly be put into order, and theirbat effectiveness was only slightly less than that of regr troops, with quality deficienciespletelypensable by quantity.
Considering the number of France¡¯s standing army, Napoleon IV thought it might not be sufficient. In a war with Austria, their cherished forces would likely be overwhelmed by the enemy¡¯s numbers.
If they expanded the army, the superiority inbat effectiveness of the French troops would no longer exist.
If the war couldn¡¯t be quick and decisive, the meddlers from across the Channel would intervene; even if France emerged as the reluctant victor, it would not have the power to dominate Europe.
It was clear, in their strategic nning, both France and Austria considered the British as their enemy, because the risks of having them as allies were equally significant.
The original n fell apart, and Napoleon IV hesitated whether he should continue to implement "the strategy of cutting off the enemy¡¯s wings" or make some changes.
As for promising the British to support the establishment of the North German Empire, that was a joke. How else could he cate them without showing good faith?
N?v(el)B\\jnn
It was known that the majority of the German Federation Empire¡¯s forces were used to guard against France, with almost no defenses in other areas, practically signaling that besides France, no one would invade them.
As it turned out, this judgment seemed to be quite urate. Neither Prussia-Austria would invade the German Federation, Belgium, Nethends, Switzend couldn¡¯t defeat them, so indeed the only threat was France.
Before Napoleon IV could make a decision, the French public made the choice for him. The anti-war sentiment erupted again, and it started in Paris, spreading across the world.
It was all due to inexperience; otherwise, Napoleon IV should have anticipated this. Various ideologies, new thoughts, and movements in Europe... It¡¯s not for nothing that they often start in Paris, the "Holy Land."
Napoleon IV should be grateful he didn¡¯t act prematurely, for if the anti-war sentiment had erupted, the French public would have taught him a lesson.
In some sense, Austria also missed a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity; the dominance of Europe had never been so close to their grasp.
If Franz had known of the French¡¯s ns, he would certainly have tried to dy the disclosure of the Prusso-Russian casualty data until the French initiated military action.
```
Everyone knows that thebat effectiveness of an army is closely rted to the thoughts of its people; thebat effectiveness of the French Army in the anti-war wave is undoubtedly the lowest.
When the French Army invaded the Germany Region, only the French Army was affected by the anti-war sentiment. The armies of the German Federation, defending their homnd, certainly wouldn¡¯t mor against war.
The Austrian Army could also remain unaffected; defending the territorial integrity of the Germany Region is a matter of national importance. No matter how strong the anti-war sentiment, there would be a response if the enemy attacked.
Anyone who has studied French history knows that times of ideological surges often coincide with periods of rapid spread of revolutionary thought.
Against the backdrop of widespread anti-war sentiment, if the French forces at the front were to suffer another major defeat, it¡¯s possible that another revolution could ur.
The oue of the revolution is not important; what matters is that revolutionary thought is contagious. As long as a revolution breaks out internally, the boastful Greater French Empire would be doomed.
Italians¡¯ passion for independence was equally high. If a revolution broke out within France, coinciding with a war between France and Austria, it would be hard for the Italian Independence Organization not to erupt.
With so many pulling at its legs, it wouldn¡¯t matter if it was Napoleon IV or even Napoleon himself in charge; the situation would be beyond salvation.
Winning the war against France and Austria would make it difficult for the Germany Region not to unify. At that point, no one could stop it, except for God.
Once the Germany Region was unified, bing the dominant power on the European Continent would be a certainty. Even if France and Russia could recover, that would be a matter of ten or twenty yearster.
In such a long time, a lot could happen, such as: securing the independence of the Italian Area, bringing Spain over to one¡¯s side, or establishing a league to tie the likes of Belgium, the Nethends, Switzend, and the Nordic Federation to one¡¯s cause.
Reality has no ce for "if¡¯s", and Napoleon IV, still brooding, was unaware that the very anti-war wave that troubled him would save his dynasty.
...
Minister of Foreign Affairs Dumbledore reported, "Your Majesty, the Vienna Government has sent us a diplomatic note, proposing that we jointly lead the establishment of a ¡¯European Army Armament Convention¡¯ to prevent another great war on the European Continent."
It must be said that it was a good time to restrict military armaments. The Prusso-Russian War had just ended, and everyone was still grappling with the staggering loss figures that ran into the millions.
The anti-war wave continued to spread, and whether it was the public or politicians, everyone¡¯s fear of war had reached a peak state.
Hearing this news, Napoleon IV¡¯s sullen mood was somewhat alleviated. He disdainfully said, "The Austrians are scared already, it seems they really don¡¯t have much backbone!"
Everyone was an old hand at the game and could see through Napoleon IV¡¯s insincerity. Anyone who had witnessed the brutality of the Prusso-Russian War would be afraid.
The most typical example was members of the Military Observation Group; many from the War Party, having personally experienced the atrocities of war, became fervent advocates of the anti-war movement.
It wasn¡¯t that they feared the war; rather, they had matured, be more rational, and learned to weigh the pros and cons.
After easing his repressed emotions, Napoleon IV continued to ask, "What else is there? Austria isn¡¯t short of money right now; surely, they¡¯re not only interested in limiting armaments for world peace, are they?"
In mentioning "notcking money," Napoleon IV showed a hint of unease. He was envious, as the Anglo-Austrian two countries were currently the wealthiest in the world.
Although France was one of the three great powers, it wasgging behind in terms of financial strength. It might seem like France¡¯s fiscal revenue wasn¡¯t less than that of the Anglo-Austrian countries, but that¡¯s because they calcted it differently.
Take the Austrian Empire as an example, the finances of the Central Government and the finances of the Sub-State Governments are separate, with only a few types of taxes included in the financial revenue, and the majority of fiscal ie remains in the hands of the Sub-State Governments.
The same is true for Britannia, where the tax revenues of the London Government are also divided. Otherwise, with only seventy to eighty million British Pounds of ie per year, the navy would take half of it, and the remaining might not even be enough to pay the public officials¡¯ sries.
Not to mention, the Indian Colony alone costs tens of millions of British Pounds in maintenance each year; the colonial expenditures of the Great Britain Empire are astronomical.
On the surface, France¡¯s financial ie is the highest, almost equal to the total of Ennd and Austriabined, but in reality, they are the poorest.
The high fiscal ie is the result of unified entry into the Central Government¡¯s financial settlement. All expenses need to be appropriated by the Central Government; it seems like the government has a lot of money, but in reality, it¡¯s just passing through one more set of hands.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore, responded, "The Vienna Embassy has passed on news that the Austrian Navy recently submitted a naval expansion n to the government, which has entered the stage of governmental discussion.
Perhaps stimted by the Prusso-Russian War, the Austrians have abandoned the ambition of dominance on the European Continent; proposing restrictions onnd forces at this time might be a precursor to shifting their strategic focus toward the sea."
Napoleon IV was not surprised by the shift in Austrian strategic focus to the exterior; in fact, the Paris Government was in agreement that someone had proposed abandoning the struggle for dominance over the European Continent, focusing the strategic attention toward the ocean.
"Do you think we need to follow suit?"
Without a doubt, to follow suit would mean agreeing to Austria¡¯s proposition, for everyone to limit the size of theirnd forces together, and to invest the money saved into the navy.
Minister of the Navy, Hamdi Halbavi, replied first, "Your Majesty, the European Continent is too small indeed. A mere corner of the world contains over a dozen nations, where the strongest countries in the whole world converge.
It¡¯s too difficult to make a mark on the European Continent. With the same resources, we could reap ten to a hundred times the benefits overseas.
It has already been proven that the future of the world lies in the ocean. Whoever controls the sea holds the world in their hands."
"If by benefits, Your Excellency means territory, then I have nothing to say. The cost required for expansion on the European Continent is sufficient to acquire ten times the amount ofnd in overseas colonies.
But there is also a difference betweennds. Can thend of the coloniespare to that of the European Continent?" Minister of War, Patrice MacMahon, countered
The value theory is the mostmon view. Almost all Europeans believe thatnd in Europe is more valuable.
Minister of the Navy, Hamdi Halbavi, shook his head, "Thend overseas is not inferior to Europe, it is just undeveloped. All the resources we need can be obtained from overseas, which is impossible on the European Continent.
Even if it¡¯s difficult to develop, which reduces the value of overseas colonies, a quantitative change can lead to a qualitative change. With the same investment, the return from overseas colonies will definitely exceed the expansion on the European Continent."
This is a fact¡ªthe investments on the European Continent do not necessarily yield returns, whereas overseas colonial expansion almost always does.
In Europe, France must tread carefully, at risk of being collectively attacked in the slightest misstep, and the Paris Government dares not even take a bigger step.
Overseas is different. France¡¯s power overseas is sweeping, hardly meeting any decent opponents, with only a few Colonial Empires aspetitors.
Compared to the cautiousness on the European Continent, overseas conflicts can break out without much provocation. After all, colonial conflicts are plentiful; as long as the territorial ambitions are not too overyed, they won¡¯t lead to a major war.
...
Chapter 721 - 294, This Ends Here
Limitingnd armaments isn¡¯t exactly a secret affair. Aside from the isted British, all other European states benefit from it.
The Prusso-Russian War affected not only the two belligerent nations but also prompted their neighbors to expand their armaments, inting the size of their armies to varying degrees.
It was Austria that set this unfortunate precedent. To ensure its security and maintain the capability to intervene in wars at will, the Vienna Government was the first to expand its army, triggering a chain reaction.
As of now, Austria¡¯snd force has inted to 947,000; to call it an army of a million wouldn¡¯t be an exaggeration.
While expanding active troops, the Vienna Government also mobilized arge number of reservists under the guise of training.
If Franz wished, he could assemble an army of two to three million within a week, sufficient to deal with a variety of emergencies.
There¡¯s no way around it, in these times, trust between people no longer exists, so one must prepare for the worst.
If one side in the Prusso-Russian War were to win too easily, no one could guarantee that they wouldn¡¯t be inted with victory and make the foolish move of attacking Austria.
Franz dislikes entrusting his safety to others, so naturally seeks to expand his power.
Beyond security considerations, there¡¯s also the issue of debts. Collecting debts isn¡¯t easy work nowadays¡ªwho would recognize you without strength?
Now that both Prussia and Russia are injured, the victorious Mao Xiong has no capital to default on debts, and the Tsarist Government appears quitepliant, thus eliminating the need for forceful debt collection.
In an era where anti-war sentiment is prevailing, the Vienna Government¡¯s proposal for disarmament aligns perfectly with the mainstream of the times.
The only ones likely unhappy are the British, as a reduction innd military spending, without a corresponding cut in naval spending, means the navy can secure more funds.
Considering the current international situation, if the London Government does not understand Austria¡¯s intent, it might as well disband.
Knowing is one thing, but at this moment, the London Government would find it difficult to interfere. Disarmament is widely supported and aligns with the interests of all parties; it¡¯s not something a few words could convince them to abandon.
...
Downing Street Prime Minister¡¯s Office
Foreign Minister Edward: "The Prusso-Russian War was too brutal; with the rise of anti-war sentiment across Europe, there¡¯s an extremeck of security among the European popce.
The Austrians have chosen a good time. Now they propose disarmament, which probably isn¡¯t just about downsizing the military. Various signs indicate that Austria is preparing to establish a new international order.
Disarmament is just an excuse to convene an international conference. In the process of restricting the size ofnd forces, they will likely also sign a security guarantee treaty with the European states.
Most European countriesck a sense of security, and no nation could refuse such a treaty. The only one with the power to obstruct it would be France.
However, European states have always been very wary of the French, with most considering them the source of European turmoil; at this juncture, the French Government likelycks the courage to step out and oppose.
The news from Paris suggests that the French have already agreed to Austria¡¯s disarmament n. It¡¯s estimated that once the Prusso-Russian negotiations conclude, Austria will hold an international conference to establish a new bnce of power system in Europe.
Normally, stabilization of the European Continent would be wee, but the current situation is different; the strategic focus of France and Austria may have shifted externally.
If our conjecture is correct, it won¡¯t be long before a new round of naval arms race begins, and Britannia will face its most brutal challenge."
The French have attracted a high amount of enmity; it¡¯s not something that can be easily mitigated over a short period. This inevitably means that in the new bnce system of Europe, they can only be participants, not leaders.
Everyone knows that after the Prusso-Russian War, Europe¡¯s politicalndscape will be reshuffled, and the London Government must be prepared.
The original n was to coax France into establishing a new European order after the birth of the North German Empire, but they were a step toote¡ªAustria had already made its move.
Prime Minister Benjamin nodded: "If the Austrians¡¯ n works out, this will be the third Vienna System.
If we start to interfere now and court the French, is there a chance to build a Europe-centered system around Britannia?"
Minister Edward shook his head: "That¡¯s extremely difficult. Not to mention that we haven¡¯t yet won over the French, even with the support of the Paris Government, the sess rate wouldn¡¯t exceed one-third.
In recent years, our influence on the European Continent has declined significantly. Especially after the Prusso-Russian War, with the copse of Prussia, which we supported, our say diminished even further.
The French are worse off. Their strength isn¡¯t weaker than Austria¡¯s, and neither is their influence inferior to that of the Vienna Government, but most of their influence is negative.
Partly this is a legacy of Napoleon¡¯s time, and the rest is the price they paid for annexing the Italian Area. Apart from Spain, the French can no longer find an ally on the European Continent.
ording to the intelligence we¡¯ve received, Franco-Spanish rtions are gradually cooling. If a new international order is to be established, it¡¯s doubtful the Spaniards would support them."
Politics is a practical matter. With Britain¡¯s pawns on the European Continent discarded, the ability to interfere in European matters significantly weakened, and naturally, others stopped taking heed.
Even if we manage to win over the French, while increasing our influence, we also have to deal with the negative repercussions thate with siding with France.
For instance, Belgium, Switzend, and the German Federation¡ªnations threatened by France¡ªwould instinctively stand on the opposite side.
Even if Britain could somehow coerce them to join, one should not expect much effort from them.
Promising benefits is useless as long as France does not cease its coveting gaze upon them; the issues remain unresolved.
As for France letting go?
Just think about it, without having suffered a brutal societal beating and having sessfully annexed the Italian Area, it was when the French were at their most swollen with arrogance. Why would they listen to the United Kingdom?
The honeymoon period in Ennd and France rtions had already ended, and the ancient rivalry between the two countries, once obscured by time, kept reemerging in their respective newspapers; it was enough to make many things clear.
Expecting the French to give up their own strategies and keep being their little brother is simply impossible.
No matter who bes Emperor, Ennd and France rtions must turn cold, otherwise the explosive nationalism will bring down the Paris Government.
In the original timeline, after the Prusso-French War, Ennd and France opposed each other for many years. It was only due to the German Empire¡¯s consecutive blunders that Ennd and France coulde together.
Now, as France doesn¡¯t feel threatened, the rtionship with Ennd must deteriorate. When ites to politics, interests dictate everything.
After quietly calcting for a while, Prime Minister Benjamin let out a resigned sigh, "Ah well, establishing the international order as soon as possible is also good for Britannia. If Austria wants to lead, let them lead!
With the treaty to restrain us, our uing n for North Germany will proceed more smoothly. The Vienna Government can¡¯t p its own face just after establishing the international order!"
Dominating the new European order will bring in benefits that are not only about prestige but, more importantly, about promoting one¡¯s own ideas.
Everyone needs packaging. A good packaging makes it easier to seed in society, and countries are no exception.
Competition among major powers is multifaceted, involving politics, economy, military, culture, and ideas ¡ª none can be missing. Leading the establishment of an international system is undoubtedly the fastest way to spread one¡¯s influence.
In this regard, the Vienna Government has rich experience with two sessful precedents, and Franz naturally aims to replicate a third.
...
The blood in St. Petersburg hadn¡¯t dried yet; just recently, a great purge had urred here, with thousands of important figures losing their heads.
All suspected of involvement in the monarch assassination attempt were thrown into prison by Crown Prince Alexandrovich, and of course, this included the purge of political opponents.
How the list came about is another unsolved mystery in the history of the Russian Empire.
Arresting people before investigating certainly speeds up the case¡¯s progress. It¡¯s inevitable that a lot of dirtyundry gets aired; everyone had iting. Basically, there were hardly any injustices with those executed.
With such arge number involved, it was impossible to kill them all. Lighter sentences were inevitable; as long as they were not involved in the monarch assassination attempt, other issues were negotiable.
Even though, still, thousands were ordered to be ¡¯snapped¡¯ by Crown Prince Alexandrovich; after all, with the number of times Alexander II was targeted, the participants were far from few.
n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om
With over a hundred assassination attempts, being involved in any of them meant only one thing¡ªdeath.
Apart from the Revolutionaries, many capitalists and Nobility were implicated and sent to meet their maker.
The tradition of not killing Nobility doesn¡¯t apply here; no one dared to plead for clemency on this matter.
Normally, such arge number of executions, including over a hundred Nobles, would have tarnished Alexandrovich¡¯s reputation, but this time was an exception.
The mainstream European mediargely praised his just actions, while the most powerful Aristocratic Group in Europe collectively lost their voice.
Even the Nobility within the Russian Empire unusually kept their silence. No matter what they thought internally, they absolutely could not publicly criticize Alexandrovich¡¯s actions.
Regicide is an absolute taboo; sess or failure, it¡¯s an enormous sin. Anyone who makes noise at this time must first consider their own Monarch¡¯s reaction.
Even though Crown Prince Alexandrovich had many beheaded, the real culprit remained unidentified.
However, those hindering the investigation were rooted out. Regrettably, these individuals were not the conspirators.
The hindrance mainly came from the sheer number of assassination attempts on Alexander II; whether willingly or otherwise, they got involved and feared deeper investigations might implicate them.
Looking at the investigation report in his hands, Crown Prince Alexandrovich acted strangely, showing no reaction as if nothing had happened.
While thousands lost their heads, appearing mighty, those of significant weight were few, with the majority beingmoners.
Many who weren¡¯t deeply involved were either dismissed by Crown Prince Alexandrovich or exiled; only those who truly participated in the regicide were executed.
If it had been an ordinary murder case, his handling would be considered excessively harsh. But for "regicide," Alexandrovich¡¯s handling was perhaps too lenient.
Though Europe does not practice the execution of nine kinships, for involvement in regicide, executing the whole family is not considered excessive.
Those who got implicated by rtives or friends or inadvertently aided the assassination attempt, even if their heads were not chopped off, at the very least, should have their Nobility titles stripped.
None of that happened. The hundred or so Nobility executed were mostly those involved in nning or conspiring and acting upon it, as well as those who helped to silence and hinder the investigation.
The actual number of Nobility ¡¯snapped¡¯ was not even a tenth of those Franz eliminated during the Vienna revolution.
Of course, this is not the same concept. Murdering by proxy and doing it oneself certainly have different impacts.
However, inparison to a regicidal assassination, it was still too light. Just like in the original timeline, Crown Prince Alexandrovich "raised it high and gently let it down," without a nationwide purge.
Putting down the material in his hands, Alexandrovich said indifferently, "Let this be the end of it. Announce it was the People¡¯s Party, and continue the investigation secretly."
...
Chapter 722 - 295: The Unlucky Guy
With the conclusion of the Prusso-Russian War, Frederick¡¯s marriage was also put on the agenda, a significant event for Austria.
Hanover had long failed to gain control over the German Federation Empire, and the Duchy of Baden had yed a great role in this. Without them leading a group of small states to oppose the Central Government in the Imperial Parliament, the German Federation Empire wouldn¡¯t have been so severely fragmented.
Of course, Austria had also exerted significant effort. Without the support of the Vienna Government, the Grand Duchy of Baden wouldn¡¯t have been able to pull together so many allies.
This marriage alliance was actually Franz¡¯s way of encouraging the Grand Duchy of Baden not to be timid and to continue opposing Hanover, assuring them that Austria would have their back should trouble arise.
In the face of the United Kingdom fiddling with the North German Empire, such support was especially crucial. Otherwise, once Hanover and Prussia formed a dual kingdom, those small states really wouldn¡¯t be able to hold on.
In fact, Franz was also quite conflicted.
On one hand, he did not want to see the North German Empire consolidated as it would increase the difficulty of unification; on the other hand, he wished to use George I¡¯s hands to clear these small states, to avoid future troubles.
Supporting the Grand Duchy of Baden was also a necessity. Despite therge number of German regional states, they were mostly minor powers, weak, most on the level of town mayors, and some even vige chiefs.
The Baden Duchy was one of the taller ones among the short, withbined strengths roughly half of Hanover, and could somewhat counterbnce with Austria¡¯s support.
No matter how small, having the status of an independent state granted them at least one vote in the Imperial Parliament.
If there were no meetings, that would be that, but when real issues arose and a meeting was needed, having more people meant more trouble.
From a management standpoint, reducing the number of states was undoubtedly a good thing. Such a hateful task is not something Franz would do personally, otherwise, there would be no Liechtenstein Teritory.
Now, by supporting the Baden Duchy, there was also the intention to deliberately infuriate George I, tempting him to resolve issues through violent means.
Whether George I was shrewd or not brave enough, he simply did not take the bait.
As the Central Government was not strong, the smaller states naturally did not follow its lead.
At first, everyone was wary of Hanover¡¯s strength, but seeing George I¡¯s inaction, they grew bolder and simply used the Imperial Parliament to bypass the Central Government.
This was the fundamental reason why the German Federation Empire could not be unified¡ª small state rulers were used to their freedom and unwilling to relinquish their powers.
The Habsburg dynasty cared about face; the Crown Prince¡¯s marriage was certainly not to be taken lightly, and the event had to be grand.
Specific preparations did not require Franz¡¯s attention; there were specialized staff responsible for this, and he only needed tomunicate with the Baden royal family as an elder and determine the date.
Frankly speaking, if not for showing importance, Franz wouldn¡¯t even personally bother with this.
Helplessly, recent work had been too overwhelming, even he as the idle Emperor felt the busyness.
He needed to pay attention to the Prusso-Russian negotiations, tinker with the new Vienna System, and keep an eye on the refugee resettlement issue, as well as the Tsarist Government¡¯s ongoing Great Purge...
Compared to before, Franz had been working overtime every daytely, with working hours exceeding eight hours a day, without a day off for five consecutive days.
If he continued to be so hardworking, Franz seriously doubted he would end up depressed. If not for his sons being too immature, he would definitely have drafted a sturdy recement.
He had just finished a phone call with the Grand Duke of Baden, finalizing Frederick¡¯s marriage, and before he could take a rest, another issue came knocking.
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...
Foreign Minister Wessenberg: "Your Majesty, the Embassy in St. Petersburg has just sent a message, Crown Prince Alexandrovich has called a halt to the Great Purge.
The Tsarist Government has pinned the assassination of Alexander II on members of the People¡¯s Party, and Crown Prince Alexandrovich announced the execution order for the assassins in his capacity.
Those suspects arrested by the Tsarist Government, with the exception of those already identified as problematic, are being released one after another."
Pinning the me on the People¡¯s Party meant the Great Purge was ending. The Revolutionary Party was already subject to a manhunt, and usually, having more usations doesn¡¯t weigh one down.
Of course, this time might be an exception. The crime of regicide made the People¡¯s Party notorious while simultaneously pushing them towards damnation.
If nothing unexpected happened, the remaining members of the People¡¯s Party would certainly change their name and continue the unfinished revolutionary cause.
If they kept using thisbel, they wouldn¡¯t be able to pull in any sponsorship internationally, because monarchies wouldn¡¯t sponsor regicides.
This was politically correct; in an era when monarchies were strong, politicians wouldn¡¯t make such an obvious mistake.
Franz nodded, "It looks like the Tsarist Government is about to reshuffle internally, and if nothing goes wrong, the path of Russian reform will be halted.
Crown Prince Alexandrovich is not his father, Alexander II; he doesn¡¯t have the determination to continue the reforms; this is also good news for us.
Since the Russians havee to a conclusion, let¡¯s hand over the members of the People¡¯s Party we¡¯ve captured to the Tsarist Government. There¡¯s no need for us to overstep our bounds."
The situation inside Russia was very clear. As Alexander II deepened his reforms, more and more interest groups were affected, and the power of the opposition grew daily.
The reforms could continue because the Tsar controlled the military. Alexander II¡¯s top-down reforms werepletely pushed through by force.
If Crown Prince Alexandrovich wanted to continue deepening the reforms, the best action now would be to escte the "regicide case", using it as a pretext for widespread purges to suppress the conservatives opposing the reforms.
Alexander II had liberated the serfs and granted themnd, so his reputation among the popce was very good.
Using the "regicide case" as an excuse to take action, the conservatives, even if they wanted to rebound, would not be able to gain the support of the public.
A few isted nobles and capitalists were not really a big deal. Eliminate a few leaders, and the rest would make the right choice.
Crown Prince Alexandrovich just had to eliminate the most active agitators and then he stopped the big purge, which was undoubtedly giving up his biggest trump card.
Of course, one couldn¡¯t say his decision was wrong. The opposition was strong; if the great purge had been expanded, it would have undoubtedly led to major chaos.
Crown Prince Alexandrovichcked his father¡¯s prestige and military genius, so it¡¯s not surprising he chosepromise when it wasn¡¯t certain he could control the situation if he deepened the reforms.
After Alexander II¡¯s reforms, the contradictions in the Russian Empire had eased and the most dangerous time had passed. It was not difficult to want to be a peaceful emperor.
If there was no intention to deepen the reforms, then continuing to suppress the opposition was pointless. Making a move and then immediately withdrawing was sufficient proof of Crown Prince Alexandrovich¡¯s political skills.
For Franz, a weakened Russian Empire was the best Russia. If the Tsarist Governmentpleted its internal reforms, it would be a real menace to Austria.
It was just fine for Alexandrovich to hold back, otherwise Franz would have to think of ways to sabotage them, which would ruin Russian-Austrian rtions.
With the end of the great purge, as the actual executors of Alexander II¡¯s death, the members of the People¡¯s Party were naturally going to pay a bloody price.
It wasn¡¯t just the members of the People¡¯s Party caught by Austria who were doomed; it was estimated that those captured by other countries would hardly escape walking to the gallows.
Even fleeing to the hostile Prussia would be useless, as the Berlin Government, to avoid suspicion, would only work harder and use them as a gift to the Russians.
A pardon was impossible. If the assassination had failed, there might have been a chance for clemency, but now that Alexander II was gone, nothing said could help.
Not only did the Tsarist Government not want to spare them, but the Russian people below wouldn¡¯t let them off either.
No matter how you look at it, to themon people, Alexander II was a hero.
Even though his image was tarnished by the defeat in the first Prusso-Russian War, heter redeemed himself with victory, and the stain was erased.
"Yes, Your Majesty," the Minister of Police responded.
The unfortunate members of the People¡¯s Party didn¡¯t deserve everyone¡¯s sympathy; they needed to be responsible for what they had done themselves.
As fellow monarchies, everyone stood united in striking down "regicides."
Fortunately, the People¡¯s Party was just a small organization within the revolutionary parties. If it had been a group with numerous members, there would have been a bloodbath.
Time and again, it has been proven that a rabble cannot make a significant impact. The rash actions of a few overzealous youths doomed the future of the People¡¯s Party of the Russian people.
Chapter 723 - 296: Patience
```
After the Great Purge, the Tsarist Government devoted more energy to the negotiations, with Prusso-Russian discussions quickly reaching a crucial juncture.
The focal point of the disputes between the two sides centered on territorial cessions and indemnities. Compared to indemnities, ceding territory was actually easier to resolve.
The most serious Prusso-Russian controversy was over the East-West Prussia region, the stronghold of the Junker nobility; the Berlin Government dared not let go easily.
However, these regions were now in Russian hands, and as the defeated nation, Prussia simply had no capability to take them back.
There¡¯s a kind of "cession" known as a fait apli; this issue could be temporarily shelved, and over time, everyone would be ustomed to it.
No matter how dissatisfied the Junker nobles were, they could not change the fact that the Kingdom of Prussiacked the strength and was powerless to recover these regions.
The Berlin Government was still making an effort, on one hand hoping for the expectations of the great powers, relying on the force of international intervention to pressure Russians into concessions; on the other hand, it was for political showmanship.
Compared to territorial disputes, the real challengey with indemnities. Both Prussia and Russia were short of money now, and neither was willing to make concessions.
The Tsarist Government aimed to im as much war indemnity as possible to make up for the government¡¯s financial deficits; the Berlin Government¡¯s thoughts were diametrically opposed, having financial difficulties themselves, they simply couldn¡¯t afford to payrge reparations.
The real conflict had arisen, and it was of the irreconcble kind. No matter how great the Russian advantage, the Berlin Government was just two words¡ªbroke.
The Berlin Government was truly out of funds, not just feigning poverty, and however they tried, they couldn¡¯t squeeze oil from a stone.
Not only were they unable to afford the indemnity payments to Russia, but even the debts owed to the British had been suspended by the Berlin Government.
It¡¯s said that the Prussian Finance Minister has already set out for London, seemingly to persuade the creditors to extend the debt terms or to ept payments in kind.
This persuasive endeavor is destined to be tough. The Kingdom of Prussia is low on resources and limited in industrial and technological strength, with limitedpetitive power inmercial industrial products.
Even with "payments in kind," goods will be discounted, and selling them amidst high-quality British industrial andmercialpetition is a problem.
Simply being "cheap" offers limitedpetitiveness; unless the price difference is vast, the better-quality goods will be more in demand.
In fact, the Kingdom of Prussia itselfcks resources and needs to import industrial raw materials from overseas, which leads to higher costs for industrial andmercial products.
The only advantage might bebor costs. Regrettably, in those days,bor costs worldwide weren¡¯t high, and for most industries, they only represented a small fraction of the production costs.
In fact, the Berlin Government has also proposed paying war indemnities in kind, which was outright rejected by the Russian representatives.
It was futile; the Tsarist Government was short on money, not industrial andmercial products, especially facing a significant foreign exchange shortfall.
This war has brought about a massive trade deficit for the Russian Empire, which could only be bnced by foreign debts.
Now with the war over, the Tsarist Government urgently needed arge amount of foreign exchange to repay the debts, or else they¡¯d be forced to fill the gap with actual gold and silver.
British people didn¡¯t have this pressure; by receiving cheap industrial andmercial products, they could dump them in the colonies, and the creditors¡¯ wallets wouldn¡¯t suffer.
If the Tsarist Government obtained these goods, they could only use them domestically, and turning them into cash on the market would only yield Russian-printed Rubles, not the precious foreign exchange.
Russian representative Nikita Khrushchev held up five fingers, "5 Billion Divine Shields, this is our bottom line, it can¡¯t go any lower.
You must know, for this war, the Russian Empire has spent at least thirty billion Divine Shields on military expenses, causing over a billion Divine Shields in economic damage.
All these are damages you have caused, our demand for indemnity is merely five percent of the total loss, which is already very low."
It¡¯s an undeniable fact, thebined cost of the two Prusso-Russian wars, including the expenses for suppressing domestic unrest, did exceed thirty billion Divine Shields for the Tsarist Government.
Not to mention the economic loss, the Polish-Lithuanian Region was almostpletely devastated, the Russian-controlled West Ukrainian Region was reduced to rubble, and the two wars caused the Russian Empire a poption loss of over ten million people.
When these losses are all added up, ten billion Divine Shields is more than enough. From this aspect, the indemnity requested by the Tsarist Government was indeed not high.
At least, they have not demandedpensation payments from the Berlin Government. Otherwise, thepensation for those tens of millions would be more than the Kingdom of Prussia could afford even if it sold itself.
Politics is so realistic, had the Berlin Government won, they would have been deemed righteous, and the war could have been defined as: fighting for the liberation of minorities enved by the Tsarist Government.
The internationalmunity would define: Pnd, Lithuania, Russian-controlled Western Ukraine... these regions were not Russian territory, they were all forcefully upied by the Tsarist Government.
Since they lost, there¡¯s nothing to say; these regions are all Russian Empire territory, and the war inflicted damage to these areas, which equates to harm to Russian Empire property.
The Prussian representative Jillian von Mckay resolutely pleaded poverty, "Count, the disasters brought by this war are not only borne by your country, we too are victims.
The Kingdom of Prussia is now in dire straits, with widespread misery among the people, basic living conditions are a problem for ordinary citizens, and the government finances can¡¯t cover the expenses, we really have no money to offer."
"No money," that¡¯s a universal excuse, Jillian von Mckay wasn¡¯t afraid that Russian people would further carve up the Kingdom of Prussia. The areas controlled now by Russians are the bottom line that European powers can ept.
If the Tsarist Government bes greedy, wishing to swallow the Kingdom of Prussia in one go, Ennd, France, and Austria would let them know who truly rules Europe.
Being unable to annex the Kingdom of Prussia doesn¡¯t mean they can¡¯t destroy it, if Russians are willing to pay the price, it wouldn¡¯t be difficult to march to Berlin and change the government.
However, this would mean incurring huge additional military expenses. And after the war, should Prussia be ravaged into nothingness, then they can forget about even a penny in indemnities.
No rational government would put national interests aside just for a moment of pride, especially a poor country like Russia, which cannot resist the allure of money.
How much the Tsarist Government needed money was evident in the choice of currency for payment during the negotiations.
Generally speaking, during discussions pertaining to war indemnities, everyone would pay with their national currency.
The choice of "Divine Shield" over "Ruble" for payment showed how pressed the Tsarist Government was.
```
Buckling under financial pressure, the Tsarist Government had no choice but to issue more currency, and the Ruble was continuously depreciating.
To secure their own interests, they must designate a currency with stable value, and the only choices remaining were British Pounds and the Divine Shield.
Thergest creditor of the Russian Empire was Austria, and the inevitable preference for Divine Shield in foreign exchange reserves had rendered the original financial model pegged to the British Pound obsolete during the war.
Nikita Khrushchev shook his head and sternly refused, "This is an issue your government needs to consider; wrongdoing always entails responsibility.
If you can¡¯t afford the reparations, then find a way to borrow; I think your country definitely has ways to raise sufficient funds.
If that really isn¡¯t possible, we will im what we must by our own means, but under no circumstances can this 5 billion Divine Shield be reduced by a penny."
Theoretically, if they received the 5 billion Divine Shield in war reparations, the financial crisis troubling the Russians would be immediately resolved.
Paying off debt in advance could save a substantial amount in interest expenditure. If all was used for debt repayment, foreign debt could be halved at once.
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In order to force Prussia topromise, Nikita Khrushchev did not hesitate to start making threats. To im it themselves, would they be able to procure such arge sum of money?
The answer was negative!
Prussia of now was not the peak era of the German Empire. To make up for war losses by dismantling machinery, even if they stripped down to thest screw, it wouldn¡¯t be enough for five billion.
¡
They could not give in. Faced with ack of money, both parties were evenly matched, and the negotiations quickly reached a stalemate.
Vienna Pce, Franz, who was closely following the Prusso-Russian negotiations, was also starting to feel a headache.
If the Prusso-Russian negotiations dragged on, it would be very unfavorable for Austria.
Not to mention anything else, how could a new Vienna System be established without putting an end to this war?
With the British habit of causing trouble if they saw an opportunity, it would not be in their nature not to act, otherwise how would they have earned the nickname "stirrer of shit"?
As the saying goes, the longer the night, the more dreams there will be. If dragged on for too long, nobody knows if Austria¡¯s advantage could be maintained.
If this opportunity was missed, the loss for Austria would be enormous. The Vienna System brought not just fame but also vast political interests.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "Your Majesty, the Russians¡¯ appetite is too great, and Prussia simply cannot bear it.
The war reparations of 5 billion Divine Shield might surpass the total of all war reparations in European history, and perhaps even exceed the total of all war reparations in the worldbined."
How much?
In this era, it was indeed an astronomical indemnity. The reparations of the Franco-Prussian War shocked the whole world at only 5 billion Francs.
Calcted at today¡¯s exchange rate, 5 billion Francs amounted to just 4 billion Divine Shield.
Of course, considering the difference in eras, 4 billion Divine Shields ten years ago were indeed not less than 5 billion today.
But Prussia and France werepletely different concepts. The French easily raised 5 billion Francs, reportedly even exceeding the amount by several billion.
Keep in mind that the Franco-Prussian War also devastated several eastern provinces, with economic losses exceeding 20 billion Francs, and the French government itself had a massive debt of over a hundred billion Francs, not much less than what the Berlin Government owed now.
That¡¯s the advantage of a solid foundation; they could afford such losses, something the Kingdom of Prussia could not do.
Franz remained unmoved because having witnessed the reparations of World Wars I and II, his heart was already strong, and these sums no longer affected him significantly.
After pondering for a moment, Franz nodded, "It¡¯s indeed a bit much for the Berlin Government. Could the Russians be persuaded to make concessions?
For example, reducing a portion of the reparations, or extending the payment period. The annual payment of reparations could be limited to what the Kingdom of Prussia can bear."
Weisenberg shook his head, "Your Majesty, that would be very difficult. The war has caused too much damage, and the Kingdom of Prussia now has almost no ability to pay.
Moreover, the Russians still owe us a huge debt, and any suggestion of reduction or deferral of payment is not appropriate for us to propose."
Upon hearing this exnation, Franz rubbed his forehead in resignation. When personal interests were involved, it meant there was no room for negotiation.
If the Vienna Government suggested that the Tsarist Government reduce reparations, it would be embarrassing if the Russians also asked Austria to decrease its debt.
Just because finances are bad, it doesn¡¯t mean one can avoid paying money; how could that possibly be? Following this logic, how could Austria demand repayment from the Russians?
Franz asked, "Given the current situation, how long can the Tsarist Government¡¯s finances hold up?"
A ceasefire between Prussia and Russia does not mean the war has ended. Until a treaty is signed, the war is not truly over.
Currently, both countries still have over a million troops confronting each other at the border. Even without fighting, the daily expenses for feeding and maintaining over a million mouths are not a small figure.
For Prussia and Russia, both with strained finances, this definitely exerts pressure.
Prime Minister Felix answered, "They can hold on for about two to three months. The Tsarist¡¯s military threats have not frightened the Kingdom of Prussia, and this is directly rted.
If the Prusso-Russian war continues, it can onlyst for a little over a month before the Tsarist Government will be in financial turmoil again.
It¡¯s not just the Russians who are short of money; Prussia isn¡¯t much better off. If it weren¡¯t for the Prussian Army being stationed domestically, reducing transportation expenses, the Berlin Government might go bankrupt first."
Two pauperspeting in patience, Franz too was at a loss for words. Based on the current situation, it was no longer a question of how much money Prussia had to pay but rather how much they could afford to pay.
Chapter 724 - 297, Two Treaties
Time is a butcher¡¯s knife, and before its passage, both Prussia and Russia had to bow their heads, no matter how resolute they stood.
After negotiationssting more than two months, on July 18, 1881, Prussia and Russia finally reached a reluctant agreement through the mediation of various parties.
It really was reluctant, for both the Tsarist Government and the Berlin Government were dissatisfied with the treaty.
It was only because their reserves were running low and in order to avoid starvation that they had topromise.
The war had ended, but that did not mean there was no more money to be spent. Pensions for the dead and disabled soldiers, resettlement for veterans, and post-war economic reconstruction all required significant funds.
Neither Prussia nor Russia dared to deplete their cofferspletely¡ªgovernment without emergency funds is not as simple as bankruptcy.
Not settling the soldiers could lead to serious trouble. Mutinies were the least of it; the real fear was someone raising the cry of "Revolution."
Ennd, France, and Austria made it clear that only with the signing of a ceasefire treaty would the internationalmunity consider assistance.
In those days, Ennd, France, and Austria were the internationalmunity. With a unified stance amongst the three, the position of the rest of the countriesbined meant little.
Post-war reconstruction could be dyed, but disarmament and resettlement were imperative. Without financial support from the internationalmunity, even the victorious Russian Empire could not withstand the pressure.
Both Prussia and Russia made concessions, or rather, the three countries helped them make concessions. The treaty included:
1. The Kingdom of Prussia recognized its defeat and took responsibility for the war;
2. It ceded the East Prussia region, the West Prussia region, and the Poznan region to the Russian Empire;
3. The Kingdom of Prussia agreed to pay 360 million Divine Shields to the Russian Empire as war indemnity, to be paid over 30 years at an annual interest rate of 6%;
(Note: The first payment was 60 million Divine Shields, followed by a monthly payment of the principal and interest totaling 17,986,52 Divine Shields, amounting to 707.51 million Divine Shields in total)
4. After the Berlin Government made the initial payment, the Russian Army must withdraw from Prussian territory within one month;
5. Both parties wouldplete the exchange of prisoners within a month without any ransom;
...
The formal apologetic gestures that followed were not the main issue. The real crux was the territory and indemnity uses.
Thend was already upied by the Russians, no handover was needed; now only money was left to settle. This is when Hanover came into the picture.
To everyone¡¯s surprise, on July 19, 1881, the Hanover Government and the Berlin Government jointly announced the Prussia and Hanover Kingdom Land Trade Agreement. The treaty stipted:
The Kingdom of Prussia sold the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies and the territories west of the River Elbe to the Kingdom of Hanover for the high price of 210 million pounds.
Before anyone could recover from this shocking news, on July 20, 1881, the Hanover Government signed a 150 million pound loan agreement with the British financial sector. (equivalent to 300 million Divine Shields)
With the borrowed 150 million, adding their own 60 million, at the end of July 1881, the Hanover Governmentpleted the most expensive territorial transaction in history with the Berlin Government.
Much to their relief, the money was in hand. Regrettably, this sum only passed through the Berlin Government briefly.
The 150 million pounds provided by the British was to be used first to repay the debts owed by the Berlin Government to them, which was obviously insufficient, so it vanished immediately.
It was a clearly usurious use, but there was no ce forint. The Berlin Government simply had to ept it.
After receiving the remaining 60 million pounds and paying the first installment of the war indemnity to the Russians, that figure quickly halved.
The final 30 million pounds could not be kept by the Berlin Government; they were almost entirely spent on demobilization, resettlement, and pensions for the casualties. Funding for post-war reconstruction remained an open question.
With one sale and two loans, the British managed to reduce financial risk and earn interest twice, showcasing a masterful operation in finance.
...
In the Vienna Pce, observing the British¡¯s masterful operation, Franz couldn¡¯t help but want to emte it, but ultimately, he found no opportunity to do so.
Putting down the documents in his hand, Franz sighed, "The Hanover Government being able to raise 60 million pounds shows we have always underestimated their financial strength. The smaller states in the Germany Region might be much wealthier than we thought."
Prime Minister Felix replied, "The performance of the Hanover Government is indeed unexpected, but it is within reason.
After entering the modern era, the economy of Northern Germany quickly developed, especially after gaining the Rhinnd region, the overall economy of the German Federation Empire took a leap forward.
Encumbered with leading the Central Government and failing to politically control the smaller states within the country, Hanover still influenced economic matters significantly.
That the Hanover Government raised 60 million pounds can also be regarded as the German Federal Government raising 60 million pounds.
This is still a result of Central Government¡¯s insufficient control over local authorities. Otherwise, given the economic condition of the German Federation Empire, it wouldn¡¯t have been a problem to double that amount.
However, the price of this territorial transaction was too high¡ªit significantly exceeded its actual value. Recouping the investment through the added territories was unlikely to happen even in a hundred years.
For a long time toe, the Hanover Government will bear substantial debts, which will greatly impact their economy."
The German Federation Empire upied the most essential areas of the Germany Region with excellent natural conditions. Over seventy percent of the industries of the original time-space German Second Empire were here.
With such a foundation, as long as the ruling ss did not act foolishly, the economy would not falter significantly.
It is precisely because of its developed economy that so many people yearn for Austria.
If it were a poor and remote area, given Europe¡¯s cultural traditions, it is likely that everyone would have long since forgotten this ce.
The most typical example is Switzend, which is the ancestral homnd of the Habsburg Family; however, due to the poverty of the mountainous region, people chose to ignore it.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "Although the price was a bit high and it carried a huge debt, the Kingdom of Hanover didn¡¯t lose out.
Having paid such a high economic price, the Berlin Government must have made concessions elsewhere.
If nothing unexpected happens, Hanover and Prussia have most likely already reached an agreement in secret, with only a suitable time needed to announce it publicly.
In theory, after the merger of Hanover and Prussia, they will have the opportunity to truly control the German Federation Empire and establish the envisioned North German Empire.
Once Northern Germany is integrated, these debts will seem insignificant."
Everyone said it was expensive, and Franz felt embarrassed to call it cheap. Reality taught him that when your opinion differs from that of most people, it is usually best to keep silent unless absolutely necessary.
Everyone has different experiences and perspectives, leading to different conclusions, which ispletely normal.
Franz waved his hand dismissively, "Well now, whether Hanover has lost or gained is not important.
Their so-called great n will take a long time to implement; we have plenty of time to consider it.
Let¡¯s discuss the loan application for 50 million Divine Shield from the Tsarist Government."
War is truly terrifying; even after receiving war reparations, the Russians are still in a cash crunch.
It¡¯s not that the Tsarist Government squandered money, but the amount of reparation paid by Prussia, though not small, was only 60 million Divine Shield to start with.
This amount looks substantial at first nce, but whenpared to the millions of soldiers mobilized by the Tsarist Government and the number of wartime casualties and disabled, it seems trivial.
The pay for most Russian Army soldiers is very low, almost negligible, with just a small subsidy during war times.
Now that the war has been won and it¡¯s time for the soldiers to return to civilian life, a dismissal fee is inevitable.
With a reduction in forces to 3 million, paying each person 20 Divine Shield, the initial 60 million would be gone instantly. Even if cut in half, it would still require 30 million Divine Shield.
In reality, 30 million Divine Shield would definitely not be enough; officers¡¯ benefits cannot bepared with ordinary soldiers¡¯, and their dismissal standards would naturally be different.
Reduce the standards?
This is already a significant underestimate¡ªin Austria, this is just two months¡¯ sry for an ordinary worker. These men sold their lives on the battlefield, and this price is extremely low.
Those who survived are settled, but we can¡¯t be so casual about the dead and injured, or else no one will risk their lives for the Tsarist Government.
With 1.433 million dead and 671,000 disabled, it¡¯s impossible to cope without several hundred million Divine Shield. Fortunately, the payments can be made in installments, otherwise the Tsarist Government would go bankrupt trying to gather the full sum.
Finance Minister Karl suggested, "Your Majesty, the Russians¡¯ financial situation is very bad. Even with the war reparations from Prussia, they still can¡¯t escape the crisis.
Providing a loan to them now still poses a huge risk. Unless the Tsarist Government can offer us irresistible terms, I advise against taking on the Russian loan."
It¡¯s more than a huge risk; it¡¯s a tremendous pitfall. With the war over, it doesn¡¯t mean the crisis is over as well.
Without the orders brought by the war to absorb the excess capacity in the market,panies¡¯ stock levels are climbing, and an economic crisis is brewing.
Once the crisis breaks out, the recovering Kingdom of Prussia will certainly not be able to withstand it. If the Berlin Government deres bankruptcy, the reparations from the Russians will be uncollectible.
Without this ie, whether the Tsarist Government can hold on is anybody¡¯s guess.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg objected, "Purely from an economic point of view, lending money to the Russians right now is indeed very unwise.
However, looking at it from another angle, this is also an opportunity. We can demand higher terms to secure greater benefits.
If the Tsarist is willing to fully support our annexation of the Ottoman Empire, I think the loan is still feasible."
The phrase "taking advantage of someone¡¯s misfortune" appeared in Franz¡¯s mind and lingered there.
The Ottoman Empire is Austria¡¯s next strategic target; defeating the Ottomans is easy, but annexing them is difficult.
Ennd, France, and Russia are the biggest obstacles, and due to geopolitical reasons, the Russians have more to say on this issue than Ennd and France.
Before this, Franz¡¯s n was to divide the Ottoman Empire with the Russians, but how can divisionpare with sole annexation?
Annexing the Ottoman Empire not only connects the homnd with the Middle East, but also extends Austria¡¯s influence into Central Asia, which is of great strategic significance.
n/?/vel/b//jn dot c//om
Soon, Franz came back to his senses. Such great benefits would certainly not be easy to secure.
The Russians are not fools; facing the British as an adversary is already challenging for them. Letting Austria in would make retaking Central Asia even more difficult.
Franz shook his head, "We can probe the Russians, but let¡¯s not hold our breath. The situation of the Tsarist Government is not yet dire."
...
Chapter 725 - 298, A Weak Country Has No Diplomacy
"What, the Austrians want to annex the Ottoman?"
The newly crowned Tsar Alexander III had no time to celebrate before this bad news arrived.
Foreign Minister Ossiel Riviera replied, "Yes, Your Majesty. Not long ago we applied for a loan from the Vienna Government, and they made this demand."
Alexander III shook his head and answered decisively, "No, this absolutely cannot happen!
Once we allow the Austrians to annex the Ottoman, their influence will reach into Central Asia, and no one can assure us they will not be ourpetitors.
If Central Asia falls into the hands of the native Khanate, we might retake it; but if it falls into Austrian hands, it would be nearly impossible to retrieve.
We are greatly weakened now and simply do not have the capacity topete with them.
The Austrians aim to control our lifeline. If they take Central Asia, they will have the ability to split the Russian Empire in two.
Together with their existing control over the Dardanelles Strait, the future of the Russian Empire would be at their mercy."
The reasons werepelling, yet Ossiel Riviera did not agree. To be controlled by others was too serious an issue to contemte.
It was not just about the Dardanelles Strait; the Russian Empire was subject to Austrian control in many ways. Military, finance, economy¡ªour three vital lifelines all depended on Austria.
After hesitating for a moment, Ossiel Riviera reminded him, "Your Majesty, solving the Dardanelles Strait issue is not difficult.
Many years ago, we had contact with the Austrians, and the Vienna Government agreed to let us redeem the area for money, or undergo territorial exchange.
For some special reason, the deal was neverpleted. This also shows that the Vienna Government does not value the Dardanelles Strait highly¡ªif we want to take it, it would not be difficult."
Alexander III had just ascended to the throne, and as everyone was still unsure of his temperament, the cautious Ossiel Riviera chose to strike from the side.
The Austrian threat was indeed real, but now was not the time to consider it. What the Tsarist Government needed most at the moment was money, other issues could be deferred.
In this regard, the Tsarist Government had confidence, with the sheer size of the Russian Empire as assurance; there was no need to worry about foreign invasions.
The Austrian threat was predicated on the assumption that the two countries had not fallen out. If it came to parting ways, these issues could be ovee.
After hesitating for a while, Alexander III nodded reluctantly, "Then we¡¯ll start talking to the Austrians for now, but by no means can we allow them to swallow the Ottoman whole."
Alexander III¡¯s talent in foreign affairs far exceeded that of his ancestors, and he quickly identified the crux of the issue: once Austria resolved to act against the Ottoman, they would be unstoppable.
With the support of the Russian Empire, the task would be easier; without it, Austria could still wage war.
The aftermath of the Prusso-Russian War had not yet dissipated, and the European world was still immersed in the antiwar sentiment; Ennd and France were unlikely to go to war over the Ottoman Empire against Austria.
Russia appeared to have significant sway, but they were still licking their wounds, the government¡¯s coffers were empty, and given the historic enmity with the Ottomans, Alexander III found no reason to save them.
Alexander III was pragmatic, just like he had stopped therge-scale purges within his country. Realizing that he could not prevent Austria, he decisively chose to seek benefits.
...
Foreign Minister Ossiel Riviera added, "Your Majesty, aside from this issue, we must also consider the matter of Find.
Before the war, to stabilize the Nordic Federation and raise funds for the war, we signed a mortgage loan with the Swedish people, which included a secret use.
It explicitly stipted that after the war, we would sell the Find region to the Nordic Federation; if we defaulted, we would not only have to repay the debt but also pay a penalty, with the Vienna Government as the guarantor."
This was yet another pitfall, before the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the Tsarist Government, in order to reduce the number of enemies, had to sign such a treaty.
Now, this has be a difficult problem, a kind of happy trouble, the trouble thates only with winning the war.
During the reign of Alexander II, the prepared contingency n was to take over the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies and transfer them to the Nordic Federation inpensation for the debt.
Unfortunately, halfway through the n, Alexander II met God. Alexander III didn¡¯t have the same resistance to pressure that his father did, neither did he have enough prestige.
Furthermore, the domestic situation did not allow him to continue the war, and after facing strong opposition from European countries, he quickly chose topromise.
Alexander III furrowed his brow and shook his head, "The strategic significance of the Finnish region is too great to give away, at least not all of it.
First, the Foreign Ministry should make contact with the Nordic Federation to see if they would ept the sale of part of the Finnish region.
This debt, after all, was guaranteed by Austria; unless absolutely necessary, do not resort to military threats."
A weak country has no diplomacy, and Mao Xiong has never been one to y by the rules. They preferred to solve problems with cannons rather than at the negotiation table.
Alexander III was considered a peace faction member among the Tsars, willing to offer part of the Finnish region to fulfill the agreement, which would have been a much harder case with his father, Alexander II.
Of course, the Austrian guarantee also yed a significant role. That "Debt Guarantee Contract" wasn¡¯t just about offering security; it also contained explicit penalties.
Rather than try to buy off Austria with benefits and silence the Vienna Government, Alexander III thought it would be easier to deal with the Nordic Federation.
Foreign Minister Ossiel Riviera smiled, "Your Majesty, rest assured, as long as we can offer part of the Finnish region to fulfill the contract, the Nordic Federation will not reject our goodwill."
...
Berlin, since the end of the Prusso-Russian War, this bustling metropolis had be quiet all at once.
n/?/vel/b//in dot c//om
Although some funds were recouped by selling territory, the days were still hard for the Berlin Government.
The crushing debt exacerbated the burden on the shoulders of the Prussian people. Even more so, the despair brought on by the defeat in the war caused many to lose faith in the future.
To give an ount to the domestic public, Wilhelm I had already announced his abdication, and Prussia had entered the era of Frederick III.
This was an unlucky man, who in the original timeline had met God just days aftering to the throne, earning the moniker "The Ny-Nine-Day Emperor" for his actual reign of 99 days.
Barely ousting his father and having enjoyed being the emperor briefly, he hurriedly left the world of the living.
Under the butterfly effect, Frederick III took the throne earlier and simrly didn¡¯t fare well, inheriting a mess.
The only upside was that Wilhelm I¡¯s abdication had forced a bunch of Junker aristocrats to resign along with him, reducing the number of troublesome ghosts around.
Compared to the mess at hand, Frederick III might have preferred dealing with the Junker aristocracy after all.
The reigning king was the ultimate Junker, with ss interests still aligned; the battle was merely for power.
Looking at the map hanging on the wall, Frederick III sighed deeply.
Without having done anything yet, the Kingdom of Prussia had already lost a great deal of territory. A country¡¯s revival depends on its poption and resources.
With the defeat in the Prusso-Russian War, the Kingdom of Prussia lost a vast amount of territory, along with a significant poption and resources.
Whether acknowledged or not, the Kingdom of Prussia had be a small country.
Chapter 726 - 299, Millennium Tradition
There are many small countries in Europe that manage to survive and thrive, each with its unique way of living.
Now that Prussia has fallen from the ranks of the great powers, to livefortably without constantly receiving a social thrashing, it must abandon its previous ways and learn the survival strategies of small nations.
Frederick III was very clear-headed, "The merger of Prussia and Hanover to establish North Germany, integrating the many sub-states of the Germany Region and controlling this new nation to rejoin the ranks of the great powers," was just a fabricated lie to cheat naive youths.
In this era of survival of the fittest, without strength, you are nothing.
The Kingdom of Prussia, having lost the region of Prussia, had greatly diminished in strength. To dominate the situation, it first had to consider whether Hanover would agree.
The Kingdom of Hanover, having acquired territory, had overtaken Prussia in terms of overt power, especially in economic advantage.
Without engaging in war, how could they possibly turn the tables?
Military force? Don¡¯t even think about it!
Initiating a civil war would be a dead end. Not to mention whether they could suppress Hanover, even if victorious, they would have lost the legal basis for their actions.
Hanover was a part of the German Federation Empire, whereas the Kingdom of Prussia was not. As long as George I wasn¡¯t foolish, he wouldn¡¯t allow them to take a seat in the Imperial Parliament.
Political infiltration seems decent. Frederick III knew that if it were trulypleted, it wouldn¡¯t involve him anymore.
The Junker aristocracy had regained control of the state, and for their own interests, they would push for theplete integration of Prussia and Hanover.
Prussia, having offended the Russians because of the war, meant that the Hohenzollern Dynasty hoping to take power at the center would definitely be opposed by the Tsarist Government.
Prussia and Hanover were small nations; only by merging could they be a medium-sized nation, and only with a strong nation could the military expand. Unable to take control of the center meant they could only be abolished.
From this perspective, the military Junker was the real foundation of a powerful nation, their interests were tied too closely to the state.
Frederick III, having just ascended to the throne, had no choice but to engage in political reshuffling, using the failed war as an opportunity to rebnce the powers.
Berlin Pce
Army Minister Von Roshwald handed over a document, saying, "Your Majesty, this is the Army Department¡¯s draft n for military reorganization.
ording to the n, once the reorganization isplete, we shall maintain 3 infantry divisions, one garrison division, 2 cavalry regiments, and 2 artillery regiments, with these forces retaining only half of their personnel during peacetime, totaling 23,000 troops."
The total strength after reorganization didn¡¯t even match one-tenth of the pre-war level; if the n were to be public, it would certainly cause an uproar.
But there was no choice; this is the price of defeat. With the government facing financial difficulties, the military had to be cut to reduce expenditures.
The one overseeing this disarmament, Von Roshwald, although a member of the Junker aristocracy, was an anomaly in the military, a staunch member of the anti-war faction.
Before the war, the anti-war faction was weak and held little political say; after the war, the situation fundamentally reversed, with pacifism prevailing all over Europe, and Prussia was no exception.
Against this backdrop, Frederick III took the opportunity to promote arge number of pacifists, beginning to suppress the influence of the military.
Taking the document, Frederick III casually flipped through a few pages and asked, "The n looks good, but is it feasible?"
Even the best n counts for nothing if it can¡¯t be implemented; a n will always just be a n otherwise.
n/?/vel/b//jn dot c//om
The Prussian Military was too dominant, and even using the opportunity of the war to rece the top echelons of the military didn¡¯t change the fact that the military¡¯s influence was still significant.
Army Minister Von Roshwald: "There should not be much issue. The anti-war sentiment is strong in the country; we can use public opinion to pressure the military to yield.
To ensure the n¡¯s smooth implementation, Your Majesty will need to step in to persuade those highly respected generals to appease the military¡¯s mood."
Frederick III nodded helplessly, knowing it would not be an easy task to get the military leaders to agree to disarmament.
But however difficult, it must be done. If military expenses were not reduced, financial bankruptcy would be inevitable.
Frederick III couldn¡¯t help but want to question the Russians, why didn¡¯t they use the treaty to restrict the size of the Prussian Army?
If there were stiptions in the treaty, there wouldn¡¯t be a need for all this trouble. The war was fought by the military; they lost and must bear the responsibility. Everyone has no choice but to ept it.
Prime Minister Leo Von Caprivi, "Your Majesty, the issue of disarmament should be approached with caution rather than haste.
It would be best to first give the officers and soldiers a leave so they can be exposed to anti-war thinking. I believe most of them will understand.
The war has brought too much damage, and our domestic economy has been severely impacted, with a very high unemployment rate. In recent times, many people have emigrated.
As of now, the total domestic poption has fallen to 7.368 million, and this number is still in decline.
ording to sociologists, even without emigration, we are likely to experience negative poption growth within the next five years.
To revive the economy and prevent massive poption outflows, the government ns to give tax relief to some domestic enterprises and citizens to alleviate everyone¡¯s living pressure."
Tax relief is naturally good, but the problem is that our finances are deeply affected. Although the war has ended, the enormous debt remains.
To maintain a continental army, the Kingdom of Prussia has always had high taxes, and the living standards of its people have been the lowest in the Germany Region for years.
When economic conditions are good, we can cope. When the economy worsens, ordinary people¡¯s lives be unsustainable.
Luckily, there is the option to emigrate; otherwise, there would be a revolution, so preventing people from leaving is impossible.
If we want them to stay, the only way is to restore the economy, increase employment, and lessen the burden on ordinary citizens.
After pondering for a moment, Frederick III said, "Just cutting taxes is probably not enough¡ªwithout jobs, people still cannot survive.
The most urgent issue is to solve the unemployment problem. If it reallyes to it, distribute relief food.
The wounds inflicted by the war are too great. Once the economy recovers, we will definitely have a shortage in thebor force. We must retain as many people as possible.
If the government has no money, then it must go begging, asking for help from German Confederation Sub-States such as Austria, Hanover, Baden, and Saxon, without being ashamed.
We don¡¯t need money, whether it¡¯s taking loans or issuing bonds, either is possible.
By the way, how are domestic bond sales going?"
The war has made the Berlin Government realize the importance of the poption. If not for the shortage of people, the oue of the Prusso-Russian war might still be uncertain.
Finance Minister Fedor Ogude responded, "It¡¯s very unsatisfactory; as of now, we have sold a total of 6.18 million marks.
Ordinary citizens have no money, and bankers doubt the government¡¯s repayment ability and are simply unwilling to cooperate.
Especially those Jewish capitalists who, instead of cooperating with the government in issuing bonds, have been short selling the mark in the market, causing our currency to depreciate significantly."
It¡¯s not just the Jews who are short selling the mark; domestic and foreign capitalists alike are involved.
But since the Jewish capitalists are the most aggressive and have no patrons, they naturally end up being the scapegoat.
Frederick III fiercely mmed the table; not cooperating is one thing¡ªthat¡¯s their freedom. In Europe, private property is sacred and invible, and one cannot be forced to buy.
But short selling the mark is going too far; that¡¯s undermining the foundations of the Kingdom of Prussia. Once the credibility of the mark copses, the Berlin Government is doomed.
Having just suffered a defeat, the people cannot tolerate their assets turning into useless paper again.
Frederick III sternly said, "Investigate! No matter who is behind this, we must dig out these dark hands!"
The people exchanged nces as if struck by telepathy, knowing instantly what to do next.
"Anti-Semitism" is apulsory course for European monarchs, dating back a thousand years. When monarchs ran out of money, they would borrow from the Jews, and if they couldn¡¯t repay, they would turn to anti-Semitism.
Now the Berlin Government¡¯s finances are clearly unsustainable, and bankruptcy is a matter of time without finding ways to increase revenue and cut spending.
The core of expenditure reduction lies in disarmament, which is not so simple. If they want to make quick money in the short term, they will have to exploit the people.
It just so happens that someone is short selling the mark now, giving the Berlin Government an excuse to act.
Chapter 727 - 230: Crisis Strikes
The Prusso-Russian negotiations had concluded, and the Vienna Peace Conference had reached its most critical moment: disarmament, establishing a new international order.
The disarmament progressed rtively smoothly, with everyone agreeing that disarmament was necessary. The crux of the dispute centered on the specific number of troops to maintain.
For small countries, it barely mattered. Their military forces were limited in number and posed no threat to anyone, so whether they disarmed had little impact.
The core contradictiony with the Russia, Austria and France alliance. Austria proposed a military force ratio of 10:10:7, that is, Russia and Austria would maintain a total army strength of 500,000 each, while France would keep 350,000 troops.
The French representative, David Provencal, vehemently opposed, saying, "As a major country, this is an insult to France.
We cannot ept this ratio. France must have an army that matches its strength. I propose that the France-Russia-Austrian alliance maintain armies of equal size!"
The Austrian Foreign Minister Weisenberg shook his head and smiled, "Envoy Excellency, the essence of disarmament is to save military expenditures and to maintain the military bnce in Europe, to prevent the outbreak of war.
If your army¡¯s fighting capability is the best in the world, with equal force, who can be your opponent? How can this bnce be maintained then?"
This ttering exnation quelled the anger in David Provencal¡¯s heart, but he still insisted, "No!
France has numerous colonies to maintain. We cannot simply consider thebat capability of the army. We must considerprehensive factors in our deliberation."
In this age of the survival of the fittest, strength was a reflection of status. What was being distributed was not merely the share of military force but also the right to speak on the European Continent.
If France obtained the same amount of troops as Russia and Austria, with its advantage inbat capability, even if not the hegemon of Europe, France would still be the uncrowned king.
"Military capability advantage," well, the French¡¯s self-confidence in this area is indeed sky-high, always priding themselves on having the best army in the world.
Perhaps at one time, the French Army really was the world¡¯s best. But since the Italians joined in, no one knows what their rank is now.
Austria had no objections to this issue that did not involve specific interests, and since it had been chanted for a long time, everyone simply epted it.
Weisenberg nodded, "Your Excellency has a point, indeed we need to consider all factorsprehensively.
However, there are too many aspects to consider, such as poption, economy, number of colonies, territory size, national defense pressures, and so on.
Which factor shall we take as the reference standard, or should we consider them all and calcte aprehensive value?"
This is a maddening topic; no matter which factor Francepared itself with, it found itself at a disadvantage.
David Provencal calcted carefully and embarrassingly discovered that his mention of colonies was a mistake.
The leading Colonial Empire in the world now was Britain, followed by Austria, with France only ranking third. Moreover, this third ce was far behind the second, not even half as much.
Using colonies as the standard would mean letting the British maintain the world¡¯srgest army size, wouldn¡¯t it?
The European countries might not have opinions, but John Bull is unlikely to agree to it; it would turn them from a maritime power into and power.
In terms of poption, economy, and territory size, France could not prevail. Based on these data, they might not even be able to obtain 70% of Austria¡¯s military force allocation.
National defense pressure wasn¡¯t even worth mentioning; France has always been the one putting pressure on others, and David Provencal was really embarrassed to raise this point.
After some hesitation, David Provencal mustered his courage and responded, "Of course, we need to consider aposite calction, but we can focus on maintaining military bnce."
The British representative, Edward, suggested, "I propose that we consider regional military bnce after primarily meeting the needs.
For example, France, with only 350,000 troops, that¡¯s simply insufficient."
It¡¯s the usual style of a troublemaker, and prioritizing needs sounds nice. However, how do we define the standard for ¡¯needs¡¯?
If we meet the troop requirements of all countries first and then consider the military bnce, we¡¯d only end up with the higher numbers, and the 500,000 cap would surely not hold; we might even end up with an increase rather than a decrease in troops.
The British conspiracy is naturally not so easy to seed. Other countries might not have a big problem maintaining a few more soldiers, but the Russian Empire certainly can¡¯t afford it.
Russian representative Nikita Khrushchev immediately retorted, "Sir, this is a disarmament conference, not one for expanding the army.
If we satisfy the military needs of all countries, are you sure that we can still disarm?"
Disarmament, why disarmament?
From the perspective of the British, it¡¯s best for the European countries to maintain the current situation, each spending arge amount of military expenditure onnd forces, rendering them powerless to dispute maritime supremacy with Britain.
If we go by the proposal of Austria, with the army numbers of France and Austria being suppressed to 350,000 and 500,000 respectively, this would mean that both governments could save tens of millions of British Pounds in military expenses each year.
The money would certainly not just lie in the bank earning interest; arge part would flow into the navy, which could seriously disrupt Britannia¡¯s maritime hegemony.
Edward remained unmoved, feigning confusion, "Of course, this is a disarmament conference. The very fact that we can all sit here is the best proof.
The number of troops a sovereign nation retains should be a matter of freedom, not subject to foreign interference. Disarmament should rely on voluntary cooperation, notpulsion."
The British meddling increased the pressure on David Proval. Everyone else could "volunteer," but France alone could not.
This was a historical legacy issue; more than half the nations present were members of the Anti-French Alliance.
Even now, everyone was still wary of France. Without a leader to head the movement, against a ragtag assembly, the French government would not be cowed.
Unfortunately, things were different now; there was an unpressed Austria on the European Continent, and a Britannia across the Channel.
N?v(el)B\\jnn
If France refused to disarm, it could easily be misinterpreted by the outside world, potentially sparking a new round of international tensions.
The French representative David Proval retorted, "The sovereignty of independent nations must be respected, but as a responsible country, we must also consider world peace.
Excessive freedom is actually the root of chaos. Disarmament is imperative for the prosperity and stability of Europe."
David Proval¡¯s words scored points. France was not opposing disarmament, only the disproportionate military sizes of the France-Russia-Austrian alliance.
The pit the British dug was deftly avoided by him. He brought the focus of controversy back to the original point.
Arguing with reason, presenting evidence, a new round of verbal sparring began. But this time, the dispute was not about the ratio of forces but about the rules of calction.
Inprehensive consideration, the actual fear isprehensiveness. The wider the direction involved, the more problems arise, and the longer the dispute drags out.
¡
While everyone was squabbling, a crisis loomed over the capitalist world.
The catalyst was the defeat of the Prusso Federation, which caused turmoil in the London Financial Market.
However, with the effort of the British Government, debtors were preserved, and some debt shifting was achieved, reducing financial risk and restoring market confidence, enabling this wave of crisis to be resolved.
One could dodge Easter, but not Halloween.
The Berlin Government was still in office, and debts were being served normally. However, with the war¡¯s end, the factories¡¯ orders disappeared.
Not only that, but many businesses¡¯st batch of orders had not been delivered when the Berlin Government defaulted.
Order defaults are a business act, at mostpensating with a breach of contract fee¡ªprecisely speaking, forfeiting the deposit.
The consequence of the default was a backlog ofrge quantities of materials. Ordinary products were manageable; entering the civilian market for discounted sales could recover some costs.
Strategic materials specifically produced posed a problem; capital was willing to sell them off, but now there were simply no buyers.
It wasn¡¯t just Britain that faced issues; most European countries had a backlog of strategic materials, precisely at the time of major disarmament, causing market demand to sharply decline.
Production enterprises with weak financial strength, due to the backlog of arge amount of goods, were now on the verge of bankruptcy.
The impact was not just on thesepanies producing strategic materials; virtually all industries were affected.
Post-war export orders declined, and businesses that grew through export trade had to turn around topete in the domestic market, making marketpetition brutal.
Overproduction became amon problem in the capitalist world. Businesses, in order to survive, began to utilize every trick in the book. Discount promotions were inevitable.
Taking Austria as an example, post-war, domestic goods prices all declined: daily necessities dropped by 24%, clothing items decreased by 31.6%, hardware goods fell by 18.5%, machinery equipment reduced by 9.8%, and food items decreased by 6.4%¡
A drop in prices was not necessarily a good thing; behind the falling pricesy brutal marketpetition.
Looking at the recent economic data, Franz knew an economic storm wasing.
Most businesses were gritting their teeth and hanging on; if the market did not improve for a long time, small and medium enterprises with weaker strength would be the first to copse.
Once a wave of bankruptcies appeared, the economic situation would rapidly deteriorate.
Putting down the data in his hands, Franz sighed, "Notify the Cab and the heads of the economic departments toe for a meeting."
¡
Chapter 728 - 231: Flip the Table
In order to weather the economic crisis, Austria was the first to open the floodgates to dumping. Beginning in September, Austria¡¯s export volumes surged.
Agricultural products are necessities and their prices didn¡¯t fall too drastically, with most promotions offering a ten percent discount; the prices of daily textile goods, however, dropped quite fiercely, with discounts of 20 to 30 percent beingmon and many were even cut in half.
By this time, profit was no longer important. Selling off unsble goods to acquire cash flow was paramount.
It¡¯s not until you act that you realize the consequences. Watching the daily explosive increase in export trade volumes, Franz was on tenterhooks.
Austria was the world¡¯s leading industrial nation, as well as the leader in product surplus. After the Prusso-Russian War, not only had the Berlin Government defaulted, but the Russians had done the same.
The war had ended, and naturally, the undelivered orders were not going to be fulfilled.
In a sense, the current frenzy of price cuts owed something to the Russians.
Having defaulted, the Tsarist Government failed to return the deposits. Undoubtedly, this money became the ie of enterprises, reducing the cost of goods.
The world is never short of smart people; state-owned enterprises, heedless of cost when discounting exports, immediately caught the attention of those who were astute, realizing in a sh that "an economic crisis was upon us."
In times of crisis, cash is king.
Looking at their mountainous stockpiles, everyone knew they were in deep trouble.
There was no choice but to follow the trend. The market, still not transparent, with rtively high corporate profits at this time, could still break-even with discount promotions.
Those who were slow to respond risked not finding buyers at all once the economic crisis erupted.
Whether someone was setting the pace or not, starting from September, powerful Austrian enterprises had joined the ranks of developing overseas markets.
Undeniably it was about tapping into foreign markets; "dumping" absolutely did not exist.
Discount promotions were enterprises offering benefits to consumers. The main objective was to expand market share and seize market segments, all normal business practices.
Major enterprises must aspire to greater things thancency; internationalization is an essential step.
This was the Austrian media¡¯s take; how many people believed it was anyone¡¯s guess, but the capitalists certainly did.
Especially proactive were the listedpanies, whose capitalists emerged one after another, advocating the benefits of internationalization, effectively persuading the shareholders...
Thanks to the establishment of the free trade system, favorable conditions were created for the "dumping" of Austrian goods, with the European Continent being the first to feel the impact.
It was proven that Europe¡¯s lower sses were truly not affluent. Discounted Austrian industrial products, as soon as they hit the market, were enthusiastically embraced.
An influx of cheap foreign goods naturally impacted the local market, and attracting hostility was inevitable.
Disputes over interests are the most fearsome, and encroaching upon the local capitalists¡¯ profits meant revenge was a certainty.
Just as everyone was preparing to take action, the situation changed.
It wasn¡¯t just Austrian goods that arrived; British and French goods also flooded in, at least those bearing "English" or "French"bels.
"Counterfeiting" is a hallmark of the era, with rampant piracy amongst everyone; over half of the industrial products on the market were high-quality counterfeits.
Intellectual property protection was only effective in the country of registration, and many countries had no patentws, allowing tant counterfeiting.
Undoubtedly, exports from Ennd and France had not increased, the additional products on the market were suspect, but there was no way to differentiate the genuine from the fake.
Imported goods, in an age without the inte or surveince, who knew where they came from.
Austria¡¯s dumping also involved local coborators, and any targeted action would drag Ennd and France down too.
Although a mighty dragon cannot crush a local snake, incidents of inadvertently killing the local snake were not umon.
Unless everyone immediately amended the rules of the game, entering the patent era prematurely and having the government crack down on counterfeit products within the rules.
This was impossible; with their own dirtyundry, how could they make a fuss?
ording to data released by Austrian Information, over eighty percent of capitalists across Europe started with "counterfeiting," and more than ny-five percent of enterprisesmitted patent infringement.
This was inevitable. The British were much earlier in the industrial revolution than the European Continent, with most of the technology from the first industrial revolution originating in Britain.
With the path already fully walked by others, for neers desiring industrial development, not copying was simply impossible.
The second industrial revolution shifted to Austria, with the original "counterfeiting" nation suddenly entering the era of patents.
There was no denying that the copying had to continue! Without imitation, carving out a new path would not only cost a tremendous amount, but sess was far from guaranteed.
"Patent protection" was actually a means for Anglo-Austria to fleece others.
After the establishment of the free trade system, everyone¡¯s goods could flow freely, and naturally, the Anglo-Austrian two countries, with theirrge number of patent technologies, championed patents¡¯ protection.
While their own goods went out unhindered, others were barred at the gates for patent infringement.
The essence of this world is: whoever sets the rules of the game will have the advantage inpetition.
A free trade system that seems fair on the surface is in truth a tool for the United Kingdom and Austria to plunder wealth from the outside world.
It is an open secret, one that can cheat themon people while the upper sses are well aware of the true nature of free trade.
Knowing is one thing, but changing it is another. Perhaps a united front of all countries could overthrow the free trade system, but no one is willing to be the leader.
It¡¯s not that they don¡¯t want to, it¡¯s that they dare not. The United Kingdom and Austria cannot afford to be enemies with all countries, but to make an example of the lead monkey to warn the others, that they could handle with ease.
In theory, France was the most likely to take on this role, but regrettably, the Paris Government had fallen early to the sugar-coated bombardment.
The political world is dominated by the three major powers, with the price set by the Anglo-Austrian duo, rejecting which meant facing the Anti-French Alliance.
Next is the Russian Empire, which due to geopolitical reasons, remains untouchable as long as the Tsarist Government does not seek its own death.
Regrettably, the Russiansck the power to rally others, possessing the name of a great power yet their actual influence is limited to Eurasia.
This is determined by might; the Russian navy hadgged behind an era, maintaining its status as a great power solely with its army. Apart from their neighbors, they could not influence other countries.
Under the impact of massive dumping, marketpetition has be even more brutal. The savvy capitalists have reacted by joining the discount sales craze.
The capitalists who refuse to cut their losses and choose to hold on are plummeting into the abyss.
The Kingdom of Prussia was the first to falter, losing substantial territory due to the war and suffering a devastating blow to its domestic industry andmerce.
Already struggling to move forward and before there was time to recover, they were further affected by Austrian dumping, and the small to medium enterprises were the first to copse.
Starting from November,yoffs, bankruptcies, and debt collections became the most discussed topics in the Kingdom of Prussia.
N?v(el)B\\jnn
In front of the Berlin Pce, arge number of protesters had already gathered.
There was no doubt that this was stirred up by the capitalists, each waving a g of "debt collection," demanding payment from the Berlin Government.
This issue stemmed from the war; too much currency had been printed. If the war were won, this wouldn¡¯t be a problem.
Unfortunately, the Kingdom of Prussia lost, and arge amount of Mark flowed back. Coupled with the capitalists¡¯ short selling, the post-war Mark rapidly depreciated.
Before the war, one Mark could buy 2 kilograms of high-quality bread; now, one kilogram of the lowest quality ck bread cost 7 Marks, and it was just the beginning; the purchasing power of the Mark was still declining.
Upon realizing the Mark could not hold its value, the Berlin Government made a bold decision to attempt paying off its domestic debt with printed money.
Naturally, the capitalists would not agree to this and demanded that the governmentpensate for their losses due to intion. They no longer quantified in Marks but requested conversion into Gold.
Some even outright refused Marks, demanding payment from the Berlin Government in British Pounds, Divine Shields, or Gold.
Such demands, of course, were rejected by the Berlin Government.
Already penurious, the Berlin Government had already shown restraint by neither dering bankruptcy nor defaulting. How could they refuse Marks?
The protesters outside were dissenting capitalists, rallied against perceived injustices.
The protests had already silently infiltrated the Berlin Pce, prompting Frederick III to ask with a stern face, "Have we figured out who is causing these troubles?"
Prime Minister Leo Von Caprivi replied with a wry smile, "Your Majesty, the situation is extremely dire. Almost half of the country¡¯s major capitalists have been involved, with every interest group represented.
They are said to be nning to set up a Debt Recovery Committee to confront the government directly. To force the government into concessions, they n to organize arge-scale strike soon."
Upon receiving this response, Frederick III felt a headacheing on.
"Thew does not hold the multitude to ount" does not mean that thew cannot pursue the responsibility of the masses for their crimes; it¡¯s because the impact is too significant, leading to implications for national stability.
After hesitating for a moment, Frederick III sighed, "It seems our persuasion efforts have failed. The capitalists want the government to cover their losses, but who will cover for the government?"
With no one to cover the cost, the doors forpromise were closed. The Berlin Government, unable to bear the massive debt, could only get through the crisis by devaluing its currency.
As the Mark rapidly lost value, intion was not only caused by the previous flood of currency but was also due to capitalists shorting the Mark in financial markets and the Berlin Government¡¯s excessive printing of money.
If the problem can¡¯t be solved, then solve the person causing the problem. This is a universal rule, and deep down Frederick III was already preparing to overturn the table.
The capitalists might be very powerful in the future, but it is not their turn yet to dominate. Initially, only nning to make an example out of the Jews, it had to be broadened now.
Chapter 729 - 302, Frankfurt
Not only Austria realized the crisis was imminent. The Vienna Government simply acted a step ahead. After Austria opened the floodgates of dumping, British capitalists quickly followed suit.
In those days, thebined market share of the Anglo-Austrian two countries upied three-quarters of overseas trade, and the so-called internationalpetition mainly unfolded between them.
The market was only so big. If you upied more, I upied less; neither of us could afford to give way.
The reason why the Anglo-Austrian two countries didn¡¯te to blows was because their developmental directions were different.
Britannia exported the most textiles, while Austria exported the most agricultural products, which were the twomodities with thergest share in international trade at that time.
They respectively ounted for 68.3% and 21.6% of the total volume of international trade. Notably, the proportion of textiles was increasing year by year, while the proportion of agricultural products was decreasing.
The disparity in proportions was so stark, which was not only due to the industrial-agricultural scissors gap but also rted to their trading models.
The British textile industry imported raw materials and exported finished products after processing, whereas the majority of Austrian agricultural products were domestically produced, with rtively fewer imported raw materials.
In terms of industrial scale, the agricultural sector was definitelyrger than the textile industry. This was determined by the poption structure; over 80% of the world¡¯s poption were agriculturalists.
However, when it came to making money, the agricultural industry certainly couldn¡¯tpare with the textile industry, even after the products had been processed.
In the textile field, the British¡¯s biggestpetitor was France. Their earlier meddling with cotton ntation projects in Egypt ultimately benefited the French.
With raw material issues resolved, the French cotton textile industry was able to develop rapidly and had be a pir industry domestically. The Paris Government¡¯s African development n ranked the expansion of cotton ntation areas as its top priority.
If the French¡¯s n seeded, the dominant position of the British cotton textile industry would face a significant threat. This was one of the main reasons for the cooling of Anglo-French rtions.
In the field of agricultural products, Austria¡¯s biggestpetitor was the Russian Empire. Due to the war, Russia¡¯s nascent national industry suffered severe damage.
Limited by technology and capital, Russia did not have the capacity to process all agricultural products in the short term and had to temporarily serve as a raw material producer for Austria.
"Temporarily" did not equal forever, and the Russian Empire remained one of thergest potentialpetitors in Austria¡¯s agricultural field.
Anglo-Austrianpetition still centered around the industrial manufacturing sector, with the British being the traditional industry¡¯s leader and Austria at the forefront of emerging industries.
In hindsight, these were the most important industries. However, from a short-term perspective, the markets for these industries were still very narrow.
This was decided by the industry¡¯s characteristics. Insufficient infrastructure made the blind adoption of new equipment too costly, making it more economical to stick with the old steam engines.
...
Frankfurt, the traditional financial center of the Germany Region, had taken on a new brilliance after joining the New Roman Empire.
To this day, it had be one of the world¡¯s four major financial centers, having surpassed Vienna and ranked only behind Paris and London.
Of course, the idea of the four major financial centers had not gained widespread eptance, as London alone was approximately equal to thebined total of Paris, Frankfurt, and Vienna.
This was still based on the premise that Austria had seized many gold-producing regions; otherwise, London¡¯s advantage would have been even more pronounced.
The depth of the global hegemon¡¯s foundation could not be leveled in a short time. For a long time toe, London would remain the world financial center.
The British had poured the resources of a whole country into one city, which differed from Austria¡¯s development model. The fact that Frankfurt was able to surpass Vienna despite resource scarcity had its special reasons.
Firstly, the influence. Frankfurt was well-known throughout the Germany Region, home to many banks with robust financial strength.
Secondly, there¡¯s the geographical location, right in the heart of the Germany Region, at the border between Germany and Austria, and very close to Prussia, which is conducive to gathering capital from these countries.
Last, and most crucially, Austria¡¯s national policy did not aim to develop a super-city, so Vienna, as the capital, did not jump out topete for resources.
With so many advantages, Frankfurt, already the Central European financial center, naturally soared.
However, there are downsides as well. In gathering capital from Central Europe, it inevitably also became subject to the economic influences of various countries.
After the Kingdom of Prussia¡¯s defeat, the Frankfurt stock market was the first to feel the impact.
Fortunately, the Vienna Government refused to grant loans to the Berlin Government, so the financiers in Frankfurt didn¡¯t fall into that massive pitfall.
The ones mainly affected were some of the listed Prussianpanies, especially those in the Russian-upied zones, which were almostpletely devastated.
ording to statistics, in thest six months, influenced by the Prusso-Russian war, the number of people jumping from buildings in Frankfurt had already exceeded thirty.
This is normal; every financial center will notck for unlucky individuals. Even at the best of times in the market, there will be those who lose everything and jump.
Early in the morning, the autumn wind whipped up leaves off the ground, blowing them into Flores¡¯s face, giving rise to an ominous premonition.
As an experienced stock spector, Flores had already established his own securitiespany in Frankfurt, small though it was, thus avoiding the tragedy of bing mere fodder.
n/?/vel/b//in dot c//om
Just like in a casino, the house always has better odds than the gamblers. After setting up the securitiespany, Flores had also colluded with others to specte on several stocks, experiencing the grandeur of the market makers and earning a substantial profit.
If everything went smoothly, after a few more such ventures, Flores could take a step further, perhaps even bing one of the dominators here.
But everyone has their run of bad luck. Led by a financial giant, Flores joined the war spection during the Prusso-Russian conflict.
Unfortunately, they bet on the wrong side, resulting in the Prusso Federation¡¯s great defeat and their own heavy losses, and they were also stuck with arge amount of capital.
It is normal to have losses and gains in the financial market, and Flores had enough mental fortitude to withstand these fluctuations.
Getting caught was just a minor issue; as long as thepanies didn¡¯t go bankrupt, once the aftermath of the Prusso-Russian war subsided, a few favorable news releases could easily untangle the situation.
Simr incidents often ur in the stock market. If the invested capital is toorge and there¡¯s no positive news, it can always be manufactured.
As a qualified spector, Flores always adhered to a diversified investment strategy. Withstanding a failure or two was manageable as long as it wasn¡¯t a stock market crash.
Shielding his face with his hand, Flores quickened his pace. He trusted his own instincts greatly, having relied on them to safely navigate through two previous stock crises.
When Flores arrived, the Frankfurt Securities Exchange was already buzzing with activity. Not wasting time in the main hall, Flores went straight to the office of hispany.
Calling it an office was a bit generous. In reality, it was a small room of less than fifty square meters, shared by three securitiespanies.
There was no other option; in those days, without electronic trading, stock trades relied entirely on human activity, making firsthand information extremely valuable.
The price of space within the exchange was astronomically high, such that this small room of less than fifty square meters cost a monthly rent of 2000 Divine Shields, and it wasn¡¯t even for sale.
Elsewhere, that amount of money could buy arge house.
If it weren¡¯t for attracting customers and demonstrating capability, Flores would never have been so extravagant.
Chapter 730 - 303, Big Deal
Berlin, this international metropolis, had suddenly be deste. It was almost past 11 o¡¯clock, and row upon row of shops were still shuttered.
A familiar yet strange term entered Hans¡¯s mind¡ª"strike".
As if realizing something, Hans immediately sprinted toward the telegrampany.
Watching the protest march approaching him, Hans couldn¡¯t help but stop, and upon seeing a few familiar figures, he turned and left immediately.
It was useless; the employees of the telegrampany were all out protesting; sending messages back was no longer possible at this time.
At the Frankfurt Securities Exchange, Flores was intently observing the constantly refreshing trading data analysis.
This was also one of the perks that came with renting the office¡ªthere was no need to go into the hall to see the data; a person could be sent to get the sheet printed from the back end.
Recently, the stock market had generally been stable, except for a few stocks that were trapped; the others were slowly growing.
At that moment, a middle-aged man entered with a smile; the neer was Ferren, the owner of another securitiespany in the office.
As colleagues, for threepanies to share office space, there was no need to borate on their rtionship.
In this stock market of big fish eating little fish, and little fish eating shrimp, forming a bloc was also a survival strategy for small securitiespanies.
Showing concern, Flores asked, "Ferren, you seem in a good mood, what good news have you brought?"
Sharing information was also part of the cooperation. For securities traders, keeping constant attention on market fluctuations and collecting intelligence was essential.
Large securitiespanies had specialized teams responsible for this; Flores, with his smallpany¡¯s limited financial resources, couldn¡¯t afford such a team, so they had to gather intelligence together.
First-hand information was also a key factor for securities traders to outpace retail investors. Those who knew nothing and dove headlong into trading would mostly be cleaned out without a penny to their names.
Ferrenughed, "News from Berlin; the Prussian Government has decided topromise. Our trapped stocks will soon be released."
Flores frowned, seemingly unimpressed by this "good news".
"How is that possible, given the Prussian Government¡¯s finances, they have no power to undertake so much debt, what will they..."
The rest of Flores¡¯s words were involuntarily swallowed. He didn¡¯t believe Ferren was lying about this issue; verifying it would simply be a matter of sending a telegram.
Ferren confidently stated, "Don¡¯t worry, the Prussian Government might have no money, but that doesn¡¯t mean they can¡¯t get some.
I¡¯ve heard that Deutsche Bank, Austrian Bank, Bank of Ennd, and several other major banks are forming a banking consortium, currently in negotiation with the Prussian Government.
An initial agreement has already been reached; all parties will jointly establish a new bank to issue bonds worth 200 million Divine Shields for the Berlin Government, and in return, they will handle Prussia¡¯s note-issuing business."
At this point, Ferren¡¯s eyes revealed a hint of envy. Controlling currency issuance was definitely a dream business for financial professionals.
Everybody knew that the closer one was to money, the easier it was to make money. As long as banks had the right to issue notes, funding would never be a concern.
Flores was aware of the consortium¡¯s affairs, but not because it was negotiating with Prussia; what drew his attention was the "shorting of Marks".
Having just taken advantage of others, and then starting cooperation, was the norm in the financial world.
After a moment of contemtion, Flores said, "What do you n to do, you¡¯re not thinking about bottom-fishing, are you?"
Before Ferren could answer, an employee hurried in: "Mr. Flores, good news, our trapped stocks have started to rise."
Ferren¡¯s face turned pale: "Damn, the news has leaked. We must act fast; if we¡¯re anyter, there won¡¯t be anything left for us."
...
Many people made the same choice, turning the securities exchange bustling with noise.
What they didn¡¯t know was that on the roof, the top four securities dealers at the pinnacle of the food chain were beginning to withdraw.
An elderly man sitting on a sofa, puffing on a cigar, asked, "How long can we contain the news?"
The middle-aged man in green clothing replied, "Mr. Will, we can hold out for at most two days, but it might be exposed today.
Although we¡¯ve used the telegrampany to disseminate false news, the sudden interruption of telegrams between the two ces will still attract the attention of the discerning."
This was inevitable. Both Berlin and Frankfurt were major cities, with frequentmercial exchanges. Hundreds of telegrams were sent back and forth daily, so a sudden disruption would indeed be noticeable.
A line check might fool the average person, but there had never been a signal interruptionsting over eight hours since the start of telegraph service between the two ces.
Yet not interrupting the telegram contact posed even more of a problem, as that risked immediate exposure.
Will nodded, "That¡¯s already very good, it¡¯s surprising that we can buy so much time.
We don¡¯t have much time left, everyone, go and make arrangements; square our positions in the shortest time possible, and try to recoup our losses as much as we can."
There was no choice; the Berlin Government¡¯s sudden upset had caught them off guard.
```
Unlike those ying with stocks down below, they were shorting the Mark this time, and if they didn¡¯t exit quickly, the losses would be substantial.
...
Compared to the gloomy atmosphere surrounding Will and his associates, the Bedford Securities Company next door was buzzing in a much more harmonious manner.
Everyone was shorting the Mark, it¡¯s just that not all people are the same. Bedford Securities wasn¡¯t so greedy and had pulled out after making a good profit.
Thalesmented, "That old fox Will finally took a hit, but if he cuts his losses now, it should not hurt his vitality too much."
Nothing stirs naked hate more thanpetition among peers. Despite the frequent joint actions of the Frankfurt¡¯s four big securities firms giving the impression of an alliance, in reality, these allies are the ones who most wish to see each other fail.
Phyllis chuckled, "That¡¯s not necessarily true. The damage is done by standing aside, and the situation now is different.
All signs indicate that an economic crisis is imminent. Without sufficient cash on hand, who knows what might happen next?"
Scavico, the CEO of Bedford, interrupted his two capable assistants, "Alright, both of you, it¡¯s too soon to gloat over Will¡¯s misfortune. It¡¯s not good for our image if word gets out."
"Mr. Scavico, a call from Vienna!"
"I¡¯ming!"
With those words, Scavico hurried over.
...
A short whileter, Scavico emerged, his face expressionless.
"Gentlemen, your job is here. From now on, sell off all the stocks and bonds we hold as much as possible.
We need cash, a lot of it, right now."
Phyllis queried with puzzlement, "President, the domestic economy is still in good shape. Even if impacted by this event, it shouldn¡¯t copse.
In the recent period, we have already cashed in eighty million Divine Shields, which should be enough to handle any crisis.
Did something happen that we don¡¯t know about, or is headquarters running short on money?"
As a sessful firm, Bedford Securities had be one of Frankfurt¡¯s top four without ever being sidelined by extraneous influences, which spoke to the strength of their backing.
They have fostered close cooperative rtionships with multiple Austrian banks economically, and have nevercked for funds, all thanks to headquarters¡¯ efforts. Phyllis didn¡¯t believe headquarters would be strapped for cash.
After hesitating for a moment, Scavico nodded, "Alright, I¡¯ll tell you since you¡¯ll find out eventually.
This time, we¡¯re going after a big catch. Headquarters has decided to short the Franc, and you are among the traders.
Not just us, but half of the world¡¯s top twenty securitiespanies will participate.
This is a joint action by the Anglo-Austrian capital. You may have heard about the international banking consortium that¡¯s been making waves recently.
As for the details, I¡¯m not clear on them. Just be mentally prepared, that¡¯s all."
n/?/vel/b//jn dot c//om
"Short the Franc," even with their nerves of steel, the two were stunned by this news.
The Franc is not like the Mark. France¡¯s economy is muchrger. There had been attempts to short the Franc internationally, but they had all ended in failure.
This time, with such arge-scale organization, even using Prussia as a cover, it couldn¡¯t be as simple as it seemed on the surface.
Thales waved his hand, "Shorting the Franc seems rather difficult. Can I pretend I didn¡¯t hear anything?"
Scavico smiled faintly, "I¡¯m sorry, but it¡¯s toote for that.
I suspect it won¡¯t be long before peoplee to ensure our safety. You could try talking to them.
However, I¡¯d personally advise you to keep your mouths shut. If you mess things up, people will die."
Left with no choice, the two nodded reluctantly. Curiosity killed the cat. If they had known nothing, they might have had a chance to refuse participation.
Now that they knew about "shorting the Franc," opting out would mean leaving horizontally.
The noisy international banking consortium, anyone with a bit ofmon sense knew, could be regarded as a financial alliance between Ennd and Austria, consisting of thirteen major banks.
Seeing that the two were not in high spirits, Scavico consoled them, "Don¡¯t be so pessimistic. It¡¯s just shorting the Franc, not a demand for your lives. Is this necessary?"
Regainingposure, Thales quickly recovered and exaggeratedly expressed, "No, Mr. President.
With such a big deal on the line, and who knows how many important figures involved, if things go south, who can guarantee we won¡¯t bear the brunt of it?"
...
```
Chapter 731: 304, people are forced out
To force the government to concede, on November 7, 1881, the Prussian bourgeoisie organized a massive strike and shutdown movement.
This move utterly enraged Frederick III; after multiple unsessful negotiations, on November 10, the Berlin Government dered martialw throughout the country.
A security brigadeposed of retired officers took over the police¡¯s work, blockaded the major thoroughfares, sealed all the participating capitalists¡¯ shops, warehouses, and factories, and the government uniformly allocated national resources.
Subsequently, Frederick III ordered the resumption of factory production. Many retired military officers transformed overnight, bing industrial managers.
With no technical content and unsure how to manage, they simply copied the methods used for managing the military.
As long as they received their wages, themon workers didn¡¯t care who the boss was. It didn¡¯t matter how strict the management was; as long as the money was in ce, any issue could be discussed, and factories resumed operations one after another.
From production to sales, the government handled everything. It looked quite a bit like a nned economy, and the capitalists truly panicked.
Reality told them that they might not be so essential, that this country could still function normally without them.
Even though many problems urred in the middle, this was just the initial stage; things could be changed slowlyter on.
N?v(el)B\\jnn
Now it was toote to regret. Faces torn, Frederick III naturally did not hold back.
They didn¡¯t even need to fabricate charges; by merely digging up old ounts, arge number of individuals were quickly thrown into prison.
Prime Minister Leo Von Caprivi said anxiously, "Your Majesty, we can¡¯t go on like this; otherwise, there will be great turmoil."
He had no objections to going after capitalists, as they were never on the same page anyway.
But ns couldn¡¯t keep up with changes. Before this, no one had prepared for the military to take over the country.
It was onlyter discovered that the police couldn¡¯t handle the capitalists, forcing the use of retired soldiers to organize the security brigade.
After dealing with the capitalists, everyone realized that domestic order had copsed. To restore social order, the government once again had to rely on military strength.
It was once said that the Kingdom of Prussia was a state owned by the army; this was because the military had great influence and controlled the nation¡¯s politics.
The situation had changed now; the military¡¯s influence at the top was weakened, yet their influence on the lower levels had greatly increased.
Frederick III nodded in resignation, "My prime minister, everyone knows the situation in Prussia is not right, but the question is, how do we solve it?
People have already been arrested, their houses searched, and their factories confiscated.
Now, to resume factory production, we simply cannot find enough management personnel in the short term.
Besides having retired military officers manage them, do we have any other choice?
We certainly can¡¯t release those parasites again to continue causing us trouble, can we?"
We must admit that militarizing factory management can only serve as an emergency measure. Problems have erupted shortly after starting.
After hesitating for a moment, Leo Von Caprivi gritted his teeth and said, "Let¡¯s just organize an auction!
We definitely can¡¯t manage so many factories; sell off most of the smaller ones and retain only a fewrge factories to turn them into state-owned enterprises, learning from Austria¡¯s management model."
The Prussian industrial sector was still in a state of variedpetition; over eighty percent of the factories in the country employed less than a hundred people, and there were only a handful ofrge factories employing over ten thousand.
The Kingdom of Prussia was a capitalist, militaristic state, and not all capitalists had stood up against the government. Now that the table had been flipped, it was naturally impossible to wipe out all the capitalists in one fell swoop.
In theory, as long as the confiscated small and medium-sized factories were sold off, the management issue would be resolved.
Wilhelm I nodded slowly, "That is indeed a solution."
Clearly, he was tempted. Despite the Kingdom of Prussia having resumed production, this capacity was truly meager, with an overall decline in production efficiency by fifteen percent, and the defect rate remained high.
Such businesses, unless operating in istion, were doomed to fail once they entered the internationalpetition.
The calm on the market now was supported by the government¡¯s reputation. The Berlin Government acted promptly to guarantee supply and employment, and people believed in the government¡¯s execution.
Army Minister Von Roshwald proposed, "Your Majesty, casting so many factories into the market at once may not fetch a good price even if there are buyers.
Rather than that, why not directly distribute the factories to the retired soldiers, offsetting their severance pay or pensions?
Not only could the government reduce the expenses, but it could also coincidentally solve the employment cement issue."
Indeed, it would be tough to fetch a good price, as the majority of Prussians with purchasing power were still locked up in prisons.
The remaining capitalists, even if they had the money, were quite frightened at this time and dared not make any rash moves.
Affected by the devaluation of the Mark, the original standards for severance pay and pensions were clearly outdated.
The Berlin Government dared to default on the capitalists¡¯ money, but they could not afford to discount the soldiers¡¯ blood money.
Although the Berlin Government repeatedly raised the standards, they couldn¡¯t withstand the severe intion, and the government couldn¡¯t keep up with the escting costs.
Frederick III asked with some doubt, "Would the soldiers ept it? You know, the performance of these small factories is very average. If theyck management ability, they could easily incur losses."
"Incur losses" did not refer to losses under the capitalists¡¯ management but to the recent situation managed by the Berlin Government.
Von Roshwald replied with uncertainty, "They should ept it. We can set the factory prices lower, letting them decide whether they want the factory or not.
As for management, I think production won¡¯t be a big issue; they¡¯re their own factories, so they surely won¡¯t make a mess.
The troublesome part is sales, but the government can help with that. We have an agreement with the British; we can use goods to offset debts, so let¡¯s just deduct it with the products from these factories."
Frederick III fell into thought; he was concerned about the price since it was all free anyway.
If he could use these small factories to appease the military¡¯s mood and make the military agree to the government¡¯s reorganization n, Wilhelm I wouldn¡¯t mind giving them away for free.
"Then let¡¯s try it, but make sure to coordinate properly. With several dozen shareholders in one factory, problems can easily arise if it¡¯s not well-managed."
Von Roshwald¡¯s initially joyful expression vanished; he could already imagine the scale of work thaty ahead for him.
No matter how much the factory prices were suppressed, not every soldier could afford one, unless there were multiple casualties in a single family; otherwise, having numerous shareholders was inevitable.
When interests were involved, could everyone still be harmonious? These issues all needed his resolution.
¡
Chapter 732 - 305: The Run on the Franc
The Berlin Government¡¯s audacious operations left the entire European world in shock.
For the bourgeoisie, this was a direct blow to the head. If Prussia could pull off such a stunt, other nations could naturally follow suit, and this was essentially a sword hanging over everyone¡¯s head.
The public opinion was full of criticism, but it all proved ineffective. Since they dared to upset the table, the Berlin Government naturally wasn¡¯t afraid of getting scolded.
Not only did domestic capitalists suffer heavy losses due to Prussia¡¯s actions, but overseas investors were wailing as well.
Since the news spread, the number of people wanting to jump off buildings in Frankfurt increased significantly.
Including the somewhat famous Flores who, due to misinformation, identally took over a deal and was now hesitating whether to head to the rooftop or not.
Luckily, after the end of the Prusso-Russian war, the stocks of all Prussianpanies had plummeted to rock bottom, and were already trapped at low values.
As long as no one foolishly went long, even those who did take over did so at low positions, so the losses weren¡¯t too severe.
The Berlin Government only confiscated the shares of criminals, in theory, meaning the shares held by overseas investors were still valid.
This was also the main reason the great powers didn¡¯t intervene; although the Berlin Government¡¯s methods were a bit drastic, after all, it was dealing with internal affairs.
The most critical factor was that a fait apli had been created, and intervention would only make things moreplicated, increasing everyone¡¯s losses.
As long as thepanies were still operating, there was value in the stocks. It¡¯s just that the major shareholder had be the Berlin Government, making the investment prospects uncertain and perplexing.
...
Vienna Pce
"Your Majesty, the situation has changed. Prussia¡¯s actions could trigger a chain reaction. If the French follow suit, our n is unlikely to seed," Finance Minister Karl said with deep concern.
The unexpected turn of events was a huge blow to the secret n of the Anglo-Austrian two countries to short the Franc.
If Prussia could flip the table, so could the French. Even if the Paris Government didn¡¯t dare to copy it in full, just implementing financial regtion would be enough of a burden for everyone.
Franz shook his head, "It¡¯s not the same. The Berlin Government was forced into a corner with no other option, so it was a desperate throw of the dice.
Considering the scale of France¡¯s economy, we can only try to depress the value of the Franc a bit and make a tidy profit from it. It won¡¯t threaten their survival, so the Paris Government wouldn¡¯t go to that extreme.
If the Paris Government really did enforce financial control, it would actually be doing us a huge favor. Prussia is a ready example; the value of the Mark has alreadypletely copsed.
We might lose out on this spection, but if the Franc exits the international market, that share alone could make up for our losses."
The struggle for currency supremacy between Ennd, France, and Austria had been going on for many years. Although France had been ousted from the contest, the Franc still held a significant share in the international market.
In the Gold Standard era, therger the economy, the greater the demand for gold.
France had arge economy, yet its gold production was very limited and couldn¡¯t meet the rising demand. The gold reserves backing the issuance of Francs had always been inadequate, posing a safety hazard in the financial market.
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In recent years, international spectors have been frequenting the market. However, the scale was never veryrge, and even with some gains, the position of the Franc remained unshaken.
With profits tempting the heart, spectors having tasted sweetness naturally wanted to reap even greater benefits.
This time, with the Anglo-Austrian capital coborating, it seemed as though Franz was pushing it from the shadows, but in truth, it was just a catalyst. Even without this catalyst, it would have happened eventually.
Of course, this catalyst was very important. Without government involvement, capitalists would not have acted on such arge scale.
Essentially, the French were being suppressed by Ennd and Austria because they threatened the interests of both countries.
The Paris Government¡¯s African development n was too infuriating. In recent years, France¡¯s textile industry had developed rapidly and had already taken over a considerable market share from the British.
That alone was enough to cause the British pain, and with the African development n prioritizing cotton farming, how could John Bull stand it?
In addition to cultivating cotton, the French African development n also included the introduction of new agricultural technologies in the North African region to expand the cultivation area of agricultural products, which again infringed on Austria¡¯s interests.
Under such circumstances, if France hadn¡¯t faced suppression from the Anglo-Austrian two countries, that would have truly been an issue.
Compared with the struggle for the international market share of the Franc, which was secondary, it was mainly financial circles that were interested.
After a brief pause, Franz added, "The n has progressed to such a point that it¡¯s no longer possible to simply pull out.
I don¡¯t know much about financial matters, so I leave it to those who have transferred from other careers to take charge.
For now, let¡¯s stick to the n and increase the dumping on France to consume as much of their foreign exchange reserves as possible."
...
What had been expected finally arrived; influenced by the special policies of the Berlin Government, the Berlin Stock Exchange plummeted as soon as it opened on November 11, 1881.
A fifty percent loss was considered a good performance, as many stocks were left at only twenty or thirty percent of their value, with some even falling below ten percent of their original market cap.
The assets of certain enterprises were several times higher than their market value, a ssic case of market value inversion.
This was all normal; assets are not the same as cash. During a stock market crash, assets inevitably shrink. There were plentyments of those forced to sell off at low prices to raise funds to get through the hard times.
With the unfolding of free trade and increasingly tight economic ties between nations, a stock market crash in Prussia meant other countries could not expect to escape unscathed.
The first to be impacted were naturally Frankfurt and London. The former held out for less than three days before copsingpletely; thettersted hardly five days before following suit.
Pandora¡¯s box had been opened, and the stock market crash swiftly spread across the entire European Continent, with stock markets in every country wailing in distress.
In less than a week, Vienna¡¯s stock market index had fallen by ten percent, hitting its lowest in five years.
With both the Anglo-Austrian two countries experiencing stock market crashes, France naturally could not be an exception.
Paris, angry investors directly set the Stock Exchange aze, but thankfully the staff arrived in time to extinguish the fire.
At the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV had not yet recovered from the shock of the stock market crash when Economic Minister Elsa hurriedly rushed in.
"Your Majesty, we have a serious problem. Hundreds of banks, including Paris Bank, French Bank, and Imperial Bank, are facing bank runs; the situation is incredibly dire.
Many people are holding their deposit certificates and demanding to exchange for British Pound, Divine Shield, and our foreign exchange reserves are rapidly depleting.
We can be certain that someone is short-selling the Franc. This bank run is just the beginning; the enemy still has attacks tounch."
Upon hearing this bad news, the word "financial storm" instantly surfaced in Napoleon IV¡¯s mind. After a brief pause, he anxiously asked, "Do we know who¡¯s manipting this?"
Economic Minister Elsa answered, "There are many participants, almost all the world¡¯s leading banks and securities firms are involved. It can be roughly inferred that the main force is Anglo-Austrian capital.
The enemy is extremely powerful, and ording to the intelligence we¡¯ve gathered, it¡¯s preliminarily estimated that they might hold between three to five billion Francs."
"Three to five billion Francs" might seem insignificant to a great nation like France, which is about the French government¡¯s annual revenue.
However, this is cash, not assets. On financial markets, such arge sum of money couldpletely leverage hundreds of billions of international capital to strike at France¡¯s financial market.
Napoleon IV turned pale and said, "The enemy has amassed so much capital, and our financial department knows nothing about it?"
Since the Divine Shield and pound sterling are international settlement currencies, the foreign exchange reserves of both Ennd and Austria are rtively low, indeed incapable of coughing up so many Francs.
In actuality, the total cirction of Francs on the international market is only a few billion. This means that the funds initiating the bank runs could onlye from within France itself.
Economic Minister Elsa replied in a low voice, "Recently, several of our major domestic banks have issued substantial loans abroad, all for normalmercial projects, which did not attract much attention."
This is determined by the system; banks have the freedom to provide loans, and the French government has no right to interfere.
Since it can¡¯t be controlled, it naturally isn¡¯t taken seriously. After all, the banks themselves are responsible for their profits and losses; the government need not foot the bill.
Napoleon IV stopped short of speaking, knowing full well that domestic financial consortia were involved in this wave of bank runs, and yet he was powerless to do anything.
If it weren¡¯t for the recent moves by the Berlin Government that had frightened the bourgeoisie, there would certainly have been no shortage of French capital in the forces now shorting the Franc.
Now that they¡¯ve gone into hiding, they¡¯re already giving the government considerable face. Surely, we can¡¯t expect them to stop making money, right?
After contemting for a while, Napoleon IV asked, "How do you n to deal with this crisis?"
Economic Minister Elsa: "Unlike before, this time the enemy is ferocious, and they definitely won¡¯t be satisfied with just a little advantage.
..."
Chapter 733 - 306: Targeted Strike
As France¡¯srgest hemp textile center, Lyon, long famed as the "Continental Silk Centre," has now developed into a metropolis second only to Paris.
At this moment, this dazzling jewel has lost its luster. Affected by the dumping from the Anglo-Austrian two countries, the French industrial andmercial sectors are facing their cruellest challenge.
The vast majority of businesses have already announcedyoffs and production cuts, and the ranks of job seekers on the streets are growing day by day, with very few new job openings.
Almost every recruitment drive leads to a disturbance. Even for hiring just three to five people, dozens would apply.
It could be said that this is the easiest time to recruit for French businesses, as they can freely select excellent employees.
Thepanies able to recruit against the market trend are the most powerful. For ordinary businesses, what¡¯s a crisis is a rare opportunity for these corporate giants.
The Lyon Moore Textile Group Company is one of the most shining examples, owning over one hundred and seventyrge and small factories, with a total workforce exceeding 130,000 people.
Their industrial chain covers both upstream and downstream of the textile industry, including cotton mills, hemp spinning mills, wool spinning mills, silk factories, printing and dyeing mills, garment factories... and even their own raw material ntations.
Besides aplete industrial chain, Moore Textile Group also possesses the most advanced textile technology of the day, with over two hundred various patents.
Such a colossus, even while impacted, has the strongest risk resistance.
While other enterprises are suffering heavy losses, Moore Textile Group still manages to turn a profit. Although this profit is minimal, it¡¯s still a significant distinction.
In the eyes of the outside world, this gloriousrge corporation is also not having it easy these days.
Profitable businesses can stillck cash; with the stock market crash and foreign capital impacting the financial market, the trend of cash hoarding is escting.
To cope with the crisis, domestic banks have tightened their lending, making it extremely difficult for businesses to secure financing.
Inside Moore Textile Group¡¯s office building
President Moore-Saldas looked at thetest financial report and sighed deeply, "When will the bank¡¯s loane through?"
Moore Textile Group is also supported by a syndicate, but this Lyon-based consortium with its roots in industry does not operate in the same sphere as the financiers from Paris.
This regional syndicate is the unexpected product of Napoleon III¡¯s industrial support policy. If nothing goes wrong, with French government support, this industry-based group would slowly evolve into a world-ss consortium over time.
Secretary Hank replied, "Mr. Moore, there has been a change in the situation. Apetitor took action, and recently, Bank of Ang faced a severe run on its funds.
The bank is raising funds for its protection. We havemunicated through the consortium connections, and the bank said that as soon as it ovees the cash-hoarding crisis, it will disburse the loan in the shortest time."
Hearing this news, Moore-Saldas¡¯s headache worsened. Domestic banks were tightening their lending, and without a very close rtionship, it was practically impossible to get a loan.
Within the same consortium, both Moore Textile Group and Lyon Bank are pirs of the syndicate, with shareholders behind the scenes holding cross-stakes, having long formed amunal interest group.
Previously, Moore Textile Group could always receive the maximum loan benefits from the bank without any obstruction.
The current refusal indicated that the bank was indeed facing a crisis, unable to spare resources for their ally.
Since thepetitor of Lyon Bank had taken action, they surely wouldn¡¯t have done so aimlessly, meaning in the short term, the bank was unreliable.
The stock disaster was still raging. Raising capital from the stock market was simply unrealistic, and since bank loans wouldn¡¯t be avable shortly, the only funding channel left for the business was issuing bonds.
After contemting for a while, Moore-Saldas decisively abandoned this impractical fantasy; with the current economic situation, issuing bonds would be an exercise in futility.
"Notify everyone to halt all construction of new factories and cancel the Africa ntation project. Have each department take a close inventory and suspend anything that is not an emergency project," he said.
In recent years, the expansion of Moore Textile Group has been very rapid. Thepany¡¯s profits were invested in expansion, and it also took on substantial debts.
Now, with the economy in poor shape and problems with the cash flow, Moore-Saldas put an end to the group¡¯s expansion ns to save on expenses.
Secretary Hank reminded, "Mr. Moore, these ns were passed by the board, and they have been announced to the public. Canceling them now might cause..."
Moore-Saldas waved his hand, "We are in an extraordinary period; I will exin the situation to the directors.
Notify them that I will convene a board meeting in three days.
Also, arrange a meeting with the mayor for me; we now need the government¡¯s help."
As a major corporation employing over a hundred thousand people and substantially affecting the local economy, if Moore Textile Group fell, the Lyon region¡¯s economy wouldn¡¯t escape a copse.
Before Moore-Saldas¡¯s self-rescue actions began, Keith Anderson, the head of the Ministry of Commerce, rushed in.
"President, there¡¯s trouble. We¡¯ve just received news that many of the Group¡¯s international orders have been rejected by the buyers.
It¡¯s likely a targeted sabotage, and the Ministry of Commerce has already sent people to negotiate with them, but the prospects are bleak. Now the goods are still on the ships, unable to be unloaded.
The Ministry of Commerce has notified all parts to halt the orders bound overseas until further verification ispleted before deciding what to do next.
But it¡¯s still one step toote; seven more ships have already set sail."
This was the worst news Moore-Saldas had ever heard, bar none.
asional order breaches had urred within the Moore Group before, but as they always received a deposit, they could still make a profit by selling at a lower price to others. The losses were minimal and manageable for the group.
This simultaneous breach of several orders, however, was apletely different issue - it was clearly a targeted move.
In ordinary times, therge scope of Moore Textile Group meant that minor disturbances meant little.
But now was different. In the midst of the fiercest marketpetition, finding a new buyer was extremely difficult.
If things went wrong, the goods would be stuck in their hands. Alreadycking cash flow, Moore Textile Group could be in danger if arge batch of goods piled up.
Moore-Saldas forced himself to calm down, "How much is the value of these breached orders? If all these goods end up on our hands, how much money will we lose?"
Keith Anderson responded with a somber face, "The value of the breached orders amounts to 120 million francs. If we can¡¯t find buyers for these goods, our books could show a loss of up to 105 million francs.
Calcting just the cost, our direct economic loss would also exceed 75 million francs.
And this is just the beginning. We can¡¯t be sure whether the following orders will be fulfilled properly.
If all the international orders are breached, the final loss could reach 100 million francs."
Theplexion of Moore-Saldas darkened instantly. Not to mention during such a crisis, even during normal times, a loss of 100 million francs would be a heavy blow for Moore Textile Group.
Reflecting on the group¡¯s globalization process, Moore-Saldas finally noticed something was amiss. The past one or two years had been too smooth.
Initially, he thought it was the boon from the Prusso-Russian war, but only now did he realize that it was probably a trap set by theirpetitors.
The defaulting parties were the group¡¯s major clients, with whom they had not just one-time dealings, except that the previous order quantities had been very small.
This year, the quantities had suddenly increased. Moore-Saldas did suspect a problem, but the allure of the orders was too tempting to resist.
They were familiar with the clients¡¯ backgrounds and knew they were influential in their own localities.
While the quantities were ratherrge, the clients paid their deposits promptly. Coupled with the favorable economic situation at the beginning of the year, they signed the contracts without detecting any issues.
Moore-Saldas spoke slowly, "Let¡¯s find buyers for this batch of goods as soon as possible!
The group¡¯s capital chain is already very tight. With the domestic financial crisis erupting, we must raise more cash to be prepared for any eventuality.
Don¡¯t aim for profit now. As long as we can sell them, even at half the price, we will ept it."
This was a case of treating a dead horse as if it were alive. Moore Textile Group was renowned in France but was still decidedly a neer internationally.
Even though they had grown fast and snatched a significant market from the British with the influence of France, their foundation was not solid enough.
This breach of contract crisis was the truest testament to that. If the foundation had been solid, with multiple distributors in one region, they wouldn¡¯t be in such a passive situation.
Since the enemy had made their move, they would naturally anticipate their efforts to find new buyers. Selling off this batch of goods quickly would be easier if they could ship it back to their home country.
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Of course, that was merely wishful thinking. Not to mention the additional transportation costs, importing goods only to bring them back would be embarrassing, but then again, capitalists are known for their thick skins.
The key issue was that the French market was also suffering from market dumping by British textile products.
The goods of Moore Textile Group could only maintain minimal profits. If they were to release more products into the market, they would start to incur losses.
If they could mitigate the unsold goods with a slight loss, the capitalists would have done it by now.
These days, who doesn¡¯t have warehouses full of unsold goods¡ªwithout them, one would hardly dare call themselves an entrepreneur.
The trouble is when the sales prices of goods go down yet the volumes don¡¯t rise, it¡¯s like adding frost to snow, and it is really life-threatening.
This is no joke, but harsh reality. All industrial goods are deeply discounted, and the Moore Group¡¯s products are also shing prices to promote sales, yet the overall sales volume has hardly increased.
...
It wasn¡¯t just Moore Textile Group that was impacted, France¡¯s heavy industry,pared to light industry, was a scene of utter devastation.
Since entering the second half of the year, international coal market export prices had seen five consecutive rises, with a total increase of 26.4%, especially the price of coking coal which had risen by a third.
The sharp increase in raw material prices had left the French steel industry struggling to make ends meet.
Before they could catch their breath, they faced a steep plunge in steel prices.
The United Kingdom and Austria acted in concert, with international market prices for pig iron and raw steel falling by 15.4% and 18.6% respectively. The influx of cheap steel directly plunged the French heavy industry into an era of negative interest rates.
The dilemma now facing the French heavy industry was this: production equaled loss, and the more they produced, the more they lost; not producing also led to losses, with the difference being just how much was lost.
...
Chapter 734 - 307: Last Hit
Faced with the joint onught of Anglo-Austrian capital, the French government did not surrender. Napoleon IV exhibited a side that was willing to take responsibility.
First, he called for domestic enterprises to withdraw their investments from abroad and increased foreign exchange reserves by buying francs on the international market.
He then issued an administrative order strictly prohibiting domestic banks from lending francs to international spective capital and personally met with several domestic finance groups.
No one knew exactly what was discussed, but after being summoned by the Emperor, the figures in the French financial world became much more disciplined.
Quite a few people symbolically pitched in funds to join the resistance.
By this time, it was already toote. The attacking side had already stockpiled arge amount of francs, and even if the domestic finance groups were being watched, it was of no use.
All in all, the Paris Government¡¯s handling of the crisis wasmendable, and its measures were timely.
Unfortunately, the fundamental cause of this crisis was the severe insufficiency of France¡¯s foreign exchange and gold reserves. Without solving this problem, it was impossible to escape the crisis.
Theoretically, France had arge amount of investments overseas. If only one-fifth could be withdrawn, it would be enough to weather the storm.
However, this was the 19th century, not the 21st, and withdrawing capital from overseas was simply not something that could be aplished in a day or two.
Time waits for no one; before overseas funds could return, the French government¡¯s foreign exchange reserves were about to run out.
The Paris Government became anxious. If this continued, in a few days, they would have to tap into gold reserves to fill the gap.
The French government¡¯s gold reserves were already insufficient, and a massive outflow of gold would undoubtedly precipitate the copse of the franc currency. Rather than that, it might be better to surrender now.
...
Inside the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV no longer possessed his usual spirited demeanor; he became much more despondent.
Clearly, the crisis had struck him hard¡ª the French Empire was not as strong as he had imagined.
Economic Minister Elsa said, "We have already limited the amount of each exchange, but the number of peopleing to exchange currency each day keeps increasing.
Panic has already been created. The market is pessimistic about the future of the franc, and there are more and more short sellers in the financial market betting against it.
ording to the current situation, if no other forces join in, a market copse is only a matter of time."
Faced with the attack of Anglo-Austrian capital, is there any force in the world that can counterbnce it?
The answer is: Yes.
Although the French finance group was somewhat weaker than Anglo-Austrian capital, not all of the Anglo-Austrian capital had been fully invested, and if the French finance group joined the defense, they would be fighting on home ground. Coupled with the power of the French government, they would certainly be capable of putting up a fight.
After hesitating for a moment, Napoleon IV slowly said, "Send someone to talk to the domestic finance groups again. Everything else is negotiable, but the right to mint currency is not on the table.
Tell them if they still refuse topromise, we will make concessions to Anglo-Austrian capital, and then no one wille out unscathed."
The French finance group was willing to cooperate with Anglo-Austrian capital¡¯s actions, not only for the financial gains on the market but more so to force the Paris Government to yield.
If the franc were to copsepletely, it wouldn¡¯t necessarily be advantageous for the French finance group.
In the short term, they might make more money through spection, but this would cost them the future.
If the franc lost its status as an international currency, the cost for the French finance group to develop overseas would significantly increase.
Of course, this did not scare them. Most capitalists do not think so far ahead, and many finance groups rooted in their homnd have little interest in internationalization.
However, nobody dared to ignore the threats of Napoleon IV.
If the French government were to directlypromise with Anglo-Austrian capital and let them in, it would be deadly.
In the face of interests, nothing is impossible. The French government needed stability, while Anglo-Austrian capital sought profits.
Disregarding political factors, the likelihood of both sides making concessions was very high.
As long as they could achieve their objectives and obtain the anticipated profits, it did not matter to the capitalists whether or not the franc would be hit hard.
Although this financial storm was stirred up by Franz, by this time, it had already attracted capital from all over Europe and had gone far beyond Franz¡¯s control.
Even if the governments of the Anglo-Austrian two countries called a halt together, it might not have any effect.
Real money had already been invested, and the capitalists were not about to withdraw without reaping the benefits. How could that be possible?
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...
"Stock market crash + financial crisis + overcapacity = economic crisis." This equation might not be 100% urate, but it certainly holds 99.9% certainty.
It started with Ennd and Austria dumping products in France, followed by a stock market crash. Before the French could catch their breath, Anglo-Austrian capitalunched an attack on the financial market.
Connecting all these events leads to one conclusion¡ª shifting the crisis abroad.
The two countries most severely affected by overcapacity were the industrial nations of Ennd and Austria. Even if an economic crisis were to erupt, they would suffer the most substantial losses.
The Anglo-Austrian two countries were facing not only overcapacity but also capital surplus. Having just made a fortune from the war, capitalists in both countries had bulging pockets.
Normally, everyone would take this capital and invest it, rather than leaving it in the bank to earn interest.
Unfortunately, the whole world was now facing overcapacity, and investing in any industry would be a disaster.
However, before the crisis that should have hit the Anglo-Austrian two countries could erupt, France ran into trouble first.
In the Vienna Pce, holding the intelligence report, Franz breathed a sigh of relief.
Better you than me¡ªat least Austria wanted to safely get through this crisis, and shifting the crisis was an indispensable part.
Looking around the world, was there a better target than France?
If they didn¡¯t take advantage of the fact that everyone hadn¡¯t reacted yet and press France down with the British, there would be no chance in the future.
No matter how low-key Franz tried to be, it was only a matter of time before the theory that Austria was a greater threat than France took hold, and then it would be Ennd and France banding together against Austria.
By taking preemptive action against the French, just the grudge from this could push back the time Ennd and France woulde closer by many years.
If this grudge were blown up too big, it was likely that after the crisis, the alliance of Ennd, France, and Austria woulde to an end.
By shifting the economic crisis and at the same time dealing a blow to the biggestpetitor on the European Continent, Franz rated this divine maneuver as "perfect".
Setting aside the intelligence report, Franz instructed, "Have our people stir the pot in the shadows, make this financial war even more bloody.
Especially focus on hitting French heavy industry. There are many French steel factories still desperately trying to hold on, and we should lend them a hand.
Keep international coal prices ultra-high, and if necessary, we can even ban the export of domestic coal¡ªlet the French continue to explore charcoal steelmaking technology!"
By the way, spread the word in France that the me for this incident should be ced on the British."
Heavy industry was the most important and also the most vulnerable industry in France. Due to ack of coal resources, even by 1881, a considerable number ofpanies in France still used charcoal for smelting iron.
As for "charcoal steelmaking technology," that was a joke. After multiple improvements by the French, charcoal steelmaking had be quite stable.
Very stable indeed¡ªthe qualification rate had even surpassed ten percent. It¡¯s probably best not to mention the quality anyway since neither Ennd nor Austria acknowledged that stuff as steel.
Knowing full well it was inadequate, French enterprises had to push forward with determination. There were only a few steel production areas in Europe, none within French control.
The Rhinnd region would have been the perfect source of raw materials for France, but, tragically, after the Prussiannd deal, the coal mines in the Rhinnd regionrgely fell into the hands of the Anglo-Austrian consortium.
In those days, consortiums had not yet given up on the real economy. Both sides had their own factories and naturally wanted to hit theirpetitors.
Both sides tacitly controlled coal production to artificially inte international coal prices and profit massively from it.
If someone were to tally it up, they would be surprised to find that Belgium, a seemingly insignificant country, was actually thergest exporter of coal to France.
Under these circumstances, French enterprises that consumed a lot of coal were in dire straits. The simplest way to strike at French industry was to raise coal prices.
ming the British wasn¡¯t exactly unjust, as the capital army attacking the Franc was indeed dominated by British capital.
Whoever has the most money is the boss; whoever gains the most is the culprit.
No matter how you looked at it, the British were the most suspect. To say they weren¡¯t the masterminds, probably not even the French public would believe that.
As for Austria, even though Franz was very active in the scheme, his position paled inparison to the deep heritage of the British, whose mobilized capital couldn¡¯t match John Bull.
Right from the start of the operation, the UK consortium took the lead. The Austrian finance group could only follow and y a supporting role, with their impact possibly even less than that of the French finance group¡ªtheir greatest contribution was likely setting up this y.
¡
Franz¡¯s decision dealt the final blow to the French economy.
It wasn¡¯t the steelpanies that were on the brink of death that toppled first but the high-profile Moore Textile Group.
High trees catch much wind. Compared to those steel businesses that were constantly losing money, everyone preferred profitablepanies like the Moore Textile Group.
Internationally, it faced blockade by British textile enterprises, and downstream sales channels breached contracts; domestically, it suffered the covetous gaze of the consortium¡ªnot only was it impossible to secure loans, but there was even a farce where several merchants dyed payments at the same time.
Driven to desperation, the only recourse was to take the merchants to court. However, before the trial could even begin, the cash-strapped Moore Textile Group had to dere bankruptcy and restructure.
The once-renowned Moore Textile Group was devoured by a swarm of sharks amidst the reorganization, leaving behind only a mess.
This was just the beginning. Those targeted by the consortium were not limited to Moore Textile Group. As the international capital galloped across the financial markets, the French finance group wanted a piece of the action as well.
Valuable enterprises were divided and consumed, and those without value had to truly go bankrupt. The wave of bankruptcies spread, and an economic crisis erupted in France.
¡
(Note: There were no electronic devices, everything was operated manually, and the financial system was very different fromter eras, especially in terms of transaction speed. It was impossible to transfer billions with a keystroke as one does now.)
Chapter 735 - 308: The Lit Firecracker
The economic crisis erupted suddenly, and the Franc currency could no longer hold its value. In just a few short days, the value of the currency plummeted by 28.7%, shocking the world.
France is one of the world¡¯s three giants, ranked fifth in economic volume, with military strength second only to one.
When the Paris Government sneezes, the world trembles three times. Such a behemoth, yet its financial system proved to be so fragile that it buckled after just one round of attacks.
Afterpleting the harvest, the finance group began to withdraw, leaving international hot money to bear the fury of the French.
Just as: "Quietly I came, left with a grand flourish, waving my sleeves, not taking a single cloud away."
They didn¡¯t take away a single cloud, but they did take away a vast amount of Divine Shield, British Pounds, and gold.
It seemed as if by a tacit agreement, the France finance group arrived btedly to join the resisting forces only after the Anglo-Austria-led international consortium had pulled out.
Without the capital bigwigs, the remaining group of individual spectors naturally was no match for the French finance group.
Watching the French finance group make a name for themselves in one battle and seemingly be heroes of France overnight, Napoleon IV was livid with anger, and as a result, many vases in the Pce of Versailles were reced.
Capital invasion into politics, the absolute advantage built since the Napoleon III Era, was now no longer in ce.
...
n/?/vel/b//in dot c//om
In the Vienna Pce, seeing the ordeal of the French government, Franz also felt a sense of sorrow for the like-minded.
After the economic crisis, the strength of the French finance group increased greatly, further strengthening their influence over the government. The future French Empire was set to be even more lively.
After a simple breakfast, dispelling these troublesome thoughts, Franz was preparing to bask in the soft sunshine when an unexpected visitor arrived.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg came to report: "Your Majesty,st night a worker uprising erupted in Lyon, and there are signs of the situation in France going out of control."
For a great power, external threats are no longer fatal. What can truly bring them down is only themselves.
Undoubtedly, France is such a great power. At least in this era, it is so. As long as they do not face a united front against them, there¡¯s no single power capable of annihting France.
A levee a thousand miles long may be destroyed by an ant hole; even a powerful nation cannot withstand internal strife.
The Lyon worker uprising was just the beginning. As long as the problems of the economic crisis were not resolved, France would not stabilize.
Franz asked in confusion: "Hasn¡¯t the French government already distributed relief food? Why did an uprising still ur?"
This was a good policy established during the Napoleon III Era, where the French working ss received unemployment relief.
Under this favorable policy, although the workers¡¯ movements in France were still thriving, uprisings rarely urred.
Weisenberg exined: "ording to the analysis of messages from the embassy, the initial judgment is that it¡¯s rted to the devaluation of the Franc.
Due to the impact of currency devaluation, France¡¯s prices have skyrocketed, and the original unemployment assistance can no longer meet the daily expenses of the workers."
Franz nodded his head and did not rush to conclude. Generally speaking, crazy price intion is caused by multiple factors working together.
Intion is only one of those factors, and it typically works slowly. It is not possible that today the Franc devalues and immediately prices soar; the market also needs time to react.
Compared to that, Franz was more inclined to believe that hoarding and scarcity of goods led to the sharp increase in prices.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz still decided to kick someone when they were down, "Secretly fund the Italian Independence Organization with a grant for their activities, and let them strike when the time is right."
Although Franz had little faith in the Italian independence movement, he was still willing to add some trouble for the French government.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Foreign Minister Weisenberg replied.
After a pause, he added, "Your Majesty, ording to the intelligence collected by our embassies, due to financial pressure, Alexander III has granted newly upied territories as rewards to his meritorious subjects.
As a result, unrest of varying degrees has urred in the Polish, East-West Prussia Region recently upied by the Russians.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s Governor of K?nigsberg has conveyed through the Colonial Company a desire for us to rx immigration restrictions."
This was a side effect of the Cossack cavalry¡¯sbat operations; the already meager popr support for the Tsarist Government in the area had beenpletely exhausted.
Now, winning back public support was impossible; at least until this generation passed away, it was an effort not worth the cost.
If the Russians wanted to rebuild a ruling base in the area, they needed to support a new ruling ss. From this perspective, Alexander III¡¯s decision was not wrong.
Rather than supporting unreliable locals, it was better to rece them with their own people. By using thend as a bounty, the government could save a substantial amount of expenses.
Simr actions had been taken by Austria on the Balkan Penins, only before they moved; most of the local poption had already been resettled, so there was no chaos.
After thinking for a moment, Franz said, "We can make contact with the Russians, under the name of the Colonial Company¡ªthat way, the government doesn¡¯t need to get involved directly.
However, we still cannot rx the immigration conditions. We just need to get rid of the local Teutons or the already Germanized minorities."
Even after the baptism of war, the total poption of Russia Pnd+Baltic+Brus+East and West Prussia all added up was still nearly ten million.
Unable to win the hearts of the locals, these people were the most significant source of instability for the Tsarist Government.
If the Tsarist Government had enough executive power and financial resources, they could have plucked out the stubborn elements, executed them, and then resettled the rest, slowly assimting them.
Unfortunately, that was impossible. The Tsarist Governmentcked both the execution power and the financial strength.
This might have been feasible during the time of the big-bearded Tsars; they could have all been sent to nt potatoes. Before that era, no Tsarist Government possessed such formidable executive capabilities.
The Russians couldn¡¯t do it, and Austria couldn¡¯t afford it. epting arge number of minorities at once would be a fatal blow to the assimtion effort.
Even ethnic integration has its limits; once exceeded, things can start moving in the opposite direction.
Without enough incentives, Franz naturally wouldn¡¯t take on Russia¡¯s mess.
From Austria¡¯s perspective, having these people who harbored animosity towards the Tsarist Government dragging Russia down was more than wee.
...
Influenced by the workers¡¯ uprising in Lyon, the Parisians, naturally ustomed to revolutionary acts in the Revolutionary Holy Land, could not be outdone.
On December 11, 1881, the Parisiansunched a massive protest, with hundreds of thousands of French people taking to the streets in support of the Lyon workers¡¯ uprising.
Like firecrackers going off, France began to explode. On December 12, following suit, a workers¡¯ uprising erupted in Toulouse,
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Chapter 736 - 309, The Law Does Not Punish the Multitude
Sparks can start a prairie fire, and revolution can be contagious, especially in France, and dense with revolutionary thought.
Napoleon IV had swallowed the bitter fruit of concessions to the consortium, having originally thought that with the support of the consortium, his rule would be more consolidated, yet reality developed in the opposite direction.
It was proved that capital needs to be restrained. Once unshackled, capital bes voracious.
In ordance with the agreement with the consortium, the French government surrendered the economy to the market, no longer intervening inmodity prices.
Undoubtedly, this was the culprit behind the surge in the cost of living in France.
Against a global backdrop of overcapacity, the fact that prices were still able to skyrocket spoke volumes.
In the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV sat there with a somber expression, motionless. The sessive domestic rebellions plunged him into self-doubt.
"Your Majesty, the ministers have arrived. When shall wemence the meeting?"
The voice of the maid jolted Napoleon IV back to reality.
"Let them in, today¡¯s meeting will be held here," Napoleon IV responded offhandedly.
ording to protocol, there was a fixed venue for discussions. However, as France did not have censors, when the Emperor was in a bad mood, no one would quibble over such trifles.
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
...
Army Minister Luskinia Hafez: "Your Majesty, after two days of bloodybat by the Seventh Division, we finally breached Lyon yesterday afternoon. We expect to quell the rebel forces within Lyon in the next two days.
The Fifth Division arrived in Toulousest night, and they have already started to suppress the rebellion. It won¡¯t be long before we receive good news."
Without any surprises, the French Revolution perfectly exemplified what is meant by, "a hurried arrival and a speedy departure."
Lyon, as the epicenter of this revolution, was also the first to be quelled. The so-called bloody battles were essentially about iming credit.
It could be said that as long as the Parisian revolution did not seed, no amount ofmotion in other regions would yield a sessful oue.
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Napoleon IV nodded in satisfaction, pleased with the performance of the military. Given the current situation, it wouldn¡¯t take long for the rebellion to be suppressed.
Security Minister Ansochie: "Your Majesty,st night we uncovered another conspiracy in Paris, arresting 36 members of the Revolutionary Party.
This is the fourth conspiracy case we¡¯ve cracked this month. Various signs suggest that there¡¯s a hidden hand manipting things from behind the scenes.
Currently, the information we have gathered is insufficient to identify this hidden hand.
The main suspects include: the international Anti-French forces such as Anglo-Austria, the restorationist forces from the previous dynasty, and the domestic bourgeoisie."
The Revolutionary Party wasn¡¯t mentioned because France¡¯s revolutionary forces were rtively fragmented, with more than a hundred small andrge revolutionary organizations. These organizations mostly had fleeting enthusiasm and were constantly changing.
The identity of today¡¯s Revolutionary Party could be the Royalist Party tomorrow; these roles were interchangeable.
The factors influencing their shift were diverse, possibly a particr government policy, a speech by a government official, or even the weather.
This is no exaggeration, there really were revolutionary organizations that canceled uprisings due to slippery roads on rainy days.
Of course, their reason is certainly not "slippery roads on rainy days"; rather, they are: responding to God¡¯s call to abandon revolution.
There¡¯s nothing wrong with that, in Europe God can manage everything.
If He causes rain to fall during an uprising, then it indicates that God does not wish to see strife unfold. As a devout believer, one naturally cannot oppose God¡¯s will.
In those days, most of France¡¯s revolutionary organizations were makeshift,cking their own political programs, a unified leadership, and with members free toe and go; they didn¡¯t have the strength for major operations.
Including the insurgencies that had erupted earlier, they were actually led by trade unions. As for the Revolutionary Party, their main role was to spread revolutionary thought and to cheer from the sidelines.
Napoleon IV furrowed his brow, his instincts telling him that the suspects could all be the hidden hand behind the scenes.
There¡¯s no need to mention the restorationist forces from the previous dynasty; they yearned to put their own king on the throne, so stirring up trouble was necessary!
Anglo-Austria had justnded a blow on them in the financial market, so it was only natural for them to continue conspiring now.
Especially with the Lyon rebellion; it dealt a direct blow to France¡¯s textile industry, with the British emerging as the biggest beneficiaries, deeply suspicious.
As the two biggestpetitors for hegemony on the European Continent, the Vienna Government had cause to be suspected of foul y as well.
Even if the initial Lyon rebellion had nothing to do with these two countries, they should be implicated by now.
And thest suspect, "the domestic bourgeoisie," needs no suspicion.
With so many capitalists, not all uniform in thought, it¡¯s normal that a few might lean towards revolution.
Napoleon IV sighed; theplexity of the situation made him feel like he was sitting on pins and needles. An enemy alone was not frightening, but internal collusion with external forces could be lethal.
Your next journey awaits at empire
After a moment of contemtion, Napoleon IV made a decision, "Notify the syndicates, order them to stabilize prices within a week.
If they fail to do so, all agreements we previously reached will be annulled, and the government does not exclude the possibility of taking special measures to stabilize the domestic situation."
It was a tant "threat," and Napoleon IV was very clear what his ruling foundation was. If the situation continued to deteriorate, it wouldn¡¯t take long before he followed in the footsteps of the July Monarchy.
Compared to this, offending the syndicates was a minor issue. No matter how strong the syndicates were economically, as long as the foundation was solidified, they couldn¡¯t cause a big storm.
Capitalists, each with arge family business, could engage in some covert actions, but it was impossible for them to personally step forward for a revolution.
While everyone was weighing the pros and cons, another piece of bad news arrived.
"Your Majesty, disaster has struck. Last night, riots broke out in multiple cities including Rome, Turin, Cagliari, Chambery, and Nice.
Cagliari and Chambery have fallen, and other regions are still fighting, local governments are requesting support from the stationed troops."
The Italian Independence Organization couldn¡¯t bepared with the local French Revolutionary Party in terms ofbat strength¡ªthey were not at the same level at all.
The Italian Independence Organization not only had nationalism as their program but also boasted considerable military and organizational talent. When the Sardinian Royal Family went into exile, they had a number of followers.
In recent years, with the banner of the Sardinian Royal Family and the covert support of the Anglo-Austrian countries, the Italian Independence Organization gradually unified.
To eliminate the Italian Independence Organization, the French government had made many efforts but achieved very little sess.
With the support of multiple financiers on the European Continent, the power of the Italian Independence Organization not only didn¡¯t weaken but grew increasingly strong.
Napoleon IV eximed in panic, "The Army Department must immediately send troops to suppress them, we must absolutely not give them any opportunity to breathe!"
Unlike domestic rebellions, the political systems of European countries limit how much they can openly support revolutionary groups.
The Italian Independence Organization is different, with the Sardinian Royal Family leading and the banner raised being "Independence" + "Restoration," they are also a member of the monarchic system.
If they manage to gain a foothold, the anti-French forces in Europe will surely support them, and then quelling the rebellion will no longer be easy.
...
In Vienna, the Austrian Government received a protest letter from the French. How is it possible to cause trouble without leaving any trace?
Unsurprisingly, Austrian support for the Italian Independence Organization had still been discovered by the French government.
The French¡¯s protest letter failed to stir a ripple in the Vienna Government and was casually dismissed by Franz.
It must be acknowledged that France just attracts enmity, especially after the establishment of the "Greater French Empire," it¡¯s like having the viin boss written ringly on their forehead, waiting for everyone to go raiding.
Besides the two main forces of the Anglo-Austrian two countries that were truly involved in nning this rebellion, other countries didn¡¯t contribute much.
Apart from a few countries that had been politically or diplomatically bullied by France and contributed out of retaliation.
Most European countries simply donated to the Italian Independence Organization out of sympathy, or the royal families did it for saving face.
With so many countries involved, the Paris Government didn¡¯t even know where to start with their retaliation.
Recently, most countries in Europe have received protest letters from the French government, and then the matter ended there.
This truly is a case of "thew does not punish the masses." Neither now nor in the future can the French government use this as an excuse to hold everyone ountable, or the Anti-French Alliance would arise.
Franz, concerned, asked, "Is the Paris Government truly in danger?"
Undermining the French Empire is one thing, but destroying it is another. If the French Empire were topletely copse now, it would not be good for Austria either.
Revolution is contagious, especially at a time when the European Continent is facing an economic crisis. If the French Revolution seeds, it will inevitably trigger a new wave of revolutionary fervor throughout Europe.
Then, Austria would have no choice but to send troops to help European countries extinguish the mes. Franz disliked this thankless and yet obligatory task.
Prime Minister Felix said, "Your Majesty, Paris is now a powder keg, at the slightest spark, an explosion can ur at any moment.
If the French government subsequently handles the situation effectively and pacifies the lower sses promptly, the crisis may still be contained. Otherwise, the Bonaparte Dynasty is very likely to be overthrown as a result.
Compared to the crisis in Paris, the rebellion in Lyon and the Italian Independence Movement are nothing; as long as Paris remains undisturbed, the French government will eventually be able to deal with these trivial troubles."
Franz nodded in agreement, numerous facts have proven that thergest "powder keg" in modern Europe is no longer the Balkan Penins, but the Revolutionary Holy Land of Paris.
In order not to detonate this keg, when Austria engaged in their mischief, they only supported the Italian Independence Organization and never incited the Revolutionary Party to rebel.
On this issue, the stances of the Anglo-Austrian countries are unified¡ªParisian revolutions are fraught with too many uncertainties, and no one wants to get burned.
The butterfly effect has changed the face of European history beyond recognition. Franz couldn¡¯t guarantee that France wouldn¡¯t produce another Napoleon.
The current French Empire still has a solid foundation. If they got a genius leader, they could still cause trouble for Austria.
For safety¡¯s sake, it¡¯s better to simmer the frog in lukewarm water. After several more troubles, when the French have squandered their resources, it would be the best time to rush in for the killing blow.
Chapter 737 - 310: The New Vienna System
```
Events often have a dual nature: while the economic crisis ravaged the European Continent and sparked political upheaval, it also hastened the establishment of the Vienna System.
As gunshots rang out in Lyon, the French government was trapped in both domestic and foreign difficulties; the flourishing Italian independence movement nearly pushed the formidable Greater French Empire to the brink of copse.
To change its disadvantageous political and diplomatic situation, the French urgently needed a stable international environment, and the Paris Government had no choice but to make concessions on the issue of disarmament.
Without French obstruction, the disarmament conference proceeded exceptionally smoothly.
On January 21, 1882, 15 European countries including Ennd, France, Russia, and Austria signed the "Army Restriction Treaty".
ording to the treaty, the sizes of the national armies were as follows:
Russian Empire: 500,000;
Austria: 486,000;
France: 382,000;
Spain: 246,000;
German Federation Empire: 156,000;
Britain: 116,000;
Nordic Federation: 98,000;
Belgium: 48,000;
Nethends: 33,000;
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Switzend: 32,000;
Portugal: 28,000;
Prussia: 28,000;
Greece: 18,000;
Montenegro: 3,600;
¡
Overall, this military treaty was crafted based on theprehensive strength of each country, taking into ount regional military bnce.
The Kingdom of Prussia¡¯s allocation was low because the Berlin Government was poor and couldn¡¯t afford arge military.
Half a year earlier, the Berlin Government had already begun nning disarmament, with the biggest challenge being the inability to convince the military to agree.
Fortunately, with the Army Restriction Treaty now in ce, the government naturally would not lobby for a higher quota on behalf of the military.
With the treaty ratified, creating an established fact, the Prussian Military had toply, no matter how dominant they were; defeated Prussia had no right to stir up trouble.
With the signing of the Army Restriction Treaty, the shadow of war that loomed over the European Continent instantly dissipated. At least for the next ten years, everyone¡¯s safety was guaranteed.
By limiting the number of ground forces, the advantage of the major powers remained apparent, but with mutual checks among the nations, they lost the ability to annex smaller states.
Indeed, it was mainly aimed at France. After disarmament, French military strength was sufficient to protect their own safety but insufficient for further expansion.
Though aware they were being targeted, the French could only ept it. At this point, Napoleon IV had to curb his ambitions to avoid being caught between internal and external pressures.
The Army Restriction Treaty only limited forces on European soil; the military in the overseas colonies was tacitly ignored by all. This was not about leaving a backdoor open but was a necessity of reality.
There were mainly three reasons for this oversight: first, the practical needs of maintaining the colonial system which could not be managed without sufficient military strength;
second, most colonial military forces had limitedbat effectiveness and were not a major concern;
andst, the limitation of the era¡¯s productivity. Transporting overseas troops to the European Continent required significant human and material resources, and was economically less viable than simply expanding the armed forces.
After the signing of the military treaty, the rest was open to discussion.
The purpose of the Vienna System was: The countries of Europe collectively guarantee each other¡¯s domestic security to maintain peace and stability on the European Continent.
In an era where anti-war sentiment was rising, governments had no interest in initiating wars on European soil and naturally would not refuse such agreements.
The main disputes were over details, but overall, the countries of Europe loved peace. Even if politicians were not inclined toward peace, the international situation and the European public would make them favor it.
```
...
Just as everyone was celebrating the arrival of peace, another arms race was beginning to take shape.
In the Vienna Pce, a military conference that would determine the future of Austria and even the world was secretly underway.
At this moment, Franz was holding a set of naval ship design specifications that would appear very familiar to anyone knowledgeable about the history of naval development.
Discement 14,147 tons, full load discement 15,786 tons;
Length 126.7 meters, width 21.86 meters;
Cruising range of 10 knots/4700 nautical miles, maximum speed of 18.3 knots;
Design coal storage capacity is 950 tons;
Equipped with 4 305mm main guns, 10 150mm quick-firing guns, 16 57mm quick-firing guns, 12 47mm machine guns, and seven 450mm torpedo tubes.
...
That¡¯s right, it is the beginning of the Pre-Dreadnought. Franz¡¯s butterfly effect still had an impact on the history of naval development.
Without the Prussia and France War, the French Navy did not veer off course due to funding issues, and together with the rising Austrian Navy, thepetition at sea was much more brutal than in the same period in history.
Withpetitiones development, and in this era of rapid change, no one dared to stand still.
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Against this backdrop, naval technology in various countries had advanced at least a decade ahead of its historical period, and the concept for Pre-Dreadnoughts had naturally emerged.
On this issue, Franz couldn¡¯t be of help. Warships are a reflection of a nation¡¯s industrial strength, not something that can be propelled by a so-called idea alone.
If one were to look closely, they would find that designers were never short of creativity¡ªwith a plethora of advanced concepts sidelined due to various reasons.
Let alone Pre-Dreadnoughts, ideas like Dreadnoughts and aircraft carriers had already been proposed.
At first, Franz was astonished, thinking he had encountered a fellow transmigrator, but it turned out he was overthinking things.
The person who proposed a concept simr to the Dreadnought, let¡¯s not discuss him for now¡ªalthough a bit ahead of the times, it was still eptable, and with Austria¡¯s industrial strength, there was a slight possibility of implementation.
Those who designed aircraft carriers, on the other hand, were much more interesting.
Take, for example, the airship carrier theory. As the name suggests, it involves cing airships on ships andunching them into the air for bombing duringbat.
Technologically, there¡¯s no issue with this. Ignoring the bombing uracy for a moment, the key issue is that the airship takes time to ascend, and by the time you¡¯re airborne, the enemy could have already sent you to the sea.
That¡¯s not even the half of it. Another designer proposed a "suicide attack" tactic, and Franz almost thought it was a reincarnation of the kamikaze squadrons.
Aircraft had just been born, andbat was out of the question. Yet a designer boldly imagined cing airnes on ships to be used as one-time bombs, crashing them directly into enemy vessels during war.
There¡¯s no technical issue, but where would you find so many brave souls willing to fly a ne into a suicidal crash?
Regardless, such wide-ranging creativity ismendable. As for their design concepts, let¡¯s first store them in the naval technology reserve.
Franz asked, "How long would it take to build such a battleship?"
The designs that reached his hands had all been reviewed multiple times by the Ministry of the Navy and were only presented after confirming there were no technical issues.
Navy Minister Castaigne answered, "At normal construction speed, it would take about a year and a half, but if we speed up the process, it could bepleted in one year."
The construction time is a year and a half, adding the prior preparation time and the trial period afterunching, it might take up to two years before the ship could really bemissioned.
Compared to previous battleships, this speed was slow; butpared to future battleships, this speed was quite fast.
Generally speaking, the construction of the first new-type warship is the slowest, and as more are built, the speed of subsequent ships increases.
Franz nodded and said indifferently, "Proceed with the normal construction speed, just build one for now to see the effect."
Pre-Dreadnoughts are not cheap; one main gun costs 20,000 Divine Shields, and a warship costs over a million Divine Shields.
The costs might decreaseter, but as a prototype, the first warship will definitely not be cheap.
Literally stated parameters do not equate to actual performance, which can only be known after a warship has been built.
Design values are theoretical, and under normal circumstances, there will be some discrepancies. The exact size of the error depends on luck.
Chapter 738 - 1, The Forceful Seizure
In a sense, the internal turmoil in France had dyed the explosion of the Austrian navy¡¯s expansion.
Pre-dreadnoughts were just a transitional product with a very short economic lifespan; the glory of pre-dreadnoughts in the original timelinested only about a decade.
They became obsolete before they could be dmissioned; from an economic standpoint, it was a very poor investment.
Knowing that this type of warship was not cost-effective, Franz still decided to build them, and to do so on arge scale.
Before the birth of dreadnoughts, pre-dreadnought battleships were still formidable, at least surpassing all other warships currently at sea.
As long as Austria built them on arge scale, the United Kingdom and France would have to follow suit; due to their concern for naval dominance, they would have to build even more warships.
Losing money meant losing money; as long as hispetitors lost more, Franz didn¡¯t mind letting this losing game go on.
s, in this attempt to suppress France, he had underestimated the French public¡¯s passion for revolution, and with a slightly trembling hand, he had overdone it a little, nearly causing the French government to fall.
Under such circumstances, if the French even wanted to keep up with naval construction, reality wouldn¡¯t allow it!
With no other choice, Franz had to slow down the pace of naval expansion, waiting for the French government to stabilize the situation before continuing with the costlypetition.
There was no need to worry about the financial strength of the French; although they had suffered heavy losses in this crisis, the outflow of wealth wasn¡¯t too significant.
The most severely affected sectors were industry and manufacturing, which ounted for just over a tenth of the overall French economy, with other industries experiencing rtively lower impacts.
The loss suffered from this shock was about the same as what the French endured during the Franco-Prussian War in the original timeline.
The scale of the Greater French Empire now was muchrger than in the original timeline, and with the support of overseas colonies, economic recovery was not difficult.
It may seem like they were short on money, but that¡¯s because most of the wealth was concentrated in the hands of a few people, especially those syndicates that had colluded with international capital, who had made a fortune.
Sometimes having too much money can be a problem, too. While grabbingnd domestically, the syndicates also needed more investment channels, and high-interest lending was certainly a favorite among financial tycoons.
The French government was undoubtedly the best client; its ability to repay was a minor issue. The syndicates loaned money to the government not so much for the interest ie, but rather to strengthen their influence over the government through financial means.
"He who takes the king¡¯s shilling is the king¡¯s man." Influencing the government through debt was amon tactic used by capitalists.
The fact that such a big domestic mess had happened and the Paris government still wasn¡¯t short on money was the most urate portrayal.
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When a government is deeply in debt, it gradually bes dependent and may even reach the point where it can¡¯t operate without syndicate support.
At that time, when formting policies, there will inevitably be a certain bias.
Looking at the current situation, the French economy was not optimistic for a long time toe. If the government wanted to stabilize the situation, it would have to create more jobs and reduce unemployment.
Enjoy exclusive chapters from empire
Building ships wasn¡¯t the best option, but it was the most suitable one. It could not only stimte domestic demand but also there was no worry of investment going to waste.
As long as Ennd and Austria started building, the Paris government would definitely keep up. Once enough pre-dreadnoughts are built, the era of dreadnoughts could begin, igniting another round of money-burningpetition.
The only regret was that John Bull had abandoned the two-power standard too early; otherwise, the arms race could have dragged them down.
Without the two-power standard, the British aim was only to exceed the second-ce power by sixty-five percent. Since the overall tonnage of the Austrian Navy was 84% of that of the French, it meant that the British shipbuilding n had been reduced from 1.84 to 1.65.
It might seem like a mere reduction of 0.19, not even an 11% decrease, and based on the current shipbuilding costs of the United Kingdom, it seemed like a problem of only a few million pounds, seemingly without pressure on the London Government.
In reality, it was far from a question of just a few million pounds. The most expensive part of a navy wasn¡¯t the shipbuilding costs, but the subsequent port construction, ship maintenance, and sailors¡¯ sries, which far exceeded the costs of building the ships.
The former is a one-time payment of millions, while thetter is an increase of millions every year. Even John Bull, with his vast wealth, must tread carefully on this issue.
From the current situation, it seems that the French will be the first to be dragged down to death.
This is determined byprehensive national strength, their financial abilities have always been at the bottom among the three powers, and encountering so many frustrating issues only widens the financial disparity even further.
...
In the town of Molo in West Prussia, the townspeople were gathered around a notice. From their grim faces, it was clear this was not good news.
After the Russian soldier who had posted the notice had walked away, a young man broke the silence, "They¡¯re demanding taxes in advance again, this is the fifth time, how are we supposed to live!"
After the Russians upied the region of West Prussia, the Tsarist Government, in an attempt to win over the hearts of the people, immediately announced tax reductions and abolished most of the taxes from the Kingdom of Prussia era.
Without a doubt, this policy ended in failure. The quality of a policy doesn¡¯t lie in the policy itself; what matters most is the implementation.
With the abysmal military discipline of the Russian Army, even the best policies couldn¡¯t withstand their mishandling. Under the force of hatred, the local poption still supported the Berlin Government even more.
The endless emergence of gueri fighters ultimately wore out the patience of the Tsarist Government.
Following the war, the Russians abandoned their n to charm the local popce and switched to the Tsarist mode.
In less than a year, the Russians raised the taxes of the West Prussia region to the level of 1886.
If there¡¯s no money to pay taxes,nd is taken as debt payment, and those withoutnd can simply be indentured servants. This was the case not just in West Prussia but in nearly all the newly upied territories.
The cause of all this was the nobles appointed by the Tsarist Government. The granted estates were essentially just a title, having an estate did not equate to havingnd.
Thends on the estates of the nobility had owners, and based on the legal interpretation that private property is invible, this was private finance, and no one had the right to strip it away at will.
If the nobles wanted to truly turn their estates into their own property, they needed to find their own way to wrest them from the original owners.
After the reforms of Alexander II, the power of local governments and the nobility had been somewhat diminished.
Changes to tax rates and the introduction of new taxes had to be approved by the Central Government.
It is easy to raise tax rates and introduce new taxes, as the Tsarist Government was in need of money. As long as local governments could collect the taxes and keep things under control, there would be no problem.
The troublesome part is that it would be difficult to revert these changes in the future. Everyone regarded thend as their personal property, and if they couldn¡¯t change it back, they would have to pay more taxes, which naturally nobody wanted to do.
Under these circumstances, the traditional operating method of "advance tax collection" shone anew in the newly upied territories.
An elderly man dressed in fine clothing, looking extraordinary, sighed and said sadly, "If it really won¡¯t work, then just give up thend!
The Russians came for thend, this is just the beginning.
Even if we pool money to pay the taxes for 1886, there will be the next amount for 1887 taxes, and they will not stop until they reach their goal.
No matter how big a family¡¯s enterprise is, it cannot withstand such torment. It¡¯s still early enough to let go now to avoid ending up with thend gone and a huge debt on top of that."
After speaking, the elder turned and walked away, not giving the others a chance to debate.
He had said simr things more than once before, but everyone always clung to a sliver of hope, fantasizing that they could keep theirnd.
Chapter 739 - 2, Competition Is Everywhere
With the departure of the old man, the atmosphere grew especially somber.
A middle-aged man called out, "Lord Siss, wait."
A mocking voice sounded, "Stop calling, he¡¯s Nobility, unlike us. Don¡¯t block his road to wealth and honor."
As if afraid the older man hadn¡¯t heard, he deliberately raised his voice.
The middle-aged man scolded, "Fickel, shut your mouth! Lord Siss isn¡¯t that sort of person.
When the Russians were arresting guerris not long ago, it was Lord Siss who stepped in and resolved the issue, otherwise, we¡¯d have been in a sorry state."
"Exactly, Lord Siss is a good man. When my son fell ill a year ago, it was he who found a doctor to help."
"Fickel, I remember you being unscrupulous and getting a lesson from Lord Siss, you are..."
...
It was evident that Old Siss still had a respectable reputation in the town, and the young man Fickel¡¯sments were quickly drowned out by the chorus of rebukes.
Normally, Fickel wouldn¡¯t dare show hostility towards a member of the Nobility; otherwise, it could be deadly.
The situation changed with the arrival of the Russians, as local aristocrats faced targeted oppression from the Tsarist Government for being on the opposing side during the war.
Fickel sneered, "Lord Siss, indeed! He¡¯s now nothing more than a dog that has lost its home, unable to protect his own estate, and he still has the face to im his noble status.
The Russians took hisnds, and now he wants us to give up ours too, why should we?"
Seeing the murderous intent in the crowd¡¯s eyes, Fickel¡¯s arrogance dissipated somewhat, and maybe out of embarrassment, he pressed on stubbornly.
"Don¡¯t look at me like that. I¡¯m only stating the facts. Just wait, it wouldn¡¯t surprise me if one day he sold us all to our Russian masters!"
No sooner had he finished, a fist flew towards him, and before he understood what was happening, Fickel fainted beautifully.
"Well done, Volkov. That fly was the most annoying. If this scoundrel knew Russian, he¡¯d probably have run off to the Russians by now," someone said.
The crowd nodded in agreement, clearly sharing a low opinion of Fickel, the street hoodlum.
...
Inside a ssical mansion on the eastern side of the town, Baron Old Siss asked concernedly, "Lite, are you ready?"
Lite answered, "All ready, we can leave at any time.
But father, we could leave by ourselves, why do we need to bring these useless people along?"
Clearly, Lite was very reluctant about the old man¡¯s decision to take the townspeople along.
Old Siss shook his head, "Lite, you¡¯re still too young. These ¡¯useless people¡¯ you speak of, they are the foundation of our rise once more.
Once we leave here, we will no longer be the high and mighty Fief Aristocrats. Just being down-and-out Aristocrats with nothing but a title, you have seen how that goes."
Nobility fares no better away from home. Once their foundation is lost, they¡¯re hardly stronger thanmoners.
In this war, the Kingdom of Prussia was severely weakened, and Berlin had already gathered nobles who had fallen from grace from all quarters, making thepetition extraordinarily fierce.
The slight political advantage they had was not enough to make them stand out or lead a life of affluence.
If they left the Kingdom of Prussia, they would lose even that meager political advantage.
Of course, that doesn¡¯t mean a noble title is useless. With that title, they could still ess higher circles and integrate more easily into the local society.
The precondition is that others recognize their noble status, and without the inte to verify identities, getting recognition wasn¡¯t easy.
Well-established Nobility had no such problems, with powerful rtives in abundance and friends to introduce them, their illustrious family name served as the best proof.
But for minor nobles like Siss, that was not the case. Lacking a powerful ancestor, their family name was known only within a small area, and outside West Prussia, unheard of.
Without a group of people to proim their status, how could they make others aware of their noble identity? They couldn¡¯t very well dere themselves nobles to everyone they met, could they?
After ncing at his confused son, Old Siss sighed. Some lessons had to be learned through personal experience; they lost impact when exined by others.
This time they were headed to the Austro-African Colonies, and the immigration fees were not evening out of their pocket. Taking everyone with them was not only a small bother but also cost them nothing.
Not to mention the favors they¡¯d be selling, just bringing so many people could elevate their status in the eyes of the colonial government, and that alone made the venture worthwhile for Siss.
A noble reputation was valuable, and a good name could help them easily enter aristocratic circles.
Liteined, "But only if they are willing. It¡¯s no use cozying up to those who aren¡¯t grateful."
Officials from the Austrian Immigration Office had alreadye to promote immigration, and those willing had signed up and left promptly; what remained were those reluctant to leave due to their attachment to home.
"Attachment" was not just homesickness but more about having properties here; leaving meant starting anew.
ring at his son, Old Siss said helplessly, "Fool, with the Russians causing such turmoil, who can withstand it?
Now, it¡¯s not about wanting to leave or not; it¡¯s the Russians driving people out. To stay means to be serfs."
"Serf" was an exaggerated term, as the Russian Empire had abolished serfdom, though bondedbor was not much better and in some ways, even more miserable.
As if a realization struck him, Lite asked incredulously, "Are you saying that the Russians and Austria..."
Old Siss scolded, "Shut up, are those words to be thrown around recklessly? Lite, remember, disasteres from the mouth!
If you haven¡¯t had enough of life, then watch your tongue and don¡¯t speak carelessly, and don¡¯t even entertain such thoughts."
What the truth was, Old Siss didn¡¯t know, nor did he want to know. Sometimes knowing too much was a sin in itself.
Looking at his dejected son, Old Siss felt a pang of pity, but after hesitating for a moment, he still held back words offort.
Lite was his third and youngest son, just turned sixteen and yet to face the harshness of the world.
Under normal circumstances, it was not Lite¡¯s turn to take charge. But the war had taken the life of Old Siss¡¯s eldest son, and his second son was gravely injured and bedridden, his life hanging by a thread.
Faced with sudden cmity, Old Siss had no choice but to speed up the grooming of his youngest son. After all, the average lifespan was short in those days, and Old Siss, well over sixty, was no longer in his prime.
Prussian regions like Old Siss¡¯s family were plenty, and many nobility families experienced a change of heirs.
This was still alright if a family had many sons; the most tragic were the nobles with only one child, for whom death in battle meant the end of the lineage, a true human tragedy.
The incident in Moldo was just a minor episode. Ever since the Russians began ennobling fief aristocrats, the original Prussian nobility started to panic, looking for a way out.
With the limited resources of the locality, sustaining too many nobles was impossible. Competition was inevitable.
Even those with great ambition knew that the Tsarist Government, considering them "hostile elements," would love to get rid of them sooner rather thanter. How could they possiblypete with the direct line of the Tsarist?
Taking initiative to find a way out and leave could at least allow them to take some of their fortunes with them. Otherwise, once patience ran out, they risked beingpletely cut off.
...
The docks along the Baltic Sea were bustling again, with theing and going of ships even more frequent than before the war, seemingly restoring the former prosperity.
Unfortunately, this prosperity was an illusion. The port cities, once bustling at sunset, had now transformed into veritable refugee camps.
Astute Russian officials had already rented out unimed houses in the city, along with the empty spaces outside the city, to the Austrian Immigration Office for the amodation of the immigrants soon to depart.
Immigration has never been an easy matter. Nowadays, ships have a limited passenger capacity, with ordinary merchant vessels carrying only a few hundred immigrants at a time, at most around a thousand or so.
This was already the limit. To add more people would not be transporting immigrants; it would be trafficking human beings.
People are not goods; they need a certain amount of personal space. High density increases the death rate.
On a grey, misty day, Old Siss, with his entire family and some persuaded town residents, arrived at Kolobrzeg Port to join the queue of immigrants waiting to leave.
Seeing the rows of tents, Old Siss¡¯s brow furrowed. There was no turning back now that he hade this far.
After straightening his attire and adorning his family crest, Old Siss steeled himself and headed towards the immigration registration office.
Recognizing the arrival of a noble, the official in charge of registration greeted him politely, "Baron, this area is for the settlement ofmoners, while the nobility reception is located within the city.
There are dedicated personnel in the city to receive you and arrange amodation that suits your status. You may bring your family along."
Upon hearing this, Old
Siss¡¯s expression softened. He had indeed been afraid that he and themoners would be ced together by the Immigration Bureau, which would mean his nobility was nullified.
Without this protection, trying to establish a foothold in a foreignnd would be difficult.
After giving a few instructions, Old Siss left with his family, separating from the main group. The official¡¯s words were clear; taking his family meant that the rest did not need to go.
Unsurprisingly, as a baron, Old Siss¡¯s family was given a separate small courtyard as a temporary residence.
The essential living supplies were all provided; the only thing missing was servants. This was a small issue; as most emigrants left with their households, there was no shortage of servants.
Once settled, Old Siss wasted no time and began visiting other nobles.
The circle of nobility could be bothrge and small; thework of major nobility spanned the whole world, whereas the lesser nobility congregated around their doorstep.
Old Siss was not a major noble, so naturally, his social circle wasn¡¯t extensive. However, he was still a familiar face in the nobility circle of West Prussia.
While still at home, it didn¡¯t seem very important, but now, leaving his homnd for a foreign country, thiswork became a crucial resource.
Gathering together is a natural human instinct.
For several days in a row, Old Siss had taken his son to attend nobility banquets, making quite a few friends.
If he hadn¡¯t been concerned about his modest family fortune and the need for substantial capital for future ventures, he would have liked to host a banquet himself.
Of course, that was out of the question. In Kovobrezheg Port, controlled by the Russians, prices were more than ten times the norm, specifically targeting the newly rich like them.
The Austrian Immigration Office only provided the most basic necessities; even buying vegetables had toe out of their own pockets, not to mention hosting a banquet.
Beyond the expense, one also needed enough connections to withstand the Russiansing over to take advantage of them.
The Tsarist Government was impoverished, and the newly ennobled aristocrats received no bonuses aside from theirnds¡ªmany of them were as poor as church mice.
To get rich, these people had very low standards. The ongoing advance tax collection had been concocted by these same individuals.
After a simple lunch, while Old Siss pondered his future development ns, the housekeeper¡¯s voice rose beside him.
"Baron, we¡¯ve just received word that the residents of Moldo Town will embark in three days, while we have to wait another week.
I¡¯ve inquired around, and the colonial government likes to scatter immigrants from the same area upon settlement. There are hardly any exceptions."
Old Siss¡¯splexion changed drastically; ¡¯scattered settlement¡¯ meant all his prior ns needed to be started over from scratch.
He had hoped to use the town¡¯s residents as a foundation to quickly gain a foothold in a strangend. Now, that was simply no longer feasible.
With age came cunning, and after many experiences, Old Siss quickly calmed down and began to analyze the causes and consequences.
He soon found the reason. On one hand, the colonial government didn¡¯t want them to band together, which would make governance more difficult.
On the other hand, and most importantly, it was no longer the early days of colonization; virtually every region already had established nobility.
As beneficiaries, these people naturally didn¡¯t want to share their cake and, thus, devised ways to limit these neers, which was unsurprising.
They acted openly and with good reason. Upon realizing this, Old Siss couldn¡¯t help but show a trace of bitterness.
A single misstep can lead to a lifetime of regret. During the initial colonial period in Austro-Africa, he had been qualified to participate and had even personally surveyed the African Continent.
But at that time, he was too proud and dismissive of Austro-Africa¡¯s prospects, fixated on establishing the Great Prussian Empire.
Yet, after decades of effort, he ended up in exile. Forced by survival pressures, he had no choice but to set foot on thisnd once again.
Having missed the startup phase and not securing any original shares, joining an expanded enterpriseter couldn¡¯tpare to earlier shareholders in terms of treatment.
Those who initially rooted in Austro-Africa had now be Austria¡¯s direct line, the foundational force of the colonial government.
Laters like them could only be icing on the cake. For the colonial government, having these immigrants was nice, but life would go on without them all the same.
Knowing that, Austro-Africa was still Old Siss¡¯s best option. The world is cruel, andpetition is fierce everywhere.
Unable to stay in his homnd, with the European Continent in the throes of an economic crisis and no job opportunities at home, he had no option but to seek a living overseas.
Not going to Austro-Africa, where cultural traditions aligned, and choosing a ce where not even thenguage or script were understood, would make mere survival a challenge.@@novelbin@@
Chapter 740 - 3, Waves of Revolution
As ships sailed away, the wealth umted by the Kingdom of Prussia over hundreds of years was silently being drained by Franz.
But no, this should no longer be associated with Prussia. This ce had already be Russian territory, where the Russians and the Austrians cooperated closely, both parties getting what they needed.
The Tsarist Government had eliminated potential threats, stabilizing the local situation; Austria had increased the poption of its titr nationality, making both sides winners.
As a result of this influence, the Russian-Austrian rtionship grew even more harmonious. As a testament to their friendship, the two governments recently reached an agreement to postpone a loan repayment for two years.
Purely based on friendship, with no political conditions attached. Since the agreement took effect, trade between the two countries around the Baltic Sea began to flourish.
Under the influence of the Russian-Austrian trade boom, the Austrianpanies engaged in international shipping business were the first to emerge from the economic crisis, with a multitude of ships shuttling between the Baltic Sea and the Austrian colonies every day.
Following closely were agricultural products and consumer goods businesses, with immigration driving up consumption, pulling thesepanies back from the brink of bankruptcy.
The cost was witnessed by the Austrian National Bank, which issued tens of millions of Divine Shields in housing loans to the immigrants, artificially creating a consumer market.
...
A gunshot rang out in Lyon, shattering the tranquility of the European Continent. After the great revolution of 1848, the wave of revolution was once again ignited in Europe.
Naturally, France was a disaster zone; from Paris to Rome, revolutionary leaflets and slogans were everywhere, much like the small ads on telephone poles inter times.
"Putting out fires" became the French government¡¯s most important task, with police and the military having no time for holidays, everyone busy without stop.
Influenced by the revolutionary wave, revolutionary groups across Europe responded one after another.
On February 11, 1882, an uprising erupted in the Spanish capital of Madrid;
On February 13, 1882, Antwerp, thergest port and heavy industrial city of Belgium, witnessed a dockworkers¡¯ uprising;
On February 13, 1882, a miners¡¯ uprising broke out in Luxembourg;
@@novelbin@@
On February 21, 1882, a peasants¡¯ uprising erupted in Switzend;
On March 1, 1882, there was a textile workers¡¯ uprising in London;
On March 7, 1882, the movement for independence erupted in the Irnd region;
On March 12, 1882, Portugal experienced a bourgeois revolution;
On March 17, 1882, the Polish Region saw an anti-Russian uprising;
...
In the past two months, Europe had witnessed hundreds of revolutions,rge and small, with more than half of the industrial cities experiencing strikes.
It seemed as though Europe had returned to the era of the great revolution overnight.
Watching others suffer brought joy, but when it was one¡¯s own turn, it felt like sitting on pins and needles.
As the leader in the capitalist world, Austria could not remain unscathed.
In the past two months, the Austrian Government had sessively extinguished the Mn textile workers¡¯ uprising, the Venice independence movement, the Saxon copper miners¡¯ uprising, and cracked down on dozens of Revolutionary Party cases.
Looking at these events, Franz was petrified; he never imagined that there were so many rebels under his rule.
Undoubtedly, over eighty percent of these revolutionaries were supported by external hostile forces, two-thirds of which were British doing.
To Franz¡¯s relief, during this wave of revolutions, Vienna remained very stable, with not only no signs of revolution but not even a strike.
At this time, Franz somewhat understood why inter times European countries would undertake deindustrialization.
In ordinary times it was manageable, but once an economic crisis hit, the manufacturing industry suffered severe impact.
Especiallybor-intensive industries, it was nothing short of a disaster.
Products could not be sold, and businesses had toy off employees to survive. It was very hard to find a new job amidst the economic crisis, and workers simrly needed to survive, so conflicts arose.
Although other industries were also impacted, they employed rtively fewer employees and were not as concentrated asrge factories, so the crisis was more dispersed across various locations.
In theory, as long as no one caused trouble, a colonial empire like Austria could avoid the outbreak of a revolution.
There were no jobs for the unemployed within the country, but they could be resettled in the overseas colonies. Generally speaking, as long as people have options, they wouldn¡¯t resort to extremes.
Thinking of this, Franz gritted his teeth in hatred for John Bull. To retaliate against the British, Franz decided immediately to increase support for the Irish Independence Organization and the Revolutionary Party in Britain.
In a sense, this revolutionary wave that swept across Europe was also the result of several big hooligans stabbing each other in the back.
Prime Minister Felix said, "Your Majesty, we have just received news that approximately five thousand people in the Silesian refugee camp have initiated a protest, demanding the government intervene against the atrocitiesmitted by the Russians, to rescue the oppressed..."
Before Felix could finish speaking, Franz angrily smashed the cup in his hand. "Protest," since when did criminals have the right to protest?
Indeed, individuals who entered the refugee camp illegally could be legally defined as criminals.
Because the number of people involved was too high, the Vienna Government did not define everyone as a criminal but only punished the ring leaders.
This protest undeniably challenged Franz¡¯s bottom line. The Russians¡¯ atrocities, protesting to the Austrian Government, wasn¡¯t that absurd?
Austria was not the international police; there was no reason to interfere in others¡¯ domestic affairs. If meddling blindly, one would eventually get killed.
The Vienna Government had already resettled most, but there were still more than two hundred thousand people remaining in the refugee camps, waiting for resettlement.
Franz sneered, "Deport all those who participated in the protest back to the Russian Empire, let them grow potatoes for Alexander III.
All responsible persons are to be dismissed from their posts and held ountable. Send out an investigation team to scrutinize the facts. I don¡¯t believe this was a spontaneous act by the refugees."
The refugee camp was under military management, and yet a protest still erupted; if there were no dereliction of duty among the managers, Franz would not believe it.
To put it bluntly, if the managers were unwilling, those within the refugee camp could not even receive news from the outside world.
These people also weren¡¯t idle, Franz also started to build walls on the border. Not for any other reason, mainly to keep the refugees busy with something, so they wouldn¡¯t be idle and stir up trouble.
No matter how many precautions are taken, trouble still found its way. For long-term peace and security, Franz had to "kill the chicken to scare the monkey."
Being deported back to the Russian Empire was the greatest punishment. The Tsarist Government would not wee them, and it would be fortunate for them even to grow potatoes in Siberia.
Prime Minister Felix suggested, "Your Majesty, deporting those troublesome refugees back to Russia won¡¯t be a problem, but the European revolutionary wave that¡¯s escting is troublesome.
Although the uprisings initiated by the Revolutionaries mostly ended in failure, not as drastic as in 1848, the frequent urrences of these uprisings still pose significant harm.
For the peace and stability of the European world, we need to convene another international conference, unite the governments of various countries, and collectively contain the spread of revolutionary thoughts."
These days, there¡¯s no government that doesn¡¯t fear "revolution," constrained by productivity, the lower sses of all countries in the world struggle.
"Struggling" breeds the desire for revolution, and with the soil for revolution present, those with vested interests naturally panick.
While these revolutionary incidents appear to be isted, over ny percent of them are connected to international forces.
Perhaps no one has directly orchestrated rebellions, but supporting revolutionary organizations, propagating revolutionary thoughts, and providing asylum to Revolutionaries, these are all the works of the big hooligans.
Of course, smaller nations participated too. Their actions were just smaller in scale, mainly focusing on exporting ideology.
After the great revolution of 1848, European nations learned their lesson and were peaceful for a while, only to have old problems resurface now.
On this issue, Franz had no right to use others; Austria had been no stranger to such activities.
At the very least, the turmoil within Ennd and France owed a part to the Vienna Government. Without Austria¡¯s involvement, the European Continent wouldn¡¯t have been so lively.
...
Chapter 741 - 4, Strategic Railway Plan
Humans are adept at reflection, especially after experiencing "pain close to the skin." The escting wave of revolution made rulers realize the danger.
The cultural tradition in Austria tends toward conservatism, and the losses in the economic crisis were not significant, so social contradictions were rtively ease, which meant the influence of the revolutionary wave was less pronounced.
Several domestic disturbances that erupted involved international forces, and the people¡¯s revolutionary will was not strong. The Vienna Government¡¯s sense of crisis was not too intense.
While Franz was still considering whether to convene an international conference, Napoleon IV had already issued a call to all countries in Europe.
There was no way around it, for the revolutionary fervor of the Parisians was too high. The whole city was like a powder keg, where a single spark could ignite a revolution.
ording to iplete statistics, starting from a gunshot in Lyon to now, the number of rebellions and riots that have broken out in France has reached 116, surpassing the total of other regions in Europe.
Protests and strikes go without saying. Nearly every French city has experienced strike actions. As long as the weather permits, there are people marching and demonstrating on the streets of Paris.
Having deeply understood the situation in France, Franz came to understand the urgency of Napoleon IV¡¯s call for an international conference.
The Revolutionary Holy Land is not an empty phrase. Recently, Parisians seem to have developed a fondness for the meaningful activity of revolution, erupting two to three times a week.
Luckily, with the French ruling ss united in suppressing the uprisings, the Pce of Versailles didn¡¯t have to change owners again.
Several financial consortiums in Paris have already provided the French government with 1.5 Billion Francs to suppress the rebellions and stabilize the domestic situation. Napoleon IV was barely able to steady the state of affairs with the military bought with money.
From the current situation, it¡¯s clear that the three big hooligans are still stabbing each other in the back, and the first to copse will undoubtedly be France.
Victory was within reach, yet Franz had to pull back. Austria was right to suppress itspetitor France, but it did not include promoting the French revolution.
Revolution is full of too much uncertainty. If France seeds in revolution at this time, who knows whether it will spread to the whole of Europe?
@@novelbin@@
Without any surprise, including Austria, countries across Europe have responded to the call of Napoleon IV.
After preliminary consultations, it was decided: An international "reactionary" alliance conference will be held in Paris on April 15, 1882.
¡
At the Vienna Pce, during the economic conference,
Railway Department Minister Soltren said, "In view of the current economic situation at home, the Railway Department has decided to initiate the strategic railwaywork n in advance.
The main lines include: Ring Arabian Penins Railway, Middle East Railway, North-South Railway of Central America, Southeast Asia Railway, and the Circuit Railway of Austro-Africa.
Considering special circumstances, the Arabian Penins railway and Middle East Railway will be constructed in segments, postponing the areas with harsh geographical conditions until the technology matures enough for construction.
Our colonies in Southeast Asia consist of inds, and the construction of railways inevitably has to be based on the ind¡¯s terrain. Currently, the focus areas are Lanfang Autonomous Province and New Guinea Ind.
Especially in Lanfang Autonomous Province, which has be the economic center of Southeast Asia, not having a single proper railway is frankly a joke.
The Circuit Railway of Austro-Africa, due to geographical constraints, cannot ensure full connectivity with our current technology.
The Railway Department is negotiating with the French to see if we can integrate our railways with theirs in the Egypt Area.
To ¡¯Libya-Egypt-Sudan-Uganda¡¯, rece the original ¡¯Libya-Chad-Central Africa¡¯ rail line.
If the n can be implemented smoothly, our next step is to build arge bridge over the Suez Canal to connect Africa with the Eurasian continent.
"The current situation within France is very bad, and if the Foreign Ministry can cooperate and apply diplomatic pressure, the chances of sess are very high."
Except for ska and the Patagonian teau, Austria¡¯s strategic railwaywork n covers essentially all of its overseas colonies.
Theoretically, once these main railway lines arepleted, the Vienna Government¡¯s control over the overseas colonies will climb to a new level.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "Sir Soltren, your ns are all quite good, but thest part about the railway around Africa seems a bit unreliable.
France is not a small country, and even if their current situation is bad, if we manage to exert diplomatic pressure and force the Paris Government to make concessions, it will still lead to trouble in the future."
Soltren asked, puzzled, "Why? A railway running through Africa and the Eurasian continent can effectively promote Egypt¡¯s economic development, and the French would benefit as well."
Weisenberg patiently exined, "It¡¯s not just a matter of economic interests, but also strategic security.
If we follow the Railway Department¡¯s n, Egypt would be the transportation hub between the Middle East and Austro-Africa, and at the same time, it would fall into our encirclement.
Should rtions between France and Austria deteriorate, or even if war breaks out, our troops could enter Egypt via the railway.
Under a multifaceted siege, the French definitely would not be able to hold Egypt. Losing Egypt means losing the Suez Canal.
Without control over the Suez Canal, the French would lose more than half of their overseas trade, and it would basically be a defeat.
Even if the the French government chooses topromise now due to the crisis, for the sake of national strategic security, the French would still cause destruction."
In a sense, Egypt is France¡¯s lifeline. Didn¡¯t the French stick with the British in the original timeline just because they were choked off?
Now the situation is much the same; if France and Austria turned against each other, the French would have to hold on to Egypt.
Otherwise, if they lost the Suez Canal and couldn¡¯t traverse the Cape of Good Hope, their maritime lifeline would be cut in half.
Prime Minister Felix added, "It¡¯s not just the railway around Africa that has issues¡ªthe Southeast Asia railway is also problematic.
The Lan Fang Autonomous Province is a unique entity which the Central Government has never really governed, so naturally, there¡¯s hardly any binding force.
If it weren¡¯t for their annual tax payments, I would have almost forgotten that such an autonomous province even existed.
In the just-passed year of 1881, the government of Lan Fang Autonomous Province paid taxes to the Central Government amounting to 3.764 million Divine Shields, and all we need to do is provide them with security protection.
This is a stable source of revenue, and in principle, the government opposes any policy that might aggravate tensions when making decisions involving the Lan Fang Autonomous Province.
The Railway Department must obtain the approval of the autonomous province¡¯s government to build a railway there. This is difficult; they are very conservative about the construction of railways."
There was no alternative; the Lan Fang Autonomous Province was toopliant, with virtually no political presence.
The ones dealing most with them were the Foreign Ministry and the Tax Department¡ªthe Foreign Ministry handled international conflicts, and the Tax Department collected taxes, and then that was it.
Getting a substantial, stable ie without much cost, no one disliked such a source of revenue.
The Vienna Government did not wish to break the harmony of the current situation; as long as taxes were paid on time, and they didn¡¯t cause trouble or hassle for the government, all other issues didn¡¯t really matter.
Soltren nodded as if deep in thought. As a technical bureaucrat, he only knew so little about these issues; that didn¡¯t mean he was politically naive.
If the n couldn¡¯t be implemented, then it would be modified. Any major government n goes through multiple revisions, bncing the interests of all parties before it is rolled out.
Chapter 742 - 5: The Opportunity of War
```
The essence of establishing a colony is to make money, and for the Austrian Government, there are only two types of valuable colonies: those that make money and those that hold strategic value.
Without a doubt, Lanfang Autonomous Province was profitable and also possessed certain strategic value.
Together with the other Austrian territories in Southeast Asia, Lanfang Autonomous Province firmly established Austria¡¯s regional dominance in the area.
The Vienna Government had calls to directly administer the Lanfang Autonomous Province, but the key issue was that no one could guarantee a richer return from direct management.
The economic value of Lanfang Autonomous Province to the Vienna Government was far more than just the 3.764 million Divine Shields it contributed annually.
Since joining the Austrian system, without security threats, Lanfang Autonomous Province quickly entered a fast track of development.
Perhaps due to the prosperous neighboring Spanish and Dutch, the Lanfang Autonomous Province had be the major base for overseas Chinese merchants more than a decade ago.
A huge influx of capital naturally drove local economic development. Had it not been for geographical limitations, the province¡¯s development could have been even better.
Now, Lanfang Autonomous Province imports tens of millions of Divine Shields worth of industrial andmercial products from Austria every year, and exports raw materials such as rubber, sago, dried coconuts, cutch dyestuffs, tapioca flour, pepper, and precious metals.
If listed separately for trade volume ranking, Lanfang Autonomous Province would be among the top five trading partners of Austria.
The greater the involved interests, the more cautious the Vienna Government became.
If there was a misstep that caused turmoil and someone undercut their position, losing dominance in Southeast Asia would mean a total loss.
Driven by interests, the status of Lanfang Autonomous Province naturally became special, ranking above colonies but below sub-states.
If it were not for the local ruling ss being heavily influenced by tradition and not keen on politics, there would have already been an additional seat in the Imperial Parliament.
Lanfang Autonomous Province was not without insightful individuals. More than a decade earlier, someone proposed building railways, but traditional forces were too strong and the issue of "ancestral graves" was inescapable.
Furthermore, Lanfang Autonomous Province, being an ind with developed maritime transport and little development in ind areas, had little demand for railways, so the n was shelved.
This also indirectly showed the ipetence of Lanfang¡¯s ruling ss¡ªin the original timeline, these people were the Dutchpradors, and naturally, they had little integrity to speak of.
Franz had no intention of intervening in Lanfang¡¯s internal affairs. As an Emperor with a reputation, he was someone who took people¡¯s money to eradicate their disasters.
Even taking into ount the annual tribute, Franz supported the autonomy of Lanfang.
This was not because Franz was greedy for money, but mainly because he understood Eastern traditional culture. If he, the Emperor, didn¡¯t ept money, those individuals would be agonized to tears.
In an era whereparisons of ipetence abound, as long as one doesn¡¯t create extreme outrage or widespread warfare, that¡¯s consideredpetent.
How future history books will describe it is unknown, but for now, everyone has what they need, and the cooperation is very pleasant.
...
Seeing that all parties had reached an agreement, Franz, acting as the arbitrator, put forth new demands, "Let¡¯s leave the railway n as is for now, but this is still not enough.
Given that this economic crisis will likely be prolonged, the government must create more job opportunities while reducing expenses as much as possible."
Reducing expenses and creating job opportunities are not difficult, but managing both is not easy.
The construction ns of the Vienna Government are essentially for better economic development, and the investment projects also need to be profitable.
If we were to dy twenty years, Franz could easily upgrade the roads and build highways.
Not now¡ªthe automobile has only recently been invented, and the main means of transportation for people are still horse-drawn carriages.
Running horse-drawn carriages on cement roads?
It sounds impressive, but the problem is, it¡¯s hard on the horses! With such a hard surface, horseshoes wouldn¡¯tst long.
Developing irrigation projects?
These, alreadyrgely constructed during the previous economic crises, are nearlyplete. Those not yet started, simplyck economic value.
```
Not only were these projectspleted, but even the urban upgrading and renovation were essentially finished; at least for the next thirty years, there was no need to consider these issues.
The Austrian homnd on the European continent is such a small ce, and after so many years of infrastructure development, there really was nothing left to fuss about.
Africa¡¯s homnd is indeed vast, but unfortunately, the poption is limited, and there is not enough demand. Government investment also has to consider the rate of economic return and cannot build blindly.
This is a problem that a country inevitably has to face after developing to a certain level; it¡¯s just that Austria faced it a bit earlier.
Prime Minister Felix said, "The domestic infrastructure is bing more and more perfect, and the days of driving the economy through government investment in infrastructure cannot continue forever.
It is possible that for a very long period in the future, our economic growth rate will slow down. The next high-speed economic growth period is expected to be after thepletion of the Africa¡¯s homnd strategy.
For the sake of long-term development, we must nowunch as many projects as possible that have sustainability and longsting development."
This is the reality. Currently, Austria¡¯s major domestic projects, including the canal n and the hydroelectric station n, have already kicked off, and naturally, they cannot be repeated.
After a pause, Prime Minister Felix continued, "In recent years, internalbustion engine technology has developed rapidly, showing impressive potential in many fields, and might even rece the steam engine.
If this situation urs, then oil will rece coal to be the most important industrial raw material.
The only problem is whether oil production can meet demand. From the current situation, the world¡¯s crude oil production is very scarce.
Especially on the European continent, there have hardly been any major oil fields discovered. Despite owning the traditional oil-producing region of Ploiesti,st year we still imported 110,000 tons of crude oil from the Russian Empire.
This number may seem unimpressive; calcted at the current international oil price, it¡¯s only a few hundred thousand Divine Shields.
Yet, merely three years ago, we were an oil-exporting country. In just three short years, domestic oil demand has increased by at least 200,000 tons.
ording to scientists¡¯ estimates, our demand for oil will double in five years, and double again in ten years, with the market¡¯s oil shortage reaching over a million tons.
Many scientists in the energy field have issued energy crisis warnings to the government. To solve this problem, the government has organized oil exploration teams.
Overall, the results have been good; quite a few oil fields have been discovered in the homnd, but unfortunately, their production is not high.
The biggest discovery was arge oil field found downstream in Mesopotamia, with reserves surpassing the total of all domestic oil fields.
After analysis by geologists, it is believed that Mesopotamia may be hiding a vast amount of oil, and the government has dispatched exploration teams to verify this.
Not long ago, oil was discovered at the border of the Ottoman Empire and Persia, confirming this spection. Since the area is not under our control, for safety reasons, no further exploration was conducted."
There¡¯s no need to mention whates next; the implication is crystal clear¡ªif it¡¯s not within our control, then we must find a way to bring it under our control.
If the oil can¡¯t move from beneath the ground, then it¡¯s only logical for Austria to extend its control over the area. This is the consistent practice of the great powers.
To speak frankly, Franz had never imagined that Austria wouldck oil; he had never concerned himself with this issue from start to finish.
An Emperor has many affairs to deal with, and naturally, he must disregard the unimportant ones. Currently, Austria¡¯s sphere of influence already covers half of the world¡¯s oil reserves; isn¡¯t the idea ofcking oil nothing but a joke?
Yet, this joke really happened. No oil was discovered in Africa, and only the tip of the iceberg was uncovered in the Middle East region. Once the importance of oil was realized, it was inevitable for the Vienna Government to take precautions.
Then, it was a tragedy for the Ottoman Empire. Already there was a deep-seated hatred, and now they were encumbered with guilt; if they didn¡¯t suffer, who would?
Franz stopped short; taking action against the Ottoman Empire was a matter of time. The energy crisis simply provided an opportunity, causing the anti-war faction within the government to hold their tongues.
@@novelbin@@
Prime Minister Felix did not directly say that war must be waged, but the mention of "sustainable, longsting" projects, along with repeatedly emphasizing the importance of oil, already gave the answer.
Compared to investing in other projects, waging war against the Ottoman Empire indeed has the highest economic value.
The most crucial point is that such an opportunity is rare; the European continent is caught in a wave of revolutions, with countries busy extinguishing fires.
With everyone preupied, who would care about the Ottoman Empire?
By this time, no one could stop the march of war. Even if oil hadn¡¯t provided the trigger, there would have been other reasons.
Chapter 743 - 6: Undercurrents Surge
```
War cannot simply be waged on a whim, "Before troops and horses move, provisions must go first; before war begins, diplomacy leads the way."
The politicalndscape of multiple states existing on the European Continent dictates the importance of diplomacy.
The Vienna Government did not yet have the confidence to confront all European countries at once, which is where the role of diplomacy became prominent.
It wasn¡¯t necessary for all countries to support Austria in starting this war, but it was crucial to ensure that at least the majority did not oppose it.
Smaller countries were of less concern, mostly being opportunists. To them, Austria was already powerful; a bit more strength wouldn¡¯t matter much.
As long as their own interests were not harmed, they would, at most, voice some dissatisfaction.
The nations that truly held sway were the three ¡¯big bullies¡¯: Ennd, France, and Russia. The lesser powers Spain, the out-of-reach Nordic Federation, and the neighboring German Federation Empire, could barely count for a third of the influence.
Figuring out how to deal with these countries had be the most important task for Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry at present.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg analyzed, "The vtile situation on the European Continent is very beneficial for our next moves.
The French government is gued by revolution and currently can barely manage itself.
By not supporting the Italian independence movement and the French Revolutionary Party, in exchange for the implicit consent from the Paris Government for our action, the likelihood of sess is very high.
Spain has always closely followed the French on the international stage. As long as the French government does not object, they will most likely keep a low profile.
The German Federation, even if not supportive of us, will not oppose either. We can promote nationalism, emphasize the hatred between the German People and the Ottoman Empire, and gaining their support should not be difficult.
The Nordic Federation is far removed, and this war will not touch upon their interests. Moreover, we guaranteed a loan for the Russians from the Nordic Federation.
If they still need us to provide security for that loan, they will not stand against us.
The most troublesome are Britain and Russia. Securing support from the British Government is essentially impossible, we simply do not have enough interests to exchange.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs will next focus on the Russians. If we make certain concessions or cede some Ottoman territories to the Russians, the Tsarist Government is unlikely to refuse."
The core of diplomacy lies in interest, and it¡¯s time for the exchange of interests. As long as the price is high enough, nothing is unbuyable.
Gazing at the map of the Near East on the wall, Franz contemted for a moment before making a decision, "If the Russians agree to deploy troops with us, then the eastern boundary shall be the rakus River, and the boundary on the Asia Minor Penins shall be the Anatolian teau.
If the Tsarist Government is unwilling to deploy troops but only supports us diplomatically, then they can only be granted territories north of the Greater Caucasus mountain range, and they will have no share in the Asia Minor Penins."
Without a doubt, regardless of the distribution method, Austria would take the biggest share of interests; it¡¯s no longer ¡¯an even split of the Ottoman Empire between two nations¡¯.
Reality is so cruel, interests always align with strength. The price Franz offered was also based on Russia¡¯s own power.
Especially with the first scenario, where both nations would seemingly fairly split the Ottoman Empire¡ªthis seemingly equitable offer also harbored ill intentions.
One could tell just by looking at the boundaries drawn by Franz. Should Russia and Austria remain friendly neighbors, then all would be well, but if one day the two turned against each other, there would be vulnerabilities everywhere.
The Russian Balkans, the Asia Minor Penins¡ªall would be directly exposed to Austria¡¯s military might and could fall in an instant.
This was determined by both geography and strength. Although territorially contiguous with the Russian Empire, that connectivity was merely geographical.
With mountain ranges in between, and no reliance on railways, transportation depended entirely on the ck Sea.
The moment Constantinople fell, and the Austrian Navy entered the ck Sea, Russia¡¯s lifeline would be severed.
Even if the Russians did hold Constantinople, it would be useless¡ªthe ck Sea Fleet was already gone.
Should the Austrian Army simply advance to any port on the ck Sea coast and dispatch a dozen submarines into the ck Sea, the same objective could be achieved.
In modern warfare, logistics are key. Once an army loses its logistical support, it bes nothing.
In a sense, this was a massive trap. The more the Tsarist Government invested in these regions, the heavier the loss they would suffer.
...
Paris, ever since the news spread that European countries would convene an international conference there to jointly curb the spread of revolutionary ideas, the situation had be uncontroble.
Hundreds of thousands of Parisians took to the streets, protesting against the government¡¯s collusion with international reactionary forces and its conspiracy to persecute the revolution.
The protestations of the people were clearly audible within the Pce of Versailles, and Napoleon IV grew increasingly gaunt, as if he had aged twenty years in an instant.
He had no choice; with crowds creating turmoil outside every day, the mental torment was more than most could bear.
```
Gathering troops to disperse the marching masses? It¡¯s of no use; no sooner do we disperse them than they regroup.
The most critical point is that people are protesting legally and, before any extreme actions are taken, the government has no right to suppress them.
It¡¯s not that Napoleon IV is ying by the rules; mainly, hecks confidence and fears escting the conflict, so he dares not order a crackdown.
Those suppressed by the French government are extremists who have alreadyunched rebellions. The protesting masses are not part of it, and they can¡¯t be subdued so easily.
ording to iplete statistics, in recent times, at least one-third of France¡¯s poption has participated in protest demonstrations.
Throwing the document in his hand to the floor, Napoleon IV roared in anger, "Who can tell me when will this ever end?"
The Emperor¡¯s temper was getting worse, which everyone sensed quite clearly. No matter how bad his temper was, work still had to proceed normally.
Foreign Minister Terence Burkin reported, "Your Majesty, we¡¯ve just received news from Vienna. The Austrians are nning an invasion of the Ottoman Empire."
Napoleon IV shook his head, "My Foreign Minister, such trivial matters can be handled by you; there¡¯s no need to bother me!"
"Austrian invasion of the Ottoman" has also be a trifling matter. ording to this standard, it¡¯s likely that there will be no significant international incidents.
Terence Burkin, with great reluctance, reminded him, "Your Majesty, this is no ordinary war. The Austrians intend to swallow the Ottoman Empire whole.
If theyplete their n, we will have another Eastern Roman Empire, minus Constantinople. It will have a huge impact on us."
The impact would indeed be enormous. If Austria were to swallow up the Ottoman Empire, the consequences would be more terrifying than the revival of the Eastern Roman Empire.
At least, historically, the territory of the Eastern Roman Empire did not extend to the Central European Region, nor did it have a colonial empire that spanned the whole world.
Napoleon IV gave a wry smile and shook his head, "Even so, what can be done about it? With the state we¡¯re in now, do you really think we¡¯re in any position to interfere?
Why don¡¯t you go out and tell the public: to save the Ottoman Empire, we need to fight a war against Austria and see what they would do.
As for the potential major issues that Austria may cause, let the damned English worry about them!"
Terence Burkin hesitated, not yet ready to die, and unwilling to seek trouble.
In Paris, where anti-war and revolutionary sentiments are rife, if the government dares to send troops to help the Ottomans, wouldn¡¯t that force everyone towards revolution?
Since they are powerless, they might as well let go. Having been battered by a series of societal blows, Napoleon IV had matured and learned to be pragmatic.
¡
Time passed day by day, and the date of the Paris International Conference drew ever nearer, making the situation in Paris increasingly tense.
In the evening, inside an ordinary farmhouse on the outskirts, dozens of people had gathered.
A middle-aged man with a beard spoke up first, "From the current situation, it seems the Bonaparte government is unlikely topromise.
If we let the Paris International Conference be held smoothly, allowing these European monarchs to collude, our chances of a sessful revolution will be even lower."
A schrly young man mmed the table fiercely, "We can¡¯t wait any longer. Revolutionary thought has already taken deep root in people¡¯s hearts, and the public has long suffered under the Bonaparte dynasty. The time for revolution is ripe."
Sensing the tense atmosphere, the meeting¡¯s organizer hurriedly calmed the crowd, "Little Luv, let¡¯s talk calmly, there¡¯s no need to be so agitated.
We are not sufficiently prepared yet¡ªoutside of having some influence within the National Guard, we haven¡¯t had time to infiltrate the other troops.
Without the support of the military, achieving a revolution would be almost impossible."
It was a harsh reality, but that was the truth. Without the support of the military, the notion of an armed revolution to seize power was more like a fanciful tale.
Little Luv countered, "Mr. Feijuning, that¡¯s not the case.
The wave of revolution has note easily; thest time a revolutionary wave swept through Europe was in 1848.
If we miss this opportunity, no one knows when the next wave of revolution might appear.
Without the support of arge-scale environment, relying solely on our own strength, even with the most thorough preparations, we cannot counteract the pushback from the Monarch Group.
We¡¯re at a point where we must risk all. Once the Paris International Conference is over and the Monarch Group has united, it will be toote to act."
¡@@novelbin@@
Chapter 744 - 7, The Paris Commune
On April 15, 1882, the same day that an international conference was convened, several French Revolutionary Organizations jointly initiated an uprising, unanimously electing the socialist nqui as their leader.
The Rebel Army seized the police stations, captured the City Defense Military Arsenal, took control of the embassy district, and swept through the majority of Paris.
The mes of war reached the Pce of Versailles, and Napoleon IV, together with the Pce Guard, fled Paris overnight, remotely directing the still loyal troops to suppress the rebellion.
Upon receiving this news, Franz waspletely shocked. When he came to, his first reaction was: When did the Revolutionary Party be so powerful? Is the French government made of paper?
No one could answer this question. Like previous Parisian revolutions, once the first shot was sessful, it could quickly sweep across the entire city.
The Revolutionary Army upied Paris, and that international conference became a joke.
During the day, they discussed how to contain the spread of revolutionary thought, and by night, they fell into the hands of the Revolutionary Party; it¡¯s estimated that the delegates at the conference were all rather confused now.
Nheless, experienced through many trials, Franz quickly recovered and asked with concern, "How many troops can Napoleon IV still control, and does he have the capability to suppress the rebellion?"
"Uncertain!" Foreign Minister Weisenberg shook his head, giving a negative answer, and then exined, "Apart from the First, Second, Third, and Seventh Divisions, these few direct line units that can be confirmed to support the Emperor, the stance of other units is unclear for the time being.
The Parisian Revolution has just happened, and no one was prepared for it in advance. I estimate that many will observe the situation for now and will not make their stance clear just yet."
Disregarding the army units that did not make their stance clear, Napoleon IV still has an advantage in terms of the military forces he controls. The sess of the Paris Revolution is due to the loyal troops not being in Paris.
The Seventh Division was suppressing the Lyon Rebellion, the First and Second Divisions were suppressing the Italian Independence Movement, and the Third Division was stationed outside of Paris.
On the same day the Parisian Revolution broke out, Gonesse, on the outskirts, also had a rebellion just five hours earlier, which drew out the main force of the Third Division.
The City Defense Army stationed in Paris, mostlyposed of locals, sympathized with the revolution from the start. The failure of the City Defense Army to send troops to suppress the rebellion in time was also a key reason for the esction of the rebellion.
This sessful Paris Revolution was full of too many coincidences, almost as if someone was manipting things behind the scenes, deliberately creating opportunities for the rebel forces.
It was said that only when the mes reached the Pce of Versailles did Napoleon IV receive news of the rebellion.
Someone capable of redeploying the troops and intercepting information must have significant power within the government and the army.
The French Revolutionary Party has not yet managed to infiltrate to this extent; those with the power and motive to do so are mostly the restoration forces of the Orleans and Bourbon Dynasties."
Franz rubbed his forehead and walked to the window to nce at the distant horizon, now he couldn¡¯t help but feel anxious for Napoleon IV.
With the Revolutionary Party piging from without, former royal family forces holding back from within the government, and financial consortiums waiting to kick a man when he¡¯s down.
In such aplicated situation, securing the throne was not going to be easy. It could be said to be the hottest throne in the world, without equal.
Prime Minister Felix: "It¡¯s not so serious, the Revolutionary Party is also full of internal contradictions, and there are at least ten different factions controlling Paris. Within them, there are many forces from the Royalist Party looking for restoration, and they¡¯ve only reluctantly united to overthrow the Bonaparte Dynasty.
As soon as they need to deal with political structure and benefit distribution, former allies will be enemies.
Perhaps, under pressure from the government forces, they will not turn on each other for the time being, but we cannot expect them to work closely together."
Napoleon IV has now left Paris and, with his father Napoleon III¡¯s prestige and the financial resources at his disposal, it¡¯s not difficult for him to win the military¡¯s support.
Unless something unexpected happens, I think that within a month, the Paris Revolution will be over."
"Optimist vs. pessimist," from Franz¡¯s personal perspective, he naturally hoped that Napoleon IV could suppress the rebellion quickly.
As for "manipting behind the scenes, letting the Revolutionary Party and the government keep killing each other, stirring chaos in France," it¡¯s just a thought, not at all feasible.
This is because of France¡¯s unique national conditions, where the division of the three royal houses has weakened the power of the Protecting the king, causing the government to lose the capacity for prolonged warfare.
In other words: If Napoleon IV doesn¡¯t suppress the rebellion quickly, the Bonaparte Dynasty is doomed.
It doesn¡¯t matter if the dynasty changes; Franz doesn¡¯t care which dynasty rules France, but it would be uneptable if the French government fell into the hands of the Revolutionary Party.
With such a sessful precedent, the European revolutionary tide might reach new heights. By that time, any thoughts of attacking the Ottoman would be futile, as there would be fires to put out everywhere.
After contemting for a moment, Franz made a decision, "It would be best as such, but we still need to prepare for the worst.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs shouldmunicate with both Britannia and Russia. I¡¯m sure they too do not wish to see France lose control of the situation. When necessary, we can mobilize interventionist Allied Forces."
"Europe is what really matters," a fact Franz had always refused to acknowledge until now, but he had to admit that there was a lot of truth in it.
As a European country, no matter the strategic core, it is inevitable to be influenced by the European situation.
On the surface, it might seem best for Austria to send troops to unify the Germany Region during a civil unrest in France.
However, not one politician in the Vienna Government has brought up this issue.
Clearly, things are not that simple. Currently, the Germany Region is also experiencing a revolutionary surge, wave after wave.
If troops were sent to unify the Germany Region now, it would be tantamount to drawing the revolutionary tide into Austria, and for a long time into the future, the Vienna Government would have to deal with internal strife and conflicts.
If one looks at the map, it¡¯s clear that Austria¡¯s strategic position is not at all favorable, surrounded by strong adversaries.
To the east lies greedy Mao Xiong, to the west is the formidable France, to the south the arch-enemy Ottoman Empire, and should they unify the Germany Region, to the north they would face the Nordic Federation and Britannia.
On the surface, it may appear that France is in turmoil and the Russians are still licking their wounds, which gives Austria a chance to take preemptive action to neutralize threats.
Yet France and Russia are both major powers; they cannot simply be annihted in one go. If they don¡¯t die, there woulde a day for recovery. Driven by the power of hatred, all would eventually be drawn into a long-term confrontation.
Politics is not a simple game of distinguishing friends from enemies. There are no eternal friends or foes among nations; the rtionship of "friend and foe" can be reversed at any time in the pursuit of interests.
If a country were to blindly wage war on its neighbors because of potential threats, a day when the whole world bes an enemy would not be far off.
The Vienna Government¡¯s choice of the Ottoman Empire as a breakthrough, besides strategic needs, isrgely because they are weaker and can be dealt with swiftly and permanently.
@@novelbin@@
...
Tuer, this ancient city, has once again be the political center of France following the Renaissance.
After fleeing Paris, Napoleon IV had rushed straight to Tuer, which had thus be the temporary office location for the French Empire Government.
Frankly speaking, the Bonaparte Dynasty is quite popr. From the older Napoleon who is the pride of France to the recent Napoleon III who is also a hero of France.
Although Napoleon IV hasn¡¯t achieved any great feats, he also hasn¡¯tmitted any major wrongdoings, and the general popce doesn¡¯t harbor much resentment toward him as emperor.
The incessant rebellions within the country are not an indication that everyone is eager to revolt. Many rebellions are provoked by the capitalists.
In the economic crisis, by kicking someone who is already down, hoarding goods, and driving up prices, they forced the lower sses into desperation, which led to revolts.
In the numerous uprisings that have taken ce in France, many involved people rushing to seize food, and once the food was gone, the crowd dispersed.
The revolutionary fervor is intense only in Paris. In medium and small cities like Tuer, the enthusiasm for revolution amongst the people isn¡¯t very high.
The best evidence of this is the warm wee that Napoleon IV received from the residents of Tuer. Of course, this has something to do with the news of the Paris revolution not having reached there.
"Have the Fifth and Sixth Divisions set out?" Napoleon IV asked.
Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz answered, "The Fifth Division left yesterday morning, and the Sixth Division set out this morning. In at most three days, they will arrive in Paris to suppress the rebellion."
Hearing this news, Napoleon IV breathed a sigh of relief. The fact that the army was willing to follow orders meant that the situation hadn¡¯t yet reached an uncontroble point.
Chapter 745 - 8, Debt Deferral
Berlin Pce, Frederick III only felt an immense pressure bearing down on him. Affected by the war, the economic crisis erupted, and the Kingdom of Prussia fell early into the Great Depression.
The Berlin Government had been able to hold out until now, that was by flipping the table and seizing assets to obtain a sum of money.
Flipping the table came at a cost, though Frederick III had taken decisive measures and promptly restored production, the government¡¯s fiscal revenue was still greatly impacted.
If that were all, it wouldn¡¯t be so problematic; things would eventually recover over time.
Unfortunately, it was a case of misfortune pouring down like rain in a leaky house; just as factories had been distributed, and everyone was ready to roll up their sleeves and get to work, the global economic crisis struck.
An overabundance of products piled up like mountains, yet they couldn¡¯t be sold. The officials and soldiers who had received the factories naturally turned to the government for solutions.
Without sufficient markets, Frederick III couldn¡¯t conjure one out of thin air. All over Europe, there was a surplus of production capacity, and the two big bullies, Ennd and Austria, were shamelessly engaging in dumping.
This led to internationalmercial product prices being lower than the production costs of Prussian enterprises. It wasn¡¯t just the prices that couldn¡¯tpete; the quality of Prussian products was far inferior.
The Berlin Government had an agreement with the British creditors, and in theory, they could use industrial andmercial products to offset the debt, but regrettably, the power to set prices was in British hands.
For instance, now the British would refer to the wholesale prices on the international market and give a thirty percent discount, then deduct further for a quality assessment, resulting in the final price.
ording to the British pricing, most goods¡¯ prices did not even reach half of their production costs.
To "sell" would mean a heavy loss, and this deficit could not be borne by the producers; otherwise, if calcted, every single factory in the country would go bankrupt.
This was something the Berlin Government could never ept; these factory owners had be the cornerstone of the Kingdom of Prussia.
Only with great effort had they used economic incentives to coax the Junker aristocracy into epting disarmament, and to immediately smash their livelihood now would spell death for the government.
The revolutionary tide in Europe was so turbulent, and the Kingdom of Prussia was able to maintain stability because it secured jobs.
Since the factories were owned by the workers themselves, unemployment was not an issue. To soothe the public¡¯s mind, the Berlin Government had assured them that they would guarantee a cost price safety.
Under normal economic operation, this promise would pose no problem. Businesses are meant to profit, and no one would intentionally produce a bunch of unseble products to cause trouble for the government.
But now it was different, the economic crisis had erupted, and the market was terribly bad, with businesses unable to make any money.
ording to the agreement, now that everyone¡¯s products couldn¡¯t be sold, the Berlin Government was obliged to help them offload at the cost price.
Prussia had no colonies, and to engage in dumping of goods, it had topete with other European countries.
From a purely economic perspective, the British pricing was reasonable. Prussian industrial andmercial products indeedckedpetitiveness and could only engage in a price war.
As for the European Continent, one should not hold out hope. Affected by the economic crisis, most Europeans were impoverished, and unless it was for essential goods, it was very difficult to find a market.
For many people at this time, essential goods meant food, and regrettably, Prussia itself had insufficient supplies, making exportation out of the question.
These inferior industrial andmercial products could only be dumped overseas. There was no doubt that Prussiacked the capability to engage in global dumping, as they could not gain ess to most overseas markets.
The countries that possessed rtively sophisticatedmercialworks and were capable of dumping products in most parts of the world were just a few.
These were the United Kingdom, Austria, France, Spain, the Nethends, and Portugal¡ªall of which had one thing inmon¡ªa Colonial Empire.
Among them, Spain, the Nethends, and Portugal were in decline. While theirmercialworks remained, they scarcely had any colonies left andcked the capacity to absorb Prussia¡¯s industrial output.
France had numerous colonies, but not arge market. Its domestic capitalists were already insufficient to share the spoils, so naturally, they wouldn¡¯t allow Prussian goods to enter.
Austria¡¯s colonial development was not bad, and the markets were rtively efficient. Unfortunately, Austria¡¯s own industrial capacity was so vast that there was no surplus market to offer.
Moreover, even if Prussian goods were allowed in, they would not sell in the face ofpetition from Austrian goods.
The British had the most colonies, and rtively sufficient markets, with internalpetition not being so fierce. It could be said that Britain was Prussia¡¯s only option.
Under these circumstances, the British naturally started to push prices down. On one hand, they exported industrial raw materials to Prussia, and on the other, they epted Prussian industrial andmercial products as payment for debts. It seemed as though they were helping the Berlin Government, but in reality, Prussia was toiling for them for nothing.
It was not just unpaidbor, but now the British went even further, expecting the Kingdom of Prussia to operate at a loss.
Frederick III¡¯s mood was akin to toiling away for a year to find that at the year¡¯s end, he had not earned a single penny, and instead he was even deeper in debt.
Yet, he couldn¡¯t refuse, because without work, the mortgage, credit cards, and all sorts of loans woulde pressing down, which would be¡
Life had to go on; "a blood loss" was still better than "losing all one¡¯s blood." Being pressured to lower prices had to be epted, and the Berlin Government had no choice but to grit its teeth and bear this loss.
Eagerly, Frederick III inquired, "How did it go? Have the British agreed to defer the debt?"
With no choice, as the Kingdom of Prussia wascking in resources and had to import industrial raw materials, they had to spend foreign currency since their Marks were not epted.
The productpensation agreement reached with the British did not mean that Prussia could just hand over goods to the creditors. The Berlin Government wasn¡¯t that domineering.
Prussia¡¯s creditors were mostly banks and financial institutions, yers in finance who were not interested in internationalmercial trade.
The reality was that Prussia sold industrial andmercial products to British capitalists in exchange for foreign currency, which, after deducting costs, was used to pay debts.
The role of the "agreement" was for the British Government to allow Prussian goods to enter as well. Otherwise, under the free trade system, Prussian goods could only be sold within Britain, and it was obvious they would hardly sell.
Now, faced with a drastic price drop, the selling price of goods did not even cover the cost of industrial raw materials. Incurring a loss on these transactions meant the Berlin Government naturally had no "foreign exchange" left to pay off debts.
Freedman, the Foreign Minister¡¯splexion immediately darkened: "We have tried everything, and even secured the support of the London Government. But in the end, negotiations failed.
This economic crisis has impacted Britain more than we originally thought. Banks are short on money now as well."
"One of our creditors, Garrett Bank, went bankrupt due to a broken funding chain during negotiations."
The creditors alsocked money, whichplicated matters greatly. Especially for a bank like Garrett, which had gone bankrupt because of a broken funding chain, it was even less likely to agree to defer debts.
Frederick III sighed deeply and asked the Finance Minister, "How much foreign exchange do we have now, and under normal circumstances of debt repayment, how long can we sustain?"
Finance Minister Ovitz frowned and answered, "The situation is very bad. All our foreign exchangebined is worth approximately 7,656,000 Pound Sterling, including 3,540,000 Pound Sterling, 5,680,000 Divine Shields, and 8,000,000 Francs¡
Theoretically, if we were not to incur any other expenses and only use it to pay off debts, we couldst at most seven months.
In reality, this is impossible. We must import industrial raw materials, machinery, agricultural products to meet the domestic requirements for production and living necessities."
Foreign exchange has both inflows and outflows; normally, with the export of industrial andmercial products, it is still possible to maintain a bnce of payments.
After all, for domestic industrial raw materials andbor costs, foreign exchange is not needed; these can be resolved with Marks.
7,656,000 Pounds Sterling converted into gold is 56.04 tons, which in this era is undoubtedly a fortune, exceeding the gold reserves of many countries.
If there were no foreign debts to pay, such an amount of foreign exchange reserves would be more than enough for a small country to livefortably.
Unfortunately, there are no ifs, and the Kingdom of Prussia has a huge amount of foreign debt to repay. This vast sum can only cover seven months of debt service.
In fact, we cannot hold on for that long, as influenced by the decline in the price of export goods, the Kingdom of Prussia has already entered an era of trade deficits.
Unless the creditors are willing to ept payment in Marks, it is utterly impossible for the Berlin Government to pay off its debt on schedule.
...
Upon receiving the Berlin Government¡¯s distress telegram, Franz¡¯s initial response was to encourage the Prussians to default on their debt.
Once this idea surfaced, it clung like an obsession he could not shake off.
"What would the consequences be if the Berlin Government defaulted?"
Foreign Minister Weisenberg¡¯splexion changed slightly, "Your Majesty, Prussia¡¯s economy is heavily influenced by the British, and the Berlin Government does not have the capacity for debt default.
If the Berlin Government defaults on its debt, the British need only impose trade sanctions, and Prussia would copse within half a year."
That was the truth, should the Royal Navy blockade the coastline, the Kingdom of Prussia would find itself in a distressed state due to theck of industrial raw materials and a shortage of markets for its products.
Of course, they could still take tond routes, passing through neighboring countries, except that the cost would be enough to bankrupt any business.
Prime Minister Felix countered, "Not necessarily! In ordinary times, perhaps the British would do so to ¡¯kill the chicken to scare the monkey.¡¯
But now it¡¯s different; the revolutionary wave in Europe is intensifying.
The French Revolutionary Party has already upied Paris, and the situation in the Kingdom of Prussia is also grave, with the possibility of a revolution breaking out at any moment.
As long as the British are not prepared to collect debts from the hands of the revolutionaries, they cannot afford to let the Kingdom of Prussia perish.
The Berlin Government genuinelycks repayment ability now, and defaulting on debt is just a matter of time; the London Government should also be prepared.
As long as the Berlin Government does not outright dere a default andes up with a reasonable excuse for a debt extension, the British Government will not resort to extreme measures.
The ones who lent money to the Berlin Government are banks, financial institutions, and spectors, whose influence in Britain is strong, yet not strong enough to make decisions for the government.
The British Government is unlikely to disregard strategic considerations for their interests; without government support, these interests cannot trouble the Kingdom of Prussia.
If the situation in Europe further deteriorates, the Berlin Government can even negotiate with the British to seek a reduction of debt."
This is not the post-World War II era when the Aristocratic Group is at its zenith; it¡¯s pure fantasy for consortia to think they can control the government.
The French Revolution is frightening enough; if the Prussian revolution also seeds, the revolutionary wave in Europe will be uncontroble.
Although Britannia stands alone overseas, they were not spared by the revolutionary wave.
For many years, Britain and France have been mutually exporting revolutions, and should these spread, neither will be able to remain unaffected.
...
On May 1st, 1882, the Kingdom of Prussia was swept by a massive hunger protest, with countless people taking to the streets demanding the government import more food to alleviate the domestic famine.
After the outbreak of the hunger protests, the Berlin Government responded swiftly, seeking international aid in the shortest time possible.
At the same time, as arge amount of foreign exchange had been drained by debt repayments, and with no money left to purchase food, they requested a dy in debt payments from their creditors.
Unquestionably, this didn¡¯t seem like a "request" but rather a notification.
While making the request, the Berlin Government had already suspended the debt payments scheduled for May.
It was announced that the funds allocated for May¡¯s debt settlement were being used to purchase food to address the domestic famine.
Most of the Kingdom of Prussia¡¯s creditors were in Ennd and France, holding 95.4% of the Berlin Government¡¯s external debt.
If the major creditors, Ennd and France, were settled, then effectively all creditors were settled¡ª more precisely, it was enough to reach an agreement with Britain.
The French, currently preupied, were embroiled in civil war and couldn¡¯t afford to be distracted by such minor matters.
@@novelbin@@
Did the Kingdom of Prussia really suffer from a famine?
It now depended on how Britain saw it!
If the London Government epted this rationale, then the Kingdom of Prussia had "truly" experienced a famine.
If the London Government did not acknowledge this rationale, then there was no famine in the Kingdom of Prussia.
Politics only need to weigh pros and cons; the truth is not essential.
Chapter 746 - 9, The 1867 Eyeball Effect
"Have you ascertained the true motives of the Austrians?" Prime Minister dstone asked.
After Prussia announced the postponement of its debt, the London Government immediately suspected Austria and upon investigation, discovered the role yed by the Vienna Government.
Such matters could not be kept secret; without Austria stepping in to encourage them, the Berlin Government would not have had the audacity to do so.
Foreign Minister Granville George Leveson-Gower said, "On the surface, it appears that the Austrians want to drive a wedge between us and Prussia, and in that, they have been sessful.
Our intelligence agents have found that recently the freight volume on Austria¡¯s railways has surged, and a deeper investigation revealed arge umtion of strategic materials at the ports.
The Austrians seem to be preparing for war, but since their army has not shown any unusual movements, it¡¯s unlikely they are targeting France."
Since the outbreak of the Paris Revolution, the London Government has been closely monitoring Austria¡¯s movements, fearing that the European bnce might be disrupted if they were not vignt.
From a perspective of interests, France and Austria have been vying for dominance in Europe for many years, and now with France weakened, Austria has enough motives to kick them while they are down.
But France is no pushover either, and even with civil unrest, it is not easy to provoke. Without adequate preparation, Austria would not blindly make a move.
Looking at the world map, dstone nodded thoughtfully, "Without military mobilization, the target of Austria¡¯s action must not be so formidable.
The Vienna System has only just been established, and the Austrians would not p their own face. This war is likely to take ce outside of Europe.
The Far East, South America, the Near East, or the scramble for African colonies ¨C which region do you think the Austrians intend to attack?"
Colonial Minister Primrose analyzed, "The likelihood in the Far Eastern region is not high; Austria¡¯s strength there is limited and it is not their strategic focus.
The chances in South America are also slim. The Panama independence movement is progressing very smoothly, and unless they aim to swallow the Republic of Colombia whole, there is no need to increase investment.
Both the contest over the Near East and African colonies are possibilities. The Ottoman has been a long-standing adversary of the Habsburg dynasty, and Franz has repeatedly stated in public that he intends to exterminate this...
The colonial cores of France and Austria are both in the African Continent, where the two countries are wary of each other¡¯s strength. With geographic constraints preventing major conflicts, the Vienna Government has the motivation to strike when the iron is hot.
I think their suspicion of acting against Egypt is greater. Attacking the Ottoman Empire is always possible, but seizing the Suez Canal may onlye this once.
France has been quite assertive overseas, offending many in their colonial conquests. Following the eruption of their civil war, many countries, including ourselves, have started pulling strings, wanting a share of the pie.
No war has broken out because there is no leader. If Austria takes the lead, the feast of dividing French colonies will erupt.
France, stripped of its overseas colonies, even if it ends its civil war, will struggle to pose any threat to Austrian strength, once you factor in the gains and losses."
France and Austria co-manage the Suez Canal out of necessity, not because everyone doesn¡¯t covet sole possession.
Times have changed, and now they have the strength to dominate the Suez Canal alone. Once they take control of the Egypt Area, Austria¡¯s colonies in Asia and Africa will be connected, no longer vulnerable to outside interference.
Foreign Minister George retorted, "My opinion is quite contrary; given the current international situation, the chances of Austria moving against the Egypt Area are negligible."
@@novelbin@@
He then picked up a pointer, walked over to the hanging world map, and pointed, "This is Austria, and you can tell from the map how terrible their strategic location is, surrounded by formidable enemies.
In recent years, the Vienna Government has reduced the Ottoman Empire to nothing through diplomatic finessebined with military strikes and took advantage of the Prusso-Russian War to finish Prussia and severely weaken the Russians, only then gradually improving the situation.
In the short term, seizing Egypt to strike at the French Empire may seem more profitable; but this will worsen rtions with France, who would be Austria¡¯s greatest enemy after their civil war ends.
History may repeat itself, with France and the Ottoman forming an alliance against the Habsburg dynasty. Given the trends in interests, the Russians will likely join in as well."
With that context, it would be difficult for Austria to find allies, even amongst the German Confederation, which is supposedly sympathetic to Austria, would probably lean towards an anti-Habsburg alliance."
George circled a spot on the map with the pointer and jabbed at it, "Embattled on all sides, should war erupt, Austria would be running ragged. No matter how powerful, the country couldn¡¯t sustain such a strain.
From a long-term development perspective, it¡¯s more necessary for Austria to continue maintaining friendly rtions with the French and take the opportunity to annihte the Ottoman Empire, securing a stable rear for Austria."
"Strategy" determined by geographical location is not deceiving, with the mapid out there, it¡¯s clear at a nce.
The rejuvenation of Austria, located at the heart of Europe, is a miracle in itself.
Behind this miracle is a series of diplomatic masterstrokes, maintaining friendly rtions with multiple countries, which has created conditions for revival.
Undoubtedly, having discovered Austria¡¯s ns, of course, sabotage is in order, otherwise it would betray our reputation as a "stirrer of trouble."
...
The British were one step too slow; the sess of the Paris Revolution emboldened Austria, and the Vienna Government already decided to cut the Gordian knot, proceeding without waiting for diplomatic results.
Franz asked, "Have we found a pretext for war?"
The key constraint on Austria¡¯s initiation of war was no longer the international situation.
The echo of gunfire in Paris propelled the European Revolution to new heights, and no one dared to engage in the grossest folly of waging war to defend the Ottoman Empire.
Nor was it a matter of capability; after two Near Eastern wars, the Ottoman Empire had long been gravely weakened.
Now, everything was ready; all that was missing was a war "pretext." For this reasonable pretext, Franz¡¯s hair was almost falling out.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "We have already controlled the evidence of the Ottoman Government¡¯s massacre of the Armenians, including 1867 citizens of the Empire."
Having said that, Weisenberg took out a thick stack of photographs from the envelope, which depicted the scenes of Ottoman soldiersmitting the massacre.
If Franz hadn¡¯t felt something familiar after flipping through a few, he might have almost believed it.
The photographs were definitely real; with the photographic technology of the time, faking them was impractical.
It was only that the timing of the events might have been a little off, advanced by just a few years.
The timing wasn¡¯t the key; as long as the content of the photographs was real, that was enough.
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, Franz still took out the most striking photo of the "Gatling swept refugees": "Those that have already been published in the newspapers shouldn¡¯t be disclosed to the public."
Weisenberg answered without changing expressions: "Your Majesty, please rest assured, these photographs have not been published.
You might find them familiar because the content is somewhat simr, but in essence, they are different."
Franz nodded; he still trusted the eye of professionals. He delegated the task of fabricating a war pretext to the Foreign Ministry and not the military primarily because of "expertise."
Otherwise, excuses like missing soldiers or sunken ships were just too strained to hold water.
Not to mention international belief, even the locals wouldn¡¯t believe it.
Byparison, the Foreign Ministry¡¯s thousands of Imperial citizens casualties were much more shocking to the heart.
After all, since the people were dead, the Vienna Government could im they were Austrian citizens, and it was just a matter of issuing citizenship paperwork posthumously.
Arge number didn¡¯t matter. The point of having thisrge number was to divert people¡¯s attention.
By shifting everyone¡¯s focus to the numbers, deep down they would unwittingly ept the narrative that Austrian citizens were killed in the Ottoman Empire.
The numbers issue, at worst, could be rectified after the war. Changing ¡¯citizens¡¯ to ¡¯immigrants pending application¡¯ and lowering the number of casualties, ming the unscrupulous media for not being rigorous would do.
Anyway, before the dust settled, the Vienna Government would not disclose the number of casualties in official documents. As for how the outside world interpreted it, they could do as they pleased.
...
On April 20, 1882, while the European world was still absorbed in the Paris Revolution, a piece of news published by the Balkan Daily about "the Ottoman Empire¡¯s massacre of Austrian citizens" emerged, breaking the situation.
The bright red figure "1867" attracted onlookers. Soon, several newspapers followed up with reports, but the numbers varied.
The highest was over ten thousand, the lowest only two, who were coteral damage during the Ottoman Empire¡¯s massacre of its internal ethnic minorities.
The number didn¡¯t matter; what mattered was that the Austrians were enraged. Those bloody photographs had touched everyone¡¯s bottom line, and different social circles were demanding that the government punish the Ottoman Empire.
Influenced by this, on April 22, 1882, the Vienna Government officiallymunicated with the Ottoman Empire to negotiate about the massacre.
The clueless Ottoman Government,pletely perplexed upon receiving the Austrian diplomatic note, took a while to realize¡ªtrouble was brewing.
Since the objective was to pick a quarrel, the negotiation was naturally doomed not to seed. On April 24, 1882, the Vienna Government unterally dered the negotiation had broken down.
The reason was: Austria had requested to send an investigative team to conduct a field investigation within Ottoman territory, and the Ottoman Government refused.
The massacre of ethnic minorities did exist; a few Armenian viges had recently been destroyed during internal ethnic conflicts, but this wasn¡¯t the main reason for the Ottoman Government¡¯s refusal.
As long as they could prove that there was no massacre of Austrian citizens, such issues were minor. At most, they¡¯d be condemned by public opinion, which was nothing new in Europe.
The problem was that alongside the investigative team, Austria also requested armed protection, and furthermore, the number of troops requested was asrge as a division, which was intolerable.
The Prusso-Russian War had already demonstrated the transport capabilities of airships; deploying an Austrian Infantry Division into the ind was akin to suicide.
The reason for refusal was, of course, selectively ignored by the Austrian media. The people in the Ottoman Empire were barbarians, and for the safety of the investigative team, troops for protection were obviously necessary!
Too many people?
It was just one infantry division, and as long as the Ottoman Government had nothing to hide, it shouldn¡¯t be wary.
As both sides thought from different perspectives, the conclusions they reached were naturally different.
After the breakdown of the negotiations, calls for revenge inside Austria surged.
The voice of the War Party gradually overpowered the Anti-war faction, and the atmosphere for war grew ever denser.
...
Chapter 747 - 10: Unexpected Incidents
```
The situation fermented too quickly, and political leaders across Europe were stunned. The negotiations broke down so abruptly, which waspletely out of the norm!
Usually, isn¡¯t it standard to quarrel for months, prepare for war, stoke public sentiment, and only then officially turn hostile?
Mediation was a must, even if only for the sake of appearance, a stance had to be taken.
Before April had ended, the Vienna Government had received diplomatic missives from more than a dozen countries, all of them calling for calm and peace.
Perhaps moved by everyone¡¯s sincerity, the Vienna Government made concessions and decided to restart the second round of negotiations on April 29, 1882, but international mediation was tactfully declined.
...
Affected by the tense situation in the Near East, Sir dstone, heralded as one of Britain¡¯s greatest Prime Ministers, could no longer keep hisposure.
dstone: "Gentlemen, the situation has be quite clear. The Austrian Government is resolute in starting a war, and the ughter was merely a pretext.
From Britain¡¯s perspective, we do not wish to see anything that would disrupt the stability of the Near East. Sadly, with France embroiled in civil war, we are unable to intervene as we¡¯d like.
Today, we need to discuss: should a major shift ur in the Near East situation, how can we ensure that Britain¡¯s interests are notpromised."
Foreign Minister George: "Being impacted is inevitable, at the very least, our stakes in the Ottoman Empire are certain to suffer.
If we simply want topensate for losses due to the war, we can still engage in an exchange of interests with Austria.
However, I don¡¯t rmend doing so. Looking at the current situation, the Ottomans¡¯ defeat is just a matter of time.
What happens next is hard to predict. If the Austrians only wish to punish the Ottomans to deflect domestic issues, that would still be manageable.
But if Austria were to absorb the Ottoman Empire entirely, the threat to us would be immense."
Having said this, George stood up and walked over to the hanging map, pointing with his smoking pipe: "Only Persia stands between us and India."
This was a harsh reality that had to be faced. The Ottoman Empire was in decline, and Persia was in an even worse state; it was impossible to expect Persia to stop Austria.
iming that "the Vienna Government has no interest in India" is probably something only Franz would believe¡ªcertainly, the London Government dared not.
When Austria¡¯s influence reached the Persian Gulf, it had already caused the London Government concern. Back then, there was a sea in between, and everyone had confidence in the Royal Navy.
But now things were different. If Austria were allowed to expand continuously, we would be neighbouring onnd. Surely we can¡¯t expect the Lobster Soldiers to spectacrly triumph and deter the enemy, can we?
Colonial Minister Primroseined: "This is utterly disastrous. Looking at the current situation, the Vienna Government clearly aims to annex the Ottoman, and there¡¯s no need to doubt their ambition.
If we don¡¯t want to be fighting a battle to defend India, we must stop the Austrians outside Mesopotamia."
The harsh reality was akin to Primrose¡¯s sentiment at that moment; as the Colonial Minister, any issuepromising India¡¯s security could bring about an irreparable political catastrophe for him.
Foreign Minister George decisively followed up: "No, that¡¯s not all, there are worse things yet toe!
If the Austrians don¡¯t go it alone and decide to share the spoils of the Ottoman Empire with Russia, then we will face threats from two great powers at once.
Given the Vienna Government¡¯s track record, the likelihood of such an event is quite high. They might even continue the Russian-Austrian Alliance with a n to divide up India."
Being encircled onnd by both Russia and Austria left nothing more to say.
No country in the world could withstand such a devastating blow, no matter how long they had operated in India.
Contemting this dreadful oue, dstone dered unequivocally: "Cease all support for the French Revolutionary Party immediately and help stabilize the domestic situation for Napoleon IV as soon as possible."
Britain needed allies, and never more so than now. Facing the potential Russian-Austrianbine, without a buffer, they truly couldn¡¯t hold on.
Foreign Minister George added: "The French aren¡¯t enough, we must find more allies. The Nordic Federation can also be brought over, perhaps it¡¯s time we expedite the establishment of North Germany."
The aftermath of the Prusso-Russian War had erupted. Without Prussia, the golden enforcer, even France alone wasn¡¯t sufficient to control the situation.
...
@@novelbin@@
Influenced by the revolutionary wave in Europe, Ottoman nationalism also became active. More and more Ottoman youths could no longer tolerate their government¡¯s powerless performance in reforms.
```
"After the ¡¯massacre¡¯ incident erupted, Ottoman nationalists felt insulted, believing that Austria was interfering with their internal affairs."
At the key moment when negotiations were to be restarted between the two Empires, the Ottoman Empire experienced a massive anti-imperialist movement.
Incited by patriotic youths, the people of Ankara held protests in the embassy district. These were minor issues; the mentality of the bullies was typically good, being protested against was part of their daily routine."
With frequent experiences, everyone became ustomed to it. However, during the protests, an unexpected incident urred; the Greek Envoy, Sextus, was beaten to death by the protesting popce, and the matter escted seriously.
Even Franz was baffled. What did the Greek people have to do with this?
It couldn¡¯t possibly be imed that Greek imperialism was invading the Ottoman, demanding a blood debt be repaid with blood?
With the utmost malice, Franz had sufficient reason to suspect that it was the work of Austrian agents, though there was no evidence.
More news came in, unraveling the mystery in everyone¡¯s minds.
It is said that as the Greek Envoy was returning from an outing, his carriage hit and killed a child crossing the street, inciting the boiling blood of the Ottoman people, and the conflict erupted.
The great powers were untouchable, but was even small Greece not to be provoked?
By the time the Ottoman police arrived at the scene, Sextus, the unlucky Envoy, along with his coachman and guard, had all met their maker.
An Envoy beaten to death alive ¨C no matter how the Ottoman Government attempted to exin, it was futile.
Originally, it was the Ottoman Government that sought to hold Sextus ountable for the carriage ident, but the person in question was already dead, and the dead need bear no responsibility.
At this point, the responsibility had shifted. Greece, now the victim, naturally would not admit to the carriage hitting someone.
The Greece Government insisted that the Ottomans barbarically and cruelly murdered Envoy Sextus and demanded that the Ottoman Government surrender all suspects for investigation by the Greece Government.
That¡¯s right, "all." The Greece Government believed that everyone who participated in the protest that day was a suspect and demanded that the Ottoman Government hand them over for scrutiny by the Greece Government.
This was an impossibility. The number of civilians participating in the protest that day reached into the tens of thousands, and the Ottoman Government, even if it wanted to calm the situation, could not possibly hand over these individuals.
...
Having understood the cause and effect, Franzughed and said, "So, it seems the Greek people want to take advantage of the situation to pick up a bargain."
The ¡¯Envoy assassination¡¯ case provided the Greece Government with the perfect opportunity to intervene.
Austria needed a reasonable pretext for war, and tying Greece¡¯s ¡¯Envoy assassination¡¯ case together with the ¡¯massacre¡¯ would undoubtedly enhance the persuasiveness of thetter.
The Ottoman Government could not possibly clear its reputation. There might have been exaggerations in the ¡¯massacre¡¯ case, but a real Envoy did die in the ¡¯Envoy assassination¡¯ case."
Minister Weisenberg replied, "Yes. Not long after the incident, the Greece Government contacted us, expressing willingness to jointly dispatch troops tobat the barbaric Ottoman Empire.
Although the attitude of the Greek people was quite agreeable, their appetites were not small. They were interested not only in the inds of the Aegean Sea, but they also wanted a share from the Asia Minor Penins."
For a country with a heavy historical burden like Greece, the dream of bing a great power was indispensable.
Unfortunately, Greece¡¯s luck was not very good, with any neighboring power having the capability to beat them, so even with great ambitions, they had to keep them in check.
The Ottomans represented their only chance for territorial expansion; if they missed this chance, they would truly have to return home and dream on."
Franz nonchntly said, "The world is fair; what you reap and sow are equivalent.
If the Greek people want to take a share from the Asia Minor Penins, let them first prove their strength.
Tell the Greek people that we will distribute the spoils of war ording to the contribution made in battle. If they want to take awaynd, they must make contributions on the battlefield."
Undoubtedly, ¡¯distributing spoils ording to contribution¡¯ was a huge pitfall. Contributions on the battlefield had to rely on strength, and the Ottoman Empire, albeit weak, was not something Greece could rival.
With their meager resources, if they cannot contain their greed, they might well throw everything they have into it."
In this cruel world, strength always determined the distribution of interests. Hoping for fairness was less reliable than counting on the honor of the Vienna Government.
Chapter 748 - 11, Anti-Turkish Alliance
The sudden assassination of the envoy caused European public opinion, which was already unfavorable towards the Ottomans, to bepletely one-sided, and even the politicians, experts, and schrs who had previously tended towards supporting the Ottomans had now fallen silent.
As a result, the Vienna Government, on May 7, 1882, just three days after the incident, terminated the second round of negotiations.
Immediately following this, on May 9, the Vienna Government issued an ultimatum to the Ottoman Government, demanding they hand over the perpetrators behind the "massacre" within a week.
This wasn¡¯t a matter of agreement or dissent; it was simply impossible to achieve.
The massacre involved such a vague group of people, and the identities of the victims, their numbers, and the location of the crime were all undefined. It was impossible to know where to start an investigation.
It wasn¡¯t a question of having a week; even if the Ottoman Government had a year, they would be unable to find the real culprits.
At the same time the Vienna Government released its deration, the Greece Government also sent an ultimatum to the Ottoman Empire, with simr content, demanding the handover of the perpetrators.
Everyone knew that war wasing, and the internationalmunity turned its eyes to London and St. Petersburg; now, only these two had the influence over this war.
France would have been included as well, if not for their dual governments, where one supporting meant the other had to oppose.
At such a critical time for winning over the hearts of the people, only a fool would support the Ottomans and risk offending domestic religious powers.
In the St. Petersburg Gatina Pce, the Ottoman Diplomat Dimitri-Pasha had already been anxiously waiting in the reception room for more than three hours, his apanying cigars close to running out.
At this moment, Alexander III was enjoying a leisurely fishing trip, and although he couldn¡¯t yet say, "The Tsar is on holiday, let Europe wait," he could already make the Ottomans wait.
"Your Majesty, the ministers have arrived," said the maid in a clear voice.
"Bring them in," Alexander III responded.
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As for the waiting Ottoman Diplomat, let him keep waiting; Alexander III had no intention of meeting him.
If it weren¡¯t for putting on a show for the Austrians and increasing their bargaining chips at the negotiating table, the Ottoman Diplomat might not even have been able to enter the pce.
Alexander III appeared all smiles, but his mood was far from good; only his good upbringing allowed him to keep his emotions from showing.
This sudden Near East war was different from its predecessors, as the Austrian Government had notmunicated with them in advance, which was a blow to Alexander III¡¯s pride.
The world is pragmatic. During the first Near East war, the Russian Empire was at its zenith, and everything revolved around the Tsarist Government. By their formidable strength, they had acquired the long-coveted Constantinople.
During the second Near East war, the situation changed; the Austrian Empire became the main force, with the Russian Empire only ying a supporting role.
Even as the support role, it was a position pre-coordinated, and in the Alliance, Russia¡¯s status was still not low.
Things change, however, and now the power dynamic between Russia and Austria had drastically shifted, and they found themselves in a dispensable position.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s dy in taking a stand was meant to pressure Austria, to increase their say in the war.
Unfortunately, the civil war in France changed the situation, relieving Austria of their worries, and significantly reducing Russia¡¯s importance in this war.
...
Putting down his fishing rod, Alexander III stood up and adjusted his clothes, "The third Near East war has erupted, and now we must make a choice. What do you think?" he asked.
Military heavyweight Marshal Ivanov was the first to speak, "Your Majesty, it is a rare opportunity, this is the best moment for the revival of the Russian Empire."
Minister of Internal Affairs Chernomor said, "Marshal, this war does not hold much significance for us. What the Empire needs now is to recuperate and rejuvenate, not territorial expansion.
After the previous two Near East wars, the Ottoman Empire has already lost its threat to our Empire; the only thing of value they hold is their control over the other side of the ck Sea Strait.
If it were twenty years ago, it would indeed be very important to us, but now, it has be a moot point.
The Empire¡¯s painstakingly developed ck Sea Fleet is gone, and with the current state of our finances, we are in no position to rebuild it in short order. Even if we acquired the key to the Mediterranean, it would be meaningless to us."
Hearing this exnation, Ivanov became furious, "How can you say it holds no meaning? To be able to eradicate the Ottomans, our old foe, and fulfill the wishes of our ancestors is the greatest significance."
"Empire reborn..."
Listening to Marshal Ivanov¡¯s unceasing speech, Alexander III felt that inviting him to this meeting was a mistake.
However, the Russian Empire was a ce that believed in the strong, and with his impressive military achievements, no one could ignore Marshal Ivanov¡¯s opinion.
The good-natured Alexander III quickly adjusted his attitude, knowing that the military¡¯s pro-war stance was inevitable; any military leader in his ce would have reacted the same way.
Without war, how could one earn military glory? Why wouldn¡¯t the military leaders want to tackle the sure-win scenario of fighting the Ottoman Empire¡ªhow else would they justify themselves to their subordinates?
Did you really think that "a Tsar who does not attack the Ottomans is not a true Tsar" was just a joke?
The Russo-Turkish wars, happening on average less than every twenty years, were not fought solely to capture Constantinople. In fact, more often than not, everyone knew it was unachievable even before the wars began.
The Tsarist Government still insisted on ying this level because the Tsar needed prestige, the military needed glory, and the government needed...
Beating the Ottomans always yielded rich rewards, and after nearly two hundred years of fermentation, the benefits of annihting the Ottoman Empire had be even more appealing.
Ivanov had made his name fighting the Ottomans. If he could wipe out the Ottoman Empire, the resulting historical impact would certainly make him legendary¡ªat least in Russian history books, which would extensively glorify the event.
Finance Minister Alisher Gurov couldn¡¯t help interrupting, "Your Excellency the Marshal, we all know the benefits of killing the Ottomans, but the problem is the government is out of money.
"If we join this war, we will have to rely financially on the Austrians. If we use their money for the war, we will surely suffer losses when ites to dividing the spoils afterward.
"From the Empire¡¯s standpoint, dying this Near Eastern war and waiting until we have recovered our strength will maximize our benefits," Gurov added.
It was true. A half-dead Ottoman Empire posed no threat; waiting another decade or two to strike wouldn¡¯t be a problem.
On the contrary, if the Ottomans were eliminated now, allowing most of the Near East to fall into Austrian hands, Russia would be truly cut off from influence there.
Unmoved, Ivanov said, "That¡¯s pure idealism. Austria already possesses the independent capability to annihte the Ottomans.
"European nations are constrained by revolutionary waves and cannot intervene in Austria¡¯s actions in the short term.
"Unless we¡¯re out of our minds to ally with the Ottomans, the Ottoman Empire¡¯s demise is already sealed.
"I don¡¯t believe anyone here is that foolish. As for the matter of benefits, that will test our diplomatic skill.
"But however bad it is, it¡¯s still better than doing nothing and watching Austria destroy the Ottomans," Ivanov argued.
Even though it was unpleasant to hear, logically, there was no fault in his argument. The Tsarist Government indeed could not support the Ottoman Empire; otherwise, they would not have to wait for Austrian retribution¡ªtheir own country would undergo a coup first.
The enmity between Russia and the Ottomans had seeped deep into the bones of the Russians, especially among the nobility.
Every Russian aristocratic household with more than two hundred years of history had shed with the Ottoman Empire. They all had friends or family who had fallen in battle; this vendetta had been passed down from generation to generation.
The most recent thirty years recorded in history books saw two Ruso-Turkish conflicts; even if the government wanted to soften these feelings of animosity, it was toote to act.
Aside from hatred, interests were also key. Not participating in this war would allow Austria to stretch its influence into the ck Sea after destroying the Ottomans, posing a genuine threat.
...
On May 11, 1882, the Tsarist Government presented the Ottoman Empire with a demand for the redrawing of borders; everyone knew that the war had gained a new participant.
Perhaps spurred by Russia¡¯s entry, the Montenegro Duchy soon made its move.
On May 12, 1882, the Montenegro government presented the Ottoman Empire with a massivepensation im of "860 million Divine Shields."
It detailed the list of losses caused to Montenegro over the past several hundred years due to Ottoman military invasions.
Allies were wee, whether they were just making up the numbers or vying for presence; the Vienna Government warmly weed the sudden entry of Montenegro.
With that, the Anti-Turkish Alliance led by Austria was officially established.
Chapter 749 - 12, The Third Near East War Breaks Out
London, the emergence of the Anti-Turkish Alliance directly bankrupted all previous ns of the British Government.
At this time, Prime Minister dstone was no longer worried about rescuing the Ottomans but rather how to ensure the security of India.
"How is the situation in France?"
Foreign Minister George shook his head, "It¡¯s extremely bad. This Empire is practically made of paper, unable to withstand the slightest wind.
Bourgeois Revolutionary Party, Republicans, Social Revolutionary Party, Orleans Restoration Organization, Bourbon Dynasty Restoration Organization, Italian Independent Organization..."
A country with so many anti-government forces is unimaginable; it¡¯s a wonder how the Bonaparte Dynasty has held on."
Looking at the disconcerted British Foreign Minister, one would hardly imagine that these haphazard organizations had all received funding from the British Government at some point.
After relentless efforts, these investments finally began to take effect, but unfortunately, it was at the wrong time, and everything backfired.
There¡¯s no one to me; everyone does the same. The London Government supported French anti-government organizations, and the Paris Government likewise supported anti-British groups.
dstone nodded gravely, "The French have indeed be more active. The Pandora¡¯s box Napoleon himself opened has finallye back to wreak havoc on his Empire."
After speaking, dstone realized something was amiss, as it seemed that Britannia was also lifting a stone only to drop it on its own foot.
Without their generous contributions, the French Revolutionary Party wouldn¡¯t have grown so strong, nor would there be the current civil war in France.
If a civil war hadn¡¯t erupted in France, Austria would not dare to rashly wage war without being able to ensure security on its western front.
Thinking of this, dstone revealed a trace of bitterness, "It seems we, along with the French, have been fooled by the Austrians, led by the nose to the present situation."
Foreign Minister George waved his hand dismissively, "Prime Minister, you¡¯re being too pessimistic. The situation evolving to this point is entirely coincidental.
Although the Austrians might have had a hand in this, they could never have foreseen France being so fragile."
From a profit standpoint, Austria became the biggest beneficiary. Though Britannia seemed to have be passive, their gains were by no means low.
Whether it was short-selling the Franc earlier; or engaging in product dumping, suppressingpetitors; or seizing the interests of the French overseas, Britannia emerged victorious.
Their only miscalction was underestimating the internal conflicts within France.
The internal conflicts of France were caused by multiple factors, with the Anglo-Austrian invasion of France¡¯s financial system and their product dumping acting merely as catalysts.
In the early days of the Industrial Revolution, France rapidlypleted its industrialization relying on substantial capital.
As industrialization progressed, the shortage of raw materials became increasingly severe. To ensure smooth industrial production, the French had no choice but to import aggressively.
Impacted by the "import" of raw materials, industrial production costs in France remained high. When they yed by themselves behind closed doors, it wasn¡¯t a big deal, but after joining the free trade system, the situation became dire.
Capitalists, in their bid to dominate the marketpetition, sought ways to reduce industrial production costs, including intensifying the exploitation of the working ss.
Where there is oppression, there is resistance. The cruel exploitation by capitalists directly led to the outbreak of the Frenchbor movement.
Beyond internal factors, the annexation of the Italian territories also yed a significant role in exacerbating conflicts.
After the merger, the market for goods within Great France increased significantly, but so did the demand for industrial raw materials and greater employment pressures.
Due to the disparity in economic development levels,bor costs in the Italian Area were much lower, leading to arge influx of Italiansing to maind France for work.
The abundance ofbor, while promoting the development of French industry andmerce, also provided capitalists with the audacity to relentlessly exploit the working ss.
During the era of Napoleon III, the French industrial scale was limited, and the demand for raw materials was not very high; French industry andmerce did not need to bear higher production costs, and the economy was naturally very good.
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In the period of Napoleon IV, the total French industrial output had grown significantly, industrial costs had substantially risen, and corporate profits began to decline.
Especially after joining the free trade system, marketpetition became more brutal, andbor-capital conflicts grew increasingly intense.
Crisis loomed, mainly limited to the lower sses. Capital controlled the media, thebor-capital crisis was downyed or misconstrued, and the crisis was hidden in a blind spot invisible to the rulers.
Before the revolution broke out, France¡¯s economy seemed very prosperous, and naturally, the London Government did not realize that the Empire was hollow inside.
The facade of strength, ingrained notions, geopolitics, and the French government¡¯s assertiveness led the London Government to conclude that this was: the greatest threat.
Indeed, the greatest threat had to be suppressed with the utmost severity.
Austria also saw France as the greatest threat. Unfortunately, France, situated in the middle, suffered thebined oppression of the world¡¯s two most powerful nations.
After a series of blows, its mighty image was deted. Intensified internal conflicts led to theplete loss of control of the situation in France.
This was the collective responsibility of past governments. dstone promptly shifted the sensitive topic, "What¡¯s done is done, there¡¯s no point in dwelling on it.
"The key issue now is to figure out a way to help Napoleon IV stabilize the situation and recover his strength, alleviating the pressure we¡¯re about to face,"
Finance Minister George Childs analyzed, "To stabilize the situation in France, we must first stabilize the French economy.
This is very difficult. Our domestic economic situation is also very bad, and the government can¡¯t prevent capitalists from dumping products."
The French bourgeoisie was terrified by the Paris Revolution, and Napoleon IV has already gained the support of domestic financial groups; he isn¡¯t short of money right now."
The French economic crisis was ravaged to arge extent by the transfer of excess production capacity by Anglo-Austrian interests, and the most effective way to recover the economy in the short term is to protect the market."
However, this goes against the free trade agreements and is part of the core interests of the Anglo-Austrian two countries. The London Government does not have the spirit of sacrificing its own interests for others and would not allow such a thing to happen."
If France were to unterally break the agreement without being punished, other countries facing problems would follow suit, and the free trade system that the British Government built through the effort of hundreds of thousands of years would crumble."
Napoleon IV has not announced his withdrawal from the free trade system because he fears provoking the Anglo-Austrian two countries and losing international support."
dstone fell into deep thought. It was a dilemma. If the London Government was willing to ease up, the French would definitely adopt trade barriers."
The consequence would be an intensification of the domestic economic crisis and an even more turbulent situation, leaving the interest-hurt bourgeoisie no choice but to overthrow him."
After hesitating for a moment, dstone made a decision from the heart; he was the British Prime Minister and needed to be responsible for the British public."
"Increase diplomatic support and leverage our influence to persuade more people to support Napoleon IV.
If possible, stabilize the Orleans Dynasty and the Bourbon Dynasty first. As long as they do not intervene, the French Army will not be in disorder, and this rebellion can be quickly quelled."
There was no way around it. Although Napoleon III had sought to purge military forces loyal to the former dynasty uponing to power, the influence of such forces simply could not bepletely eradicated."
The Paris Revolution had not been suppressed, mainly because some in the French Army were dragging their feet, with many troops hardly exerting any effort on the battlefield."
George nodded, "The Foreign Office has already made contact with the Orleans and Bourbon Dynasties, and the current situation is not what they want to see either.
We are nning to arrange a meeting of representatives from the three royal families in the near future to reconcile the differences among all parties as much as possible."
The situation in France is very grim now. Both the Orleans and Bourbon Dynasties are at a disadvantage in this reshuffling, and even if the Bonaparte Dynasty falls, it will not be their turn to restore their rule."
If there were several royal families in an Eastern country, they would likely have killed each other without any possibility ofpromise."
However, the situation in Europe is special, and the situation in France is even more so, with the three major dynasties representing the interests of three waves of nobility, essentially backed by interest groups."
The Orleans Dynasty didn¡¯t kill all the nobles loyal to the Bonaparte Dynasty, and Napoleon III did not go on a ughter against the nobles loyal to the Orleans when he came to power."
Under the tradition of not killing nobles lightly, so-called purges amounted to nothing more than forcing political losers to go home."
Once at home, a significant portion of these losers remained very wealthy and still had considerable power locally."
No one wants to be marginalized, and these discontented individuals are the sponsors of restoration efforts, while those who carry out the restoration actions are the nobles who have fallen from grace due to losing in power struggles."
Their desire to return to the center of power and revive family glory makes restoration the best option."
With financial backers in ce, and willingbatants avable, this is why the restoration force of the French royal family remains strong."
Once dethroned, the royal families only have influence andck the power tomand armies."
Aside from Napoleon III, an anomaly of the Bonaparte Dynasty, the other two dynasties have not been proactive in their restoration efforts."
Reconciling differences is essentially a redistribution of interests. As long as the interest groups behind the scenes reach apromise, the restoration efforts can be postponed."
...
The actions of the British did not affect the Anti-Turkish Alliance¡¯s actions. Under the leadership of the Vienna Government, Austria, Russia, Montenegro, and Greece held an Anti-Ottoman conference in Vienna.
After brief contact, the representatives of the four countries unanimously agreed: only by overthrowing the barbaric, brutal Ottoman Government could they help the Ottomans enter civilized society.
On May 16, 1882, representatives in Vienna formally concluded an alliance with the core objective of overthrowing the Ottoman Government and the task of destroying the Ottoman Empire."
The day after the signing of the alliance, the Vienna Government, on the grounds that the Ottomans refused to hand over the murderers, formally dered war on the Ottoman Empire."
In the following week, Greece, Montenegro, and the Russian Empire dered war on the Ottoman Empire for their respective reasons, and the third Near East war broke out in full scale."
Having several allies had its pros and cons. The most direct impact was that Austria¡¯s battle ns changed."
The war came too suddenly; Russia, Montenegro, and Greece were not prepared for it. Although Austria could supply materials, there had to be time for the armies to assemble."
To avoid the awkward situation of Austrian troops fighting hard at the front while allies cheer from the rear, Franz decisively ordered the military to dy the offensive."
A bizarre scene unfolded; the Near East war had broken out, but only the Austrian Navy was in action.
Chapter 750 - 13, Gathering of the Generals
```
ording to the terms of the alliance, Austria, Russia, Greece, and Montenegro sent troops: 350,000, 336,000, 26,000, and 3,000 respectively, with Austrian Chief of Staff Albrecht serving as the Allied Commander.
Just looking at these numbers, one could tell that this was a campaign that could lead to national extinction. It should be noted that in thest Near East war, Russia and Austria deployed less than 300,000 troops each, which left the Ottoman Empire questioning its existence.
The most important aspect of joint operations is coordination, with the biggest challenge being thenguage barrier andmunication difficulties, which increased theplexity of cooperation among the troops.
In the second half of May, the four nations set to work on this problem, with Albrecht, the Allied Commander, holding several joint meetings to coordinate and organize rtionships.
The slow actions of the Allied Forces gave the Ottoman Government hope, and Abdul Hamid II ordered a nationwide mobilization.
In a fit of desperation, the Ottoman Government extended the mobilization age to include even 12-year-olds, and anyone who could bear arms, without an upper limit.
Over the years, the Ottomans had garnered much hatred, and among the Anti-Turkish Alliance, all four nations bore grudges against them, leaving no room for reconciliation.
When faced with national survival, it is easy to ignite a country¡¯s potential. Under the threat of extinction, Ottoman reformists, conservatives, and religious forces tacitly ceased their infighting.
¡
At Downing Street, inside the Prime Minister¡¯s residence, the British Foreign Secretary George said, "The Ottoman Government¡¯s performance ismendable; they are prepared to fight desperately.
The Ottoman Grand Vizier Midhat Pasha issued an extreme mobilization order, nning to deploy 2 million troops for a decisive battle against the Anti-Turkish Alliance."
Prime Minister dstone was shocked, "The Ottomans want 2 million troops? How is that possible? How many people do they have, and how can they support such an army?"
One should not oversimplify mobilization just because both nations mobilized millions of troops in the Prusso-Russian war.
In Europe, only Ennd, France, Russia, and Austria could muster 2 million troops; there is no fifth country capable of doing so.
Spain might manage to muster so many able-bodied men, but Spain¡¯s national power simply cannot sustain it. The German Federation and the Nordic Federation fall short even in numbers.
Beyond the requirements for hardware, suchrge-scale mobilization is also a test of the government¡¯s organizational capacity.
Being mobilized doesn¡¯t mean it can happen immediately. For instance, Britain, when pushed to its limits, could even muster 5 million, not just 2 million.
But time is essential, and that is exactly what iscking on the battlefield. We are now in an era of modern weaponry; it¡¯s not enough to simply recruit able-bodied individuals into the army to consider mobilizationplete.
While ordinary soldiers might be trained for ten days or half a month and then sent to the battlefield as cannon fodder, artillerymen and airship soldiers, as technical troops, can¡¯t be trained in such a short time.
Even at the height of the Ottoman Empire, they did not have the capability to support 2 million troops, let alone now when the Ottomans are at half strength, attempting to mobilize 2 million troops seems unreliable.
Foreign Minister George saidposedly, "The number may be a bit exaggerated, but it also reflects the determination of the Ottoman Government.
You must understand that the Ottomans are a special nation, and universal conscription is entirely possible. With their poption of seven or eight million, it is still usible to gather 2 million troops.
Of course, this requires our help. Once they enter a state of universal conscription, Ottoman production will essentially be ruined, and their national strength won¡¯tst long..."
Finance Minister George Childs interrupted, "Sir, this Near East war is no ordinary conflict. The Vienna Government has made up its mind to bring down the Ottoman Empire.
Given the current situation, the possibilities of the Ottoman Empire surviving are very slim.
Our investments in them are bound to be fruitless, and the government cannot waste taxpayers¡¯ money."
War is a resource-hungry beast, and even the wealthy Great Britain Empire must carefully consider its moves.
"No!"
"How can this be a waste?"
George exined, "Without the Ottomans as a buffer, we will have to face the Russian Bear and the Double-headed Eagle directly.
One can imagine that once this happens, the defense of India won¡¯t be far off.
The Ottomans are ready to fight to the death; by merely supplying them with some materials, they will do everything they can to stop the Double-headed Eagle and the Russian Bear.
Instead of spending a great deal of money on the defense of India, it would be wiser to support the Ottomans with less funding..."
Finance Minister George Childs rolled his eyes dismissively, coldly interjecting, "The precondition is that the Ottomans can win. Otherwise, other than intensifying the conflict and precipitating the defense war in India, it would be meaningless."
The Finance Minister¡¯s meaning was very clear; he had little faith in the Ottomans. Should they lose the war, the Ottoman Empire would cease to exist, and Britain did not have the power to make Vienna and St. Petersburg take on the debts.
Even worse, by sponsoring the Ottomans, it could provoke strong dissatisfaction from both countries, leading them to form an alliance to divide India.
Foreign Minister George persisted, "We can¡¯t count it that way. The odds of the Ottomans winning are indeed low, but with our support, they can hold out for a longer period.
Among the four nations of the Anti-Turkish Alliance, Greece and Montenegro are merely making up numbers, and while the Russians have decent military power, they are short of funds, and war expenses are destined to be covered by Austria.
For every penny we invest in the Ottomans, the Anti-Turkish Alliance will have to pay several times the price to win the war.
France is no longer effective. Napoleon IV, even after suppressing the rebellion, would need years to recover.
Using this war to bleed Austria and drain their finances is crucial for maintaining the bnce of power in Europe.
Moreover, international situations change rapidly, and with prolonged conflict, there is always a chance of reversing the situation."
Despite the rest sounding like idle talk, the idea of using the war to deplete Austria¡¯s financial resources caught dstone¡¯s attention.
```
Destruction is always easier than construction. If the Ottomans cannot be maintained, then shattering them is the next best option. Yet turning thend into a nk canvas wouldn¡¯t necessarily strengthen Austria¡¯s power.
One must look at theparative losses on both sides when considering an act that harms another without benefitting oneself. Strategies like "incurring a loss of three hundred to kill a thousand enemies" can be used as surprise tactics for winning against the odds.
The game of great powers can no longer be assessed by simple calctions of losses and gains. In a sense, victory is secured as long as the rival suffers greater losses than we do.
...
In the ancient city of Constantinople, the smell of gunpowder became intense once again. The headquarters of the Anti-Turkish Alliance was situated in this politically significant metropolis.
This was also a politicalpromise between Russia and Austria. An Austrian was appointed as the Allied Commander, and the headquarters was established on Russian territory to show that Russia and Austria held equal status within the Alliance.
At this moment, the Allied Command was brimming with stars¡ªso many, it could be said, "Generals abound; only Marshals are high-ranking."
There was no helping it; after the Prusso-Russian war, the Russian Army had shrunk from its peak of over five million to just over five hundred thousand. Even with the outbreak of the Near East war, this number only increased to seven hundred thousand.
After the reduction in force structure, it became normal for corpsmanders to be divisionmanders, and for divisionmanders to be regimentalmanders.
Given this backdrop, it would be difficult for Russian military ranks not to be high.
What would generally be the ranks of a brigadier general or a colonel leading a division elsewhere, in Russia all began with the rank of major general at the lowest.
The Near East war was seen as an excellent opportunity to earn military honors, naturally attracting many participants, resulting in even major generalsmanding regiments.
Perhaps influenced by the Russians, Montenegro and Greece also promoted "provisional generals" and "provisional marshals" to be able to speak on equal terms on the battlefield.
In particr, the marshal from Montenegro Duchy might be the most tragic marshal of his time, with only the strength of an augmented regiment under hismand.
So many generals significantly increased the coordination difficulties for Albrecht. As per convention, it¡¯s usual to appoint those of higher rank as the primary officers on the battlefield.
If that were to be done, the Austrian army involved in the coordinated operations would suffer significant disadvantages.
Austria had no concept of "provisional ranks" or "provisional marshals," and Franz would not stoop to such base acts.
Equality was impossible. Even if all of Austria¡¯s generals were summoned, they would not match in number.
Chief of Staff Albrecht personally taking the role of Allied Commander was, in truth, an act of necessity.
Without war, military promotionse far less easily. Austria¡¯s military system was mature, and without sufficient military achievements, it was impossible to be a marshal just by seniority alone.
With the passing of the older generation, Albrecht became one of the surviving marshals of the Austrian military and thus the prime candidate for the position of Allied Commander.
At the Allied Command, Major General Bartholomew, the military judge: "Commander, in the past three days, there have been 128 cases of disturbing the peace and brawls. The military court arrested 358 individuals, including three generals."
With the congregating of armies from four nations, security in Constantinople deteriorated rapidly. In this city teeming with generals, the police were simply powerless.
At the request of the mayor of Constantinople, Albrecht set up the Allied military court. Regrettably, while the military court had the authority to arrest people, it had no power to pass sentence.
The Allied Forces were partners without a hierarchy; the military legal standards of different nations varied, so prisoners could only be handed over to their respective countries for disposition.
Generally speaking, as long as no major debacle ensued, most incidents were smoothed over quietly.
Without the ability to "kill the chicken to scare the monkey," the deterrent effect of the military court was naturally weak.
As things stood, the job of the military court was to arrest people every day¡ªrelease them¡ªarrest them again¡ªrelease them again... in an endless cycle.
Within less than half a month since the establishment of the Allied Command, some had already achieved the dubious distinction of seven arrests and seven releases.
Albrecht nodded, aware that Constantinople was Russian territory. If the Russians weren¡¯t anxious, it was not his ce to y the viin.
In fact, most of the Russian troops were in St. Petersburg, and the majority of those who vited military discipline were Russian officers and soldiers.
Seeing the disorder of the Allied Forces, Albrecht had already lost hope in the sess of this joint operation.
It should be noted that those who entered Constantinople included military leaders and guards from various nations who,pared to ordinary soldiers, were supposed to be more sensible.
Yet even good judgment is no match for alcohol. Over ny-five percent of all the misconduct urred after drinking.
Jealousy, fights, dining and dashing, and refusing to pay for purchases were par for the course, with the most preposterous cases involving duels in the streets.
Once drunk, there was no limit to the absurdity that could ensue.
On the battlefield, there is today but no guarantee of tomorrow. The need to relieve stress before the outbreak of war makes such debauchery among the lower ranks unsurprising.
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Normally, one would expect individuals of a general¡¯s rank not to get into trouble, but the Russian army was an exception. Due to the war, many dark horses had risen within the Russian army.
These individuals werepetent inbat, and their propensity for breaking military discipline was directly proportional to theirbat effectiveness. Albrecht initially tried to enforce discipline, but after seeing it repeatedly, he gave up.
Albrecht was no longer interested in the details. "Lock them up in solitary confinement for one day, then have the representatives of their nations retrieve them."
Deep down, Albrecht had resolved not to keep his troops with the Russian army. If they spent too much time together and adopted these bad habits, the trouble would be significant.
Once the idea of dividing the forces took hold, it became inescapable. Voices in his head warned him that taking such arge group of unreliable allies into battle would be disastrous.
...
Chapter 751 - 14, Albrecht who betrays his teammates
At the military meeting, Albrecht said, "Everyone is clear about the situation of the Ottomans, the lengthy border line of the Asia Minor Penins is all a battlefield."
Considering the current special circumstances, I¡¯ve decided to divide our forces and attack on multiple fronts to disrupt the enemy¡¯s strategic deployment.
Taking into ount thenguage barrier and difficulty in coordinatingbined operations, the troops from different countries will operate independently for the time being. After thendings arepleted, we will then proceed with joint operations based on the actual situations on the battlefield.
During thending operations, the Austrian Navy will be responsible for transporting the troops from various countries and will also provide necessary fire support.
The Allied Command will send personnel to record military merits. Everyone¡¯s performance on the battlefield will be taken as a reference for the allocation of spoils of war after the battle.
"Who has questions, you may now ask."
"Dividing forces," this news was so sudden that it caught everyone off guard.
Before this, the Allied Command had always been coordinating the cooperation amongst the countries. Albrecht did not consult everyone before proposing "division of forces."
It¡¯s not that Albrecht is willful and autocratic; the main issue is that there are too many participants in the meeting, and when there are many people, intelligence is not always up-to-par.
Especially given that he was representing four countries, everyone was looking at the issue from their own standpoint; their starting points were inherently different.
Dragging everyone in for a discussion would just waste time and serve no purpose.
Marshal Ivanov of the Russian Army was the first to speak up, "Your Excellency the Commander, there is no problem with dividing forces, but how will logistics be ensured?"
Albrecht calmly replied, "The Allied Commander will allocate supplies based on the number of troops from each unit. When not inbat, supplies will be directly distributed to the division.
After the start of thending operations, the centralmand will distribute the supplies to themands of each country, and you will be responsible for disseminating them to your units.
The centralmand can arrange for ships to transport supplies to the ports you specify, provided that you ensure the safety of those ports."
After some thought, Ivanov responded, "I represent the Russian Empire and agree with division of forces!"
There¡¯s no way around it; on the battlefield, whoever has control over logistics has the firmer voice.
Albrecht managed to quickly persuade so many proud and brave soldiers not because of his outstanding military achievements or his strong charisma, but because he had control over the distribution of logistics supplies for the Allied Forces.
This was determined by reality; of the four nations in the Anti-Turkish Alliance, Austria was a bit more affluent, while the rest were poor.
Montenegro and Greece were both poor and small, asking them to provide military supplies for arge army would starve the troops at the front.
The Russians could provide some supplies, since they still had quite a bit of strategic materials left after the Prusso-Russian War, but unfortunately, they couldn¡¯t be transported over in a short time.
The logistics,pletely dependent on Austria, naturally ced the power of discourse into Austrian hands. Albrecht, who was responsible for the distribution of supplies, naturally became the most powerful man in Constantinople.
The Russians also contributed over 300,000 troops, so the division of forces had little impact on them. With so many troops, even if they had to face the Ottoman Empire alone, Ivanov would not falter.
The division of forces affected Montenegro and Greece the most. Independentlymanding their operations avoided the risk of bing cannon fodder, but the risk ofplete annihtion was also increased.
Following the main forces of the Allied Forces might involve dirty and tiring work, but since everyone was allies, the Russians and Austrians would surely lend a hand in times of danger.
Out of political considerations, should the loss of troops be heavy, the Allied Command would immediately reassign them to the rear for misceneous duties.
Even if their numbers were small, they still represented a country, one of the unwavering four pirs of the Anti-Turkish Alliance. If a whole army was wiped out, it would be equivalent to losing one country.
The military impact might be small, but politically it was extremely deadly. Whether it be Greece or Montenegro, the annihtion of any one would ce the responsibility first and foremost on Albrecht, the Commander of the Allied Forces.
Dividing forces was different; the operations were conducted independently by each nation and eachmand was responsible for its own actions. Even in the event ofplete annihtion, the political repercussions would be greatly diminished.
Especially for the Montenegro Duchy, with just the strength of an erged regiment, being oblivious could lead toplete annihtion.
Marshal Maxim Trenchev from the Montenegro Duchy hastily asked, "Your Excellency the Commander, how will the specificbat ns be allocated?"
Whether dividing forces was dangerous could be discerned by looking at thebat missions.
Maxim Trenchev had already made up his mind: if the risk was great, he would feign weakness. After all, the Montenegro Duchy didn¡¯t have much of an international reputation to lose and wasn¡¯t afraid of losing face.
This also had historical and cultural traditions, as they started resisting the Ottoman Empire since the 14th century. Defending a small area against the Ottomans for more than five hundred years without being destroyed proved their remarkable survival skills.
Although they would have a "friendly match" with the Ottoman Empire every few years, in reality, it was mainly guerri warfare, and they would retreat to the mountains at the slightest disagreement.
If they were to engage in a deadlock, with their small poption, they would have been exterminated in the 14th century. How could they have persisted until now?
Albrecht calmly answered, "Combat missions will be determined based on the number of troopsmitted by each country. Right now, I only have a preliminary draft; detailed operations ns will be developed by themand of each nation.
Taking into ount the needs ofmand, I n to divide the battlefield into five major war zones: the ck Sea War Zone, Caucasus War Zone, Marmara Sea War Zone, Mediterranean War Zone, and Middle East War Zone.
As the name suggests, the ck Sea War Zone involves initiating attacks along the ck Sea coast, with all of the Ottoman Empire¡¯s coastlines within the ck Sea being the scope of operations.
Afterpleting thendings, we will move ind. How to fight and to what extent will be decided by the war zonemand. In principle, the centralmand will not interfere.
Taking into ount the actual situation, the Russian Army will be responsible for the ck Sea War Zone and the Caucasus War Zone. The Austrian army will take charge of the Middle East War Zone, Mediterranean War Zone, and the Marmara Sea War Zone.
The Greek and Montenegrin armies will act as reserves for the time being, and will reinforce based on the actual situation on the battlefield."
That¡¯s fine, as long as thebat tasks for Austria and Russia are allocated. As for Greece and Montenegro, Albrecht had never considered them from the beginning.
Politically, Austria needed Greece and Montenegro to present a facade. Militarily, these two minnows werepletely disposable.
The troop numbers from Greece and Montenegro were too low; they didn¡¯t even qualify as cannon fodder. The battlefield is full of uncertainties, and no one knows when unforeseen events may ur.
Greece might be bearable, as they still have two infantry divisions; Montenegro, with only one reinforced battalion, has a much higher chance ofplete annihtion.
Albrecht didn¡¯t want to bear the ignominy of bringing disaster upon his allies. If he were to cause the demise of these two small yers, it would be difficult for him to exin upon returning home.
This dose of reality was deeply hurtful to the representatives of both countries, as it was an outright disy of disdain for their military strength.
It sounded nice to call them reserves, but in reality, unless absolutely necessary, neither Russia nor Austria would let these reserves enter the battle. This was a matter of national dignity for both countries.
Asking Greece and Montenegro for help? What a joke; did Russia and Austria still want to maintain their reputations? If there was a shortage of troops on the battlefield, just send reinforcements; no rule said they couldn¡¯t send aid.
Marshal Ivanov replied with satisfaction, "No problem, this battle n is very sensible and fully leverages our respective strengths."
How could he be unsatisfied when one of the key reasons for the Tsarist Government to join this war was to stake im on the ck Sea coast and keep Austria out of the ck Sea?
By giving Russia the task of attacking the ck Sea coast, Albrecht was undoubtedly acquiescing to this mode of benefit distribution.
Seeing Russia and Austria reach an agreement, Marshal Publius, the Greek representative, went pale. They had joined this war to take advantage, but what im could they have to the spoils of war if they were just hanging around in the rear?
Neither Russia nor Austria were running a charity. Without contributing on the battlefield, naturally, there would be no share in the war spoils for them.
Publius boldly said, "Commander, cing us in the rear doesn¡¯t seem appropriate."
"We joined this war to seek justice from the Ottoman Empire. How can I exin to our citizens at home if the Greek Army never even makes it to the battlefield?"
Albrecht nodded, expressing his sympathy, "Alright then, after we¡¯vepleted thending operation, you will be responsible for rooting out the remaining Ottoman forces in the area."
Publius¡¯s face darkened; this task was only slightly better than doing nothing at home. It sounded good to be tasked with hunting down remnants of the enemy, but in reality, it was like maintaining public order.
At best, they¡¯d capture a few guerri fighters, a typical thankless task. Hard work with no recognition, and if something went wrong, they would be held ountable.
After hesitating for a moment, Publius requested permission to engage, "Commander, the Greek Army is not afraid of sacrifice. We want to be sent to the battlefield."
He was reminded of the terrible aftermath of thest war when Montenegro¡¯s army had stayed within its borders without deploying, and then faced widespread condemnation.
Maxim Trenchev quickly followed suit, "Commander, the Montenegrin Army is not afraid of war. We, too, want to go to the front."
Clearly, they had realized Albrecht was not nning to use them as cannon fodder. Keeping them off the battlefield was primarily to avoid responsibility.
While they were allies, if the Russian Empire lost eighty or a hundred thousand on the battlefield, nobody would me Austria for undermining its allies because they could afford such losses.
If Greece were to lose ten or twenty thousand, it would be a crippling blow; if Montenegro lost more than a hundred, it would be deemed a heavy loss; a thousand or more would severely damage its vitality.
Yet, such levels of casualties are quite normal on the battlefield and can¡¯t bepletely avoided.
After another moment of hesitation, Albrecht said with a smile that was not a smile, "Since you both feel so strongly, the Marmara Sea War Zone will be entrusted to you."
Clearly, Albrecht was indifferent to these two allies of convenience. You want to volunteer for battle? Very well, I¡¯ll assign you abat mission, and you¡¯ll be responsible for the consequences if you fail to achieve it.
The Marmara Sea War Zone, located at the ck Sea Strait, was the first area to fall during the previous Near East war and had yet to recover.
The terrain is t and easy to attack but difficult to defend. The Ottoman Empire also did not have a substantial number of troops stationed there, making it arguably the easiest of the five war zones to achieve a breakthrough; Albrecht was truly not being underhanded.
However, the battlefield still depended on strength. For Russia and Austria, the Marmara Sea War Zone was insignificant, but for Greece and Montenegro, it remained a challenge.
Seeing no response from both men, Albrecht added, "The Marmara Sea War Zone is not the focus of this war. There¡¯s no need to end the battle right away; just contain the enemy forces there.
Once other war zones have made a breakthrough, we¡¯ll circle back and sandwich the enemy with attacks from both front and rear."
"The focus of the war"?
Unfortunately, this war never had a focal point to begin with.
Albrecht¡¯s battle n was to blossom on all fronts, as any breakthrough at any location would suffice to win the war.
If it were about defeating the enemy, Publius would, of course,ck confidence, as even though the Ottoman forces in the Marmara Sea were limited, they numbered over a hundred thousand.
With fewer than 30,000bined troops from Greece and Montenegro, Publius had no assurance of oveing a numerical disadvantage. Yet merely holding the enemy at bay was something Publius felt worth attempting.
With naval superiority on their side, they could retreat andnd elsewhere if the battle turned. As long as the war did not cease, they could keep the enemy¡¯s attention.
After another moment of hesitation, Publius replied, "No problem, we guarantee toplete the mission."
Seeing the Greek eptance, Maxim Trenchev had no choice but to grimly ept as well. If he were to back out now, they¡¯d have no ce within the Allied Forces.
¡
In Vienna, Franz was somewhat bewildered by the battle n received from the front.
This was a war of annihtion, and the Ottomans would resist fiercely, so casualties were inevitable.
Creating the Anti-Turkish Alliance was not only to share the international pressure among allies but mainly to pull in cannon fodder.
Now, suddenly diverting forces meant all of Franz¡¯s preliminary preparations had been in vain.
As an amateur in military strategy, Franz was self-aware enough not to think hismanding abilities would surpass those of the officers at the front.
After reviewing the 18 disadvantages of a joint operation listed by Albrecht, Franz decisively epted the battle n from the front.
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Chapter 752 - 15, Human Nature
As the absolute protagonist in this war, Abdul Hamid II only felt immense pressure; the situation was extremely unfriendly.
Looking back through history, there had never been a Sultan of the Ottoman Empire as helpless as himself. In the glorious days of his ancestors, they were invincible and unstoppable.
The Habsburg dynasty was beaten to the point of questioning life itself, the Russians trembled under their military might, and the shadow of the Ottoman cavalry loomed over the European Continent.
But as the saying goes, "What goes aroundes around." The tables had turned, and it was a harsh reality akin to "Do not bully the poor just because they are old."
From being the one who beats to the one who is beaten, Abdul Hamid II couldn¡¯t help but internally criticize his forefathers whenever he thought about this astonishing reversal.
It was bad enough to make enemies everywhere, but why not eradicate thempletely? Have they not heard, "If you don¡¯t cut the weeds down to the root, they will grow back when the spring breeze blows," which is simply a ssic case of setting traps for one¡¯s descendants.
Suppressing his sense of injustice, Abdul Hamid II asked, "Grand Vizier, how are the preparationsing along?"
Midhat replied slowly, "The government has already mobilized 1.2 million able-bodied men into enlistment, and it is expected that in the next three months, the number of people mobilized will increase to 2 million.
Considering the fierce stance of the enemy, the government has made preparations to abandon the coastal regions, and our military ns to lure the enemy deep ind for a decisive battle."
The strategy of "luring the enemy deeper ind" was something Abdul Hamid II utterly disbelieved. Who would willingly give up the vital coastalnds if they were capable of winning?
In fact, after thest war in the Near East, the Ottoman Empire had enhanced its coastal defenses. However, due to the short period of time and the vastness of the coastline, they were spread too thin.
As the newspapers mocked, "The coastline of the Ottoman Empire stretches for thousands of miles, yet only the beaches are their own."
To have coastlines without defenses was the most urate portrayal of the Ottoman Empire.
Abdul Hamid II shook his head and said, "This is far from enough. During the Prusso-Russian war, the Tsarist Government alone mobilized over eight million people for enlistment, and at its peak, the total military force reached a staggering five million.
This time in war, we are not faced with just the Russian Empire, but also the much stronger Austria.
To speak of two million troops, even doubling that number wouldn¡¯t be enough. Issue the order to arm the entire poption; let everyone take up arms.
Regardless of gender or age, everyone must take up weapons and fight the enemy. Only by doing so, might we have a sliver of chance for survival."
Midhat wanted to correct the Sultan¡¯s view, as the Russians¡¯ five million-strong army was notposed entirely of frontlinebat troops¡ª at least half of them were civilian husbands transporting supplies.
But even the civilian husbands had to protect the supplies, and took up arms, which is why they were counted within the military force.
Although the Prusso-Russian War was intense, the frontlinebat troops that were actually deployed never truly exceeded two million.
This was a limitation of the era; military operations had to be constrained by logistics, and it was not possible to blindly increase troop numbers.
Considering the strained rtionship between them, Midhat resolutely chose to abandon correcting the Sultan¡¯s misconception.
One represented the Conservative faction, and the other was the spokesperson for the Reformists; one embodied monarchy and clergical authority, while the other stood for the secr government and administrative power¡ªthey fundamentally were not of the same ilk.
In some sense, the sudden Near East war had saved Midhat; otherwise, he would not have been able to return to the position of Grand Vizier.
"Your Majesty, we have reached the limit of mobilization. Men have joined the army, while the women and children have taken on the responsibilities of production and logistics transportation. There is not a single idle person in the entire Ottoman Empire."
Without mentioning the weak and elderly, Midhat genuinely feared that the Sultan would send everyone to the battlefield, for defeat would then indeed mean the annihtion of their people.
One look at the history of session to the Ottoman throne to understand what true barbarism was, with killings inevitable in every ession to the Sultanate, and the cruelty of the Sultans was notorious.
This was true for Abdul Hamid II as well, who had usurped his brother and father through a coup to im the throne.
A monarch raised in such an environment would neverck ruthlessness.
In a certain sense, they were all mentally ill. Ascending to the throne over the corpses of their fathers and brothers would inherently twist anyone¡¯s mind.
Abdul Hamid II red fiercely at Midhat, seemingly aware that now was not the time to turn against each other, and forcefully suppressed the discontent in his heart.
He warned, "My Grand Vizier, I hope that, as you have said, there are indeed no idle hands in the Ottoman Empire."
...
Midhat couldn¡¯t represent the Ottoman people. As a nation gued with severe ethnic conflicts, the Ottoman Empire was never at peace.
Not everyone was anxious about the attack of the Anti-Turkish Alliance; on the contrary, a portion of the poption within the Ottoman Empire actually weed the Allied Forces.
Where there was oppression, there was resistance.
In a nondescript small town deep ind on the Asia Minor Penins, a visitor arrived uninvited this night.
"My old friend, the Ottomans¡¯ de is about to fall upon your necks, and yet you still slumber?"
The inly dressed middle-aged man shook his head, "Holman, after so many years, you¡¯re still as rmist as ever.
You haveunched a war in the Near East, and the Ottoman Government is too busy dealing with its own predicament to stabilize domestic affairs, let alone create trouble at this time."
Holmanughed, "Draco, you can save it, there¡¯s no need to pretend anymore, your expression has already betrayed your true thoughts.
You are scared. The previous failure has killed the passionate young Draco, leaving only a wealthy owner who fears death more than anything."
Draco nodded, "You¡¯re right, I am afraid. The naive Draco of my youth is dead, now there¡¯s only the realistic Draco.
Don¡¯t even think about using me as a pawn again. I won¡¯t pave your way to sess with the lives of mypatriots.
It¡¯sughable that I once considered you a friend, has your promise of Armenian independence ever been fulfilledst time?
...
Listening to Draco¡¯s endlessints, Holman showed no impatience and waited until he was exhausted from talking.
"Alright, old friend. I know you feel wronged, why not have a sip of water to soothe your throat, and continue to express your grievances?"
Watching Holman offer the cup of water, Draco knocked the cup away with one hand, too angry to speak.
Seeing that the situation had escted enough, Holman continued, "My friend, was thest failure really all our fault?
We proposed that you migrate to the Caucasus region, to establish a country at the crossroads of Eurasia in Outer Caucasus, but some people couldn¡¯t bear to leave the prosperity of the Asia Minor Penins and insisted on staying.
Staying would have been fine, but unfortunately, you were finished before the war even ended. How do you expect us to keep our promises then?
Austria doesn¡¯t owe you anything. National independence has always been something you have to strive for yourself. If your government is not strong, do you expect us to take responsibility?"
Seeing Draco¡¯s spirits crushed, Holman pped his shoulder hard and continued, "Friend, the time left for you is running out, muster your strength, or there will be no hope left.
If you¡¯re not cut off from the world, you should know that civil war has broken out in France, and no one in the European world can save the Ottomans now.
Once the Ottoman Empire falls, this ce will belong to us and the Russians. Having made no contribution to the war, why would we support your independence?
No, perhaps you won¡¯t evenst that long. Normally, the Ottomans possess the much richer coastal ins and don¡¯t care about your poornds.
But this time is different, as their coastal areas will be battlefields once the war breaks out, and a massive number of refugees will flood into the interior.
If they don¡¯t take yournds, how is the Sultan Government going to feed so many people? Even if they don¡¯t take yournd, they will at least increase your taxes, right?
They n to mobilize an army of two million; that means one in every four people will have to enlist, with all able-bodied men heading to the battlefield.
If nothing goes wrong, the conscription officers will be here before long.
Once you¡¯re in the Ottoman Army, you know what fate awaits you."
Threats + Intimidation + Temptation; Draco was very clear that he had no choice.
Whether Holman¡¯s promises could be fulfilled or not, he had to choose a side now, as did all ethnic groups within the Ottoman Empire.
In these times, there was no such thing as human rights; choosing the wrong side could be deadly. Not just one or two deaths, but tens, even hundreds of thousands.
The Prusso-Russian war had proven that the European world was not so civilized. Millions were starved to death, and the internationalmunity uttered only a few cries of protest.
Rtively speaking, Austria was still one of the powers that conducted itself somewhat decently. Even though they often engaged in expulsion and deportation, they hadn¡¯t resorted to massacres.
Draco asked bitterly, "I¡¯m not your only choice, am I? If I refuse, will I not see the sun tomorrow?"
Holman shook his head, "You¡¯re worrying too much, my friend. I am just an intelligence officer, not an assassin; killing is not my job.
Knowing you, even if you don¡¯t agree, you wouldn¡¯t go reporting to the authorities."
Draco could only half believe those words; killing might not be Holman¡¯s job, but silencing someone, that was a different matter.
To his knowledge, there were many Armenians in touch with Austria, including in this inconspicuous little town.
In normal times, he might be the respected Mr. Draco, but now, should he utter a single word of dissent, he¡¯d likely be seen as a threat and dealt with by these people.
Draco sighed, "It seems I have no choice! If you consider me a friend, then help send the children of the town away!
They are innocent, the war has nothing to do with them. I know you have the capability. If you send them away, I¡¯ll work for you."
Holman gave a wry smile, "That¡¯s actually somewhat difficult. If it were before the war, it wouldn¡¯t matter if it was hundreds or tens of thousands, we could send them away.
But it¡¯s different now, Austria¡¯s clout doesn¡¯t carry weight here anymore. To send away so many children, we would need to use the channels of Ennd and France.
In this war, we are on opposite sides, and the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance is now just a facade. Relying on their strength would be very difficult.
If it¡¯s just children being sent away, I can still help¡"
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Draco interrupted with a wave of his hand, "Enough, my friend. No more nonsense, I know what you can do.
If we only send away my children, what will others think? To incite an independence movement within the Ottoman hearnd, it¡¯s not enough with just me working for you.
Don¡¯t worry, old friend. I won¡¯t make things difficult for you. You can take our money, just see to it that these children are raised to adulthood."
Indeed, it was possible, just a matter of money. Money may not make the devil turn the millstone, but it can certainly make people do it.
There was no shortage of European capitalists active in the Ottomannds, and if paid, they wouldn¡¯t mind transporting some ¡¯special goods¡¯ once.
Draco had not approached these capitalists, not forck of money, but because he couldn¡¯t guarantee they would keep their word.
Greed is the nature of capital, and nobody could assure that after taking the money, these capitalists wouldn¡¯t sell the children to the Ottomans.
With Austrian involvement, it was different; the capitalists might not care about them, but they could not disregard the Austrian Government.
Seeing Holman still hesitating, Draco continued persuading, "My friend, surely after this war, you too will be a big shot, getting a piece ofnd will be no problem at all.
I know youe from nobility, but your family has long since declined, without the ability to provide further resources.
These children, once grown, could form the foundation of your retinue."
Holman nodded; with such generous terms, he truly found no reason to refuse, even if it meant calling in a lot of favors, it was worth it.
"Rest assured, my friend. From now on, your son is my son. I will take him as my foster child and raise him to adulthood."
...
Chapter 753 - 16: War
On June 17, 1882, under the cover of the Austrian Navy, the Anti-Turkish Allianceunched simultaneous attacks across five major war zones.
From the Caucasus to the ck Sea, from the Mediterranean to the Middle East, over twenty thousand miles of continuous battlefield set the record for the longest battlefront in human history.
If Franz hadn¡¯t set his sights on the Iraqi region, perhaps Persia would have also joined the Anti-Turkish Alliance.
A case of one¡¯s downfall leading to another¡¯s demise?
Nonexistent!
The two are old adversaries, and without delving into ancient history, just the refugee crisis following thest Near Eastern war was enough to set the two countries at each other¡¯s throats.
After the outbreak of the Third Near Eastern War, the Persian people were equally eager to try, but Austria didn¡¯t include them in the game.
Without the backing of a major power, the Persian Government could not withstand the pressure from the British and could only restrain their restless hearts.
Only Albrecht remained at the Constantinople Coalition Command, the sole high-ranking official left.
Perhaps because the Ottomans seemed weak, everyone wanted to earn battle honors, and naturally, Albrecht couldn¡¯t impede their path to glory.
From the start of the divided military campaign n, his role as the head of the Allied Command had been reduced to that of a logistics officer, with no need to concern himself with any troops other than those from the Austrian army.
The brilliant sunshine filtered through the window, illuminating the room¡ªa beautiful day indeed.
With the highmand gone, the Allied Command was left with only staff officers and representatives from each nation.
The overallbat n had been determined, and with implementation details being the responsibility of each major war zone, themand headquarters had be rather leisurely.
Unknowingly, everyone¡¯s daily work had turned into receiving frontline battle reports and analyzing and interpreting them.
Albrecht asked, "How is thending operation going?"
A staff officer replied, "Aside from a little trouble in the Marmara Sea War Zone, the situation on all fronts is overwhelmingly favorable.
The Russian Army in the ck Sea War Zone has sessfullypleted the upation of Ava and Zonguldak, and has managed tond at the ports of ?nce Burun, Samsun, Ordu, and Rize.
In the Mediterranean War Zone, our forces have captured ?e?me, Dat?a, Finike, and Kemer among other areas, and have sessfullynded at the ports of Adalia, Anamur, ??el, and ?skenderun.
The Greek people in the Marmara Sea War Zone have also sessfullynded at Pendik, but disyed poor performance afternding, with the battle still tense.
The forces of Montenegro Duchy have failed innding at Band?rma three times in a row; Marshal Maxim Trenchev is nning the fourth attempt." Enjoy more content from empire
Indeed, it was overwhelmingly favorable. To achieve so many brilliant victories in just three days since the start of thending operations was, frankly, beyond criticism.
As for the minor ws in the Marmara Sea War Zone, they were hardly worth mentioning. From the very beginning, Albrecht had no expectations of Greece and Montenegro, as these two small nations were more or less just making up the numbers.
It wasn¡¯t a question of effort, but rather that their limited military strength meant they could not sustain high casualties.
Many overlooked the bloody sacrifices that apanied the glorious victories.
Looking at the map, Albrecht dismissed any further advancements; in a sense, this war was a chaotic fight.
The Anti-Turkish Alliance relied on its formidable strength to encircle and attack from all sides; where the enemy was weak, they broke through without any technical sophistication.
After some contemtion, Albrecht ordered, "Send news of our victory to Vienna, and carbon copy a copy of the battle report to our allies."
...
While the Allied Command had already begun celebrating victory, Marshal Publius at Pendik harbor felt not a shred of the joy of victory.
As allies made rapid advances, their own forces were being pressured by the enemy; only those directly involved knew this unpleasant feeling.
During a military meeting, Publius mmed his palm heavily on the table and cursed, "Just look at this, this is the battle you¡¯ve fought.
Two divisions couldn¡¯t even take a small port and were even pushed back, aplete disgrace.
This is the battle report from headquarters. From now on, we are the joke of the Allied Forces, unable to break through on the battlefield despite having three times the advantage in numbers..."
As the overallmander of the Greek Army, Publius also faced tremendous pressure. He didn¡¯t need to match the level of his allies, but he couldn¡¯t allow their performance to be too far behind either.
If the current situation persists, I¡¯m afraid that by the time the war is over, they¡¯ll still be stuck in this little port.
Let alone war spoils, by then the Austrians might even charge them for material costs¡ªwhere¡¯s the deal in just eating without working?
ording to the agreement: the materials consumed in this war will be deducted first from the spoils, and then everyone will share the remaining profits.
Without a doubt, this is calcted on a national level. The strategic materials consumed by Greece will be converted into money and subtracted from their share of the profits.
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If they are not satisfied, they can opt out of the logistic support provided by the Vienna Government and take care of it themselves, so they won¡¯t have to worry about this issue.
Unfortunately, Greece cannot afford it. Mounting a military expedition is never an easy task; it is the veritable gold-devouring beast among beasts.
Don¡¯t be deceived by Greece¡¯s deployment of just over twenty thousand soldiers; once the battle starts, they¡¯ll consume tens of thousands, even hundreds of thousands of shieds worth of materials every day.
It¡¯s effortless to use up Greece¡¯s annual fiscal revenue in one month without breaking a sweat.
Division Commander Weber Velvete exined, "Marshal, it¡¯s not that we¡¯re not making an effort, it¡¯s just that the enemy¡¯s firepower is too fierce, and ours too weak. The moment we show our heads, we get suppressed by the enemy.
When conducting coastal operations, with the firepower support from the Austrian Navy we actually have the upper hand."
Despite all having Austrian equipment, the level of gear varies from nation to nation, and the firepower capacities are different for each as well. Generally speaking, Austria has the strongest firepower, while Greece and Montenegro are at the bottom.
In the Age of Hot Weapons, the strength of firepower directly affects thebat effectiveness of troops. Greece itself is not wealthy; maintaining a navy strains the country¡¯s finances even further.
In the absence of external threats, the army has becent, and their firepower equipment is still stuck where it was twenty years ago.
No matter how corrupt the Ottomans are, they¡¯ve been through social battering. After losing two Near Eastern wars in a row, the Sultan Government hase to ce greater emphasis on military construction.
Having fortress instations to rely on,bined with superiority in firepower and strongerbat will, the Greeks¡¯ defeat is not unjustified.
Marshal Publius interjected, "Don¡¯t make excuses for our ipetence. I¡¯ve already applied to the Allied Command regarding the firepower issue, and it won¡¯t take long to resolve.
The urgent task is toe up with an operational n as soon as possible, take Pendik in the shortest time, and prove our strength to our allies."
Under thew of the jungle, if Greece wants to rip a piece of flesh from the Ottomans, they must prove they have the matching strength.
...
Compared to Publius¡¯s impatience, Marshal Maxim Trenchev¡¯s state of mind is much more bnced.
In this war, Montenegro Duchy is just making up the numbers and has no real demands on dividing the spoils.
Their geographical location has effectively blocked their path for expansion, surrounded on three sides by Austria; they have a coastline, but unfortunately, it faces French territory.
Wanting to expand is like navigating a hellish level, no matter which way you go. Faced with harsh reality, Montenegro has wisely chosen to abandon ambition.
There are many reasons to participate in the war, such as seeking revenge against the Ottomans, boosting public and military morale, and enhancing the government¡¯s prestige.
Or, for instance, increasing their presence to avoid being forgotten by the European world.
Or simply to curry favor with the Vienna Government, securing strategic safety as allies, which is the way of survival for smaller nations.
Maxim Trenchev deeply understood Albrecht¡¯s orders, that tying up the enemy¡¯s forces was enough. As for capturing territory, that was the task of the allies.
Failednding? No problem, find another location, regroup, and continue. As long as casualties are kept low, they can afford to keep trying.
The actual battle record isn¡¯t important, as no one has any expectations of them; no one will me them if they lose.
The greatest contribution of Montenegro Duchy to the Alliance is not the deployment of troops forbat, but rather politically bolstering the presence of the Anti-Turkish Alliance.
After the start of the amphibious operation, Maxim Trenchev frequently changed thending site, bombarding each new site with a relentless barrage from Austrian Navy¡¯s guns.
If after tentativending operations, it became apparent that they couldn¡¯t easily break through, they would decisively abandon the attempt, not bothering to engage the defenders head-on.
As the sound of gunfire erupted, yet anothernding operationmenced. This was Maxim Trenchev¡¯s second visit here, he set down his binocrs and muttered to himself, "The timing seems about right now."
...
Chapter 754 - 17, Diverting Disaster Southward
After the Near East war escted fiercely, the French civil war also neared its end.
Since the United Kingdom had mediated the conflicts between the three major Protecting the King factions, the forces dragging their feet were greatly reduced, and the Monarchist faction gained an absolute advantage over the Revolutionary Party.
The scope of control of the Revolutionary Government was suppressed to a corner of Paris; although this was the essence of France, it could not withstand the ravages of war.
After Napoleon IV blockaded Paris, the isted Paris Revolutionary Government gradually fell into a shortage of materials.
With a pile of factories but not enough industrial raw materials, even the timely emergency measures taken by the Paris Revolutionary Government to unify the distribution of materials were not enough to stave off depletion.
Besides the Italian Independent Organization, this "ally" that was still stubbornly struggling, revolutionary movements in other areas of France were essentially ttened by Napoleon IV.
On June 29, 1882, the government troops defeated the main forces of the Revolutionary Army on the outskirts of Paris, rifying the situation.
...
The vtile situation in France had drawn Franz¡¯s serious attention. Despite the jokes made by the French inter generations, in those days, they were still the formidable French Empire.
In the Vienna Pce, Foreign Minister Weisenberg analyzed, "Looking at the current situation, under the government troops¡¯ counterattack, the Paris Revolutionary Government won¡¯tst long.
Once the Paris Revolution ends, the Italian Independence Organization won¡¯tst long either, especially after both we and the British have withdrawn our support for them.
Having resolved the internal conflict, the French will refocus their attention internationally. On the Near East issue, Ennd and France are very likely to stand on the same side.
With an added ally, it is probable that the British Government will not remain sopliant in the days toe.
To ensure infallibility, the Foreign Ministry suggests intensifying our offensive against the Ottomans, striving to annihte the Ottoman Empire and create a fait apli before Ennd and France take action."
Franz shook his head, "That¡¯s hard to achieve. An ancient empire, faced with the threat of extinction, is not to be underestimated in terms of the potential it can unleash.
After the fall of the Paris Revolutionary Government, Napoleon IV will be able to concentrate his troops to suppress the Italian independence movement. It would be miraculous if that ragtag bunchsts two months.
This revolution has indeed brought severe losses to France, but with the crisises opportunity. In this civil war, Napoleon IV also eliminated many of his enemies, easing rtions with the Orleans and Bourbon Dynasties, and indirectly consolidated his rule.
If managed properly, the following period could be a time of least internal conflict for France.
Against this backdrop, a yearter, Napoleon IV¡¯s government will likely be quite stable and ready to turn its focus outward once more.
We may have the capacity to destroy the Ottoman Empire within one year, but this will leave many aftereffects, and we will inevitably pay a higher price during the post-war governance."
From a purely military perspective, of course, it is most valuable to move swiftly and end the war in the shortest possible time, minimizing the cost.
However, Austria is not fighting this time just to defeat the Ottomans, but to annex them.
Albrecht¡¯s deliberate dy of the Allied Forces¡¯ actions, giving the Ottoman Empire ample preparation time, was not due to ack of military understanding.
While quick resolution can reduce losses, it also diminishes the losses on both sides of the enemy, leaving a host of resentful survivors after the war.
Rather than dealing with guerris after the war, it is better to let the enemy fully mobilize and resolve them on the battlefield, which would only lower the cost.
The more people the Sultan Government arms, the smaller the post-war trouble left for the locals.
Those who take up arms are the enemy, and in the post-war reckoning, we could engage in group punishment, exiling entire families.
Therefore, from the beginning, Franz had set a n for a long-term campaign. After all, the impact of this economic crisis is profound, and it will not end in the short term; it is an opportune moment to divert the crisis through war.
"Your Majesty," Prime Minister Felix reminded, "if the French regain their strength, our n to annex the Ottoman Empire may not go so smoothly."
Franz nodded, "That¡¯s inevitable, but no matter how bad it is, Ennd and France are not likely to support sending troops to intervene.
The situation in France is not good; even after quelling the civil unrest, Napoleon IV does not have the courage to provoke a war at this time.
With the Anti-Turkish Alliance sharing international pressure, even if Ennd and the rest of Europe exert pressure through the alliance, we can withstand it."
Of course, the aftereffects are not so simple; with this stimulus, Ennd and France will undoubtedly elerate their rapprochement.
It¡¯s a matter of time; even without the Near East war, as Austria grows stronger, Ennd and France wille together.
European bnce is a fundamental policy of the London Government. With the weakness of France revealed, the bnce has been disrupted, and the British¡¯s target for suppression naturally bes Austria.
Even the Russians might be coaxed into forming an Anti-Austrian Alliance, suppressing the development of the Austrian Empire. Influenced by geopolitical factors, the ambitious Mao Xiong is very likely to tilt towards Ennd and France.
That being the case, Franz naturally wanted to take down the Ottoman before Ennd, France, and Russia had time to adjust their mindsets.
If possible, Franz wouldn¡¯t mind going a step further, teaming up with Russia to divide Persia and be neighbors with the British.
When interests are at stake, anything can happen. For the impoverished Tsarist Government, the allure of India is no less than that of advancing into the European Continent.
This is a tant strategy. Compared topeting for dominance over Europe, conquering India is obviously the lesser risk. The former means making enemies of all European countries, while thetter only involves confronting John Bull.
Once the Russians are lured into India, the likelihood of a British-French-Russian Alliance forming would wither, as the British would definitely not want to share their own interests with an ally.
Without Mao Xiong as a meat shield, Franz certainly isn¡¯t intimidated by the Alliance of Ennd and France. An Austrian Empire spanning across the continents of Asia, Europe, and Africa naturally stands on invincible ground.
...
Outside the City of Paris, the g of the Bonaparte Dynasty had already begun to fly across oceans, and at this moment, Napoleon IV was at the front, boosting morale.
It¡¯s not easy being the Monarch of France; the greatest enemy is always¡ªthe Revolution.
From Louis XVI who was sent to the guillotine, to Louis-Philippe who fled in panic, two sessive dynasties have fallen to the Revolution.
Frankly speaking, after the outbreak of the Paris Revolution, Napoleon IV was also flustered.
If not for his unwillingness to admit defeat, he would have been persuaded by the Empress to flee the turmoil in France. Because he couldn¡¯t bear it, he chose to stay and fight back, leading to the counter-attack today.
In this regard alone, he¡¯s already much stronger than Louis-Philippe.
If, at the time, Louis-Philippe I hadn¡¯t been in such a rush to flee the country and had instead organized the military to suppress the rebellion, the Orleans Dynasty wouldn¡¯t have been so easily destroyed.
In theory, in France, as long as the army remains loyal to the King, any rebellion can be quelled.
The French people¡¯s enthusiasm for revolution is high, but such fervor es quickly and goes even faster". As soon as people realize the revolution is harming their own interests, they quickly abandon it.
This revolution is a real-life case study; along the way, Napoleon IV has pardoned more than tens of thousands of Revolutionaries.
The revolutionary wave swiftly receded once the people realized the revolution did not bring them benefits.
The Parisians felt this most acutely. Affected by the economic crisis, their standard of living plummeted, with some unable to even fill their stomachs, which led them to revolt. Discover hidden stories at empire
After the revolution seeded, everyone suddenly found that aside from chasing away the Emperor, their standard of living did not improve¡ªin fact, for most, it dropped.
The nascent Revolutionary Governmentcked governance experience, with orders often being contradictory and causing widespread distress.
All this wasn¡¯t the worst; the actual reason for the revolution¡¯s failure was that the Revolutionaries didn¡¯t spread the revolutionary seeds immediately but were in a rush to form a government and fight for power, missing the best opportunity.
Of course, this cannot be med on the Revolutionary Government; it waspletely misled by the sessful experiences of their predecessors.
The First Republic and the Second Republic both witnessed a nationwide response to the Paris Revolution¡¯s sess, without the need to fight their way through the country.
This erroneous belief made everyone overlook that the Bonaparte Dynasty was not like the previous two hated dynasties; they actually had the support of the peasant ss and had a foundation in the provinces.
Thanks to the policies implemented by Napoleon III, most French workers had a favorable impression of the Emperor.
Many local revolutions erupted due to unemployment waves, hyperintion, and soaring prices, causing people to lose their ie and be unable to eat, not because they wanted to depose the Emperor.
@@novelbin@@
Napoleon IV managed to get to the outskirts of Paris so quickly not because of superior military skill, but because he had money to aid the unemployed people, unlike the Revolutionary Government.
The roar of cannons signaled the start of the battle for Paris. Holding a telescope, Napoleon IV surveyed the battlefield, seeing nothing but plumes of thick smoke rising.
The Guard Commander urged hastily, "Your Majesty, it¡¯s dangerous here! Please take cover in the bomb shelter!"
Napoleon IV waved his hand and said, "Don¡¯t worry, Gorman. We¡¯re a good five or six kilometers away from the battlefield; enemy shells won¡¯t reach us that easily."
Gorman was already opposed to the Emperoring to the front, and this scene only heightened his anxiety. If anything happened to the Emperor on his watch, it would be a grave offense.
Hesitating for a moment, Gorman steeled his heart and directly grabbed Napoleon IV¡
Chapter 755 - 18, The Fall of the Paris Commune
The setting sun dipped below the horizon, bathing the earth in a radiant sunset glow that cast a deep red light across thend.
The sound of artillery fire in Paris had ceased, and the government forces had breached the city. Sporadic gunshots could still be heard asionally, seemingly voicing the revolutionaries¡¯ reluctance to yield.
Returning to the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV¡¯s heart was in turmoil. The once magnificent pce nowy in ruins.
To Napoleon IV, the Pce of Versailles was not just a pce; it was where he was born and raised. The sudden loss of a home brought a sorrow that only those who experienced it could understand.
Perhaps driven by a desire for vengeance, the Paris Revolutionary Government destroyed this symbol of imperial power right before their downfall, seemingly swearing an unending hatred between the two sides.
In a sense, they had seeded. The Pce of Versailles was the symbol of the French monarchy, and its destruction signified the loss of the monarchy¡¯s supreme dignity, not just the obliteration of a structure.
With a pale face, Napoleon IV asked in a trembling voice, "Have the rebel leaders been captured?"
At that moment, Napoleon IV had only one thought: to arrest the ones who had destroyed his "home" and scatter their ashes to calm his raging heart.
Security Minister Ansoche replied anxiously, "Not yet, it is said that on the third day of our assault, the rebel leaders had fled."
The ease with which Paris was conquered was directly rted to the flight of the Revolutionary Party¡¯s leaders.
This was Paris, where too many buildings filled the government troops with trepidation, and heavy artillery was out of the question.
If it weren¡¯t for the loss of their leadership, the internal forces fighting on their own, this "Battle for Paris" could havested a month or two with little trouble, and with stiffer resistance, perhaps even up to a year or half more.
Good manners are nothing against the harsh reality. Consumed by rage, Napoleon IV roared, "If you haven¡¯t caught anyone, what are you doing here?
Go and arrest them now, and if you can¡¯t bring me the rebel leaders, don¡¯t bothering back!"
A single phrase surfaced in Ansoche¡¯s mind: "There would be payback after the fall". As the Minister of Police, Ansoche was directly responsible for this nationwide revolution.
Like previous revolutions, if the police had been a bit more effective, most of the time, things wouldn¡¯t have escted to the worst case scenario.
The inefficiency of the police was dictated by France¡¯s national conditions, and it was unfair to me the Minister of Police alone. But the world has never been fair, and Ansoche must bear this burden.
The inefficiency of the police was due to many reasons, and Napoleon IV couldn¡¯t change this national condition; even recing the entire police system would make no difference.
Before retaking Paris, it was necessary to pull together, and no matter his dissatisfaction, Napoleon IV had to endure it.
Payback was supposed toeter, once the domestic situation had stabilized. But now, provoked by the destruction of the Pce of Versailles, he could not hold back any longer andshed out prematurely.
Ansoche hesitated to speak further, knowing that to exin was to excuse, and that responsibilities for what had happened, regardless of the reasons, could not be escaped.
Capturing the rebel leaders was just a pretext for his dismissal; if the French police were that capable, the Revolutionary Party would have been dissipated long ago.
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
After speaking, Ansoche left without looking back.
Watching his retreating figure, everyone felt a sinking feeling, and a sense of empathetic sorrow naturally arose.
Rebellion required someone to take responsibility. With such unrest, someone of sufficient significance within the government had to bear the consequences, and that person could certainly not be the Emperor.
Napoleon IV was not yet of age, and without an heir, his abdication would spell the end of the Bonaparte Dynasty.
Merely having a Security Minister was clearly insufficient, and toplicate matters further, Napoleon IV had not appointed a Prime Minister, casting the situation into further confusion.
Noticing the somewhat awkward atmosphere, Foreign Minister Terence Burkin, who bore the least responsibility, spoke up, "Your Majesty, it is gettingte, you should settle down for now!"
The Pce of Versailles had be ruins and could not be repaired in a short time, necessitating a new residence for the Emperor.
¡
While Napoleon IV was still looking for a new home, the British could no longer hold back. After seeing the French government suppress the Paris Revolution, the British Government wanted to get involved in the Near East War.
During a Cab meeting, Foreign Minister George said, "The Paris rebellion has been quelled, and the situation in France has stabilized. The Italian Independence Organization won¡¯tst much longer.
The focus of our foreign policy should now be the Near East War. From the current situation, the Ottomans are performing quite well.
Facing multi-front assaults from the Anti-Turkish Alliance, they¡¯ve managed an organized retreat, which has exceeded our expectations.
I propose we increase our support for the Sultan Government to help them withstand the first wave of the Anti-Turkish Alliance¡¯s offensive and thwart the Austrian conspiracy."
Prime Minister dstone frowned with incredulity, asking, "My Foreign Minister, are you sure you¡¯re not mistaken? Can the Ottomans alone hold against the Anti-Turkish Alliance¡¯s offensive?"
"The first wave of the offensive" was directly filtered by dstone to mean "the offensive." In dstone¡¯s mind, it was already beyond expectations if the Ottomans could even barely survive against the encirclement of two great empires. Stay tuned with empire
Foreign Minister George confidently replied, "I can assure you, the information from the embassy confirms this.
The Ottomans are resisting fiercely. Now it is a total war effort, and the Anti-Turkish Alliance is making painful progress.
Along the coast of the Marmara Sea, the Ottoman Army has defeated the Anti-Turkish Alliance multiple times, achieving significant victories.
Given the current situation, as long as they have sufficient supplies, the Ottoman Empire can hold out for two or three years.
Such a long period could give the French enough time to catch their breath.
By then, we could join forces with other European countries to pressure Austria to abandon its n to annex the Ottomans, and the chances of sess are very high.
At the very least, we can force Austria to ept the reality of North Germany¡¯s unification by the Treaty of Depp."
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In maintaining the bnce of power in Europe, the UK Foreign Office has always been at the forefront, maintaining the fine tradition of "pressure the strongest country on the European Continent."
After some hesitation, dstone waved his hand and said, "Since you are so confident, then go ahead and try.
I look forward to good news of your n¡¯s sess.
However, in supporting the Ottoman Empire, we still need to invest cautiously, considering the sunk costs."
Lack of confidence did not prevent dstone from epting the n. The Great Britain Empire was wealthy and strong, and a mere amount of supplies was of no concern to them.
Ten thousand bullets, as long as they could wound or kill an Austrian Soldier, would mean the London Government made a killing.
Chapter 756 - 19, Unexpected Joy
Shiploads of supplies set sail from Britannia, passing through the Suez Canal to the Persian Gulf, before being transported ovend into the Ottoman Empire.
The arrival of international aid directly stimted the Ottoman resistance movement. The Sultan, as if infused with invigorating tonic, burst forth with unprecedented enthusiasm.
The frontline soldiers felt this most keenly. The enemy¡¯s resistance became increasingly tenacious¡ªeven the elderly, women, and children were taking up arms to shoot at them.
Before this, the Ottoman Empire had limited weapons; even equipping the regr army was a challenge, with some soldiers still using primitive flintlock guns.
The armaments of the civilian poption mainly consisted of cold weapons, and the infrequent old antique hunting rifles were treasures that did not pose a great threat to the Allied Forces.
After receiving aid from the British, however, the situation changed dramatically; the Ottomans¡¯ dire shortage of weapons and equipment was alleviated.
Perhaps due to Britain¡¯s limited military industrial capacity, there was not a significant increase in modern rifles within the Ottoman army, but there was a substantial uptick in obsolete weapons and equipment.
It was evident that the British were clearing out their stockpiles. They supplied a motley array of weapons, with some artillery pieces dating back to the previous century.
No matter which century they came from, these firearms, when in the hands of the Ottomans and given the special geographic conditions, could still pack a significant punch.
As a result, the Allied Forces experienced greatly increased pressure on the battlefield. The first to suffer was not the Montenegro Duchy but, counterintuitively, Greece with itsrger military strength.
There was no choice; Montenegro, with fewer lives to lose, could not afford casualties. Maxim Trenchev inherited his ancestors¡¯bat traditions, adhering to inflicting maximum damage on the enemy with minimal losses.
After more than a month of warfare, with their ports nearly ttened by the Austrian Navy, the Montenegrin Army had not even seeded innding, so their sentiment was naturally not profound.
Greece, however, was different. After a sessfulnding, they had been continuously embroiled in tough struggles with the Ottoman defenders, each advance costing them dearly in casualties.
The "Great Greece Empire Dream" didn¡¯t allow Publius to shirk his duty. Though the Ottoman Empire was in decline, its territory was anything but small, spanning over 1.4 million square kilometers.
Such arge piece of meat¡ªif Russia and Austria were to feast on it, they should at least be able to drink the broth, right? Not to demand much, but even a tiny fraction of the spoils would be enough for Greece to take a step further.
It¡¯s important to note that there were several hundred thousand Greek people in the Ottoman Empire. Carving out a piece ofnd to bring these people back would directly double Greece¡¯s strength¡ªthis was thest hope of the Greek nationalists.
Originally, the Greece Government was dominated by the Anti-war faction, with no preparations to participate in this war. It was the sudden "Envoy Incident" that riled up the Greek popce, and under the stirring of the nationalists, they joined the war.
Even Publius was not a conventionally trained military man; his other identity was as a leader of the Greek nationalist movement.
Perhaps it was his loud battle cries, or maybe his brilliant talent that caught the attention of King Ludwig I, who weed this "national hero" with the highest honor.
Before he could even grasp the situation, he was appointed as "Temporary Marshal" andmanded to lead troops into battle.
One cannot rule out that there were intentions to use him as a pawn: Ludwig I was of Lombard descent and had not been influenced by Greek nationalism. He had no interest in the revival of the Greece Empire.
Not just Publius, but many rousing nationalists within Greece were sent to the battlefield under the banner of the great national cause by Ludwig I.
As the saying goes, "Patriotism" means to fight for one¡¯s country. What¡¯s the point of hiding behind the lines and shouting orders?
Therefore, thebat effectiveness of this Greek expeditionary force was particrly moving. Had they not alreadynded, many might have deserted, unable to bear the stress.
A middle-aged manined, "Marshal, if this continues we¡¯ve only been at war a little over a month, and we¡¯ve already lost over five thousand men.
Russia and Austria intend to monopolize the Ottoman post-war, and the Allied Command deliberately assigned us a suicide mission to deplete our strength."
Publius red fiercely at him, "Shut up, Mckendos!"
"You fool, think before you speak. We volunteered to lead the operations in the Marmara Sea War Zone. The Allied Command intended for us to stay home and take care of children.
The battle n was our creation, the fight was under ourmand, and if we suffer severe losses, how can we me others?
Besides, is it only we who have suffered greatly? You have read the battle reports, Austria lost ten thousand, Russia lost eighteen thousand¡ªeach one suffering greater losses than us.
If defeated, we must ept our defeat, instead of ming heaven and others, shirking responsibility. Are you even a soldier?"
Stay tuned to empire
No wonder Publius was angry. Suspicion was one thing, but could such usations even be spoken out loud?
Even if they were true, the me lies with their ownck of strength. Engaging in open strategems, they willingly epted the mission, and now they must swallow the bitter pill.
General Mckendos defended himself, "But Marshal, the enemy¡¯s resistance is much tougher than we anticipated. Continuing with the original n is no longer appropriate.
The Allied Command even..."
Publius mmed the table abruptly, "Enough, Mckendos. Now I¡¯m fully convinced that you are indeed aplete imbecile.
Do not bring your external set of notions into the military. An order is an order, without so many conditions for debate.
If stiff enemy resistance bes a justification for not following orders, then there might as well be no war to fight."
On the battlefield, military orders are absolute, there is no room for negotiation.
Moreover, they themselves devised the battle n that they submitted to the Allied Command for approval; now, the Command insists they mustplete the mission, and no one can say that it¡¯s wrong.
...
It wasn¡¯t just the Greek people who were troubled, looking at the ever-increasing number of casualties, Albrecht, the Allied Commander, was also deeply concerned.
Casualties do not equate to fatalities, the Austrian army¡¯s medical support system was basically perfected, and most of the soldiers could return to their units after recovery.
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But the rate of casualties was increasing rapidly, especially in thest week, the Austrian army¡¯s casualty figures had increased by 21%, and the Allied Forces¡¯ had grown by 31.4%.
Despite the staggering exchange rate on the battlefield, behind the casualties suffered by the Allies, the Ottomans bore even more severe losses.
Including civilians, since the beginning of the war, the Ottoman side has suffered at least 500,000 casualties, and their coastal areas were essentially reduced to ruins.
This was just the beginning. Once they advanced further ind, the Austrian Navy¡¯s fire support would be unreliable, whereas the Ottomans would have the advantages of terrain and local support.
The deeper the frontline prates, the more apparent bes the Ottomans¡¯ territorial advantage. Fortunately, the Asia Minor Penins wasn¡¯trge, only about six hundred kilometers wide from north to south.
With the Allied Forces striking from both sides, it was equivalent to prating over three hundred kilometers on each front; the line wasn¡¯t too long. Otherwise, given enough time, the Ottoman Empire could have held out until a major shift in international affairs.
After scrutinizing the map, Albrecht made a decision, "Send a telegram to Vienna, reporting the situation on the battlefield.
Suggest to the diplomatic department to put pressure on Persia, forcing them to close the trade routes with the Ottomans, cutting off their lifeline.
In the name of the Allied Command, issue an order directing the Caucasus War Zone and the Middle East War Zone to march toward Mesopotamia, severing the connection between the Ottomans and Persia."
The free trade system was also targeted.
When the British sold materials to the Ottomans, it fell within the realm of free trade; when Persia did business with the Ottomans, that was not free trade but siding with Austria¡¯s enemies.
Judging based on the person concerned is the essence of international politics. The same incident, if urring in different nations, results in entirely different oues.
Austria could do nothing about the British, even protests were of little use; but they could reach the Persians, as the Austrian army was powerful enough to influence them.
...
The British¡¯s splendid performances seemed to render the Vienna Government collectively blind, seeing nothing, with an attitude of total indifference.
Of course, it¡¯s not that the Vienna Government failed to see orcked the means to intervene, but there was only one truth, it was all suppressed by Franz, the Emperor.
Including Albrecht¡¯s telegram, it too was pushed aside by Franz, who concurrently vetoed the battle n to cut off the Ottomans¡¯ lifeline.
Franz asked, "Has the cannon fodder army been assembled?"
Army Minister Fev, "The African Corps is not yet at full strength. There¡¯s a limited number of native colonials, and we have only managed to raise seventy thousand so far.
For the shortfall, the Army Department has recruited fifty thousand criminals who entered illegally, and we expect to reach full strength by next week."
As the soldiers¡¯ casualties on the front increased, the Vienna Government naturally did not fail to notice. To annihte the Ottomans, arge number of cannon fodder troops were needed.
Franz was reluctant tomit the main forces, and thus, the cannon fodder army had to step in.
The African Colonial Corps was the initial choice, but the excessive exploitation by the colonial government had caused native poptions to decline drastically due to the exorbitant head tax, leading to a severe shortage now.
The Vienna Government could have raised cannon fodder troops from other colonies, but unfortunately, the transportation costs were too high, making it economically unfeasible.
So they had to make do with "criminals" to fill the numbers, as the cannon fodder army of one hundred and fifty thousand needed to bepleted to contend with the Ottoman Empire for lives.
This was just the first wave, and if it wasn¡¯t enough, they could continueter. Allowing the British to supply the Ottomans was essentially aimed at a more thorough resolution of potential threats.
The stronger the Ottomans¡¯ resistance, the smaller the problems left after the war, and incidentally, it would also help the Vienna Government to dispose of the cannon fodder troops that had lost their value and could be a potential threat.
As for putting allies in a bind, that was purely an unintended benefit. Franz had not nned on undermining his allies.
After all, Greece and Montenegro were too weak to warrant Franz¡¯s involvement; and the Russians had already suffered greatly, so there was no need to bleed them further.
Franz nodded, "Once the numbers areplete, send them to the battlefield as soon as possible. The casualties at the front are growing, and themanders are starting to struggle under the pressure.
Have the Foreign Ministry send a nd protest to the Persians, focusing on criticizing them for colluding with the Ottomans and interfering in the Near East War.
Find the right bnce; don¡¯t scare the Persians. We still need them to serve as a transportation corps for the Ottomans."
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
...
Chapter 757 - 20, Anglo-French Accord
The Near East War intensified, and although it drew the attention of politicians, it hardly caught the eye of the general public.
The Habsburg dynasty and the Ottomans were sworn enemies, as were the Tsarist Government and the Ottomans, not to mention that Greece and Montenegro were also age-old foes of the Ottoman Empire.
Sharing amon enemy, it was only natural for the four countries to form the Anti-Turkish Alliance. A nce through history books would reveal that these nations had been fighting the Ottomans on and off.
The Ottomans were already in decline, having been forced out of the Balkan Penins during the first Near East War, while the Asia Minor Penins was still too far away from everyone¡¯s reach.
The focus of public attention remained on the French Revolution; although the Paris Commune movement had ended, its political influence was profound.
Destroying the Pce of Versailles may have seemed like an act of vengeful retribution, but it essentially pulled down the monarch¡¯s dignity from its pedestal.
Unwilling to admit defeat, the Revolutionaries seized thisst ripple, vigorously spreading revolutionary ideas, with governments everywhere busy putting out fires.
These troubles seemed unrted to the Anti-Turkish Alliance; newspapers always followed sales, with local news drawing far more attention than stories from overseas.
The eyes of the European popce were fixed on the revolution, while the focus of those from the Anti-Turkish Alliance countries remained on the Near East War.
Humans have always been the most vengeful of creatures; the Ottomans, the great viins, sessfully captured everyone¡¯s attention, leaving no room to care about revolutionary ideas.
Luckily, in those days, information was not widely disseminated, and people¡¯s understanding of the outside world was not very detailed; otherwise, if this news had spread, it would certainly have caused an uproar.
Finding an archenemy to fight could divert internal conflicts and prevent the spread of revolutionary ideas, a perfect strategy indeed.
Of course, this tactic might not apply to France. Their enemies were too powerful to provoke.
The precondition of using war to divert attention is that you must win; losing would mean total disaster.
...
In Berlin Pce, Frederick III was engaged in his final bout of soul-searching: whether or not to join forces with Hanover and establish the North German Empire.
Every time he thought about this, he couldn¡¯t help but resent his father for setting such a trap for his son.
One looks back at the time when Metternich proposed that Prussia and Austria divide the Germany Region. Due to uneven spoils, opposition from Ennd and France, and a host of other factors, the Berlin Government decisively refused.
Who could have known that thirty yearster, due to errors in government decision-making, they were back to the question of establishing North Germany.
The idea of the same North German Empire was in reality two different entities. The Germany Region had not lost any territory; in fact, it was evenrger than what Metternich had initially proposed. Unfortunately, Prussia had shrunk considerably.
As a result, Prussia, which was supposed to lead North Germany, had now be a vassal of Hanover.
Flipping the script, being the master instead of the guest, was nothing but deceptive talk¡ªFrederick III didn¡¯t believe a word of it.
If Prussia could ensure its independence, it would be a godsend. After all, Hanover was Britannia¡¯s flesh and blood, whereas Prussia could at best be considered a stepchild, especially during the Victorian Era.
In an era dominated by the great powers, the importance of a strong backing was self-evident; the Berlin Government had few options left.
Due to the Prusso-Russian War, the rtionship with the Tsarist Government in the east was certainly hostile; not causing them trouble was already lucky enough, let alone seeking their support.
Forming North Germany would inevitably offend Austria; even though the Vienna Government had done little, Frederick III was certain there was a hidden issue there.
France, once harboring great expectations from the Berlin Government, suddenly plunged into revolution before any alliance could be formed.
Each time he thought about this, Frederick III was secretly relieved that he hadn¡¯t made that move, or else he would have also offended the British.
Prime Minister Leo Von Caprivi suggested, "Your Majesty, since we can¡¯t discern the Austrians¡¯ ns, why noty it out in with them?
The Vienna Government certainly intends to unify the Germany Region; however, they are not ready yet and fear a joint boycott from the countries of Europe, which is why they haven¡¯t made their move.
With France to the west weakened by revolution and the Ottomans to the south nearing their end, if the Vienna Government can stabilize the Russians, their chances of unifying the Germany Region are not low.
With our current situation, we can only side with the victors.
Many sub-states of the Germany Region have already been drawn to the Austrians. The Vienna Government¡¯s hesitancy to make us an offer is likely because they don¡¯t trust us."
People change, battered by society; the idea of a Great Prussia had vanished into thin air.
Even the once fiercely proud Junker aristocracy had to enter hibernation due to the war¡¯s defeat.
After politicians took office, the Berlin Government had be less aggressive, focusing more on practicality.
Frederick III shook his head, "It¡¯s not that simple. The French have not truly suffered a vital blow; they will recover in three to five years.
The Russian-Austrian rtionship, no matter how good, will not withstand the test of national interests. Perhaps the Tsarist Government will temporarily ept Austria¡¯s unification of the Germany Region to be the master of Europe under the pressures of reality.
But they too will have their day of recovery. Will the Russian Empire, once it catches its breath in ten, twenty years, still ept Austria¡¯s sole domination of Europe?
With the British involved, how far do you think we are from the Anti-Austrian alliance?
Napoleon was defeated by the coalition of European countries, so how could Franz, known for his caution, possibly take the risk?
Unification of the Germany Region is not just the beginning of a peak but also the prelude to an end.
Without absolute assurance, Austria won¡¯t make a move; otherwise, they would have unified the Germany Region long ago."
Having finished speaking, Frederick III pointed to a spot on the map and fell silent.
Your worst enemy is not your friend, but your enemy.
Prussia and Austria had been old rivals; the Berlin Government always ced a premium on intelligence gathering from Austria, including studying Franz¡¯s character.
With such extensive knowledge, Frederick III could almost predict the Vienna Government¡¯s thoughts.
Why not wait to eliminate the remaining enemies with diplomatic and military tactics before taking action?
Following the direction of Frederick III¡¯s finger, Leo Von Caprivi blurted out, "India!"
Having realized his slip, Leo Von Caprivi fell silent, with only one concept echoing in his mind: The Austrians have made their move.
The terrifying aspect of an open conspiracy lies precisely in its transparency, everyone can see through it, yet they can¡¯t help but be tempted by the benefits it promises.
Already during the first Near East War, the Russians had been duped by the Austrians, yet even after being deceived, the rtionship between Russia and Austria remained unaffected.
The reason is simple: the Russians received the benefits that the Vienna Government had promised, making it a case of willingly being duped.
How could any losses possibly outweigh Constantinople?
As long as the benefits are sufficient, the losses are inconsequential. Fundamentally speaking, the potential power of the Russian Empire also grew, it just needed more time to be converted into national strength.
Knowing this, the Berlin Government had no intention of warning the British. They had just tricked the British a while ago, and the Anglo-Prussian rtions were not so harmonious anymore.
...
The Berlin Government had analyzed the situation, and so could the London Government, although they were in different positions and arrived at different conclusions.
The Berlin Government suspected Austria would encourage the Russians to annex India, while the London Government believed Austria was eyeing India for itself.
After all, it is the richest colony in the world, wealthier than all other coloniesbined, and it is only logical for the Vienna Government to harbor ambitions.
While supporting the Ottoman Empire, dstone also abandoned his own policy of "Splendid Istion."
These were the six principles he had proposed before bing Prime Minister:
1. Establish good government domestically;
2. Maintain peace abroad;
3. Ensure coordination among the major powers of Europe;
4. Refrain from alliances with other countries;
5. Recognize the equal rights of all nations;
6. Sympathize with freedom.
The basic points of these six principles are two-fold: first, to mediate amongst the nations of the European Continent to establish a so-called "coordinated Europe";
second, to avoid alliances with other European countries to maintain one¡¯s freedom of action and achieve "Splendid Istion".
However, ns never keep up with changes, and before dstone¡¯s policies could take effect, the international situation took a sharp turn for the worse. Enjoy exclusive chapters from empire
If ¡¯Splendid Istion¡¯ was the best strategy for the London Government before the outbreak of the Near East War, then after the Paris Revolution and the creation of the Anti-Turkish Alliance, it had no viability left.
Facing increasingly serious international situations, the British urgently needed allies on the European Continent to restrain Austria and ensure the security of India.
Looking around the world, there are only three pitiful countries capable of containing Austria: Britannia itself and the not-so-well-positioned France and Russia.
dstone ced his hands together on the table and said solemnly, "Gentlemen, it is time to make a choice.
Britain needs a strong ally to deal with the uing international changes; now let¡¯s choose from among the France-Russia-Austrian alliance!"
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There¡¯s no error, Austria is also one of the options. In the British dictionary, friends and enemies can be interchanged.
When a country is too powerful to oppress and cannot be made an enemy of, turning enemies into friends is also one option.
Foreign Minister George was the first to respond, "Prime Minister, this is a multiple-choice question with only one option; we don¡¯t really have a choice.
With the fall of France and Russia, the situation on the European Continent has be clear, and the quietly rising Austria has be our biggest threat.
Of course, it¡¯s not ruled out that the Austrian Empire might be built on weak foundations.
But this possibility is very small. Austria remained unscathed during the great revolution that affected all of Europe; I don¡¯t believe they will have internal problems anytime soon.
At this time, allying with Austria would undoubtedly further embolden their arrogance.
Russia is also not a good choice; the interests between Russia and Austria are too closely interlinked. Before regaining strength, it is hard for the Tsarist Government to stand against Austria.
Furthermore, the credibility of the Russians is too poor. We do not have the capacity for armed debt collection. To give them a transfusion is to kiss our money goodbye.
In fact, we are left with only one choice¡ªFrance.
From my personal standpoint, the ambitious French are also not good allies.
Supporting them entails significant risks, and the potential for bacsh is quite high, so we must carefully measure our involvement."
Wanting to bring in an ally while fearing that the ally might grow too strong is a dilemma the London Government faces for the bnce of power in Europe.
Finance Minister Disraeli Childs disagreed, "Isn¡¯t it good to bolster the Austrians¡¯ arrogance?
We must realize that they are a different kind of enemy. After the outbreak of civil unrest in France, Austria has be the de facto hegemon of Europe.
However, this hegemon differs from the previous dominants of the European Continent. The Austrians dominate European affairs through the Vienna System and do not have the habit of recklessly overreaching, including their restraint during the French internal chaos.
Such restrained behavior gives the Austrians a good international image in front of other European nations, and they maintain good rtions with every one of them.
In the face of such an enemy, a policy of containment is the worst option; who knows how many allies they could rally. The best choice is to let them make mistakes on their own."
"Killing with kindness" is the choice with the lowest cost, but the premise has to be that one can indeed kill. Otherwise, if it¡¯s only "kindness," then the losses would be substantial.
After a moment of hesitation, dstone shook his head, "The chance of sess is too low. We cannot pin our hopes on the Austrians making mistakes.
If they do not blunder, we will be directly responsible for unleashing a monster, which will ultimately boomerang back on us.
No, Austria is already a man-eating monster, and moreover, it is a monster good at disguising itself.
We¡¯ve been fooled by their disguises before, and it¡¯s only now that we realize the threat they pose."
...
Chapter 758 - 21, Indulgence Mode 2.0
Forming an alliance is aplex matter that requires contemtion of various issues, as Ennd and France are rivals in many areas, not devoid of contradictions.
Austria has ced enough pressure on the British yet has not put sufficient pressure on the French, at least the Paris Government does not deeply feel the threat from Austria.
Do not be fooled; the recent civil war has severely damaged France, and it will take several years to recover. This is the external view, but most French still feel good about themselves.
The perception and awareness cannot change overnight, and therger the country, the more stubborn it is in this respect, with self-confidence often apanied by arrogance.
Moreover, the French only suffered economic losses, as their military forces were essentially intact. They remained the most fearsome man-eating beast in Europe.
Inside the temporary pce in Paris, Napoleon IV still had not recovered from the devastation to his family. He abandoned his previous tolerance towards the Revolutionaries and ushered in the era of the White Terror.
This was an inevitable oue. No ruler could tolerate the existence of rebels. The prior leniency was for the greater good, and with the situation now stabilized, it was natural to settle scores after autumn.
If the rebels were not punished, would it not encourage everyone to rebel?
For Napoleon IV, the urgency was to regain the lost majesty and rebuild the glory of the monarch.
A haggard Napoleon IV asked in a heavy voice, "What do you think about the British proposal for an alliance? How likely is it to be genuine?"
Doubt is necessary. Rtions between Ennd and France were mostly terrible, with numerous instances of being cheated. It would be hard not to learn from these lessons.
Foreign Minister Terence Burke analyzed, "Considering all factors, the Foreign Office believes there¡¯s at most a fifty percent chance.
In recent times, we have been preupied with domestic affairs, and the international situation has undergone earth-shattering changes.
Without our restraint, Austria has revealed its ambitions.
From the current situation, as long as we do not interfere, the downfall of the Ottoman Empire is a foregone conclusion.
A Persia alone cannot stop Austria¡¯s expansion. The British have felt a direct threat and are eager to garner allies to share the burden.
However, the fall of the Ottoman Empire does not cause pain for the European world, with the public still cheering¡ªmaking it impossible for the British to force Austria to stop through international pressure.
From this perspective, we are their only choice. That said, our disputes with the British are not minor.
The recent events in our country bear British traces. We have yet to settle these ounts. Why would the British think we would stand with them?
Merely the threat from Austria is not enough to set aside the issues between our two countries.
Unless the London Governmentpensates us for our losses without a price, I have every reason to doubt: this is the British worrying about our retribution, deliberately diverting our attention."
The French have been tormentedtely. Although many European countries yed a part, the biggest hand was Britannia¡¯s.
First, there was the short selling of the Franc, followed by product dumping, supporting the Revolutionary Party, and even conflicts in overseas colonies.
Do not think that the French Government will be grateful to them just because the London Government pulled back at thest moment and gave them a hand.
That is impossible - the human attribute of holding grudges is much stronger than that of remembering kindness. If it weren¡¯t for being preupied with internal matters, the French Government would have already been considering how to retaliate.
"There are no eternal enemies between countries, only eternal interests."
While this saying is not bad, it is not entirely urate. States can forget grudges, but people remember them.
As beneficiaries of the French civil strife, the British naturally harbor no resentment; but as victims, the French, to forget their grudges so soon and rationally weigh pros and cons, is asking too much.
Of course, if the interests are sufficientlyrge, it¡¯s possible to temporarily forget the grudge.
Finance Minister Roy Vernon: "Regardless of the British¡¯s true intent, it¡¯s necessary for us to make contact with them.
Our current task is to recover the economy, and for a long time toe, we do not have the energy to involve ourselves in international affairs.
Even if Austria hasn¡¯t destroyed the Ottoman yet, even if they have already annexed it, that¡¯s the British¡¯s problem."
This is amon view in European countries; in most people¡¯s minds, the Ottomans lived in a Savage Land, uncivilized barbarians.
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Especially after witnessing the fierce resistance of the Ottomans, everyone felt even more assured. Thend seized by the Anti-Turkish Alliance was basically a ruin, with no way to add to Austria¡¯s power.
Many were preparing for augh, and even newspapers openly ridiculed: Austria engaged in a war bound to be unprofitable due to hatred.
It¡¯s true. From an economic standpoint alone, the Vienna Government was bound to suffer losses.
ording to news from war correspondents, Ottomans fully mobilized for war; it was truly a case of bloodshed for every inch of thend.
Lands upied by the Anti-Turkish Alliance were almost entirely destroyed, with roads and bridges ruined, farnd wrecked, dams and waterways sted apart, cities left in rubble, and even the wells were poisoned.
The few remaining inhabitants were mostly vulnerable women and children, each with a look of resentment, constantly posing the potential to be terrorists.
Napoleon IV nodded, "Let the Foreign Office talk to the British. If the London Government wants our help in restraining Austria, then they should exert themselves first to help us recover economically.
Ennd and Austria control the international coal trade prices, and it¡¯s time for that to end. As a token of cooperation, have the British lower their coal export prices by half."
After the economic crisis erupted, in order to gain an advantage in internationalpetition, the capital of the Anglo-Austrian two countries deliberately inted the export prices of coal.
French industries had to bear twice the energy costs of their English and Austrian counterparts. For the Frenchmercial and industrial sectors, breaking this malevolent monopoly was of paramount importance.
...
The news of Ennd and France drawing closer was no secret. The very existence of the alliance was meant as a deterrent, necessitating widespread promotion.
Austria was the primary target, whether Franz was willing to admit it or not. The Alliance of Ennd and France was still considered the most formidablebination of the time.
At least in terms of influence, even now, more than eighty percent of the world still believes Ennd and France are the strongest countries.
In the original timeline, for a long time after the Prussian and French War, it wasmonly believed that France was stronger than Germany. The failure was seen as a mere fluke. How could one argue with that?
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "Our treaty with Ennd and France is expiring in a year, and from the current situation, the possibility for renewal is almost zero.
In recent times, we¡¯ve put too much pressure on the British, spurring them to hastily court the French.
However, there are still numerous contradictions between Ennd and France, and it will be difficult for them to reach consensus quickly. If we show some goodwill, the British and French Alliance could very likely fizzle out."
Standing up and pacing the room for a few steps, Franz spoke cautiously, "We must prevent Ennd and France from drawing closer. This is a dangerous signal.
Austria doesn¡¯t fear any major power but cannot tolerate an antagonistic alliance.
When two major powers form an alliance, it isn¡¯t as simple as 1+1=2. It means that the European world¡¯s tolerance towards us is about to cross a line.
Napoleon served as a warning to us. An event like that must not happen to us.
Aside from an alliance led by us, there should be no other major power alliances in the European world.
In this aspect, the British are worth learning from. If we cannot disband the British and French Alliance, then we must find a way to join it.
The treaty between Ennd, France, and Austria is about to expire, isn¡¯t it? But it hasn¡¯t expired yet.
If the British can buy the French over, so can we, and we can even offer a higher price.
If Napoleon IV wishes to surpass his father, then good, we¡¯ll offer them an opportunity. It remains to be seen if the French peoples¡¯ appetite is that big."
When it came to spending others¡¯ money, Franz was always generous. Concepts like the bigger picture and long-term interests were all fleeting in his eyes.
The neenth century and the twenty-first century arepletely different concepts. What is most valuable now doesn¡¯t necessarily hold the same value in the future.
After a pause, Franz continued, "Aren¡¯t the British busy with the construction of North Germany? Then let¡¯s indulge them by ying dumb and pretending to see nothing."
Prime Minister Felix immediately objected, "Your Majesty, this cannot be epted. Otherwise, the path to German unification will be indefinitely dyed."
Franz waved his hand and said, "Prime Minister, calm down. It¡¯s easy to establish the North German Empire, but not so easy to keep it.
After this economic crisis, the French have realized the importance of energy, and the French government is bound to find a solution.
Napoleon III had always coveted the resources of the Rhinnd region but was cheated by us into focusing on Italy instead.
If, after searching, the French find that only the Rhinnd region has the coal mines they want, will Napoleon IV be able to resist? Your next journey awaits at empire
Even if the Emperor needs to consider the bigger picture and restrain his desires, will the Frenchmercial and industrial sectors be able to withstand it?
When necessary, we can add fuel to the fire. Once contradictions umte to a certain level, just a spark can detonate the crisis.
I am curious to see what choice the British Government will make after a war breaks out between France and Germany."
Prime Minister Felix said in rm, "Your Majesty, allowing France to advance eastward is far too risky and could easily lead to an uncontroble situation!
We..."
Franz interrupted, "It¡¯s not that serious. If North Germany can¡¯t hold up, we will step in ourselves. As long as we defeat the French, the strategy for German unification will bepleted.
If France proves too difficult to conquer, we can purposely fail at the front, allowing the situation to deteriorate, and dragging the rest of Europe into the water.
A powerful and aggressive France is a threat to all European nations. Why should we be the only ones fighting desperately in the forefront?"
Observing the shocked expressions around him, Franz did not continue. Their shock was a matter of crossing lines.
In Franz¡¯s view, as long as Germany was not unified, Northern Germany didn¡¯t count as territory of the New Roman Empire.
A deteriorating situation was perfect for eliminating the smaller sub-states. At its peak, the German region had over a thousand lords and more than two hundred independent sub-states.
After mergers and reorganization, at the Vienna Congress of 1815, there were still 39 legal sub-states in the German region.
Up to now, there were still more than thirty independent sub-states. Without resolving some of them, Franz would not be able to rest easy as Emperor.
The French were undoubtedly a good tool. With the threat of France, everyone had to lean towards Austria.
Chapter 759 - 22, Turning Point
On the Near East Battlefield, a thrilling scene emerged. At the height of the frontlinebat, chaos erupted in the Ottoman rear.
The Armenians rebelled, the Greek people rebelled, the vs rebelled, and even the Kurds disyed signs of instability.
If there was no rebellion, it was only because no one had incited them. Otherwise, the ethnic groups rebelling within the Ottoman interior would have swelled considerably.
The initial waves of ethnic uprisings were all thanks to the work of the Anti-Turkish Alliance. Everyone knew that the Ottoman Empire was on the brink, and it was time to switch sides, or it would be toote.
The upper echelons of society needed to secure their futures and thus had to pledge their allegiance. If they did not act now to prove their stance, how would they ensure their status in the future?
If the Anti-Turkish Alliance were to open its doors wide at this moment, it¡¯s quite possible that even those within the Ottoman Government would defect.
Without a doubt, the internal turmoil hastened the decline of the Ottoman Empire.
Unlike previous independence movements, this time the Rebel Army had weapons; the Austrian Army air-dropped arms and ammunition to the rebels.
The aftermath of being a multi-ethnic nation burst forth; although the rebels were in the minority, a stab at such a time still led the Sultan Government to lose trust in its minority ethnic groups.
The rebellion exacerbated the already tense ethnic tensions within the Ottoman Empire.
The morale of the citizens that the Sultan Government had managed to uplift suffered greatly, and the minorities¡¯ sense of belonging to the nation diminished sharply.
First, the Austrian Army captured Kershishir, then the Russians took the Ottoman Zheke, with both countries on the verge of meeting at the Kizil River.
Once this military strategy waspleted, the Ottoman Empire would be divided in two by the Anti-Turkish Alliance, unable to defend front and rear simultaneously.
Especially in the western hearnds,pletely surrounded by the Anti-Turkish Alliance, they could receive no external aid.
Giving up the west was out of the question; the capital Ankaray to the west of the Kizil River.
Moreover, since the Austrian Army had entered Mesopotamia, the Ottoman eastern territories were also insecure.
The narrownds of the Asia Minor Penins provided the Anti-Turkish Alliance with favorable conditions; the Allied Forces could prate the middle point and split the Ottoman Empire in two.
"Meeting at the Kizil River" was just one of several contingency ns; Mesopotamia could also serve as a meeting point. Unfortunately, the rugged terrain in the Caucasus region impeded progress, with the Russians still engaging in mountain warfare against the Ottomans in the Greater Caucasus mountain range.
Faced with an increasingly tense situation, the Ottoman Empire had no choice but to consolidate its forces defensively.
The main forces retreated, putting the burden of defense entirely on local militia, whosemanders were not government-appointed officers, but Religious Leaders...
When faith was involved, thebat effectiveness often exploded. And though notparable to the regr army, the might of the Ottoman militia still shocked the Anti-Turkish Alliance.
In Constantinople, the Commander-in-chief of the allied forces, Albrecht, was fuming, "Marshal Publius, did youe here for a vacation, or to fight?"
For a military officer, such an usation is undoubtedly a great insult. Luckily, Publius was a pseudo-soldier who came into service halfway through his career, with a demeanor closer to that of a politician.
"Your Excellency the Commander, this was entirely unexpected. No one knew that the Ottomans would deploy their main forces in..."
Before he could finish his exnation, Marshal Ivanov of the Russian Army, with none of the pleasantries, interrupted, "The battlefield is not an amusement park, so don¡¯t look for so many excuses for failure.
And as for the whereabouts of the Ottoman main forces, we are all well aware of that. We are not unscrupulous politicians; no one wants to listen to your bluster here."
There was no help for it; in a recent battle, the Greek Army was ambushed by the Ottoman guerris and unfortunately lost dozens of artillery pieces.
While losses on the battlefield are not unusual, the problem was that the Greeks, in their escape, failed to destroy the cannons, which, along with the ammunition, fell into the hands of the Ottoman Army.
Experience tales at empire
After such a major blunder, the Greek Army naturally did not disclose their loss. In the battles that followed, these cannons unleashed fire on the Russians.
Unprepared and underestimating the enemy¡¯s firepower, the Russian Army suffered the loss of a thousand men in an unwary moment.
After capturing some prisoners and understanding the sequence of events, the Russians were not about to swallow this pill silently, leading to this meeting of the Allied Command.
As a military officer of traditional pedigree, Ivanov had little regard for Publius, a marshal who had risen from the political realm.
With this new incident, he certainly wasn¡¯t going to be polite. In the Allied Command, while all four countries¡¯ military leaders bore the title of Marshal, there was a clear hierarchy among them.
Ivanov and Albrecht, both from traditional military backgrounds and decorated with military honors, naturally held top-tier status.
Montenegrinmander Maxim Trenedyev, thoughcking significant military achievements, also hailed from a traditional military background.
Even if Greece was stronger than Montenegro, in this setting, Maxim Trenedyev¡¯s status was still higher than Publius¡¯s.
This subconscious judgment was confirmed on the battlefield. As the main forces, Russia and Austria were naturally sessful.
Although the Montenegro Duchy had fewer soldiers, thebat achievements they gained were nearly equal to those of the Greeks.
The military is a ce that respects the strong; regardless of the tactics used,manders who can win battles are the most esteemed.
Luckily, Publius had a good disposition; an ordinary person would have copsed by now.
"Marshal Ivanov, we deeply regret this matter. Since the troops escorting the artillery werepletely wiped out that day, we did not receive any news; therefore..."
This exnation was clearly not satisfactory, but since everyone was flying the banner of the Allied Forces, political interests dictated that they could not afford to fall out with each other.
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Albrecht¡¯s initial mockery might seem like it was targeting Publius, but in reality, it was more about diffusing tensions.
No matter how ipetent Publius might be, he was still a representative of Greece and could not be casually dismissed by the Russians in a fit of anger.
Under normal circumstances, eliminating an ally¡¯s representative is not something most would do, but that didn¡¯t mean the Russians were incapable of such an act.
Albrecht had no expectations regarding the Russians¡¯ vtile tempers.
Chapter 761 - 24, Hope
As time progressed, the overseas interests of various nations grew, and so did the friction and checks between the great powers, often arising passively.
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Austria aimed to annihte the Ottoman Empire to secure a stable rear and, in doing so inadvertently, extended its reach into Persia, gaining the capacity to threaten India.
In overseas colonization activities, Anglo-Austria checked each other¡¯s influence in many ces, posing mutual threats.
You can touch my cheese, and I can take your bread. Everyone exercised restraint, for example:
Britain¡¯s Cape of Good Hope, right under Austria¡¯s nose, remained untroubled; likewise, Austrian ska, bordering Canada, also saw no conflict erupt.
Times had changed; Austrian ska was no longer a barren, icy realm but a world-renowned gold-producing region.
Of course, this fame didn¡¯t mean the local gold production was out of this world; rather, it was due to the colonial government¡¯s effective advertising.
Ranked in terms of gold production, the main gold-producing areas in the world were South Africa, Australia, Canada, the United States, Russia, and West Africa, with skaing in seventh.
ska¡¯s reputation, notoriously hindered by its harsh climate, was humorously referred to by Austrian poets as "God¡¯s trial."
The poption-scarce colonial government of ska took that phrase and turned it into their slogan.
They proimed to the outside world: ska has the harshest natural conditions for gold mines anywhere on earth, a test left for mankind by God.
Only those who withstand God¡¯s trial can be wealthy and reach the pinnacle of life.
Of course, Russians might dispute the im of "harsh natural conditions," given that the Russian Empire also had its share of harsh-climate gold mines.
To call it God¡¯s trial is also urate because failing the trial could indeed mean meeting God.
In the icy wilderness of ska, every year, more than a thousand prospectors met with God on their quest for gold. Those who struck it rich were a lucky minority who survived the ordeal.
For the Vienna Government, the tens of tons of gold produced in ska each year was also a piece of fat they couldn¡¯t easily relinquish.
Had the British Government not been so sensitive about India, it would have realized that the forces of mutual restraint between Ennd and Austria were not insignificant.
Although India was enticing, the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t risk action without absolute certainty of sess.
The premise of a potential threat is "potential"; after operating in India for so many years, Britain was by no means a paper tiger.
Now was the pinnacle of Britannia¡¯s era, and anyone thinking British-India was an easy target would end up with a bloody nose if they rushed in foolishly.
...
In London, the goodwill released by the Vienna Government had pulled the British Government out of its panic.
As the saying goes, "If you¡¯re afraid, then I¡¯m reassured." Since Austria still feared Britannia, it meant that India was safe for now.
In the Downing Street Prime Minister¡¯s Office, after rationally analyzing the pros and cons, dstone felt bewildered.
"What, in your opinion, does the Austrian Government actually want to achieve by suddenly showing goodwill?"
Seemingly struck by a thought, Foreign Minister George¡¯s face turned pale: "We can¡¯t be certain of the Austrians¡¯ true intentions yet. However, we¡¯re likely to be in big trouble next.
The Austrians¡¯ willingness to sign a safeguard treaty only proves that the Vienna Government has temporarily lost interest in Persia; it doesn¡¯t mean the Russians have too.
International politics are ever-changing, and although Austria has temporarily outpaced other European countries, their dominance over Europe is not secure.
The fact that Vienna has shown goodwill towards us reveals that Austria doesn¡¯t have the confidence to im the title of Europe¡¯s dominant power.
Neither the ambitious Russians nor the proud French would recognize their position.
Sandwiched between France and Russia, Austria¡¯s im to European dominance isughable. Perhaps realizing this, the Vienna Government has never presumed to act as Europe¡¯s overlord.
As time goes on, both the French and the Russians will recuperate, and Austria¡¯s troubles will only grow.
Based on previous experience, Austria is unlikely to confront France and Russia directly; they¡¯re more apt to employ a strategy of diverting conflicts.
The next step is probably to incite the Russians to move south to the subcontinent, stirring up tension with us, and then focus on confronting France.
The North German Empire that we orchestrated will likely be Austria¡¯s guard at the western gate."
The danger of an overt plot lies in its exposure, yet it still unfolds.
Russian ambition isn¡¯t something the London Government can eliminate. Unlike Austro-Russian rtions which have been allied since the anti-Napoleonic wars, continuing to muddle through to the present, the Anglo-Russian rtionship is a total mess.
Even if the Austrian ns wereid on Alexander III¡¯s desk, the Tsarist Government would still joyfully march south to the subcontinent.
Warnings from the London Government could only provoke a negative response; after all, trust is far easier to break than to build.
Over the past several decades, Russia and Austria had established a fundamental trust through three generations of monarchs. Although both were equally adept at stabbing each other in the back, the agreements they reached were ultimately honored.
When the Vienna Government encouraged Russia to head south, that was a matter of tangible interest, and the Tsarist Government would naturally believe it; but when the British pointed out that the Austrians were scheming to drive a wedge between Ennd and Russia, the Tsarist Government didn¡¯t take it seriously at all.
How can one speak of causing a rift when there was never any substance to begin with?
The North German Empire acting as a guard was an inevitable result of geography, for they were sandwiched between France and Austria and had no choice but to assume that role.
Unless they abandoned the North German Empire n and allowed Northern Germany to continue to be divided, then the weak German Federation would surely be useless.
This was the worst possible choice, without a single exception. External pressure is also what propels a nation to unite.
Unless the London Government personally took to the field to help withstand the French¡¯s military pressure, those small Sub-States in Germany might lean towards Austria at any minute.
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, dstone sighed, "The price that Austria could offer is too high for the Russians to refuse.
However, that is a matter for the future, and in the short term, the Tsarist Government should remain quiet for a while. Let the Governor of India prepare; the future will bring unrest to Central Asia and the Persian region.
Warn the French to restrain their ambitions. Otherwise, if they provide the Austrians with an opportunity to reform the Anti-French Alliance, they will have nothing to do but weep!"
Now everyone must be on higher alert, especially the Foreign Office, which needs to pay more attention.
The enemy we are facing now is different from the past; they are much trickier than France and Russia, and our previous experiences won¡¯t apply to them.
The main battleground of the future has shifted, from literal battlefields to the chessboard of diplomacy."
With the Vienna Government continuously making moves, the London Government could only react passively, much to dstone¡¯s dissatisfaction.
Britain has always been known as a strong diplomatic nation and is now being led by the nose, not knowing how to counterattack. How should they proceed?
Confidently, Foreign Minister George replied, "Don¡¯t worry, Prime Minister. We were only caught off-guard by Austria, which allowed them to exploit an opening and put us in a passive position. It won¡¯t happen again in the future."
...
On November 18, 1882, the Anti-Turkish Alliance sessfully convened on the Kizil River, leaving the Ottoman Empire in grave peril.
In the Ankara Pce, Abdul Hamid II was already desperate, far more serious than thest time Austrian airships bombed him during the Near East War.
The support from the British, who provided them with a substantial amount of resources, was indeed robust, but all that was in the past.
After the Asia Minor Penins was split in two, the Western Region becamepletely isted, surrounded by the Anti-Turkish Alliance on all sides.
No matter how much aid was sent, it couldn¡¯t be delivered. Theoretically, the British could still airdrop supplies via airship.
Unfortunately, that was impossible; the British support for the Ottomans was limited, and directly sending airship airdrops would be challenging the bottom line of the Anti-Turkish Alliance.
If contradictions were intensified and the British Government was dragged in, they would have no choice but to weep.
Neither Austria nor Russia had the strength to covet the Indian region alone, but once the two countries joined forces, the situation was different.
Not to mention driving the British out, at least they could bring war to the hearnd of India. The London Government was not mad enough to fight against two of the top threend powers in the world.
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Start a war to defend the Ottomans? It¡¯s estimated that as soon as that suggestion was put forward, Downing Street would have a new upant.
In a panic, Abdul Hamid II asked, "Grand Vizier, what should we do now?"
Midhat, distracted and anxious, replied, "Your Majesty, at this stage, the enemy will not give us a way out. To save the Ottoman Empire, we can only fight with all we¡¯ve got.
The Russian Army is only just over eighty kilometers from Ankara, and next, we need to prepare for the defense of the capital; Your Majesty could go to the frontline to boost morale."
"Do we still have a chance to win?" Abdul Hamid II asked eagerly
He very much wished to hear someone give him an affirmative answer. Midhat was not one to tter; the domestic mess had already frazzled his nerves, and at such a time, he was naturally not inclined to ingratiate himself.
"The enemy has too great an advantage; our chances of winning the war are nearly zero, but there is still hope to save the Ottoman Empire.
If we inflict maximum damage on the Anti-Turkish Alliance, the cruel toll in casualties will make theme to their senses, then to the negotiating table.
At that point, paying a certain price to escort the enemy out of the country would allow us to end the war with dignity."
Abdul Hamid II dered firmly, "Good, I will inspect the barracks immediately."
The greatest fear is the absence of hope, and even when hope is slim, there will always be those who cannot resist trying.
At this point, Abdul Hamid II¡¯s expectations had lowered; to save the Ottoman Empire and his throne was enough.
Chapter 762 - 25: Mistakenly Hit by the Deputy’s Vehicle
```
Mountains of corpses and seas of blood, this was the true depiction of the Near East battlefield at the moment. The war had escted to the point where both sides were seeing red.
Everyone had only one goal¡ªto kill the enemy. All sides had forsaken their bottom line, and various cruel acts were continually staged to push the limits.
Religionbined with warfare released a terrifying power. Suicide bombers had be standard weapons, and some even used seven or eight-year-old children asunchers.
They strapped bombs onto their bodies and drove them forward with whips. Cries and explosions sounded at the same time; there was nothing more hellish than this on Earth.
When sympathy was exhausted, the result was naturally disastrous. The bloodiest areas of the war became uninhabitable in its aftermath.
Looking at the returned information, even Franz, who was worldly and well-informed, fell silent. His only reaction was that the Ottomans had "gone mad."
Defeat isn¡¯t terrible, for there is always hope for aeback as long as people are alive, but all is lost if there are no people left.
Now that it was the 19th century, international public opinion could wield some influence. Everyone knew that Austria, a government that cared about its image, could not possibly engage in ethnic cleansing.
Before this, the Vienna Government had already devised an immigration relocation n and even chosen the location.
An ind in the Arctic Ocean with beautiful scenery, a mild climate, abundant sunshine, little rain, and an excellent living environment¡ªperfect for tourism.
For this ind, the Vienna Government evenpensated the British-Canadian colonial government with a hefty sum of 15,000 British Pounds to obtain sovereignty.
Given the current situation, Franz felt that the Vienna Government would save arge sum of money on immigration relocation expenses.
ording to data sent back by the Allied Command, by Christmas Eve, the number of Allied Forces fatalities had exceeded 117,000; the number of casualties had reached a staggering 547,000.
The Austrian army alone had suffered 59,000 fatalities and 287,000 casualties. The first wave of cannon fodder troops had been almost wiped out, and the second wave had also suffered heavy losses.
With such significant losses for the Allied Forces, as the side being attacked, the Ottoman Empire¡¯s troop losses were naturally even more severe.
ording to iplete statistics, as of now, the permanent loss of Ottoman troops had exceeded one million.
There was no way around it, as the Ottoman Empire still had not established aprehensive war-zone medical rescue system, and there were too few medical personnel. Field hospitals couldn¡¯t fully guarantee even officers¡¯ safety, leaving ordinary soldiers with minor injuries to pray for survival, and those with serious injuries to be euthanized by theirrades.
With such massive losses to the military, civilian casualties were uncountable, but it was certain the number of civilian deaths was higher than military ones.
The cruelty of the Near East war had indeed caused an uproar on the European Continent, with anti-war sentiment once again bing a popr topic.
Even Austria saw the rise of anti-war sentiment, though the dominant view was still that of the War Party, mainly because beating the Ottomans was too satisfying.
One just had to open a history book to feel the impetus for annihting the Ottomans. The Anti-war faction was only against the war, not the destruction of the Ottomans.
While the onlookers werementing on the state of affairs, on a bright and sunny day, the Kingdom of Prussia and the Kingdom of Hanoverpleted their alliance.
It was extremely low-key, even though everyone knew Prussia and Hanover had long been coborating. Still, no one expected them to establish a Federal Empire.
On February 14, 1883, George I of the German Federation Empire was crowned Emperor of the Hampton United Empire, adding another crown to the European world.
With the formation of a dualistic empire by Prussia and Hanover, Northern Germany had in essence achieved unification.
Several small Sub-States in the Imperial Parliament had resisted the troublesome inclusion of Prussia, to no avail in the end.
Byw, Prussia and Hanover shared a Sub-State quota, which was an imperial prerogative that no one could oppose.
This was a precedent set by the Habsburg dynasty; with regions like the Hungarian Region and the Balkan region bing territories of the Shinra Empire as parts of Austria, George I was simply following suit.
With Northern Germany united, the German Federation Empire could now assert itself as the "North German Empire", theoretically on equal footing with the Habsburg dynasty¡¯s New Roman Empire.
In St. Petersburg, Alexander III mmed his hand on the table and demanded, "Didn¡¯t you swear you would assure me that the Vienna Government would absolutely not allow the Prussian-German unification?">
"Now, as you wished, it has indeed happened. But where is the promised intervention by Austria?"
Many European countries promoted the Prusso-German unification to counterbnce Austria, but this certainly did not include the Russian Empire.
The Prusso-Russian war had been so bloody that the two sides were deep-seated enemies, with no chance of reconciliation.
After the unification of Northern Germany, it would indeed increase the difficulty for Austria to unify the Germany Region, but Russia would also gain a tough opponent on its western front.
This was determined by sheer volume. Despite the fact that the Kingdom of Prussia had been divided and many regions had joined Hanover, weakening the anti-Russian faction by cing it as the second in the new empire, should not be mistaken for a decrease in anti-Russian power.
No matter how thend was divided, the popce remained unchanged, and the power of hatred would position these people against Russia.
Based on poption, those who despised Russia made up more than half of this new empire, and the remaining people were mostly not fond of Russians either.
Without a doubt, hostility towards Russia was the mainstream sentiment in the new empire. Until this generation died off, there was no hope of reconciliation between the two sides.
```
If it were just about gaining another hostile country, the Tsarist Government wouldn¡¯t care. There are plenty of countries in the world that loathe Russia, and life goes on as usual.
But North Germany is different; it¡¯s a strong fellow. If it weren¡¯t for the heavy losses of Prussia¡¯s young and able, the merger of Prussia and Teuton would be no weaker than the former Prusso Federation.
Even with Prussia¡¯s vitality wounded, the nascent North German Empire still retains seven or eight out of ten of the former federation¡¯s strength, which is enough to exert pressure on an already tremendously weakened Russia.
The Vienna Government¡¯s inaction baffled the Tsarist Government.
Stared at by Alexander III with a murderous gaze that sent shivers down the spine, Oscar Ximenes, the immediately responsible Foreign Minister, could only stiffly respond.
"Austria has focused all its attention on the Near East Battlefield, neglecting the changes in Central Europe, allowing the British to exploit the opportunity.
Possibly the Vienna Government hasn¡¯te to grips with the sudden changes, which is why they have dyed taking action."
The more he spoke, the lower his voice became, and cold sweat started beading on Oscar Ximenes¡¯s forehead. He had no choice; he couldn¡¯t fabricate any more exnations.
He was Russia¡¯s Foreign Minister, not Austria¡¯s; it would only be normal if he didn¡¯t know the real situation. If he did, he¡¯d be the most brilliant foreign strategy master of the century.
Analyzing the overt situation, any exnation seemed irrational, leaving Oscar Ximenes at a loss for words.
Alexander III scoffed, "Nonsense! You¡¯re telling me this after the fact; what were you doing earlier?
Do you actually believe yourself when you say that the Vienna Government would overlook Central Europe?"
No wonder Alexander III was so indignant; two Prusso-Russian wars had cost the Tsarist Government dearly, and he truly did not want to instigate a third.
...
It wasn¡¯t just the Russians who didn¡¯t want to see the unification of Prussia and Teuton; Napoleon IV in Paris was also fuming. Stay tuned for updates on empire
With no further excuse than being a roadblock, the birth of the North German Empire had increased the difficulty of France¡¯s strategy to expand eastwards.
The recent French Revolution was triggered by multiple factors, one of which was the energy crisis.
Afterwards, all of French society concluded that a stable coal field was essential to secure the domestic energy supply.
Without finding a new coal field, the strategy to expand eastward was irreceable.
If it weren¡¯t for France still recuperating with the wave of anti-war sentiment not yet subsided, domestic interest groups would have taken action long ago.
After blowing off steam, Napoleon IV calmed down, "What are the odds that we can interrupt the unification of Prussia and Teuton if we intervene now?"
Foreign Minister Terence Burke answered in a panic, "That¡¯s absolutely out of the question!"
"Your Majesty, the Anti-French Alliance seems to be dissolved, but the force of Europe against us is still formidable. One false move could lead to disaster..."
Napoleon IV waved his hand impatiently, "Don¡¯t rmist talk here. Of the Anti-French Alliance, only Ennd, Russia, and Austria are of any concern.
Now that the Russians have made clear their opposition to the union of Prussia and Teuton, and although Austria has not dered a stance, I do not believe they are ready to give up on unifying the Germany Region.
By intervening alongside Russia and Austria, even if the rest of the European countries oppose us, they won¡¯t be able to do anything."
Indeed, France-Russia-Austrian make up the world¡¯s top threend powers; if these three joined forces, they could sweep the world.
Terence Burke, the Foreign Minister, exined with a bitter smile, "Your Majesty, Russia and Austria will not join us.
Austria must care about their reputation if they want to unify the Germany Region. When ites to internal German affairs, they won¡¯t coborate with anyone.
The Tsarist Government might want to intervene, but their finances are in such a dire state; they simply cannot afford the military expenses required for intervention."
Upon hearing this exnation, Napoleon IV instantly relented.
The situation in France wasn¡¯t great either; if it were before the great revolution, Napoleon IV could have generously funded the Tsarist Government, which nowcked money. But the Paris Government¡¯s coffers were not bulging.
Napoleon IV did not dare to act alone without allies, for fear of sparking widespread outrage with consequences no one could bear.
After contemting for a moment, Napoleon IV slowly asked, "Do we know why the Austrians are not taking action?"
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The more irrational the situation, the more it sparked suspicion. With the Vienna Government showing no reaction to the unification of Northern Germany, Napoleon IV couldn¡¯t help but suspect a conspiracy.
Seeing everyone deep in thought, Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz spected, "Could it be that Austria has refrained from intervening in the unification of Northern Germany out of fear of us?"
Though a bit narcissistic, no one objected to the suggestion. Even after an internal chaos, France was still seen as the most fearsome monster in everyone¡¯s eyes.
Chapter 763 - 26, Strategic Misdirection
The establishment of the North German Empire provoked a storm of public opinion across Europe, and within the ranks of German nationalist partisans, a stark prization emerged.
Optimists believed this was a further step towards the unification of the German Region, signifying a transition from a three-way split to a duel of titans, with true unification being only one step away.
Pessimists, on the other hand, saw this as the beginning of a disaster: with the amalgamation of Prussia and Germany, theirbined strength had grown even greater, and due to the interference of the European powers, unification had be an "illusory flower reflected in the mirror, a moon¡¯s reflection on the water," visible but untouchable.
In an effort to calm the troubled hearts of the popce, Franz personally sent a congrattory telegram to George I and casually penned an article titled "The Road to Unification."
He clearly stated that the merger of Prussia and Germany was a small step in the unification process of the German Region, and the next step would be for North Germany to return to the embrace of the Shinra Empire.
Naturally, the article did notck expressions of gratitude towards the British, praising substantially the contribution of the London Government to the merger of Prussia and Germany, and Franz encouraged them to continue their efforts.
What the British thought upon reading it, Franz did not know¡ªbut in the German Region, anti-British sentiment was on the rise.
To further stir the pot, George I¡¯s coronation ceremony took on an extra air of chill, as most monarchs from European countries merely sent representatives as a token gesture, and the monarchs from the German Region were conspicuously absent en masse.
Even Frederick III, the King of Prussia, excused himself due to health issues; the only ones who attended to show support were his own kin from the House of Gotha.
There was no choice; the atmosphere was too strange. France and Russia expressed outright opposition; Franz did send his sincere blessings, though it seemed they had the opposite effect.
The European Continent was still under the dominion of the French-Russian-Austrian alliance, and the British, mighty as they might be at sea, could not affect much even with the newly established North German Empire in their ount.
At such a sensitive time, any action could be subject to political interpretation.
Monarchs with acumen in politics naturally knew on which side to align themselves. Besides, everyone envied and resented the two crowns atop George I¡¯s head.
Thus far, the majority of the nobility in the European world did not recognize the legitimacy of George I¡¯s reign. There was no legal rationale to be found.
Looking back in history?
Franz was the legitimate ruler of the Shinra Empire. If Hanover wanted to gain legitimacy from Shinra, they¡¯d have to topple Austria first.
Elective legitimacy?
The elective legitimacy of the German Region was based on the "Golden Bull," and Hanover was not even among the electorates.
Even getting one for the sake of fulfilling numbers wouldn¡¯t work; ording to thisw, one must be crowned "King of Germany" by the Pope before one could seed as Emperor.
That was even more tragic as, unless The Vatican had gone mad, they would never acknowledge a Protestant Emperor.
In the original timeline, Prussia¡¯s ascension by force was deemed illegitimate, preventing universal recognition, and even Wilhelm I had to make do with a shoddy imperial title.
George I¡¯s crown was even more questionable, with its value perhaps only providing a more honorable title in social settings, as official documents of various countries basically did not acknowledge it.
But a shoddy imperial title was still an imperial title, and for the vanity-minded nobility, that was reason enough for envy.
Franz¡¯s meddling made the British Government¡¯s position awkward.
European media praised the clever maneuvers of the London Government, saying the North German Empire they crafted achieved a grand strategy of ¡¯killing three birds with one stone.¡¯
That sounded good¡ªa great diplomatic victory. Yet, inadvertently, they had offended too many, leaving the British Government diplomatically isted.
An alliance with France?
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That was out of the question; having just been duped, Napoleon IV wouldn¡¯t ally with the British if he had sense¡ªafter all, he had water on the brain.
After this lesson, Napoleon IV fully understood why his father, who was traditionally pro-British and anti-Austria, would rather ally with Austria, his despised enemy, than team up with the closer British.
Regardless of what the London Government thought, the French government had alreadybeled them as "untrustworthy and betraying allies."
Each time Prime Minister dstone saw a newspaper extolling the British Government¡¯s diplomatic prowess, he felt a headacheing on.
It was a fact what they wrote about, but some things should not be aired¡ªhaving already provoked the situation, what would their potential French allies think?
With each report, it was akin to rubbing salt in the wounds. The more the media praised, the more the French government could not afford to lose face.
dstone: "The North German Empire is established, but the situation has somewhat spiraled out of control.
I have thwarted the Austrian efforts to unify the German Region, but it¡¯s been misinterpreted abroad. Both France and Russia feel we targeted them.
This has put us in an incredibly awkward international position. If it¡¯s not resolved soon, we are at risk of diplomatic istion once again."
The British Government had experienced being isted by the nations of Europe before, but the present circumstances were different.
In years past, istion was willingly epted by the British Government as they were focused on developing overseas colonies and had little interest in involving themselves in Europe¡¯s affairs.
With the situation on the European Continent stable, it was natural for the London Government to avoid unnecessaryplications.
The current situation was markedly different. The bnce of power among the nations of the European Continent was lost, and the downtrodden France, still lost in its past glories, could not extricate itself.
The situation was made worse by the fact that both France and Austria were colonial powers, with numerous areas of interest conflicting with those of Britannia. Meanwhile, the Tsarist Government couldn¡¯t stop yearning for the Central Asia region.
While being isted in Europe, Britannia might also face retaliation from the tripartite alliance. Standing alone against the three, let alone the army, even the Royal Navy might not be able to cover all bases.
The Foreign Minister George responded with a wry smile, "This was an oversight on our part, neglecting the sensitivity of the French-Russian towards the establishment of the North German Empire.
The Foreign Office will try to mend rtions with various countries as soon as possible, but this will take some time.
In addition, through these events, we have also discovered that the contradictions between Austria and the French-Russian are not as significant as we imagined. Enjoy exclusive content from empire
The French-Russian-Austrian alliance are indeed contenders for dominance on the European Continent, each being the greatestpetitor to the others, butpetitors do not necessarily mean immediate enemies.
The Russian Empire is still recuperating and will be powerless to vie for supremacy for a long time toe.
To secure its own interests, the Tsarist Government will likely follow Austria¡¯s lead in diplomacy in the short term.
The Near East War was a divvying up feast for the Russian-Austrian, with the Vienna Government binding the Russians with the interests of the Ottomans, making it very difficult to drive a wedge between Russia and Austria.
The rtionship between France and Austria is iprehensible. Logically, both emperors of France should have been anti-Austrian, and rtions between France and Austria might have been expected to be very poor.
However, the reality is quite the opposite. Two countries with significantpeting interests and a long history of animosity mostly appear as allies.
Including the recent internal strife in France, the Austrians did not kick them while down but instead started the Near East War.
If the Vienna Government had sent troops to strike at the French back then, the Italian Area would have likely be independent by now.
By missing the chance to finish off the French, the Vienna Government did not lose out; its old enemy, the Ottoman Empire, is about to fall, and a thaw has emerged in France-Austria rtions.
Various signs indicate that Napoleon IV¡¯s anti-Austrian inclination is no longer so apparent, and the sentiment within the French government that antagonizes Austria is not as strong as before.
This is a dangerous sign. If rtions between France and Austria continue to warm up, the Vienna Government might very well push for a French-Russian-Austrian alliance, jointly dominating the European Continent as an alliance."
Is it really just about "dominating the European Continent"?
The impact of a French-Russian-Austrian alliance is not much less than the previous British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance.
Alliances are made for one of two reasons: either there is amon interest, or there is amon enemy.
The world has almost been entirely divided up, and the leftover spoils are certainly not enough to satisfy the appetites of the three powers; therefore, they would have to snatch from a fourth party.
Under these circumstances, Britannia, who reaped the greatest rewards of the colonial era, has naturally be the target of many arrows.
Beyond interests, Britannia also qualifies as themon enemy of the three countries, to some extent. In a way, the French-Russian-Austrian friendship entirely depends on Britannia.
dstone nodded gravely, "We cannot ignore this situation; Russia and Austria have already drawn close, and we must not allow the French to pull Austria over as well.
Our next diplomatic efforts must undergo aprehensive adjustment. It¡¯s not to say that our previous strategy was wrong, but rather the international situation has changed, making many tactics outdated.
The bnce in Europe is not an issue, but there was a problem with the setting of the hypothetical enemy. Suppression of the powerful was indeed effective, but it also had serious consequences, directly leading to the deterioration of our rtions with the great nations of Europe.
The Anglo-French rtions, Ennd-Russia rtions have worsened under this context, and now it¡¯s the turn of the Anglo-Austria rtions.
The Habsburg dynasty is best at diplomacy and enjoys high prestige in the European world, always having more allies than enemies.
Especially after Franz took the throne, he improved France-Austria rtions, and with the impending fall of the Ottoman Empire, Austria will have no mortal enemies on the European Continent.
To negotiate with such an adversary, we must be doubly careful and absolutely cannot allow them to form an Anti-British Alliance."
There is no problem in suppressingpetitors, but we must be careful about the means. Strategies that kill several birds with one stone must be considered for their potential to provoke widespread indignation.
Finance Minister George Childs added, "Actually, if we look at it from a different angle, things aren¡¯t that bad.
Austria isn¡¯t as bellicose as Russia, nor as capable in war as France. Their strengths lie in domestic and diplomatic affairs.
The German Empire has already been established, and its power is nearly catching up to the previous Prusso-Polish federation. As long as we are vignt against Austria¡¯s peaceful evolution, a military unification of the Germany Region is simply unrealistic.
Without unifying the Germany Region, Austria won¡¯t be able to establish absolute advantage over France and Russia. Moreover, Austria is strategically restricted by being sandwiched between France and Russia.
To avoid being targeted together, the Vienna Government can only replicate the Vienna System established after 1815, maintaining a bnce among all parties through diplomatic means.
With stability on the European Continent, even if we are excluded, Britannia¡¯s core interests will remain unharmed."
Everything is rtive, andpared to France and Russia, who brandish their weapons forcefully, Austria does indeed pose the least risk in bing powerful through diplomacy.
Image is once again proven important; looking at the reactions from European countries, it is evident that there is much more vignce towards France and Russia than towards Austria.
The Vienna Government is indeed acting ording to its reputation, conquering the European Continent solely through diplomacy, with military force applied overseas.
¡
Chapter 764 - 27: No Way Out
On the Near East Battlefield, the defense of Ankara had reached a crucial moment. The strength that the Ottomans disyed in defending their capital astonished the Russians.
Fortunately, Marshal Ivanov was ustomed to seeing great spectacles, otherwise, the daily casualties that reached into the thousands would be unbearable for most people.
Unlike the Prusso-Russian War, which was a matter of national fate, the eventual copse of the Ottoman Empire was already a foregone conclusion; further horrific casualties were utterly meaningless.
At that moment, Marshal Ivanov stared nkly at the map of Ankara, as if searching for a quick way to defeat the enemy.
A tall young military officer entered the room and reported, "Marshal, the Ottoman Government has sent a representative who wishes to discuss..."
Without waiting for the officer to finish, Ivanov decisively refused, "No!"
The young officer hesitated, holding back his words. Although he thought that epting the surrender of the Ottoman Government could end the war with the least cost, Ivanov had already made his decision, and as a soldier, obedience to orders was the foremost principle.
After a moment of silence, Ivanov added, "Send the Ottoman representative away, and don¡¯t report this kind of thing again in the future."
If it were possible to ept the surrender of the Ottoman Government, the war would not have dragged on until now. If the Anti-Turkish Alliance was willing to ept the Ottoman nobles, someone would sell out the Sultan Government within minutes.
The astoundingbat power that the Ottoman Government managed to muster was, in reality, borne out of desperation.
Ordinary people could surrender, but the Ottoman nobility could not. For the Anti-Turkish Alliance to annex the Ottoman Empire, they inevitably had to purge the upper echelons of the nation.
Without eliminating these vested interests, how could they make room for those who had contributed to their sess? In the distribution of the spoils, there must be spoils to divide.
Fueled by the power of hatred, both the Vienna Government and the St. Petersburg Government issued retaliatory orders in unison¡ªrefusing the surrender of the Ottoman Empire.
Upon reaching the Allied Command, this order was further expanded and refined. In summary, there were two points:
1. Forbidding frontline soldiers from negotiating with Ottomans in any form.
2. The Allied Forces would only ept one type of surrender:ying down weapons and entering prisoner-of-war camps.
At first nce, these orders seemed mild, but they effectively eliminated the possibility of the Ottoman Empire¡¯s surrender. Entering prisoner-of-war camps meant losing everything.
To those with vested interests, this was akin to demanding their lives. The Allied Forces left no room for survival, so the opposing side naturally fought desperately.
Although the Allied Command had substantially overinterpreted the upper echelon¡¯s orders, no one stood up for the Ottomans.
This was the power of hatred. Both Austria and the Russian Empire harbored deep-seated enmity towards the Ottoman Empire.
Inevitably, the nobility of both nations, with a heritagesting over a century, had extensive blood feuds with the Ottoman Empire.
Unfortunately, those who held power in both nations were precisely the enemies of the Ottomans. With national and personal hatredbined, it was inconceivable not to seek revenge.
As for the heavy casualties, which war did not have its dead? After experiencing the Prusso-Russian War with millions of deaths, no one would flinch at the four-digit daily casualties.
For the bureaucrats in the rear, these were but a set of numbers, far less significant than the political gains.
...
With a heart filled with doubt and anxiety, Prime Minister Midhat entered the underground pce within the Pce, a product of thest war.
Having witnessed the might of the Austrian airships, Abdul Hamid II had decisively ordered the construction of an underground pce.
To avoid the aerial threat, the Ottoman Government had moved underground to conduct their operations since the outbreak of the defense of Ankara.
Abdul Hamid II full of expectation, asked, "What¡¯s the situation like, have the Russians agreed to negotiate with us?"
As the war progressed to its current state, Abdul Hamid II had epted reality. Since Europe did not have a tradition of regicide, even if there was post-war retribution, at most he would be exiled.
Based on his understanding of Austria, he believed that the anti-Ottoman alliance led by the Vienna Government would not take such extreme actions. It was very likely that a parcel ofnd would be carved out to send the Ottoman remnants there en masse.
The only trouble was that it wasn¡¯t the Austrian Army attacking Ankara, but the unruly Russians.
Midhat shook his head, "The Russian Armymander, Ivanov, has an extreme hatred for us. He didn¡¯t even show his face before he chased away the representatives we sent over.
It¡¯s basically certain that negotiating with the Russians is a dead end."
Your next read is at empire
Abdul Hamid II¡¯s face turned pale instantly. The door to negotiation being shut meant trouble, and it couldn¡¯t have been clearer.
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The troubles caused by his ancestors now required him to pay the price. Whether it was the one in Vienna or the one in St. Petersburg, both had a motive to kill him.
Regicide is a grave sin, met with condemnation by the European world, but there is an exception, and that is dying on the battlefield.
With a "bang", Abdul Hamid II threw a cup not far away and said fiercely, "If the enemy leaves us no way out, then we¡¯ll have to fight them to the end.
Activate the destruction n. Even if we¡¯re going down, we¡¯ll drag them down with us. We¡¯ll all go..."
...
The Near East War entered its final stage, and the "Guano War" came to a close. Chile, Bolivia, and Peru ultimately had to sit down at the negotiation table.
The British defended their dominance in South America with action, suppressing the two challengers from Ennd and France.
Under the influence of the great powers¡¯ games, the unfortunate Bolivia and Peru ended up as the losers.
You can¡¯t me ack of support; even without control of the seas, Ennd and France somehow managed to send in supplies, but it was a shame they themselves were not up to par, losing on the battlefield despite having a two-to-one advantage.
To secure their logistical support, Austria even gave the Colombian Government a heavy blow, and now Colombia hasn¡¯t yet recovered from its civil war.
In this cruel world, might makes right. With Bolivia and Peru losing on the battlefield, they naturally couldn¡¯t hold their heads high at the negotiation table.
The South American War seemed tost more than three years, but in reality, the casualties for all parties were not severe.
Of course, this "not severe" is rtive to Europe. For the three fledglings, it was a significant blow to their vitality.
Altogether, Chile suffered 16,000 battle deaths, while Bolivia and Peru each lost 19,000 and 17,000, respectively¡ªcasualties far exceeding those of the same period in history. It could be called thergest scale war in the history of the South America region.
Ennd, France, and Austria were all busy; now was not the time to stir trouble in South America. Without the meddling of the major powers, this negotiation went very smoothly.
Without any surprises, as the victor, Chile obtained the coveted Atacama Desert, while Bolivia, as the number one unfortunate party, lost all its coastal territories, directly bing andlocked country.
Franz was not surprised by the failure of the probe in the South American region. The status of the United Kingdom as the world¡¯s dominant power was built by the Royal Navy, gun by gun, bullet by bullet¡ªhow could it be so easily shaken?
Moreover, the Vienna Government had gains to match their sacrifices. Setting aside Bolivia, which was nearly on itsst breath, Franz¡¯s covert strategy had been a sess.
Using the South American War as an opportunity provided a pretext for Austria to n for Panama¡¯s independence movement, avoiding the collective anger of the South American countries.
To this day, the Panama Independence Organization already controls a quarter of the territory of the Republic of Colombia, frequently pressing the Colombian government forces to the ground and beating them up.
This was the result of the governor¡¯s mansion of Austrian Central America deliberately keeping control. Otherwise, the independence organization could have swept through the whole of Colombia.
It sounds impressive, but in reality, it¡¯s nothing much. The whole poption of the Republic of Colombia, young and old, totals just over two million people, a quarter of whom are white.
It¡¯s normal for them not to beat the independence organization¡ªafter all, that¡¯s just a front thrown out in the open. The real military force is still the Austrian colonists.
Fighting on their own behalf, theirbat power is always easily overwhelming. The Austro-Central American colonial government promised that whoever conquered the territory would own it.
Then, civilian colonial teams rushed in frantically, soon leaving the Colombian Government questioning its existence.
It was supposed to be the Panama Independence Organization, but now they¡¯re drinking from the "Magdalena River," and they¡¯re not showing any sign of stopping.
Chapter 765 - 28: Flexibility
Seeing the end of the "Guano War," the afflicted Colombian Government no longer wished to continue the fight.
While the British were kings at sea, once onnd, they instantly dropped to bronze level. Under themand of British instructors, the Colombian Government forces were being defeated at every turn.
Counting the troops killed by "mistaken" identity, the war had imed the lives of more than 43,000 Colombians by now.
It was clear to everyone that the Panama Independence Organization was merely a pawn pushed to the forefront; without settling matters with Austria behind the scenes, victory was impossible.
Without a doubt, this was unachievable. With Colombia¡¯s limited strength, persisting in a stubborn fight would do nothing but increase casualties.
On April 7, 1883, the Colombian Government issued a call for peace to the outside world and invited the four great powers of Ennd, France, and Spain, and Austria to mediate this "civil war."
Austria was also one of the mediators: such were the rules of the game.
Officially, Austria had not participated in this war. As the most powerful country along the Caribbean coast, Austria qualified to be a mediator.
If the United States had not split, they would have been among the mediators. Now, with the secession done, the Americans had yet to enter the club of great powers.
...
With the mediation invitation from Colombia at hand, whether to cease fire or not became a new topic of dispute for the Vienna Government.
Colonial Minister Stephen: "The situation in Colombia is highly favorable to us, as the Panama Independence Organization has been gaining upper hand on the battlefield.
The Rebel Army has taken all of Colombia¡¯s coastal cities, controlling a quarter of the national territory, half of the poption, and nearly 60% of the economy, less than 100 kilometers from the capital Bogota.
Taking over Colombia is just a matter of time; it would be a pity to give up now."
Foreign Minister Weisenberg countered, "It¡¯s not that simple. If we were to upy the Republic of Colombia, we would be themon enemy of South America.
That region isn¡¯t our strategic core; there¡¯s no need to get deeply involved. Since we¡¯ve already secured the Panama area, it¡¯s best to quit while we¡¯re ahead."
Colonial Minister Stephen disagreed: "What is there to fear?
The South American countries are limited in strength and full of contradictions among themselves; they simply cannot unite over the issue of Colombia.
At most, we may face temporary istion, but the South American nations won¡¯t sincerely stick their necks out for Colombia. We just need to divide and conquer."
This was a fact. United South America could make Austria cautious, but a disunited South America could hardly bother Austria¡ªit would be a blessing from God.
Even as the saying goes, ¡¯the death of one is the mourning of another,¡¯ no fox dares to provoke the tiger¡¯s brow. Without their own interests involved, many choose to turn a deaf ear.
Weisenberg shook his head: "If it weren¡¯t for the British, indeed we could do so.
Unfortunately, South America is the economic colony of the British, and the London Government won¡¯t sit by and watch us expand there.
South American countries led by someone are not so easy to deal with as a scattering of sand.
Even if we could hold onto Colombia militarily, we would suffer severe losses politically and economically.
Greed is a sin. We are at a crucial moment in our global strategy; any rash action could have disastrous consequences."
Annexing Colombia was never in Franz¡¯s ns from the beginning.
From the very banner that emerged, it¡¯s clear that the "Panama Independence Organization" was specifically aimed at the Panama area.
It was just that ns could not keep up with the changes. It was uncertain whether the nobility was too powerful at war, or if the Colombian Government was too ipetent, but they had somehow ended up in the current situation.
Franz interjected, "Let¡¯s start with negotiations. If the Colombian Government is willing to concede, then end this war as soon as possible.
The Near East is pressing at the moment. As long as we have the Panama area, a little more or a little less interest in other regions doesn¡¯t matter."
The decision was driven by interests. The age of colonial expansion was over, and Austria¡¯s strategic focus had returned to the World Ind.
In Franz¡¯s view, without Panama, Colombia was but a useless piece of rib.
Don¡¯t talk about the future. States, like individuals, must live in the present.
```
The prerequisite for chasing the future is to have a future to chase; if one falls halfway, then it¡¯s all for naught.
One can look to Emperor Yang of Sui Dynasty for reference, who sought "Achievements for the present, benefits for eternity" but ended up reaping the destruction of his country and family, along with the eternal infamy of a "tyrant."
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The lessons learned from our predecessors must not be ignored. Great ambition for glory can lead to the downfall of a nation.
...
With the initiation of negotiations for the Colombian civil war, the international situation gradually began to rx.
Experience tales at empire
The British wanted to ease rtions with other countries and temporarily gave up causing trouble; the Frenchcked the power, as Napoleon IV was still dealing with domestic rebels; both Russia and Austria were too busy pounding the Ottomans to be bothered with anything else.
Were it not for the ongoing war in the Near East, the world could almost dere peace.
...
Baghdad, this ancient city, once again faced the scourge of war. The sounds of artillery fire roared as countless shells rained down upon the city without any sign of dragging their feet.
At the Allied Command Middle East War Zone, General M?rck fretted over how to capture Baghdad with minimal losses.
There was no choice; ever since rejecting the enemy¡¯s conditional surrender, the resistance had only grown fiercer.
Breaking through the city¡¯s defenses was easy; Austria¡¯s artillery could effortlesslyplete the task. The troubley in the subsequent street fighting, which could easily lead to heavy losses if not handled with care.
The most effective traditional siege tactics involved cutting off water and food supplies.
Baghdad was a mere thirty kilometers from the Euphrates River; the city¡¯s poption was not as immense as inter times, and the need for water could be mostly satisfied by groundwater.
A prolonged siege might have been a good choice, but with the country worried about long-drawn-out issues, orders had been given to end the war quickly.
An eager young officer suggested, "Your Excellency, Commander, why don¡¯t we poison the city?"
"Poison" here clearly didn¡¯t refer to ordinary toxins; the chemical industry at the time was limited and couldn¡¯t mass-produce highly lethal poisons.
The tactic of using poison in a siege usually meant spreading gue. This type of poison was easy to produce; the corpses of the dead were the best materials.
However, the aftermath was severe, harming both enemies and allies. Due to the war, the Middle East War Zone had already seen two small-scale outbreaks of gue.
The Ottomans had managed to hold on until now, and in actuality, the gue had yed a role in their resistance.
After a moment of contemtion, General M?rck shook his head: "No, the aftermath is too severe. If it gets out of control, the consequences are unimaginable."
The young officer protested, "No, the consequences are within our control.
ording to the government¡¯s ¡¯Land Fallow Law,¡¯ keeping the entire area around Baghdad fallow for twenty years wouldn¡¯t be excessive.
Even if the situation spirals out of control, at worst, after the war..."
Before he could finish, General M?rck interrupted, "Sammons, you¡¯re obsessed.
Remember, soldiers must have boundaries; we absolutely cannot resort to such extreme measures unless it is ast resort.
Our personal reputations are trivial, but Austria is a civilized nation; we cannot risk the country¡¯s reputation on such a gamble."
After a pause, as if he had thought of something, General M?rck ordered, "Instruct the troops to lift the siege; let airships drop leaflets over the city.
Tell the defending forces that I guarantee with my family¡¯s honor: they may leave and take their weapons and personal belongings with them, but they only have three days.
Those who leave now can go wherever they wish; we will not stand in their way."
Sammons¡¯ words inadvertently reminded M?rck that this was Baghdad, and the majority of the defending forces were Iraqis.
As a nation also oppressed within the Ottoman Empire, they would not apany the Ottomans to their doom at such a critical moment of life and death.
The fact that the defending forces had sent envoys to negotiate was telling enough. It was only because of the Allied Command¡¯s orders that General M?rck had overlooked this point.
Unable to negotiate with these people didn¡¯t mean they couldn¡¯t be allowed to leave. A small adjustment on the battlefield was still possible.
```
Chapter 766 - 29, Running Away Is Not Easy
The sudden turn of events caused a rift within the defenders, who were originally prepared to fight to the death. Who would choose death when there¡¯s an opportunity to live?
As the war has unfolded thus far, even the most optimistic person wouldn¡¯t believe that the Ottoman Empire could make a miraculous recovery.
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With the Ottomans gone, naturally, no one would hold them ountable for desertion. As for what to do afterward, that is a matter for the future.
Unlike Ankara, which was surrounded on all sides with no ce to flee to, leaving Baghdad meant they could seek refuge in Persia.
In fact, by this stage in the war, many people already wanted to desert. However, having offended so many, they feared fleeing abroad would lead to them being devoured without a trace.
One only needs to nce at the newspapers to realize that migration is a journey fraught with sin and bloodshed, and it¡¯s incredibly difficult for outsiders to find their footing.
Not to mention nobles from the Ottomans, who are shunned by mainstream society¡ªeven nobles from the European nobility face risks when migrating abroad.
This is the fundamental reason why Austria has found it so easy to recruit migrants in the Germany Region. Within their own controlled areas, they may not mention other aspects, but safety is guaranteed.
Since announcing a three-day evacuation, the artillery fire had stopped. To show their sincerity, M?rck even ordered the Austrian army stationed outside the city to withdraw five kilometers.
An elderly man dressed in traditional attire tapped the floor twice with his cane and said, "Gentlemen, we don¡¯t have much time left; we must make a decision quickly."
"Respected Hediff, how can we ensure that the Austrians will keep their promise? If they break the agreement, once we leave the city we won¡¯t even have the ability to fight back."
(Hediff: A title in thete Ottoman Empire, simr to that of a governor.)
The old man red at the middle-aged man and retorted, "Aziz, do you think everyone is ascking in credibility as you are?
If there was no assurance, themander on the other side wouldn¡¯t stake his family¡¯s reputation.
You should understand what family reputation means in that conservative country, Austria?"
Faced with the elder¡¯s rebuke, Aziz lowered his head and said nothing. In his foolish youth, he had coveted profits without discretion and had inadvertently earned a reputation for being untrustworthy.
It only takes a day to ruin a reputation, but it is not so easy to restore it. Of course, Aziz had never really tried to redeem himself.
A slender man spoke up, "Respected Hediff, at this point, we have no other choice.
I¡¯ve heard that Ankara is also surrounded. Our enemy is too powerful this time, and it seems unlikely that the Ottoman Empire will survive this ordeal.
Over the years, we have umted too much hatred with the four nations of the Anti-Turkish Alliance. If they take over here, there will be no ce for us.
Our defeat is inevitable, and further resistance would only result in more casualties. So, for the sake of..."
He had a plethora of reasons, but the core message was to flee at once!
The old man nodded and slowly said, "I have already made contact with the British. As long as we pay a sum of money, they can help us migrate abroad."
In those days, holding an official position in the Ottomans was not possible without the support of the great powers. Without backing, one could be dismissed within minutes over international conflicts.
The elder was not only able to give orders because of his high official rank, but more importantly, because of his close rtionship with the British.
Otherwise, they, a bunch of homeless dogs, would just be plump sheep without protection. It was estimated they would not even make it out of Persia without being devoured alive.
A man d in military attire asked, "Respected Hediff, what about the regr soldiers in the city once we leave?
To leave them behind would be to send them straight into the enemy¡¯s mouth; the Anti-Turkish Alliance will not forgo an opportunity for retribution.
To take them along seems beyond our ability."
The elder exined unhurriedly, "There must be sacrifices. It¡¯s not that I don¡¯t want to take them with me, but their numbers are too great.
Transporting nearly a hundred thousand troops across borders is something the Persian people would never allow since they must justify it to the Anti-Turkish Alliance.
Even if we pay a heavy price and somehow get the Persian Government to let us pass, how would all these people survive after leaving the Ottomans?
Moreover, the wives, children, and elderly of these soldiers are all in the Ottoman Empire; they might not be willing toe with us."
Hediff himself wanted to lead an army away. After all, these troops were capital for establishing himself in a foreignnd, but it was truly impossible.
The Anti-Turkish Alliance wasn¡¯t blind. They might overlook a few inconsequential fugitives, but if tens of thousands of troops escaped, they would stop at nothing to eliminate thempletely.
Chasing down those who fled into Persia was a standard operation. The great powers of those days were ustomed to dominance and had no habit of respecting others¡¯ sovereignty. Cross-border warfare was amon urrence.
Persia would only shied them from its gates if it didn¡¯t want to be caught in the crossfire.
...
Once the stance was unified, everyone began to prepare for their escape. With such limited time, they could only take some liquid assets; there was no time to transfer their industries.
This time, the process was expedited. M?rck gave them three days, but they managed to pack up and gather a considerable convoy on the very first day, and majestically set off.
This spectacle left the Austrian Army outside the city dumbfounded, as a continuous stream of carts both big and small rolled out. Were they fleeing a disaster or merely moving house?
However, a given promise could not simply be retracted. Both family reputation and national credibilitypelled M?rck to honor the agreement.
...
In the Vienna Pce, news of the events in Baghdad had already spread.
The anti-climactic defense of Baghdad reshaped Franz¡¯s worldview yet again.
It proved that everyone has a price, even enemies. As long as the price is right, a deal can be struck.
"Lives and partial wealth" ¡ª that was the price M?rck offered. That¡¯s a bribe? More like a threat, right?
Normally, this would be a joke. But in times of survival, such urrences couldn¡¯t be moremon.
Franz shook his head, "Letting these people go has indeed sped up our progress.
But these fellows, bearing hatred, even if they are exiled abroad, still pose a potential problem. It would be best to find a way to get rid of them."
Standing as themander in the Middle East War Zone, M?rck faced no issues, managing to win the war with minimal cost.
Unlike the Sultan Government in Ankara, which was a threat that had to be eliminated, the officials in Baghdad were but small fry.
Not to mention rallying the entire Ottoman Empire, they couldn¡¯t even stir up the Iraq region. Their influence was limited to the area around Baghdad, thus they were considered secondary targets.
From a capability standpoint, these individuals could at most n terrorist attacks; instigating widespread chaos was out of the question.
Austria wasn¡¯tcking in farnd. If needed, they could over-interpret the "Land Fallow Law" to revert the entire Mesopotamia back to forest and grasnd. Stay connected through empire
Without agriculture, the local economic system would copse, and without livelihoods, naturally, no one would stay.
With the poption gone, even if careerists wished to instigate unrest, they wouldn¡¯t have the conditions to do so.
As for terrorist attacks, Franz never took such trivial annoyances to heart.
How could one aspire to be a world leader without facing some bombings?
Not only future United States but even present-day Britain, France, and Austria frequently suffered terror attacks.
Which colonial empire was not hated? It¡¯s just that current methods of terrorism were very primitive, mainly involving vandalism and murder, and suicide bombers had not yet been trained.
Due to logistical challenges, most attacks urred overseas. Prating the maind of various countries to cause trouble was not something the average person could achieve.
Lack of social concern was mainly because governments deliberately downyed the situation. Strengthening security measures was sufficient.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "Your Majesty, it would be very difficult to eliminate them all, but leaving most behind would be easy.
We only promised to let them leave, not that they would be free from me. As long as we don¡¯t act within the Ottoman borders, we are keeping our agreement.
Judging by their route, they seem to want to travel through Persia.
Since ancient times, wealth has moved hearts. The more the Ottomans take with them, the easier it would be for us to leverage the Persians to eliminate them en route.
It would be best if the military sent people to the Persian region first. If the Persian Government rejects our proposal, the military could take care of sending these people on their way.
Once the fact is established, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs can handle the aftermath."
Such was the style of the great powers. Even if Austria acted against these remnants on Persian soil, the Persian Government could only watch helplessly.
Otherwise, a misunderstanding could happen, and the Anti-Turkish Alliance, while hunting for rabbits, could identally eliminate them, leaving no time for tears.
Chapter 767 - 30, Trouble
The foundation of the Ottoman Empire primarily centered on the Asia Minor Penins, and the control exerted by the Sultan Government over other regions was clearly much weaker.
Especially after the Anti-Turkish Alliance severed the Sultan Government¡¯s connection with the local areas, the control practically vanished.
Loyal subjects were few, and in the face of cruel reality, the weaknesses of human nature wereid bare.
Seeing that the Ottoman Government was a sinking ship, those unwilling to go down with the empire began to look for ways out.
Baghdad was just the beginning; after the Austrian army advanced into Mesopotamia, there were countless incidents of people abandoning their cities and fleeing.
People are prone to follow the herd; once they saw the dignitaries and elite running off, the ordinary people naturally raced to do the same, and for a time, the Persian border was overcrowded with refugees.
...
Baghdad, temporary headquarters of the Middle East War Zone
General M?rck asked with concern, "Denis, how many people have left altogether?"
The middle-aged military officer, Denis, answered, "In the Baghdad region, about one hundred and twenty thousand people have left, and in the entire Mesopotamia, more than five hundred thousand have left."
General M?rck frowned deeply, "It¡¯s not enough; too few people have left. The battles in Mesopotamia are essentially over, and what remains is just sporadic resistance.
The local poption numbers more than three million, and even due to the war, there should be at least two and a half or two and a third million left; subtract the fifty thousand who left, and that still leaves one million seven or eight hundred thousand residents.
To relocate so many people in the future will inevitably cost a huge sum of money; the best approach is still to have them leave voluntarily.
Spread the news that we are going to implement the ¡¯Fallow Law¡¯; for the next twenty years, the cultivating of crops and livestock in Mesopotamia will be prohibited."
News, whether partly true or false, are often the easiest for people to believe.
Those slightly better informed knew that Austria had implemented the Fallow Law after upying the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Arabian Penins.
Now aside from a few cities, those regions are overrun with weeds and shrubs; the ind areas are virtually uninhabited for thousands of miles.
"Yes, Your Excellency the Commander!" Major Denis replied.
After hesitating a bit, Denis still expressed the doubts in his mind, "Your Excellency the Commander, why must we relocate the poption when they can create wealth and immediately pay taxes to us?"
To many, the Vienna Government¡¯s Fallow Law seemed like a senseless action, causing only hardship and expense without any tangible value.
Environmental protection wasn¡¯t a popr concept at the time. The reason nobody raised opposition before was that it involved Jerusalem. The Holy Land was almost buried by sandstorms; it indeed wouldn¡¯t be right not to protect it.
The Arabian Penins was just caught up in the mix; after all, there wasn¡¯t much there, and Austria didn¡¯tck camels, so let it be fallow.
Mesopotamia was different. The Mesopotamian in was very fertile, suitable for developing agriculture and livestock.
The era of poption explosion had not yet arrived. Taking Iraq as an example, before the war, the poption was just around one and twenty or thirty million, and water resources were rtively abundant.
General M?rck barely smiled, "It is for stability. You don¡¯t think these people will quietly ept our rule, do you?"
Hearing this answer, Denis grew even more puzzled. The Ottoman Empire had managed to suppress these people; that Austria was worried about the local stability would be a joke if it got out.
Colonial Empires each had their methods of governance, generally speaking. When faced with unsolvable problems, there was one method that could settle everything¡ª"death"!
General M?rck continued to exin, "If it were an ordinary colony, it certainly wouldn¡¯t be worth our while to invest so much, but Mesopotamia is special.
Our people have discovered oil here, and geologists estimate that the oil reserves in Mesopotamia could potentially exceed the total amount of oil discovered in the world up to now.
Scientists believe that oil is the most important energy source for the future, very likely to rece coal."
Denis shook his head in disbelief, blurting out, "That¡¯s impossible! The uses for oil are limited; how could it possibly rece coal?"
General M?rck waved his hand, "That¡¯s not a question I can answer. In any case, the scientists have convinced the government, making the country believe this judgment."
Watching Denis slip into a state of self-doubt, General M?rck continued, "Alright, whether oil can rece coal¡¯s position is a question for time to prove.
For now, all we need to know is that oil is important, our domestic reserves are scarce, and the reserves in Mesopotamia are vast."
"It involves energy security; to ensure the safety of oil extraction, we must takeplete control of this region,"
M?rck didn¡¯t believe oil could rece coal¡¯s position in energy, but as long as there was a "possibility," it was worth paying attention to.
To make the French realize the "importance of energy," the Vienna Government spared no effort in its propaganda. Now every European knew the importance of energy.
After hesitating for a moment, Denis slowly began, "Commander, if that¡¯s the case, then just releasing the news isn¡¯t enough.
"It would be better to take concrete action, for example: imposing war taxes, setting a tax amount beyond the capacity of most people; or directly sending people to convince them to leave.
The Persian people learned their lesson from thest refugee crisis and have drawn up a cordon along the border. Arge number of refugees have already gathered there now.
"Without opening a passage, even if these people want to leave, they can¡¯t get out."
There must be more than one exit route. The problem is that the Russians won¡¯t dare to go there, and Austria won¡¯t let them in.
General M?rck nodded, "That indeed is a problem. I will report to Vienna and strive to get domestic support.
"However, the chances of sess are low. Even if the Foreign Ministry intervenes, the Persian people don¡¯t have the courage to ept these one or two million people.
"First incite the refugees to break through. If that¡¯s not possible, then have the troops create a misunderstanding and tear open a gap."
Facing the military and diplomatic pressure from the British Government, the Persian people let the British¡¯s supplies into the Ottomans only because the Anti-Turkish Alliance didn¡¯t support them.
For this, the Persian Government has exined multiple times to Vienna and St. Petersburg, but unfortunately, it was meaningless because the great powers mostly don¡¯t like to reason.
In General M?rck¡¯s view, no matter what the reason was, once Persia positioned itself against the Anti-Turkish Alliance, they had to pay the price.
...
At Vienna Pce, the progress of the Austrian army in Mesopotamia didn¡¯t bring anyfort to Franz. The news reported by General M?rck was giving him an enormous headache.
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The Middle East War Zone was worried about the problem of one or two million people, but Franz, the Emperor, had to worry about three or four million people¡¯s issues.
Helplessly, the Ottoman Government might be crazy, but that doesn¡¯t mean all the generals are crazy. It¡¯s true that everyone¡¯s a soldier, but when they can¡¯t win the fight, they still surrender.
On the Asia Minor Penins, there are also one or two million prisoners of war, since the Sultan Government had its crazy moment resulting in such massive losses that the locals would starve if they weren¡¯t considered POWs.
With no choice left, the Vienna Government had to support thisrge group of "prisoners of war". Both sides were covered in the other¡¯s blood, and Franz didn¡¯t think he had the capability to reform them.
"Sending them away is a must," said Franz, who didn¡¯t care about the expense, considering it initial investment, but the question was where to send them.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg said, "Your Majesty, most American countries have refused to ept refugees. The United States of America has agreed to take in some immigrants, but only those who are able-bodiedborers."
Helplessly, the Ottomans were not wee, and American countries never recruited from the Ottoman Empire, let alone the old, weak, women and children.
The United States agreed to ept some, influenced by Franz¡¯s butterfly effect. The number of European immigrants to the United States had greatly decreased, and capitalists were desperately in need of workers.
Unfortunately, no matter how desperate for workers, the capitalists only wanted able-bodiedborers who could create wealth, with no interest in the old and weak.
"Does the government have any n?" Franz asked.
Prime Minister Felix replied, "The government has three ns. First, set aside a piece ofnd in the colonies to move these people; second, throw the problem to the soon-to-be established Kingdom of Armenia;
Read exclusive adventures at empire
Third, use the excuse that Persia supports the Ottomans to provoke war earlier and expel these people into Persia.
"Each of these ns has its pros and cons. Allocatingnd from the colonies means looking to America or Southeast Asia, which would be costly.
Handing it over to the Kingdom of Armenia seems the simplest, but it brings plenty of follow-up troubles.
"Russians definitely wouldn¡¯t want to give wealthynd to the Armenians to establish their country, and this new kingdom might not afford so many people.
"Driving them into Persia is the cheapest, but the methods are too violent and could negatively affect our international reputation."
Chapter 768 - 31, Guess
The pros and cons were clear, and Franz had a headache. It seemed like all three proposals were good, but in reality, none of them were reliable.
On the surface, Austria had plenty of colonies, and any random tract ofnd seemed sufficient to settle millions of people.
But in practice, oncend division began, the situation would change. The African Continent was out of the question; it was the future homnd.
The Southeast Asia region seemed nice, but in reality, there were not many inds capable of housing millions of people, and Franz was unwilling to give up Papua New Guinea.
And that was that. The poption of Kalimantan Ind had already exceeded ten million; there were no vast unimed territories left.
Perhaps in future generations, a few neighboring inds might be able to amodate millions of people, but at present, it was simply not possible.
Franz did have a moral boundary. Death on the battlefield was inevitable. But deliberately creating a disaster that starved millions of people after the war, he just couldn¡¯t do it.
Of course, this boundary only applied to his own actions. If others were doing it, Franz could turn a blind eye.
Oh, he could still condemn it. Anything more, and there would be nothing he could do. The world is that cruel; saints have no ce in the 19th century.
Unlike the future where supplies are abundant, an Emperor with an excess of sympathy in those days would be courting the death of his nation.
America had its problems too. ska was vast and rich in resources, especially gold, which had already begun to be mined, so the Vienna Government would certainly not let go of it.
Austrian Central America was the strategic heart of America; it could not be jeopardized. That left only the inds of the Arctic Ocean and the Patagonian teau in South America.
Everyone knew that the inds of the Arctic Ocean were not suitable for human habitation; most people would not survive there, except perhaps hard-core criminals.
If those millions were sent there, it¡¯s estimated that not even one in a hundred would survive, which would be no different from outright execution.
Patagonia was no paradise either. At least not before it was developed. Rather than settling people there, it would be more like afflicting Chile and Argentina.
The fact that Austria had only managed to migrate a few hundred thousand people after so many years of colony establishment speaks volumes about the myriad issues.
It wasn¡¯t that the Vienna Government didn¡¯t want to increase immigration; it was the harsh natural conditions that drove migrants to Chile or Argentina.
Those who remained did so for work; there were mineral resources to exploit, and agriculture and livestock farming were concentrated on the River Valley in, specializing inrge-scale farming.
The other two proposals were even more problematic. The Kingdom of Armenia, as nned, would only span tens of thousands of square kilometers at most, not even exceeding a hundred thousand square kilometers.
Russia would not consent to give morend, and while this bit of territory could sustain several hundred thousand Armenians, adding millions more would lead to starvation.
Expelling the refugees into Persia was equally unreliable. If they chose to leave on their own, Franz wouldn¡¯t mind giving a push, but forced expulsion was going too far.
After some hesitation, Franz made apromise, "First, we¡¯ll send immigrants to various American countries, with the government providing subsidies to encourage capitalists to find ways to get people in.
The focus would be on the United States of America, subsidizing 40 Divine Shields for every immigrant settled there, and 35 Divine Shields for those sent to other countries. We¡¯ll figure out how to settle the restter."
This was a princely sum. In the underground ck market, the price of a white ve was generally around 10 British Pounds, while a ck ve would cost about 25 British Pounds, and they had to be fit and strong.
Now there was no need to risk engaging in the ve trade. Simply transporting people would qualify for the Vienna Government¡¯s subsidy.
Franz trusted the capitalists¡¯ initiative. With the right financial incentive, there was nothing they couldn¡¯t aplish.
Relocating millions of people to a single ce was troublesome, but dispersing them across the world was not a big deal.
Franz wasn¡¯t worried that these people would be thrown out. Immigrant countries were mostly short of women, while these refugees were the opposite; the young and strong had died in the war, leaving mostly the elderly, women, and children.
Or to be more precise, there were more women and children. In the Ottoman Empire, where the average lifespan was hardly past thirty, anyone over thirty-five was considered elderly, and those over fifty were exceedingly rare.
¡
St. Petersburg was already looking at the end of the war and the issue of dividing the spoils had made its way onto Alexander¡¯s work schedule.
Gone were the days of old, this time the leading role in the Near East War had shifted to Austria, with the Russian Empire ying the assistant¡¯s part.
"One¡¯s hand is weakened by the gifts received, and one¡¯s speech shortens with the food eaten."
The supplies from the Vienna Government were not easy to take; the war¡¯s logistics entirely depended on Austria, and naturally, in the post-war division of the spoils, the Tsarist Government had to pay a price.
Alexander III asked with an impassive face, "Beyond the scope of our agreement, the Vienna Government has made new demands.
They want to prepare for the Armenians to establish an independent country, to serve as a buffer between the two nations, in a location within our Caucasus region, what do you think?"
Those who understood Alexander III knew that his expressionless face meant His Majesty the Tsarist was not pleased, though his good upbringing restrained his emotions.
Of course, the ability to restrain one¡¯s emotions meant that the situation was not too dire, there was no need to worry about being sent home on a whim to till thend.
The Tsar having a temper was normal, and among all the Tsars, Alexander III was counted as one of the more manageable, at least he did not kill his ministers.
Minister of Internal Affairs Chernomor feigned indignation, "Your Majesty, such a request must not be agreed to. The borders between Russia and Austria extend for thousands of miles, where is the need for a buffer?"
Thousands of miles might be a slight exaggeration, but seven or eight thousand miles there still were.
The two great nationsy side by side; to reduce conflict, a buffer zone was naturally required, yet the lengthy border between Russia and Austria made buffering difficult.
Russia and Austria could be called old friends, having be allies since the anti-French wars. Although the alliance had broken at one point, the substantial ally rtionship had never truly ceased.
Generations had passed, and everyone had grown ustomed to this. Apart from the rulers who still viewed each other with mutual concern, ordinary people had no such concept.
Finance Minister Alisher Gurov disagreed, "One shouldn¡¯t say so, both Russia and Austria are great powers, better to have a shorter border line.
More than a decade ago, there were proposals for the two countries to exchange territories to shorten the border line and reduce the possibility of conflicts erupting. Due to geographical constraints, an agreement could not be reached in the end.
The Austrians¡¯ desire for the Armenians to establish an independent state certainly isn¡¯t just based on an elusive promise; it¡¯s very likely the Vienna Government is probing.
What couldn¡¯t be achieved in the past doesn¡¯t mean it¡¯s also impossible now.
The Vienna Government brought uppensation, perhaps they¡¯re looking to take advantage of our financial difficulties to buy Asia Minor Penins to reduce the border between the two countries.
I think we can make initial contact. If the Austrians offer suitablepensation, it might be eptable to delineate a barrennd for the Armenians to establish their country."
A long border line has its advantages and disadvantages; while it may increase conflicts, it also means that both governments must consider their bteral rtions more cautiously.
If a war were to break out, it would truly be indefensible. If you can strike over, I can strike back, and after a victory is decided, both sides would be left greatly damaged.
The friendship between Russia and Austria is no longer based solely on thebination of interests but also includes the helplessness of both governments. The cost of being enemies is too high, so they could only be allies.
Every time "territorial trade" is mentioned, the Tsarist Government is reminded of the distant ska, leaving behind endless regret.
Of course, Alexander III was rational, not like those hotheaded nationalists. He was very aware that the use of ska as payment for debts was a move of no choice.
Had ska not been handed over to Austria, even the might of the Russian Empire could not have protected that permafrostnd.
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Separated only by the Bering Strait, in reality, it was an insurmountable chasm; distance dictated that the Tsarist Government¡¯s power projection was virtually nil. Your next journey awaits at empire
At the time, facing the threats from British Canada¡¯s colonies, introducing Austria¡¯s strength was the best choice.
As for gold, Alexander III indeed lusted for it, but the limited power of the Russian Empire failed to secure that preciousnd.
Chapter 769 - 32, The Wayward Tsarist Government
```
Domestic sales are out of the question, but it¡¯s negotiable in the colonies. Despite appearing to manage its territories domestically, in reality, many regions of the Tsarist Government exhibit colonial characteristics.
One could specifically refer to the tax-farming system. Even after Alexander II hadpleted tax reform, many ces in the Russian Empire continued to use this tax-farming system.
It¡¯s not that the Tsarist Government was blind to the dangers of the tax-farming system, but the Russian Empire was simply too vast. In many remote areas, tax revenue wasn¡¯t even sufficient to pay the sries of tax collectors.
To prevent its already fragile finances from copsing, the Tsarist Government had no choice but to sell the tax collection rights to capitalists.
Even to save costs, some regions¡¯ administrative powers were directly handed down to the local nobility.
Of course, these were special products of wartime, with time limits. If the financial situation improved, the Tsarist Government would reim them when the time expired.
Alexander III, appearing nonchnt, said, "Let¡¯s just talk for now. Whatever the Austrians are nning, as long as we take care of ourselves, that¡¯s all that matters.
"This time, we must learn from our mistakes and must prospect the resources in the area in advance to negotiate prices with the Austrians. We can¡¯t let them take advantage again."
The Tsarist Government wasn¡¯t short on territory, and Alexander III was amongst the most peace-loving of the Tsars, with the least desire fornd expansion of his predecessors.
If Austria hadn¡¯t been so pushy, he would not have initiated the Russo-Turkish War at this time.
Newly upied territories could not generate wealth in the short term; on the contrary, they required substantial administrative expenses, and would not break even for a long time toe.
For the financially strained Tsarist Government, increasing territory effectively meant increasing its burden.
As long as the price was right, carving out a piece of territory from the spoils of war for the Armenians to establish an independent nation was naturally not a problem.
Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes said, "Your Majesty, we just received a message from the Vienna Embassy.
A gue has broken out on the Asia Minor Penins, highly contagious and suspected to be the ck Death. Many medical experts believe the region is no longer suitable for human habitation.
To reduce loss of life, the Vienna Government has initiated the Emergency Risk Avoidance Act, preparing to evacuate the poption from the newly upied territories.
They intend to outsource this task and have offered a high resettlement subsidy. Depending on the distance, the specific standard varies from 15 to 40 Divine Shields per person.
As long as you transport these people away from Austria and settle them, you could receive a subsidy of at least 15 Divine Shields per person.
If the government¡¯s finances are tight, perhaps we could consider..."
Of course, there was an outbreak, but not arge-scale gue, and certainly not the ck Death; otherwise, Austria wouldn¡¯t be taking action at this time.
While capitalists are greedy, they value their lives even more. The profits from human trafficking are high, but so are the risks.
With already high mortality rates during sea voyages, adding a gue meant potential annihtion at any moment. Even if the group didn¡¯t wipe outpletely, if most of the people died, what would be left to earn from?
Essentially, using the guise of resettlement was for reputation. If people died en route, recruiting butchers would suffice; why bother spending a lot of money?
Alexander III frowned, instinctively repulsed by such business. The Russian Empire was one of the four great powers of the world; how could it stoop to the level of human trafficking?
Yet, reality is cruel. Seeing the eager eyes of those around him, Alexander III knew they hoped to make a profit to subsidize the treasury.
After all, the price offered by Austria was too tempting. Even at the lowest standard of 15 Divine Shields per person, a million people amounted to 15 million Divine Shields.
The purchasing power of the Divine Shield was not low. With current grain prices in Russia, 15 Divine Shields could buy 3 tons of rye or 5 tons of potatoes.
The actual price would be even higher, and Alexander III was very aware of Franz¡¯s style. To gain a good reputation, that man was definitely willing to spend the money.
Calming down, Alexander III expressed his doubts, "Does anyone know why the Austrians want to move these people away?"
Paying such a high price just to clear space was something Alexander III could never believe.
Oscar Ximenes shook his head, "The specific reason is still unclear. There are rumors that oil has been discovered in Mesopotamia.
However, the argument is not very convincing. Although Austria¡¯s demand for oil has grown rapidly in recent years, oil is not a precious mineral, and the annual import cost is only a few hundred thousand Divine Shields.
To save a few hundred thousand Divine Shields in expenses by spending tens or even hundreds of millions of Divine Shields to move the poption just doesn¡¯t add up.
Moreover, securing an oil field is all that¡¯s needed for oil extraction; there¡¯s no need to make such a big fuss.
Another theory is that the Vienna Government intends to build a railway to Baghdad, preparing for an advance into the Persian region and worried about Ottoman sabotage.
This exnation still seems insufficient. As a colonial empire, Austria is not exactly a saint either.
```
If the Ottomans kept themselves to themselves, that would be fine, but if they dared to stir up trouble, the Vienna Government would not mind painting the river red with their blood.
The war has brought great casualties to the Ottoman region, with scarcely one in ten of the young and strong surviving. As long as a portion of the nobility is allotted there, it will still be quite easy to govern the area."
"Feudal enfeoffment", though primitive, is the most effective means. Austria, renowned as a stronghold of the Conservative Nobility, is still widely employing it in their colonies.
After the Tsarist Government recaptured the Polish Region, they adopted this policy as well, which seemed to be effective in the short term.
News that is "true in falsehood and false in truth" is the most confusing, and Alexander III found himself disoriented as well.
The benefit obviously did not match the output; he would rather believe that the decision made by the Vienna Government was delusional than trust these two "rumors."
After some moments of perplexity, Alexander III slowly said, "We need to use our resources to investigate, and not having clear intelligence on the Austrians¡¯ true intentions is indeed worrisome."
"Yes, Your Majesty!" replied Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes.
The eager Finance Minister Alisher Gurov couldn¡¯t help but interject, "Your Majesty, if the Austrians don¡¯t have any tricks up their sleeves, should we consider selling some of the newly upied territories to them?"
Seeing Alexander III did not respond immediately, Alisher Gurov continued, "ording to the prior agreement, after the war, we would obtain half of the Asia Minor Penins and parts of the Greater Caucasus mountain range.
As a result of the war, these areas arergely deste and will rely on financial grants from the Central Government for the next decade or so.
Only the western ins near Constantinople are of value to us; the rest can be sold."
If the deal goes through, not only could we obtain a substantial amount of revenue from the sale of thend, but also from resettling immigrants.
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Theoretically, we could gain a one-time cash revenue of hundreds of millions of Divine Shields.
Even if the Vienna Government wants to deduct debt from the payment, we could still reduce a considerable amount of debt and alleviate the government¡¯s financial pressure."
Alisher Gurov did not wish to sellnd, but the Ministry of Finance was truly destitute. If an economic crisis were to erupt and Austria agreed to postpone debt payments, the Tsarist Government would already be bankrupt.
Under such circumstances, taking on new burdens could only be sending ourselves deeper into the abyss.
If a debt default urred, the Austrians would, as per the contract, take the coteral, which would not just be these worthlessnds on the Asia Minor Penins.
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Seeing Alexander III hesitate, Minister of Army Padro Wald quickly objected, "No! Although the Russian Empire is vast, not a single inch ofnd is superfluous.
If we can sell the Asia Minor Penins today due to financial issues, we might sell the Balkan Penins tomorrow, and then Ukraine the next day. Are we going to sell off the Holy Land after that?"
Staring at the indignant Army Minister, Alisher Gurov was fuming, feeling as if thebel of ¡¯traitor¡¯ was being affixed to him.
He retorted fiercely, "Nonsense! Who¡¯s selling the Holy Land? Wald, don¡¯t nder me here!
The Asia Minor Penins is Ottoman territory; what¡¯s wrong with selling the enemy¡¯snd?"
Selling one¡¯s ownnd and selling someone else¡¯s, particrly an enemy¡¯s, are entirely different concepts.
Wald disdainfully said, "Anynd reached by the Russian Army¡¯s de is Russian Empire territory."
Alisher Gurov fired back undaunted, "Fine then, you all can cling to the Asia Minor Penins for a living, but don¡¯te to me asking for post-war pensions."
Financial backers are always powerful; threatening with post-war pensions, Wald couldn¡¯t help but falter.
Though he felt cornered, he didn¡¯t soften his stance, responding fiercely, "If you dare to withhold the pensions, I will lead my men and block the doors to the Ministry of Finance every day¡"
Before he could continue, Alexander III cut him off, "Silence, both of you! This is not the ce for arguing, take it home if you want to quarrel.
You were called here to discuss matters. Whether to sell the Asia Minor Penins or not is aplex issue and should not be decided by someone¡¯s subjective judgment."
Though unspoken, it was clear that the Tsarist was inclined to sell the Asia Minor Penins.
After all, it was a chance to turn over two sums of money; you don¡¯t get this kind of opportunity very often. Timings could change, and there¡¯s no guarantee of fetching such a good priceter on.
A single penny can be a stumbling block for a hero, let alone a gap of several billion Gold Rubles.
To achieve industrialization, financial support is indispensable. Not to mention, the most basic infrastructure is still a necessity.
Unfortunately, the losses from the Prusso-Russian war were too grievous, leaving a huge mess for the government to clean up, especially with a vast amount of debt that cramped the Tsarist Government, making it hard to breathe.
And they still could not default, as this time the creditors were formidable¡ªthe Nordic Federation and Austria, north and south, both would recover the debts in a binding manner, leaving no room for default.
Chapter 770 - 33: Leaving the Group
The economic crisis was still ravaging every sector, yet the shipping industry was an exception.
Influenced by the policies of the Vienna Government,panies engaged in transoceanic shipping in Europe saw a significant increase in business volume, experiencing a boom in a bearish market.
First came the mass emigration policies of Eastern Europe, with millions from the East-West Prussia Region heading far off to the African Continent, now followed by another wave of transnational "immigrant resettlement".
Companies involved in international trade were having a good time, which even showed signs of an economic recovery.
Of course, this was just an illusion. The economic crisis was far more serious than it appeared on the surface, and to crush their rivals, the Anglo-Austrian two countries continued to engage in dumping.
Leveraging their dual advantages in technology and raw materials, the industrial product costs for the Anglo-Austrian two countries were mostly lower than those of other European nations, creating favorable conditions for dumping.
Everyone was losing money, but they could still break even; naturally, the game could go on. To drag theirpetitors down, the Anglo-Austrian capitalists had also invested heavily.
As a result, the call to exit the free trade system and establish tariff protection became increasingly loud in the European world.
In Paris, which had just ended a major revolution with the bloodstains not yet dry, Parisians once again took to the streets demonstrating: protesting the product dumping by Ennd and Austria, demanding government market protection.
Hearing the "cry of the capitalists," no, the cry of the people outside, Napoleon IV in the temporary pce felt overwhelmed by immense pressure.
Economic Minister Elsa analyzed solemnly, "Although there are signs of an economic recovery domestically, the speed of this recovery is just too slow.
Most industries are struggling under the impact of foreign goods.
The best way to revive the economy in a short time would be to exit the free trade system and protect the domestic market.
However, by doing so, we could easily be isted internationally. We need to pull more countries to exit the free trade system together, so we can all share the pressure from the Anglo-Austrian two countries.
Under the grand dumping policies of Ennd and Austria, many countries around the world are suffering greatly and are in urgent need of changing the situation.
As a major world power, France has the responsibility to lead everyone out of the oppression of Ennd and Austria and establish a harmoniousmercial system without dumping."
The first part was the speciality of the economic minister, while thetter part was obviously a case of stealing the spotlight. Typically, forming alliances was the domain of the foreign ministry.
Foreign Minister Terence Burke frowned and said, "Your Excellency, it¡¯s not that simple.
The main countries seriously affected by the grand dumping of Ennd and Austria are industrial nations, while colonial empires like the Nethends, Spain, and Portugal with limited industrialization are not as impacted.
They might even be cheering and excited about lower prices for goods. Without affecting their own interests, they won¡¯t stand with us.
In Europe, aside from us, only Belgium and North Germany are really hit by this. Are you sure you want to woo them?"
It¡¯s not about whether we can woo them or not; it¡¯s that we simply can¡¯t win them over.
The grand dumping by Ennd and Austria can only harm their wealth at most and won¡¯t be able to continue indefinitely¡ªwe just need to endure it a bit longer, but the French want to swallow them whole.
No matter how much the Paris Government disguises it, the voice of the people calling for expansion to the east still terrifies Prussia and Germany. Without clinging to the coattails of Ennd and Austria, how can they sleep at night?
Elsa the Economic Minister responded without hesitation, "Of course! After the economic crisis erupted, the number of unemployed people increased in all countries, and the governments of Prussia and Germany are also under great pressure.
I believe they will not refuse the chance to escape the crisis. As for their concerns, we will give them a guarantee.
We can sign a treaty with the two nations, assuring their national defense security, letting them serve as our raw material suppliers."
After hearing the economic minister¡¯s exnation, Terence Burke was almost at a loss whether tough or cry and asked, "Your Excellency, do you think the rulers of Prussia and Germany are fools?
You must understand, they are not like us; they don¡¯t have colonies for support. Discover hidden content at empire
After exiting the free trade system, to whom will they sell their goods? Where will their industrial raw materialse from?
You dare to think about making them our raw material producers!
And to assure their security, with what will we assure it, and why would anyone believe you?"
These days, an increase in unemployment rates isn¡¯t really a big deal. All the major colonial empires and the American countries wee European immigrants.
Besides, Belgium and North Germany are Austria¡¯s key immigration areas. With the colonial government taking care of the ship tickets, those who lose their jobs and livelihood can still emigrate overseas.
All the government needs to do is to promote it a bit, and it can send the trouble away. Without the revolutionary pressure thates from unemployment waves, everyone naturally weighs the pros and cons carefully.
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The market and industrial raw materials are just one aspect, the key is to join Ennd and Austria in jacking up the coal export price¡ªwhy not make a killing?
Only if your brains were waterlogged would you reject the profit thates knocking on your door, and run off to be France¡¯s raw material producer.
Safety guarantees are a joke too¡ªwhat¡¯s the use of an army if a treaty alone could do the job?
France¡¯s credibility is only a tad better than Ennd and Russia¡¯s, and if you want to conquer the world with that, the Paris Government still needs to work hard.
The Economic Minister is unaware of these issues? Obviously, that¡¯s impossible. How could someone who has climbed to such a high position be a fool?
Sometimes it¡¯s advocated to feign ignorance, especially for politicians¡ªfor them, ying dumb is apulsory course.
Pretty much all the nonsensical policies are born under such context. They may look ludicrous on the surface, but often, invisible chains of benefit are hidden behind them.
Domestic industrial andmercial capitalists who need trade protection, those wanting economic development can¡¯t avoid dealing with these people¡ªbefore long, everyone bes insiders.
Capitalists need to make money, Elsa also needs political achievements. By promoting trade protection policies, they both benefit.
Knowing full well that his reasons are untenable, Economic Minister Elsa still brazenly argued, "Don¡¯t we still have the Americans?
The United States is also about toplete industrialization. They too are victims of dumping by Ennd and Austria and desperately need to break free from this shackle."
Speaking of this unreliable ally brings irritation to everyone. To support the Americans¡¯ independence, France spared no expense, yet the first thing the U.S. government did after the outbreak of anti-French wars was to add insult to France¡¯s injury.
Of course, Napoleon III got his revenge. During the Civil War, the four countries including the UK, France, Austria, and Spain took sides, sessfully dividing America.
"The domestic economic situation is dire, consequently drastically reducing government fiscal revenues. Our debts have reached an extremely dangerous point," Finance Minister Roy Vernon added in agreement.
Perhaps everyone hasn¡¯t noticed that we¡¯re now the government with the highest debt in the world, and we have to pay a huge amount of financial interest every month."
If this situation is not changed, we could very well go bankrupt one day."
France, which hadn¡¯t engaged in a major war, had government debts even exceeding those of the Russian Empire¡ªunbelievable, but an undeniable fact.
As the world¡¯s earliest nation to stimte the economy through government investment, France has been running a fiscal deficit for most of the time, umting a colossal total deficit over time.
Everyone¡¯s life indeed improved in the short term, but at the cost of the future.
Starting with the renovation of Paris during the era of Napoleon III, government investment in infrastructure spurred on the golden age of the French economy.
This model could have continued for many more years, but sadly, not long ago the Anglo-Austrian attack on French finance led to a one-third devaluation of the Franc currency.
Then came the economic crisis, civil wars, a series ofbination blows that directly damaged the French financial system, diminishing the Paris Government¡¯s borrowing capacity.
Under such circumstances, the French government had no choice but to tighten their belts.
Napoleon IV nodded, "Exiting the free trade system is a necessary evil. If the domestic economic situation improves, we can consider going back.
The Foreign Office must recruit more allies as much as possible to share the international pressure with us."
"At the same time, we need to do a good job exining, to make everyone understand the difficulties we¡¯re facing and reduce the internationalmunity¡¯s hostility towards us."
Exiting the free trade system, the worst that could happen is offending Ennd and Austria and facing some diplomatic istion.
They were used to it anyway¡ªif istion was what it took, so be it; they wouldn¡¯t lose a chunk of flesh over it.
If they continued to stick with the free trade system, they would be sheared like sheep over the long term.
Who knows, maybe one day Ennd and Austria would decide that shearing wasn¡¯t profitable enough and start eating the sheep instead.
That¡¯s the wonder of the world¡ªdriven by interests, France once again had to stand together with those it loathed.
Of course,pared to the "Holy Alliance" of the past, this was child¡¯s y.
The United States of America faced ostracism because the Federation did a good job in public rtions and contentedly became the raw material production area and the market for dumping goods for everyone. The powers naturally weed this type of beneficial and respectful junior partner.
Essentially, everyone was still in the same cultural circle; any displeasure was just due to interests, not deep-seated hatred.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" the Foreign Minister Terence Burke replied sullenly.
Chapter 771 - 34, Political Isolation
On June 18, 1883, pressured by the economic crisis, the United States of America dered its withdrawal from the free trade system, implementing tariff barriers.
Before the United Kingdom and Austria could respond with action, on June 20, 1883, the French government also announced its exit from the free trade system.
As a result, the free trade system carefully nurtured by the United Kingdom and Austria suddenly became highly precarious.
France and America are not the same, thetter¡¯s influence is limited, and even if it exits the free trade system, the impact is not significant, but France is different.
As one of the three major countries in the world, the withdrawal by the French government undoubtedly had a massive impact.
Upon receiving the news, the Vienna Government was naturally infuriated; having harvested less than half, the leeks had run away so quickly, it was really...
Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden: "Influenced by the withdrawal of both countries from the free trade system, the Vienna Stock Market plummeted by 5.4%, and the London Stock Market crashed by 7.3%.
Industries engaged in import and export trade were the most heavily impacted, with a general decline of over 15%. Overnight, the Austrian stock market evaporated 310 million Divine Shields, and the British stock market 520 million Divine Shields.
Financial fluctuations will inevitably affect the real economy. The events happened too suddenly, and domestic businesses were unprepared.
Manypanies with trade dealings with both countries are preparing toy off employees and cut production capacity to cope with the shock.
France is our thirdrgest trading partner, with a total import and export trade volume reaching 64.58 million Divine Shields in the first half of the year. Due to the effects of the tariff barriers, this number may decrease by two-fifths in the second half of the year.
The United States of America is our seventhrgest trading partner, with a trade volume of 10.76 million Divine Shields in the first half of the year, which may decrease by one-third in the second half.
The exit of the two countries from the free trade system does not cause us a significant substantial shock, but the trouble is that it has led to market panic.
If other countries follow suit, the panic will further intensify and might even trigger another stock market crash.
The Department of Economics suggests that immediate retaliation measures be taken to deter other countries and avoid the copse of the free trade system."
With the establishment of the free trade system, the economic connections in the capitalist world have be ever more tightly interwoven, and the global economy has be sensitive to the slightest disturbance.
Trade protection is contagious; when everyone starts to adopt trade barriers, the United Kingdom and Austria ¡ª two major import and export countries ¡ª will be the greatest victims.
Retaliation is necessary, but how to retaliate has be a problem.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "This is a big problem, but the British should be more anxious than us.
With America and France exiting the free trade system, their losses are at least three times ours.
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Beyond raising tariffs against both countries, the Foreign Ministry does not rmend taking too many measures. It is best to wait for the London Government to act and then follow suit."
Are we acting timid?
The answer is no!
International politics is the most pragmatic; reciprocity of costs and benefits is essential. One cannot spend money on cabbage and expect to eat pork, right?
More critically, aside from responding with an increase in tariffs, Austria really can¡¯t do much else against them.
After rubbing his forehead, Franz made a decision: "First, stop the dumping strategy; continuing this way would provoke widespread anger. If the French want trade protection, let them have it!
Internationalpetition has its advantages and disadvantages; it might seem like the French economy has been impacted, but in recent years, France¡¯s technological progress has been evident to all.
If it continues, our technical advantage will soon be eroded. If they want to shut themselves away and y by themselves, then let¡¯s just fulfill their wishes.
The task for the Foreign Ministry going forward is to politically iste them, making them an anomaly, closely watched with caution by all European nations."
This was both a self-constion and a fact. In the internationalpetition, Frenchpanies had to initiate technological innovations to survive, achieving breakthrough progress in many fields.
This would have been impossible in the era of trade barriers. The pros and cons are difficult to assess in one fell swoop, but the French exit greatly aids the push for political istion.
```
Nations are not unlike individuals; when everyone is part of a circle, and you alone are outside it, you¡¯re naturally met with others¡¯ unusual gazes.
If someone were to stir things up, you could be isted, or even met with hostility.
Ignoring the gaze of others is easily said but tough to do. Once attempted, you¡¯ll slowly realize: it seems the whole world is against you.
...
London
As the greatest beneficiary of the free trade system and the victim of the French¡¯s withdrawal, the British Government naturally could not ignore this development.
Economic Minister Cornell Botts said with a dark expression, "The actions of the French and Americans have dealt another blow to our recently recovered economy.
The most terrifying aspect is their undermining of the free trade system. If we don¡¯t find a way to neutralize this impact, there will be more countries withdrawing from it for their own interests."
The United Kingdom was among the first to engage in free trade and, in a disy of good faith to the outside world, practiced unteral free trade for a long time.
Of course, this was predicated on Britannia¡¯s powerful industrial base. Before France and Austria industrialized, Britannia¡¯s industrial output surpassed the total of all other countries in the world.
Even with open trade, countries could only sell them food and industrial raw materials. Industrial andmercial goods simply couldn¡¯tpete in their market.
It appeared to be a fairpetition, but there was nopetition at all. It can be said that before the second revolution, British industry andmerce had no significant challengers worldwide.
Foreign Minister George proposed, "We could join Austria in enforcing trade sanctions against the US and France.
The copse of the free trade system harms not just us but also Austria. The Vienna Government is unlikely to refuse."
Finance Minister George Childs shook his head, "Unless the Royal Navy can blockade all ports of the US and France, I don¡¯t believe trade embargoes will be effective.
Of course, we can prevent their goods from entering Britain. But changing a product¡¯sbel is really not difficult; we can hardly identify them.
I guarantee the result of the embargo would be nothing but reduced government revenue, with no noticeable impact."
There¡¯s no helping it; capitalists¡¯ integrity doesn¡¯t hold up under scrutiny. Without regtion at the source and relying on mere self-discipline, we all know what the result will be.
"What¡¯s the response from the Vienna Government?" Prime Minister dstone asked.
Foreign Minister George shrugged, "Their response is very passive. Apart from reciprocally increasing import tariffs on the two countries, the Austrians haven¡¯t made a move.
It seems all of Vienna Government¡¯s efforts are focused on the grand task of extinguishing the Ottoman Empire. They don¡¯t seem particrly interested in the withdrawal of the United States and France from the free trade system."
The copse of the Ottoman is another trouble. Without the Ottoman Empire as a buffer, Britain would face increased pressure in Persia.
Hearing this bad news, dstone¡¯s frown deepened. After ncing at the map, he said helplessly, "Restart the Anglo-Austrian negotiations. We need the Austrians to guarantee the security of Persia.
As for the unruly Americans and ambitious French, let¡¯s just note this issue now; we can settle the score with them when there¡¯s a chance.
The economic department can draft countermeasures besides the embargo, and if necessary, we can cooperate with the Austrians.
The foreign department should continue to stabilize other countries; we must ensure the stability of the free trade system."
Since we can¡¯t prevent the fall of the Ottoman Empire, we must settle for the next best thing: ensuring the security of the Persian region.
The Anglo-Austrian two countries had already discussed this issue not long ago but temporarily shelved it due to unsolved differences in interests.
We cannot dy any longer. Negotiations would be even less favorable to Britain once the Ottoman Empire copses.
Byparison, both the naive United States of America and ambitious France are secondary concerns.
```
Chapter 773 - 36, Looking for an Opponent
```
Some revel in sess, others wallow in defeat, and as Russia and Austria celebrated their victory, the atmosphere within the London Government was particrly eerie.
Being a politician is not an enviable profession, and despite being in a foul mood, Prime Minister dstone still forced himself to send a telegram of congrattions.
It was necessary. The British public was watching, weren¡¯t they? Secretly supporting the Ottoman Empire was one thing, but openly, one must not be seen sitting askew.
The butterfly effect grew increasingly significant, and international conflicts were not as intense as in the original timeline, which correspondingly lifted the integrity of involved parties just a little bit.
Just a little, enough to save face. In the shadows where daggers should and should not be stabbed, everyone was still stabbing each other relentlessly.
Inside the Downing Street Prime Minister¡¯s Office, Foreign Minister George presented a document and said, "This is the agreement we have just reached with the Austrians, redefining the scope of our influence in the Middle East Region.
By supporting Austria¡¯s annexation of the Ottoman Empire, we have obtained their promise to cease their expansion into Persia."
Is this agreement meaningful?
Can a mere contract truly bind Austria?
That depends on the perspective. Austria¡¯s annexation of the Ottoman Empire has be an inevitable conclusion, beyond the purview of the British Government¡¯s opposition.
However, with the British acknowledgment, the expansion can now be justified with more legitimacy. From this angle, the Vienna Government had the motivation topromise.
Conversely, this all rests on the assumption that the Vienna Government cares about appearances.
If one day the Vienna Government suddenly drops its integrity and ignores international pressure, then these agreements are nothing but worthless paper.
dstone took a puff from his cigar and said slowly, "It seems we have a few years of peace ahead of us. The Austrians will need time to digest the Asia Minor Penins, so this agreement should hold in the short term."
Foreign Minister George added, "ording to intelligence collected by our embassies, Russia and Austria are engaged in secret negotiations. The specifics are unknown, but it¡¯s certainly about more than just post-war spoils.
Not long ago, the Vienna Government was relocating poptions in the Asia Minor Penins. So far, millions have been deported, and the process shows no sign of stopping, almost as if they aim to empty the Ottoman Empire."
The true purpose remains unknown, but it¡¯s certainly not out of concern for the safety of the Ottomans that they¡¯re carrying out these relocations.
We¡¯ve already verified that there are norge-scale epidemics in the Asia Minor Penins, nor is there any ck Death.
The Austrians¡¯ emphasis on the Asia Minor Penins has exceededmon expectations, considering the enormous cost of the poption relocation.
It¡¯s worth mentioning that although the war is over, the Tsarist Government has not dispatched any administrative officials to the Asia Minor Penins, nor shown any intention of establishing an administrative infrastructure there.
This is highly abnormal and may have something to do with the Tsarist Government¡¯s financial situation,cking the capacity to bear the burden of post-war reconstruction.
Based on these indicators, the UK Foreign Office believes that the Russians might be willing to relinquish the Ottoman legacy in exchange for financialpensation from the Austrians."
@@novelbin@@
No matter how passive the UK Foreign Office appeared in previous dealings, when ites to diplomatic expertise, they still stand at the pinnacle of the age.
The ability to link seemingly unrted clues to uncover underlying motives is enough to prove their professionalpetence.
After hearing this interpretation, dstone stood up, walked over to the map behind him, and stared intently at the Asia Minor Penins.
After a long moment, he said helplessly, "Our troubles in the future have grown significantly. Before we knew it, Austria had grown too powerful to be restrained.
By moving the Ottomans, it seems the Vienna Government intends to incorporate the Asia Minor Penins into its own territory. Soon, their territory will stretch from Vienna to Jerusalem, forming an unbroken expanse.
Look at the map. Aside from not having Constantinople, what else distinguishes the current Austrian sphere of influence from the Eastern Roman Empire?"
There are differences, of course. Italy¡¯s heel is missing, so are Bulgaria and the Crimea Penins.
However, Austria¡¯s domain now extends deep into Central Europe and has colonized much of Africa, its sphere of influence vastly exceeding that of the Eastern Roman Empire.
In essence, it is stronger than before. Before the fall of the Ottoman Empire, this realization was not so clear, but now anyone ncing at the map knows what this means.
Minister of the Navy Astley Cooper Key blurted out, "They¡¯re aiming to restore the Roman Empire!"
He then quickly refuted, "That¡¯s impossible. The nations of Europe would never agree to this; it would be a suicide mission."
Foreign Minister George said indifferently, "Restoring Rome is naturally impossible, but the current Austrian Empire is in no way inferior to the Roman Empire.
From Central Europe to the Middle East, all fall under Austrian territory. Once these regions are integrated, thend area of Austria¡¯s homnd will have doubled.
If you include the Arabian Penins, thend continuously connected to their homnd will exceed five million square kilometers, a size that rivals the peak era of the Roman Empire.
However, that is only a fraction of their influence. If we take into ount their Overseas Colonies, the current Austrian Empire has in fact surpassed the zenith of the Habsburg dynasty.
Unlike any empire before, the Austrian Empire faces very little internal strife. Vienna Government¡¯s steadfast policy of poption discement ensures that newly expanded territories harbor no hidden threats to rule."
```
The stability of this Empire far surpassed that of the historical Habsburg dynasty; hoping for their internal copse was simply impossible.
If we allowed the Austrians to continue developing and assimting these regions, all our previous ns would be a joke."
Despite the harsh natural conditions in the Middle East and Arabia, that¡¯s only a rtive statement. At the very least, it¡¯s more suitable for human habitation than the Siberia of the Russians.
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If Austria were to develop the area, I can¡¯t guarantee anything else, but with the productivity of this era, supporting a poption of two hundred million would be an easy task.
Plus, taking into ount Austro-Africa, the carrying capacity could easily exceed five hundred million, which makes their developmental potentialparable to the entire European Continent.
Finance Minister George Childersughed and said, "Sir, you are too pessimistic. A country¡¯s strength doesn¡¯t necessarily grow with its territory size; otherwise, Russia would be the world¡¯s foremost superpower.
Yet, although Russia has thergest homnd in the world, itsprehensive strength ranks only fourth in Europe and doesn¡¯t match its territorial size.
This is not only due to the Tsarist Government¡¯s corruption but alsorgely determined by geographic conditions. The harsh environment of and of ice and snow inherently constrains Russia¡¯s economic development.
The situation Austria is currently facing is simr. It may seem that they have gained a vast territory through expansion, but most of thesends are deserts, utterly unfeasible for development.
Even the Asia Minor Penins, which has slightly better conditions, has be barren due to war, unable to yield any benefits in the short term.
To develop their economy, they must first improve their environment. Otherwise, the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t have implemented the "Fallow Law" in the Middle East and Arabian Penins.
Nature is not so easily changed; after so many years, no achievements have been reported, suggesting the Vienna Government¡¯s n probably failed."
Foreign Minister George shook his head, "No, the Austrians have seen some results. I¡¯m not clear about other areas, but indeed,rge forests have been added outside the city of Jerusalem.
Now, sandstorms can no longer endanger Jerusalem. Even the newspapers in London have published reports on it, which the religiousmunity has always regarded as a gift from God.
Since the implementation of the Fallow Law, the controlled area of Austria has increased by at least two to three hundred thousand square kilometers of forest and grasnd."
It¡¯s not surprising at all; with people gone, the areas previously used for farming are now filled with singing birds and greenery, naturally leading to increased reforestation.
This is a virtuous cycle. Without the water-draining agriculture, nt life inherently serves the purpose of preventing wind and sand as well as conserving water and soil, which, as water resources slowly be abundant, promotes the expansion of the oasis area; the local ecology is slowly recovering.
Of course, such recovery is mainly noticeable in the early stages. It¡¯s natural for farnd to quickly transform into grasnd or forest, but it bes much more difficult to further increase the green areater on.
Relying on nature alone to restore the ecosystem is not an overnight endeavor. Jerusalem is just an exception, primarily driven by political and religious benefits.
A diminishing religion needs miracles to consolidate waning faith; the Vienna Government needs a beautiful Jerusalem to demonstrate its contributions to Christendom, enhance international reputation, and increase national support for the government. The two hit it off and started a tree-nting campaign on the outskirts of the city.
Jerusalem, which is 24 kilometers from the Dead Sea and 56 kilometers from the Mediterranean, has resolved its water scarcity after the relocation of several hundred thousand people.
With substantial investment, naturally, the results are impressive. If an environmental ambassador were to be selected in this era, Franz and Leo XIII would be the leading candidates."
Seeing the topic veering off-track, Prime Minister dstone intervened, "Alright, gentlemen. Whether or not the Austrians have seeded is irrelevant, turning deserts into oases is not something humanity can achieve at present.
The urgency now is to limit Austria¡¯s growing power or unravel the potential Russian-Austrian deal.
After all, following the annexation of the Ottoman Empire, Egypt is the only thing separating Vienna from Austro-Africa.
The French only appear strong on the surface, but they have yet to recover from their internal turmoil. In futurepetitions, they may well fall behind.
As time goes by and the power disparity between France and Austria continues to widen, it¡¯s possible they could reach apromise one day.
The horror of that thought, I can hardly imagine."
No matter the era, there¡¯s never been a shortage of armchair experts. The idea of turning deserts into oases has already been put forward.
It¡¯s just that they¡¯re still shouting in corners, not yet acknowledged by mainstream society,cking any real influence.
Including the Vienna Government¡¯s desert oasis project, only the Jerusalem area has a concrete n, while other regions have nothing but a Fallow Law, waiting for nature to gradually recover.
In contrast, the consequences of a Franco-Austrianpromise are far more severe.
Remember, France and Austria still maintain a superficially allied rtionship. As the power gap between them grows, and one side believes it has lost the ability topete for supremacy,promise bes inevitable.
Foreign Minister George: "To prevent such an event, the best solution is to drag Austria into a war and deplete their strength.
Political diplomacy has always been a stronghold for the Habsburg dynasty, and their only weakness lies in their military.
Of course, this weakness is only rtive; in the grand scheme of the world, only France and Russia can realistically stand against them."
...
Chapter 774 - 37, Four Nations Convention
Constantinople, inside the Allied Command headquarters, a spoils-sharing meeting was taking ce at this moment. Since the Anti-Turkish Alliance wasposed of four nations, naturally the spoils had to be divided among all four.
The Vienna Government was very particr about keeping up appearances in this regard. After all, Greece and Montenegro were also victors, and they were entitled to their share of the war booty.
As the de facto leader of the Anti-Turkish Alliance, Austrian Foreign Minister Weisenberg took the initiative and said, "With our joint efforts, we have finally won this Near East war.
Now that the war is over, it is time to distribute the spoils. In principle, we should allocate the spoils based on the contributions made by each country during the war.
If anyone has any special requests, they can be put forward first. We will consider them as a priority."
"Consider as a priority" did not mean "satisfy as a priority," which set the tone for the spoils-sharing meeting. What Weisenberg meant was quite clear: don¡¯t even think about making excessive demands; it¡¯s impossible for them to be approved.
The Russian Governor of Constantinople, Futoriak, said with a smile, "The ck Sea Strait is the gateway for the Russian Empire, and we hope to acquire the Ottoman territories along the coast of the Marmara Sea."
Selling territories is one thing, but war spoils still had to be fought for. As long as negotiations in St. Petersburg were not concluded for even a day, the territory trade between Russia and Austria in the Asia Minor Penins could not be finalized.
However,pared to the tense representatives from Greece and Montenegro, Futoriak was much more at ease.
As a senior official of the Russian Empire, Futoriak knew very well how determined the Tsarist Government was to unload this burden.
The negotiations were still at an impasse, but that was just to maximize benefits. The deal was almost inevitable, or else he wouldn¡¯t be the governor here as the representative for the talks.
Greek Foreign Minister Nifov followed closely behind, "We hope to acquire the Izmir region to settle the Greek people within Ottoman borders."
The Vienna Government¡¯s immigration n was also selective, not targeting those with a backing as part of the first batch of migration. Only after it was confirmed that no one would intervene did they pack them off.
Although Greece was a bit weaker, it was still a member of the Anti-Turkish Alliance. The surviving Greek people inside the Ottoman borders were, for the time being, not within the migration scope.
Even though Nifov tried to be as restrained as possible, Weisenberg was still shocked by the Greek¡¯s audacious demands.
The Izmir region was not some backwater; it became the most prosperous port and thergest city in the Ottoman Empire after losing Constantinople.
Located on the western coast of the Ottomans, it could be said to be the most prime area of the Asia Minor Penins, even the capital Ankara before the war was not as flourishing as this.
Having been involved in foreign affairs for a long time, Weisenberg, who had seen much of the world, disyed his displeasure only fleetingly. Still smiling, he turned his attention to the representative from Montenegro.
The Montenegrin Foreign Minister, Nichs Cage, said expressionlessly, "We have no demands for territories, we just hope to receive economicpensation."
No territorial demands, really?
The answer is: No!
The issue was that Montenegro was too weak to manage an exve. What they wanted were neighboring territories, but those areas were part of Austria proper, and who would dare to make such a proposal?
Eyeballing the homnd of the great powers? That¡¯s a joke one shouldn¡¯t make lightly¡ªeven showing a hint of such a desire could bring about the cmity of national extinction.
Weisenberg nodded in satisfaction, "I understand everyone¡¯s requests. Except for Baron Nichs Cage¡¯s request, which can be answered definitively, the rest need further discussion.
In this war, everyone has captured quite a bit of property, and in principle, they belong to those who seized them.
Since the Montenegro Duchy has given up its territorial ims, let¡¯s take a portion from the spoils of the Austrian military topensate your country, and in addition, gift your country an active-duty first-ss battleship."
Nichs Cage was pleased with this oue. All the strategic materials for this war were provided by Austria, and Montenegro¡¯s liability was only casualties from two battalions, with only about a hundred and eighty actually killed inbat.
A first-ss battleship was not cheap. Montenegro did not have one, and Nichs Cage did not know the exact cost, but the Austrian external sale price was as high as 1.15 million Divine Shields.
It was the age of the sea, and everyone dreamt of having a navy. To secure an outlet to the sea, Montenegro had been fighting with the Ottoman Empire for over a hundred years.
Regrettably, government revenue was limited, and the allocation to the navy was scarce, with a few sailing warships just for show.
Having achieved this gain, Nichs Cage was sufficiently satisfied to return to his country. As for the other spoils of war forpensation, he no longer held any expectations.
Anything that could be liquidated was already dealt with, and what was left were the kinds of goods that were difficult to sell and virtually worthless.
After a moment of thought, Nichs Cage responded, "No problem, we are very satisfied with thispensation."
Verbal wrestling was out of the question. Diplomatic negotiations can sometimes be troublesome, but other times quite straightforward.
A need for constant bargaining arises when the strength of both sides is close and there¡¯s the capacity to haggle, and yet the terms of negotiation differ greatly.
The conditions offered by Austria now had already exceeded the expectations of Montenegro, so there was naturally no need for further bargaining.
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As the negotiations were moving on to the next stage, the voice of a guard outside the door rang out, "Governor, an urgent telegram from St. Petersburg."
"Bring it in!" said Governor Futoriak.
After receiving the telegram, Futoriak didn¡¯t hesitate to read it openly.
"Gentlemen, I think this negotiation cane to an end now," he said.
Having said that, Futoriak directly handed the telegram to Weisenberg, the title of which was strikingly "Treaty on the Disposal of Ottoman Territory between Russia and Austria."
Both Russia and Austria had signed the treaty, and the Tsarist Government had sold off all the benefits of the post-war period; any further negotiation would be pointless.
As for the Greeks, Futoriak simply ignored them.
Since the interests belonging to the Russian Empire had been secured, if the Greek people wanted a share from the Asia Minor Penins, then they should ask the Austrians. This was no longer his concern.
After quickly perusing the document, Weisenberg slowly said, "Indeed, there¡¯s no need for further discussion. Since the treaty has been signed, we shall abide by its content."
Weisenberg didn¡¯t believe that the Russians would y any sort of false telegram games¡ªafter all, the treaty didn¡¯t need to be resigned, and deceiving him would serve no purpose but to create trouble.
The treaty¡¯s content was as follows:
1. The Russian Empire renounced all territorial ims on the Ottoman Empire and supported Austria¡¯s annexation of the Ottoman Empire. In return, the Vienna Government was topensate the Tsarist Government with 68 million Divine Shield in cash;
2. The Russian Empire promised to settle the people within the Ottoman Empire¡¯s territories, for which the Vienna Government was to pay 125 million Divine Shield in resettlement fees; (ensuring the resettlement took ce more than a thousand kilometers away from Austria)
3. The Vienna Governmentmitted that the Austrian Navy would not establish a port in the ck Sea, and any naval vessel over 2000 tons entering the ck Sea must first seek Russian approval;
4. Russia and Austria would jointly strike...
...
After the treaty was passed around, Nifov became embarrassed. He had been thinking of exploiting any disputes that arose between Russia and Austria to benefit from Greek support at an opportune moment.
Reality told Nifov that he had been far too optimistic. The other parties had settled matters behind closed doors without consulting them.
Disregarding war expenses, just to pay the Russians, the Austrians had to shell out 193 million Divine Shield. If war costs were included, the Vienna Government would have to spend at least 400 million Divine Shield.
Having paid such a high cost, why would Austria allow Greece a share of the Asia Minor Penins?
Perhaps realizing this, Weisenberg added: "Sir Nifov, considering your country¡¯s performance in this war, I suggest we offerpensation to your country following the standard of Montenegro.
As for the Izmir region, to avoid unnecessary conflict in the future, I think it would be best if you gave up on it."
Hearing this "suggestion," Nifov¡¯s forehead broke out in a cold sweat. This was hardly a negotiation but rather the notification of a decision.
The atmosphere suddenly grew awkward, and Nifov was at a loss for how to respond.
Refuse Weisenberg¡¯s "suggestion"?
He might as well forget about it. Even if Izmir were offered to Greece on a tter, Nifov wouldn¡¯t dare ept it now. Otherwise, he would be held ountable for any ensuing conflict.
But if he agreed, Nifov felt reluctant. Without any negotiation, how could he justify it upon his return?
Seeing the negotiations heading for an impasse, Governor Futoriak, the host, stepped in to smooth things over: "Gentlemen, let¡¯s put the issue of Izmir aside for now.
The Ottoman Empire has perished, and it is now necessary for us to issue a promation to the outside world, warning those who have been meddling behind the scenes."
On this matter, the Anti-Ottoman Alliance of the four countries was unanimous in their disdain for the Britons sneaking around in the background.
Austrian Foreign Minister Weisenberg echoed, "Your Excellency¡¯s suggestion is very constructive. We indeed should warn those viins acting from the shadows, lest they fail to grasp the situation and continue their distasteful deeds."
With the leading nations in agreement, Nifov and Nichs Cage naturally had no objections.
The threat to the British, issued from afar, was thrilling even to imagine. It was something that nations in Europe wanted, yet didn¡¯t dare to do.
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If it weren¡¯t for the banner of the Anti-Turkish Alliance and Russia and Austria bearing the brunt, they would never dare to partake in such an overt act.
A sternly worded promation was quickly born, with representatives of Russia, Austria, Montenegro, and Greece signing beneath it, explicitly titled "Anti-Ottoman Alliance Four-Country Convention."
1. Effective immediately, the wicked Ottoman Empire is hereby eradicated;
2. To ensure world peace and stability, the Anti-Ottoman Alliance will continue to strike against the remnants of the Ottoman Empire globally;
3. Any act of harboring or sheltering Ottoman remnants will be seen as a challenge to the Anti-Ottoman Alliance. Once discovered, the Alliance will employ extraordinary measures, including military means;
...
Chapter 775 - 38: The Helplessness of a Small Country
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The air was crisp and the harvest bountiful, marking yet another prosperous year.
Franz had been in a good moodtely; Russia and Austria had reached an agreement, and it seemed the dust of the Near East conflict had finally settled.
As for the Greek people, it wouldn¡¯t be long before they epted reality. If it weren¡¯t for the constant unrest stirred by the nationalists at home, King Ludwig would havepromised much earlier.
Ambition requires strength to back it up¡ªamon man may be ignorant of this, but the ruling ss must remain clear-headed.
King Ludwig, hailing from a small nation, naturally understood the survival strategies for small countries.
After losing the Bavarian throne, the Wittelsbach Dynasty was able to rise again in the Kingdom of Lombardy, not merely through kinship ties.
Had they not recognized the changing tides and conceded to Austria decisively, Franz would not have arranged a favorable position for them regardless of how they presented themselves.
...
In Athens, inside the Greek Pce, the atmosphere was oppressively tense, as the recent gloom on Ludwig I¡¯s face made everyone tread lightly around him.
Indeed, anyone in his shoes would hardly fare better; Greek nationalism was a significant trouble.
"Great Greece" was a trap, the kind that a nation would surely perish in, yet Greek nationalists were treating it as their goal, ready to implement it.
The vision of "Great Greece" included Constantinople, expanding the country¡¯s territorial size to about five or six times its current area.
To achieve this goal, the prerequisites would be to "punch Austria and kick Russia."
Frankly, such a grand strategy was not something an average person could conceive; at least Ludwig I wouldn¡¯t dare to entertain the thought.
The Ottoman Empire had fallen, and Greek nationalism was boiling over again. One by one, the people demanded this and that from the government, without considering whether they had the "strength" to wrest away the spoils of war.
Ever since word spread that the government intended to give up its ims on the territories of the Asia Minor Penins, nationalists hadunched massive protest demonstrations.
Even within the pce walls, Ludwig I could hear the outcry from the Greek public. But no matter how loud their voices were, they needed to be able to make it happen.
Ludwig I inquired, "Won¡¯t the people outside disperse?"
Prime Minister Kalioxiu replied, "Yes, Your Majesty. The government has sent people to exin, but sadly, they were unable to persuade them.
These people have gone mad,pletely bereft of thought. It¡¯s a mystery what chaos the signing of the treaty will spark."
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A mere unfounded rumor had already ignited massive protests; the consequences would be predictable if the rumor turned into reality.
Ludwig I shook his head: "These people are just pawns propelled by those scoundrels; I refuse to believe they are unaware of the consequences of their actions.
If the Austrians are truly provoked, wiping out Greece would benefit them as well. Just look at the routes of the demonstrations; the organizers deliberately avoid the embassy district.
Do they think this will make us capitte? Or do they believe they can use nationalism to chase away me, the king they so despise?"
Nationalism is only one aspect; the greater conflict stems from the industrialization reforms that Ludwig I is pushing forward, which seriously harm the interests of those who currently benefit.
Greece is a small country with neither a sufficient market for selling goods nor sources of raw materials. To achieve the initial umtion of capital, there was no choice but to intensify domestic exploitation.
Under these conditions, it¡¯s only natural that Ludwig I, promoting industrialization, was unpopr.
Prime Minister Kalioxiu suggested, "Your Majesty, you really don¡¯t have to do this. A step back may lead to a broader horizon, and there¡¯s no harm in industrialization taking a slower pace."
As a prime minister born and raised in Greece, Kalioxiu still held great affection for the country.
Being in a position of power, he naturally knew that propelling industrialization was the optimal choice, and the sooner, the better, as waiting would only increase the difficulty.
However, things that seem wonderful might not necessarily be practical.
The Conservative faction, opposing reforms, unleashed an even more frenzied wave of nationalism, aiming to force the government to backpedal.
With the madness of capital beyond imagination, the ordinary people¡¯s lives grew harder. Without supporting the king, Ludwig I¡¯s reforms quickly reached a deadlock.
After weighing the pros and cons, Ludwig I let out a sigh of resignation and then said, "Enough, if everyone dislikes the reforms, why should I be the viin to force them through?
Cancel all industrial ns, open up the cotton exports as they wish, and just obediently..."
There was no other way¡ªsuch was the harsh reality. The industrial benefitsy in the future, while the profits from cotton exports were immediate.
Despite therge number of cotton producers worldwide, the international market still faced a supply shortage. Almost every cotton exporting country was reaping enormous profits.
The prohibition of cotton exports imposed by Ludwig I recently, in an effort to advance Greece¡¯s industrialization, became the spark that intensified the conflict.
...
On October 13, 1883, Greece relinquished its territorial ims on the Asia Minor Penins, and the four countries of the Anti-Turkish Alliance reached an agreement on the distribution of post-war spoils.
```
ording to the agreement, the Greece Government could receivepensation in the form of one first-ss battleship (discing 8000~10000 tons, irond ship) and one second-ss battleship (discing 5000~7000 tons, irond ship).
And then there was no ¡¯then¡¯. Despite the Greece Government deploying many more troops than the Montenegro Duchy, their military achievements were quite disappointing.
If it wasn¡¯t for their contributions during the postwar peacekeeping, they likely would have been fobbed off with just one battleship.
As for the issue of heavy casualties? Unfortunately, heavy casualties were Greece¡¯s own problem, and could not be considered a contribution.
Of course, the Vienna Government still showed some consideration. It promised to sell two battleships and five destroyers to them at half price, valid for two years.
It wasn¡¯t just Greece, Montenegro who werepensated with warships; even the Russians were not exempt.
ording to the treaty, in addition to economicpensation paid, the Vienna Government would have to deliver to the Tsarist Government three first-ss battleships, two second-ss battleships, and four destroyers within the next five years.
All were gifts from Austria, so naturally not much could be nitpicked. Specifications and such could be omitted; wanting good quality goods would require extra payment.
Deep down, Ludwig I did not want these warships. Given the choice, he would much rather have received cashpensation.
Unfortunately, the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t agree, offering just the two ships aspensation; not taking them would mean forgoing thepensation altogether.
Putting down the treaty at hand, Ludwig I asked concernedly, "What about the Greek people within the Ottoman Empire? Haven¡¯t the Austrians given a reply?"
Foreign Minister Nifov answered bitterly, "The Vienna Government has already subcontracted all immigration work within the Ottoman territory to the Russians, including the Greek people.
This issue will need to be discussed with the Russians. In Constantinople, I¡¯ve already made contact with the Russian representatives, but the results are not encouraging.
The Russians suggest we take our people away ourselves, otherwise, after they have relocated the other ethnicities, they will arrange the Greeks¡¯ relocation in turn."
Thinking about resettlement costs is useless; once money has entered the Tsarist Government¡¯s coffers, it¡¯s not likely toe out again.
If the Greece Government is willing to take the people away, it would even save the Russians some expenses, otherwise, the Tsarist Government wouldn¡¯t have left the Greek people until the end.
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Ludwig I hesitated. Without anypensation to settle hundreds of thousands of people, this was already beyond the Greek Government¡¯s capacity.
Keep in mind, in those days the Greek poption had just slightly surpassed a million; where was the government to create hundreds of thousands of jobs?
Prime Minister Kalioxiu dismissed the idea, "We absolutely cannot hand over ourpatriots to the Russians. Given the Tsarist Government¡¯s style, it¡¯s uncertain if even half of them would arrive at their destination alive.
It¡¯s better to persuade the Vienna Government to let thesepatriots stay in the Asia Minor Penins, or if that fails, arrange for them to go to their overseas colonies."
That was the impression the Tsarist Government left on the outside world. Rather than heading to the icy wastes of Siberia, a savagend overseas would be preferable.
At least Austria¡¯s experience with immigration was vast, managing to keep the death rate of migrants at sea to below one percent.
Compared to the Russians¡¯ pedestrian approach to migration, taking a ship was indeed much morefortable.
There was no choice; Russia¡¯s railways hadn¡¯t reached that far yet. Moreover, the Tsarist Government was reluctant to use so many animals for transporting the migrants.
Besides setting up a few essential supply points along the way, the Tsarist Government was only responsible for dispatching troops to "protect" the migrants¡¯ safety.
Walking was bad enough, but migrants also had to carry a week¡¯s supply of food themselves.
Many ces in the Russian Empire were uninhabited for miles. It was uncertain if they would encounter anyone between supply points, so don¡¯t expect to receive additional supplies midway.
If they didn¡¯t bring enough provisions and something unforeseen urred along the way, whether they could survive depended on the integrity of the escorting officers.
Foreign Minister Nifov shook his head, "We have already tried tomunicate with the Austrians. They suggest we divert the flow.
Take a portion back to our country, speak with the Kingdom of Armenia for settling some, and try to get American countries to ept some of the immigrants.
Out of humanitarian considerations, the Austrians promise to ept some of the elderly, weak, women, and children, but not the intransigent elements.
They suggested handing over those steadfast to the Ottoman Empire to the Russians for reeducation, as that is what the Tsarist Government specializes in."
The Ottoman was a multi-ethnic state; not all ethnicities were enemies. In fact, apart from refusing the most hateful part, Austria too epted minorities.
They only took in the elderly, weak, women, and children, showing little interest in the much favoured able-bodied workforce.
Ludwig I nodded, "Merely abandoning a portion of the intransigent element, that can be eptable.
Unfortunately..."
His words stopped abruptly, as some things can be done but not spoken of.
The Greece Government¡¯s intervention in the resettlement was not simply out of ethnic sympathy; they were more intent on consolidating Greek people from within the Ottoman territory to strengthen their influence.
However, everyone could see this kind of maneuver, and naturally, the Vienna Government would not entertain such a headache.
Chapter 776 - 39, Armenia
The internal issues of the Anti-Turkish Alliance had been resolved, and now only the final piece remained, finding a king for the newly independent Armenians.
The Kingdom of Armenia had perished a thousand years ago, and the once royal family had long vanished in the river of history, with no legitimate heirs in existence.
Being sandwiched between Russia and Austria destined this fledgling nation for an ufortable future.
If Russian-Austrian rtions had always been friendly, it would have been one thing, but once their rtions soured, Armenia would be forced to choose sides.
To such a pitiful position, Franz had no interest whatsoever. The Habsburg dynasty might give up, but that didn¡¯t mean other royal families would do the same.
What Europe was not short of were declining royal houses. Core members were one thing; given their illustrious status, they could still move in high society, and with those resources, at the very least could be a wealthy man.
The coteral branches, however, were miserable; the fallen royal houses no longer had excess resources to offer them, and they had to find their own way.
Those with good luck could still spend their days with an empty nobility title; those with bad luck would directly bemoners.
Those with nothing would not pass up any opportunity¡ªNapoleon III¡¯s sess story further inspired everyone to strive for betterment.
A hot potato?
What was there to fear? To be a king for even one day was still to be a king. Once European society¡¯s recognition was secured, it would be a leap across social sses, the kind that soared to the heavens.
Ever since the Habsburg dynasty dered its renouncement, the repercussion of having many rtives was exposed. The Vienna Pce became unusually busy with countless people trying to establish connections.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "Your Majesty, the Russians want to support Grand Duke dimir Alexandrovich to be the king of Armenia.
The Tsarist Government had begun to lobby the Armenian elite, offering conditions that Armenians couldn¡¯t refuse. As long as we do not oppose, the result of the subsequent election is decided."
Franz replied with a slight smile, "Oh, are the Russians willing to let go of the Batumi region now?"
(Note: Batumi, a port city in the southern part of Georgia today)
The Kingdom of Armenia existed as a buffer between Russia and Austria, and its territory had changedpared to the original timeline, now resembling a banana.
It bordered Persia to the east and the ck Sea to the west. The territory was approximately 30,000 square kilometers with Yerevan still the capital.
If that was the case, the Armenians should consider themselves to have made a good deal. Unfortunately, the Russians were clinging to the port, and the newly established Kingdom of Armenia remained andlocked country.
The small town of Batumi in the Caucasus region was the nearest seaport to Armenia and the area most coveted by the Armenians.
Weisenberg shook his head, "No, the Tsarist Government is still not ready to give it up, but Alexander III turned Batumi into the fiefdom of Grand Duke dimir Alexandrovich.
If the Armenians ept this king, their import and export trade will face no restrictions; otherwise, they must..."
This was a standard move; how could the Russians easily give up such a valuable bargaining chip?
Perhaps the Armenians could still use Austrian territory as a passage, but even to get to the nearest port of Hopa, they would have to travel an extra hundred miles.
In the perspective of the future, such a distance would only be a matter of an hour and naturally didn¡¯t count for much. But in that era, it meant an additional two days of transportation time.
Once or twice wouldn¡¯t matter much, but the loss would be significant if it happened frequently. From the start, the Russians had dug a pitfall.
Having understood the full picture, Franz answered nonchntly, "Since the Russians are so well-prepared, let¡¯s just make it happen for them."
The value of Armenia was not high, not worth Austria expending too much effort. The special geography of the Caucasus region was inherently decisive¡ªit was impossible to be the main battlefield of Russian-Austrian contention.
To win over the Armenians was not impossible, but the effort and gains were disproportionate; it was better off given to the Russians, to entice them to move southward toward Persia.
Prime Minister Felix reminded, "Your Majesty, the Russians might not truly intend to control the Kingdom of Armenia.
Although we have defined the territory of the Kingdom of Armenia, poption migration not only requires time but also a significant amount of money. Read exclusive adventures at empire
From relocation to subsequent reconstruction, without tens of millions of Divine Shield, this Kingdom of Armenia cannot trulye into being.
Although the Tsarist Government justpleted a transaction with us, most of the funds were offset against debts. The real funds the Tsarist Government could get their hands on were only 20 million Divine Shield.
To toss out half of the profits for an Armenian kingdom, I doubt the Russians are that generous."
There was no problem; the Kingdom of Armenia was currently only theoretically in existence, with the provisional government still on the way to the capital¡ªin essence, the country had nothing yet.
Immigration and relocation were easy, settlement was not. Even if all of them were to farm, wouldn¡¯t they need food, seeds, basic tools, and daily living quarters for the first year?
The war hadsted for over a year, with no ie for such a long period, the Armenians¡¯ savings had been exhausted in the conflict.
In the middle andter stages, the Armenian Rebel Army was able to hold on because Austria had been air-dropping supplies to them, otherwise, they would have been finished.
If Russia wanted to bring this little brother under its wing, it had to be willing to spend money to help establish the Kingdom of Armenia.
Unfortunately, not only was the Tsarist Government short of funds, but Russian financial institutions were also strapped for cash.
This rted to the Prusso-Russian War and the reforms of Alexander II, where old financial institutions that had backed the wrong side were wiped out, and new ones were still in the stage of primitive capital umtion, with no spare funds for international lending.
As the saying goes, "He who takes the king¡¯s shilling is his man," bound by Austrian loans and even under the influence of the Vienna Government, the Tsarist Government had to toe the line, let alone little Armenia.
Once it epted loans from Austria, the Kingdom of Armenia could only follow the Vienna Government, otherwise, it would face a financial copse within minutes.
Franz shook his head, "That¡¯s not necessarily true. The funding that the Kingdom of Armenia needs doesn¡¯t have to be spent right away.
The Russians can invest in batches, starting with an emergency fund of one or two million shied, and then a monthly disbursement of three or four hundred thousand shied would suffice.
After this debt reduction, the Tsarist Government could cut its monthly debt expenses by 950,000 shied, and squeezing out three or four hundred thousand shied each month was doable.
We would still be better off pushing the Russians to do it, and if that really wasn¡¯t possible, English and French capital could also be brought in. We should not invest unless absolutely necessary."
It wasn¡¯t just the Tsarist Government¡¯s purse that was lean; even the Vienna Government¡¯s funds were not plentiful, and Franz truly did not want to take on such uncertain loans.
War was a gold-consuming beast, and for this conflict, the Austrian Government had gradually spent close to 260 million shied on military expenses, even as part of a coalition force.
Otherwise, the cost of a few hundred thousand more troops and pensions for tens of thousands of casualties would require at least 400 million shied.
In order to fully upy the Ottoman Empire, the Vienna Government also paid a price, with the costs of resettling immigrants andpensating allies, all of which would nearly amount to 300 million shied in cash.
And that¡¯s not all; the real expense came with post-war reconstruction.
Due to poption migration, the Asia Minor Penins would be uninhabited for a long time toe.
By the time Austria¡¯s settlers took their ce, nature would have reimed thend, with cities turned to ruins, roads overgrown with jungles, and farnds...
@@novelbin@@
ording to the Vienna Government¡¯s n, within the next ten years, the government would invest 1.2 billion shied in rebuilding the Asia Minor Penins.
Even on an average, that would be an annual investment of 120 million shied.
With such arge amount of money to be spent in the short term, the Vienna Government¡¯s finances were naturally tight.
If it wasn¡¯t for the domestic financial market in Austria that had grown and possessed sufficient financing capacity, Franz would not be smiling now.
Of course,pared to other countries, Vienna¡¯s finances were still rtively rxed.
Austria had sufficient gold production, and as long as the domestic economy kept growing, it could print money.
Sufficient gold reservesbined with a huge economic scale meant that the shied had be a world currency, and Vienna Government¡¯s annual Coincage Tax revenue was astronomical.
To put it this way, Austria¡¯s annual Coincage Tax revenue was almost catching up with the Russian fiscal ie.
Simplyparing the economic scale, the Russian Empire was only a third of Austria¡¯s maind, but the gap between the funds the two governments could mobilize was already tenfold.
The advantage of an industrial nation over an agricultural one was fully demonstrated here, and the only country in the world that couldpete with Austria in terms of financial strength was Britain.
Having more funds to mobilize doesn¡¯t mean one can splurge at will. The British, with their narrower homnd, might be able to, but Austria could not.
To develop newly gained territories, a considerable amount of funds had to be allocated. Dreaming of developing millions of square kilometers ofnd with just 10 billion shied invested by the government was pure fantasy.
Government investment was just a catalyst; developing the Near East required more from private capital.
Of course, the first step was still immigration. Otherwise, once the railway was built but there were no people along its route, there would be no need for train service, which would be awkward.
With domestic capital already earmarked for other purposes, Armenia, a ce of little strategic value, naturally had to be cast aside.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Minister Weisenberg replied.
¡
Chapter 777 - 40: Near East Development 1.0
```
Without a doubt, with the support of the Vienna Government, the Armenian throne fell upon the head of Grand Duke dimir Alexandrovich.
After the news spread, European bystanders started their daily routines, with experts and schrs jumping out one after another to offer their opinions. Before a consensus could be reached from the debate, the British Government became anxious first.
The seemingly insignificant struggle for the Armenian throne contains political significance that cannot be ignored.
Armenia is situated between Russia, Austria, and Pnd. Anyone who has read Procopius¡¯s history of wars would know that Byzantium and Persia have long contested over this region.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s desire to control the area is definitely not aimed at Austria; there are many more essible areas along the lengthy Russian-Austrian border that would make an offensive unnecessary.
A simple Armenian kingdom has no value worth coveting by the Tsarist Government. Given the region¡¯s small size, the obvious target bes clear without need for expression.
...
Foreign Minister George: "The Caucasus region is too far away. Our influence can¡¯t reach that deep, and weck the power to intervene in the Armenian royal session.
With Russia and Austria quickly agreeing on this issue, we have to be more vignt. In addition to the Austrian threat, we cannot ignore the Russian threat.
In the future, we will face increased pressures in Central Asia and the Persian region. The Foreign Office suggests that we should appropriately support France and North Germany to restrain Russia and Austria from behind."
There is no choice; this is a problem left over from history. More than a decade ago, during the Prusso-Russian War, the British supported their minor allies in seizing Central Asia from the Russians.
The bear holds grudges. Regardless of whether Alexander III is a pacifist, as long as he desires to be seen as a ¡¯good Tsar¡¯ in the eyes of the public, his next target is to retake Central Asia.
If Russians return to Central Asia without any Russo-British conflict erupting, the Austrian Foreign Ministry might as well dissolve.
Facing the threat of two great powers simultaneously, if no one shares the burden, the British would certainly be overwhelmed.
Whether it is Persia or Central Asia, if any area is breached, India would be a battleground.
Russia and Austria might not necessarily capture India from the British, but it¡¯s almost certain that the Indian situation would spiral out of control due to war.
If Russia and Austria adopt the mentality of ¡¯if I can¡¯t have it, neither can you¡¯ and wholeheartedly support Indian independence, it would be disastrous.
With the precedent of American independence, the London Government has to be vignt to avoid the worst-case scenario.
Finance Minister George Childs, pale with shock, said: "You¡¯re ying with fire here, and it could easily spiral out of control!"
Supporting France and Germany seems like a good idea, as it could restrain Russia and Austria from behind, but it only works if they are willing to cooperate.
Various signs indicate that the French still harbor ambitions of expanding into Central Europe, and North Germany just happens to block the French¡¯s path forward.
In recent times, a number of events have urred: short selling the Franc, massive dumping, supporting the Revolutionary Party, and France¡¯s withdrawal from the free trade system. These upheavals have brought Anglo-French rtions to their chilliest point since the anti-French wars.
A small setback did not dampen French pride; on the contrary, it provoked a surge in French nationalism.
If a change urs in the middle and enemies intervene, it is likely that even before they be effective, internal strife will break out.
Should such a thing happen, the British Government would truly be aughingstock.
Foreign Minister George analyzed calmly, "Sir, don¡¯t be agitated. The Franco-German conflict is not as deep as you imagine, and it¡¯s far from erupting.
As long as the stakes are high enough, potential enemies can also be allies first. To achieve Franco-German amity, we must make full use of Russia and Austria.
For example: stir up anti-Russian sentiment in North Germany by ying upon Prusso-Russian enmity;
Or let France and Austria break into conflict in the Italian Area, in the Mediterranean, or over the Suez Canal...
They don¡¯t necessarily have to fight. Just by exposing the contradictions and making them wary of each other, that would be enough."
"By the way, the Nordic Federation can also be utilized. During the Second Prusso-Russian War, the Tsarist Government used the sale of Find as a ploy to obtain loans from the Nordic Federation.
If it weren¡¯t for Austria¡¯s guarantee, the Tsarist Government would probably have defaulted long ago. The seeds of conflict were already sown between them.
We just have to..."
Whether using new grudges to cover old ones will work, no one can guarantee.
However, this idea is still worth advocating. Britannia¡¯s long-standing foreign policy has led to an unusually high number of enemies.
If unable to suppress the contradictions of old days, Britannia would be enemy to the whole world.
Prime Minister dstone interrupted, "Sir, your Foreign Office¡¯s ns are too fanciful.
I don¡¯t deny that Russia and Austria are threats to us, but such threats are only potentially significant and not likely to erupt in the short term.
International situations are ever-changing; perhaps today¡¯s allies could be tomorrow¡¯s enemies¡ªwho knows what the future will bring?"
After a series of upheavals, dstone believed that the best foreign policy for Britannia still remained to be ¡¯splendid istion.¡¯
Britain has rued too many benefits and what it needs now is to defend them. Avoiding involvement in Continental conflicts and appearing as an arbiter can continue to maximize these benefits.
The UK Foreign Office¡¯s series of diplomatic blunders essentiallye down to giving up their Channel advantage and directly involving themselves in Continental strife.
To guard against "potential" and "possible" threats, too much energy and money have been spent.
There is nothing wrong with the policy of European bnce, and there is nothing wrong with a foreign policy that suppresses whoever is strong. Whenbined, however, problems arise.
Starting from the First Near East War, the British Government¡¯s foreign policy has been caught in this cycle, constantly standing opposed to the great powers of Europe.
```
Having suppressed the Russians, the French rose up; having finally subdued the French, Austria emerged; and now preparations to move against Austria are underway.
It appears as if the UK Foreign Office has achieved brilliant victories, but they have not had any substantial effect. The days of suppressing rivals seem endless.
The culprit behind this situation is none other than Britannia¡¯s European bnce of power policy.
In order to maintain the bnce on the European Continent, the London Government is unable to knock out its enemies with a single blow. It¡¯s not just about not killing them; they can¡¯t even afford to maim.
If they identally strike too hard, the British must hurry up and intervene, lest a single poweres to dominate the European Continent.
Hatred does not vanish simply because of a helping hand; just because it hasn¡¯t erupted now doesn¡¯t mean it will never happen.
All the Rulers of the nations are human, and humans have weaknesses; don¡¯t expect everyone to remain rational forever.
Should one day a hothead appear who recklesslyunches a revenge war against Britannia, the painstakingly crafted situation by the British Government would vanish into thin air.
In this utilitarian age, any event is possible as long as the interests are sufficient.
For example: should the hatred index rise, the Rulers of Russia, France, and Austria might suddenly change their minds, deciding to clear the field before they vie for dominance over Europe.
Or, the Tripartite might realize that none can overpower the others, and simply endorse one another, searching together for easy prey outside their circle.
...
The British Government¡¯s foreign policy has changed once again, a fact Franz is of course unaware of, as he is currently striving for the post-war restoration of the Near East.
As for the Russo-French-Austrian alliance, which the British worry about the most, Franz has never taken it seriously.
Austria may be willing to join hands with Russia and France against Britannia, but thetter two simply aren¡¯t willing! The peak state of Austria is clear, as they are still licking their wounds. It¡¯s obvious who would lead and who would follow should they form an alliance now.
Why would they submit to bing a subordinate when they can be the leader themselves?
Unless Austria also falls into decline, or Russia and France recover, and all three countries reach a unified level of strength, only then might they consider joining forces to carve up Britannia.
If their strengths were truly equal, Franz wouldn¡¯t dare to ally with them. The strategic location dictates this; as the sandwiched cookie, one must remain extremely vignt.
As distasteful as they are, the bnce of power policy of the British in this period of insufficient strength for Austria still has its positive aspects.
In fact, after entering modern times, the foreign policies of various countries have all been filled with utilitarianism and fickleness, with an excessive focus on short-term interests.
The British bear a substantial amount of responsibility for this change. Geographical istion has made the British reckless and solely profit-driven.
Russia and France are actually learners of the British, but sadly theyck the protection of a channel; a blind imitation results in their struggles and embarrassments.
Austria did not emte the British, not because Franz has higher morals, but due to geographical constraints.
With the tragic example of the Original time-space German Second Empire before him, Franz had no choice but to revise the Metternich Era¡¯s foreign policy, bing an inoffensive great power.
@@novelbin@@
Prime Minister Felix: "Your Majesty, this is the Near East development n formted by the government, mainly divided into three stages.
What the government is implementing now is the first stage, mainly epassing immigration settlement and mainline road construction, bothplementing each other.
ording to the n, the government aims toplete the mainline railway from Vienna to Baghdad within five years, including two lines that connect to the Middle East Railway and the Arabian Ring Railway.
Considering the uniqueness of the Near East region, the subsequent immigration settlement will unfold along the railway line.
A total of 145 stations have been nned along the railway line, either establishing immigration towns or building cities.
Large-scale immigration will begin two years from now, initially targeting coastal areas for immediate transformation of existing cities.
...
Overall, the Vienna Government¡¯s nned Baghdad Railway doesn¡¯t essentially differ much from the one built by the Germans in the original time-space.
The difference is merely that the German Baghdad Railway went through Istanbul, while Austria¡¯s goes through the Dardanelles Strait.
The European section of the railway has long beenpleted; the construction needed extends from the Dardanelles Bridge all the way to Baghdad.
The remnants of the Ottoman Empire¡¯s railways along the route will have to be dismantled and rebuilt due to different track standards.
Connecting the Middle East Railway with the Arabian Ring Railway is still just a concept; both of these railways are also currently under construction.
The construction of the Middle East Railway is advancing rapidly and is about to bepleted, whereas the Arabian Ring Railway, due to geographical conditions, might not be finished even by the time the Baghdad Railway is operational.
It is inevitable that immigration willg behind. Although the Ottoman Empire has perished, rooting out the remnants upying the mountains will still take time.
If it weren¡¯t for the forced relocation of the penins¡¯s poption, forget two years; even another five years wouldn¡¯t guarantee the eradication of local factions.
Taking the n from the Minister, Franz began to examine theyout. In the absence ofputers, the map was manually drawn; thus, a beautiful rendering was out of the question.
A few lines symbolized the railways; undoubtedly, an important project like the Baghdad Railway would naturally involve double tracks.
As for the stations along the way, they were merely small dots on the map. It was likely that the exact locations of the stations had not been finalized.
Without satellite maps, relying solely on the engineers¡¯ manual efforts, errors were inevitable.
Skipping over the still somewhat presentableyout and the migration n he was already familiar with, Franz¡¯s brow furrowed at the final item: the budget estimate.
Chapter 778 - 41, The Increasingly Powerful Agrarian Master Class
```
"Why is the budget so high?"
It wasn¡¯t that Franz was making a big fuss, the initial investment for the Near East development n was as high as 200 million Divine Shields. If calcted based on these expenses, the originally nned 1 billion Divine Shields wouldn¡¯t nearly be enough toplete the infrastructure construction.
Without infrastructure, immigrants won¡¯t settle, and private capital naturally won¡¯t flow in. Without attracting private capital, relying solely on government funding for development would bankrupt the Vienna Government.
Prime Minister Felix exined, "The main war has severely damaged the Near East region, beyond the government¡¯s prior expectations.
Majority of the cities are in ruins, and for many cities, the cost of repair is higher than rebuilding.
Mines, roads, bridges, and water conservancy facilities are all destroyed by the war and must be rebuilt.
The most troublesome issue is theplete loss of local production; many of the raw materials needed for the initial construction have to be transported from within the country."
Franz had nothing to say. Building a new city was not a big deal, but the vast Near East region ¨C could it be managed by just one city?
To settle immigrants, it¡¯s not possible to keep everyone in the cities. The sectors most likely to take root and recover were agriculture, mining, and factories.
Employment is necessary to retain people. In those days, the tertiary industry had not yet developed, and the primary industry was still the core pir.
Money must be invested; taking over the Ottoman Empire was to secure a stable rear base. Without development, a nk rear base would be like ska to Russia.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz slowly said, "Announce the n publicly, to see if we can attract some investors.
If we can restore some of the local industries, and reduce the transportation from the homnd, we should be able to press down the costs."
Times have changed, today¡¯s Vienna Government is no longer the poor bloke that hated not to split a Divine Shield in half to spend twice.
Even if the initial budget overran by several tens of millions, Franz was just slightly surprised. An additional expense of tens of millions of Divine Shields would merely mean issuing tens of millions more in bonds, not yet a fiscal crisis.
It¡¯s normal for the government¡¯s previous budget to have errors. Everyone sits in the office, analyzing the data from the battle reports from the front, making budget estimations based on the map.
Now having taken over the Near East, and having collected firsthand data, it¡¯s natural for a budget reevaluation to have discrepancies.
¡
Army Minister Fev handed over a document, "Your Majesty, this is a list of officers and soldiers who have merited in the Near East war, as well as the Army Department¡¯s post-war retirement, casualtypensation, and handling proposal.
In this war, a total of 286 servicemen umted enough military merits for ennoblement, of which 71 were for title promotions.
After the war, a total of 286,000 servicemen need to retire, among them 278,000 will enter the reserves, needing subsidies totaling 87.689 million Divine Shields.
In this war, a total of 14,134 soldiers were killed or maimed, requiringpensation totalling 67.6536 million Divine Shields.
Based on double the local militarynd reward standard, including soldiers killed in action, a total of 66,424 qualify to apply for militarynds, with 84,376 partially qualifying forpensation to imnds.
ording to the will of the officers and fallen soldiers¡¯ rtives, a total of 150,359 personnel have applied for militarynds this time, requesting a total of 11.7648 million hectares.
Because some officers are applying for differential payments, this part of the funds can almost entirely offset the retirement subsidies and casualtypensations."
Without a doubt, the cannon fodder army wasn¡¯t included in the statistics, otherwise the numbers of maimed or killed could increase tenfold.
In a country like Austria, war is the best opportunity to change one¡¯s destiny. Another two hundred plus fortune-favored individuals have emerged from this Near East war.
Compared to ennoblement, promotions of nobility are actually more difficult. The military merits needed for the next step are often several times that of the previous, the higher one goes, the harder it gets.
But these are minor issues, the same in any world; the path narrows as one ascends.
Militarynds still remain as popr as ever, putting Franz¡¯s mind at ease. With the Near East region beingrgely unimed, Franz didn¡¯t mind dispersing it all.
Militarynds are popr not only because thesends enjoy tax privileges, but also because theye with a lofty social status.
As long as one is eligible to apply, no one would give it up. Though it couldn¡¯t be sold, renting it out wasn¡¯t a problem at all.
```
The Near East, being somewhat more remote than the homnd, nevertheless had more rxed standards and offeredpensation at double thend area, with even higherpensation possible for mountainous and forest areas.
Compared to overseas colonies, regions adjoining the homnd were more popr. Not everyone likes to travel far; it is always good to be close to home.
Moreover, although the Ottoman Empire was a bit uncivilized, people still recognized it as being slightly better than the most remote and impoverished areas.
In this respect, serving the Austrian Emperor was not a bad deal. There was money to be had, as well asnd.
As long as one didn¡¯t die, after several battles one could be a farmer, and with a bit of luck, even rise directly to the nobility.
Even if military honors were insufficient, as long as one had that recognition, one could still apply fornd grants, albeit with limited acreage.
In non-core territories, people were allowed to purchasend at a low cost, enjoying simr privileges as those granted for military service.
This was a special policy adopted by the Vienna Government when it faced financial difficulties, and Franz could not afford to pay pensions.
This policy should have been canceledter on, but the Austrian Empire had expanded so greatly, resulting in vast ownerlessnds.
@@novelbin@@
Land that was not developed held no value; relying solely on the government¡¯s strength for development was surely insufficient. Franz did not wish to be an ineffectivergendlord, and so the policy continued.
An additional hundred thousand farmers, including their families, amounted to nearly two million immigrants. With these direct descendants as the ruling core, a few million more immigrants would ensure the stability of the Near East.
ording to Austrian sociologists, farmers were the most sessful at poption growth, with the best among them capable of producing an entire ser team.
With rtively superior material conditions, lesser life pressures, and fewer rural entertainments, they became the main force behind Austria¡¯s poption growth.
Against the backdrop of the global rise of the capitalist ss, Austria¡¯s agricultural ownership ss continued to grow. The newly created Military Nobility injected fresh vitality into this ss.
Austria consistently ranked as the world¡¯s top exporter of agricultural products, monopolizing three-quarters of the European market, which provided a material foundation for the development and expansion of farmers.
Franz did not focus on the issue of the farmers¡¯ ss growing stronger; innate limitsy in ce, constrained bynd resources.
The ability to grow against the trend of the times was a result of Austria¡¯s expansion and the acquisition of vast amounts ofnd. When thesends were fully developed, that would be the limit for the farming ss.
Of course, as long as Austria did not decline and continued to monopolize the European agricultural market with its geopolitical advantage, the farming ss would remain an important force.
Together with the political alliance formed with the nobility, suppressing the capitalist ss would not be a problem for a considerable length of time in the future.
As loyal supporters of the imperial power, these individuals were ready to take up arms and head to battle at a moment¡¯s notice, bearing the responsibility for the nation¡¯s military strength.
With these pirs of support, even if suppression proved impossible, overturning the table was an option.
Theoretically, such a scenario should not happen.
The backbone of Austria¡¯s capitalist ss was not strong enough, not just because of ack of military power, but also the presence of state enterprises and the Royal Consortium as effective checks and bnces.
Should anyone get too carried away and lose touch with reality, within the confines of the rules, Franz had the power to bankrupt them in minutes, and the Consortium was no exception.
In a capitalist world, capital speaks volumes; if water, electricity, energy, and transportation were all controlled, even the most powerful capitalist could not withstand it.
Unless one chose to abandon physical assets and focus solely on finance, this approach would not lead to significant influence. The power of the Consortiumy in both their wealth and control over many people¡¯s livelihoods.
Without these foundations, money bes just a number. Its social influence would be greatly limited.
Taking the document, Franz nced over it briefly, "First, distribute the cash, and ensure that the government promptly executes thend grant work.
Given the special circumstances of the Near East, regions can be determined first, with specifd distribution to be postponed. The rted departments should prepare thorough exnations.
The nobility¡¯s investiture ceremony will be held the day before Christmas. The Cab will take care of the arrangements."
¡
Chapter 781 - 44: Speaking Nonsense with a Straight Face
Vienna Pce
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, weighed down with heavy feelings, said with deep concern, "Your Majesty, this is a diplomatic note from the Tsarist Government.
The outbreak that emerged in the Asia Minor Penins has been confirmed as a man-made gue crafted by the Ottoman Government, and the situation is now out of control."
After pointing the finger at the former Ottoman Government for the "gue," the Russians immediately interrogated the surrendered Ottoman officials.
Under severe torture, they confessed to everything they should and shouldn¡¯t have known.
An enraged Alexander III instantly issued an order to hunt down Abdul Hamid II, and this diplomatic note was to inform the allies of the same.
After carefully reading through the note, Franz spoke slowly, "Call upon the nation¡¯s citizens for rat extermination, andmand the rted businesses within the country to produce rodenticides at full capacity.
First, gather a batch of rodenticides to send to the troops stationed on the Asia Minor Penins and order the armed forces to limit contact with the outside world."
We should feel fortunate that it¡¯s winter; the severe cold is not conducive to the spread of viruses, and there are no mosquitoes or flies to transmit the disease. If the gue had broken out in spring, or summer, the lethality would increase several-fold.
Looking for the remnants of the Ottomans isn¡¯t urgent¡ªthose fellows are all in hiding, and it will be difficult to find them for a while. The pressing matter is disease prevention.
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
¡
Prime Minister Felix asked, "Your Majesty, should the news of the gue be concealed?"
Franz shook his head, "There¡¯s no need, such a significant matter can¡¯t be kept secret, and it would only be a matter of days anyhow. Let¡¯s disclose it to the public directly!
The newsing from the Russians might not beplete. The bureaucrats, in an attempt to minimize losses, might underreport the initial damages.
While intensifying our disease prevention efforts, we must also prepare for the worst and blockade the coastline of the Asia Minor Penins and the borders of the Middle East Region."
Pausing a moment, Franz added, "Pay attention to guiding public opinion, emphasizing the fact that the Ottoman Empire created the gue. We can appropriately draw a parallel with the ck Death.
Propagate the efforts we are making to prevent the virus from spreading in the European world, and by extension, take the opportunity to cast the British in a negative light."
¡
Following Franz¡¯s order, as the Vienna Government strengthened its contagion control, the propaganda machine also started up.
Shocking headlines appeared on the front pages of the European newspapers; the objective and rtively factual ones included "gue Manufacturer¡ªOttoman Empire," "Cancer of the Human World"...
There were images and genuine evidence, and even though some artistic license was taken, using the Ottoman Empire of creating a gue wasn¡¯t unfounded.
The randomly fabricated topics that followed were even more abundant. The Austrian Propaganda Department only started it, leaving the rest to journalists¡¯ creativity.
"The Origins of the ck Death," "History¡¯s Greatest Conspirator," "Real Culprits behind the ck Death¡¯s Ravages"... Explore new worlds at empire
The ck Death had passed centuries ago. Nobody really knew how it came about, but that didn¡¯t stop people fromying the me at the Ottoman Empire¡¯s doorstep.
Linking history cleverly, the rise of the Ottoman Empire was connected with the "ck Death."
For instance, the case in "The ck Death Saved the Ottomans": When Timur¡¯s Empireunched an invasion of the Ottoman Empire in 1399 and had surrounded the Ottoman capital, they had to retreat due to the ravage of the ck Death.
Or take "The Bloody Rise of the Ottoman Empire," which directly attributed the rise of the Ottoman Empire to the widespread ck Death that severely weakened the European countries, leading to a loss of control over the Ottomans.
Even though the Ottoman Empire was also a victim of the ck Death, the concept was subtly shifted, overlooking the disparity in poptions between the two sides.
The Rhein Daily presented a set of figures, the origin of which was unclear: 25 million deaths in the European world vs. 210 thousand Ottoman deaths from the ck Death, a ratio of 119:1.
In conclusion: Without the ck Death¡¯s ravage, there would have been no rise of the Ottoman Empire.
The final conclusion drawn was that the ck Death was an Ottoman conspiracy.
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Not to mention the general public, even Franz, the initiator, was somewhat inclined to believe in the Ottoman conspiracy behind the ck Death.
True or false? Time had passed by several centuries, with no way to investigate.
Combining history, the Ottoman Empire was a beneficiary, rising after the ck Death. From the perspective of conspiracy theories, they had a motive tomit such acts.
There are also confirmed cases of gue being artificially created, and with the relentless propaganda from countries across Europe, this was already the perceived image of the Ottomans.
The European society quickly reached its verdict, and apart from Austria guiding public opinion, what mattered more was that no one stood up to defend the Ottoman Empire.
Events from hundreds of years ago might be unclear, but the truth unfolding before everyone¡¯s eyes could not be erased.
Defending the Ottoman Government at this time was akin to ying with fire, and if one were branded an Ottoman spy, it would be life-threatening.
Even the typically irresponsible experts and schrs, who enjoyed being unconventional, did not dare to counter public opinion at this juncture.
...
In London, an incensed Prime Minister dstone once again tore up the newspaper he was holding; this was yet another paper he had destroyed in recent times.
Discrediting the Ottoman Empire was one thing, but with the emergence of the man-made gue, there was no way to restore the reputation of the already copsed Ottoman Empire.
Since the Empire had already perished, adding thebel of a ck Death conspirator hardly made a difference.
But as time passed, the narrative in the media began to skew, starting with the Austrian Daily¡¯s article "Britain¡¯s Disgraceful Role in the Near Eastern War."
It meticulously presented the financial and military support that Britons provided to the Ottoman Empire during the Near Eastern War and used the British Government of harboring Ottoman "remnants" after the war.
Under normal circumstances, it wouldn¡¯t matter, and there was a respectable term for it: "political asylum." Unfortunately, the timing was off, and the "manufactured gue" incident had urred.
It wasn¡¯t that the British public had an international spirit, but rather that the "gue" was too deadly and contagious, and if it were to spread widely, everyone could be a victim.
The creators of the "gue," who posed a threat to everyone¡¯s safety, were naturally abhorred. When the public heard that the British Government was shielding these individuals, they were outraged.
This was a tricky problem to handle. If they handed the people over, where would the London Government¡¯s dignity lie?
However, neglecting the matter was not an option, as the Opposition Party would not miss this chance, and Prime Minister dstone was not yet ready to resign in disgrace.
With no other choice, dstone reluctantly ordered the arrest of several visible high-ranking Ottoman officials, handing them over to the justice system to quell public anger.
Yet, this was just the beginning. Maybe due to their excessive involvement in conspiracies in the past, their disreputable image was deeply entrenched, and the European media always liked to link them with conspiracy theories.
No sooner had the issue of sheltering "Ottoman remnants" been resolved than another im emerged, "Britain¡¯s Conspiracy," not just one usation but many.
In mainstream European media, more than half of the newspapers associated the British Government with this "man-made gue incident."
"Britain¡¯s Conspiracy" was the most sharp-tongued, specting the British Government¡¯s involvement with the most malice, boldly surmising that the British Government and the Ottomans conspired together to n this "man-made pandemic."
The reasoning being: The British Isles are separated by channels, which are advantageous for blocking the spread of the gue; should the European Continent witness a revival of the medieval scourge of the ck Death, Britain would effortlessly be the supreme power in Europe without shedding blood.
In return, the London Government would support the Ottomans¡¯ restoration. This could be the Ottomans¡¯ only chance to regain power, and the malevolent Sultan Government surely wouldn¡¯t pass it by.
This was merely spection, without any substantial evidence.
The center of European public opinion rested with Ennd, France, and Austria, and the mutual smearing between them wasmonce. In theory, dstone shouldn¡¯t be upset.
However, the issue is that even domestic critics began to stir trouble, with extreme newspapers openly criticizing: the London Government had poor execution, unable to handle even such minor matters; if...
The specifics that followed weren¡¯t important; what mattered was the public acknowledgment of the British Government¡¯s collusion with the Ottomans¡ªwas the consequence not considered?
There were more than a few newspapers adding fuel to the fire, and if you wonder why they wrote this, the answer is simple: money.
Whether this was orchestrated by international anti-British forces or a domestic Opposition plot, dstone could no longer afford to investigate.
When some in the country believed this theory, not to mention internationally.
The core reason for all that had happened was that the London Government indeed had dealings with the Ottoman Empire, but excluding thetter part about "manufactured gue."
With half the truth revealed, the whole matter became indefensible.
If the "gue" could be contained, then it would be alright, but if it evolved into a second ck Death, the dstone Government would be doomed.
In those days, no country could afford the consequences of infuriating the entire European world, and Britain was no exception.
Chapter 782 - 45, Black Death
"Has the investigation beenpleted and is there any possibility of pinning the me on the Anti-Turkish Alliance?" Prime Minister dstone asked anxiously.
Faced with the enemies¡¯ nder, the British Government naturally wouldn¡¯t sit back and await its doom, and the only reason they hadn¡¯tunched an immediate counterattack was the suddenness of the incident, leaving thempletely unprepared.
Foreign Minister George shook his head, "Our experts have already visited the site to conduct an on-the-spot investigation. Based on the timeline, the Ottoman Empire indeed appears to have the suspicion of creating the gue.
In the face of such facts, we are unable to defend the Ottomans. Russia and Austria are pressing the International Joint Investigation Team toe to a conclusion, and I estimate that by tomorrow, the newspapers in London will be delivering the verdict."
The British Government doesn¡¯t have the ability to influence the oue of the international investigation, and to whitewash the guilt in front of the Anti-Turkish Alliance is simply impossible.
The infamy of the ¡¯ck Death¡¯ is too great; even mere ¡¯suspicions¡¯ are enough to cause terror.
Now, the European nations are still counting on Russia and Austria to effectively control the epidemic, hoping to halt the virus at the Near East to prevent it from reaching them.
Where public opinion will stand is an obvious matter; no one cares whether the Ottoman Government is being forced or not. The European world categorically rejects such actions that vite human morality.
The cruel reality shattered dstone¡¯sst illusion. The Ottoman Government had truly put them in a terrible position this time; it was inevitable that the European public would turn their anger towards the London Government over its support with supplies to the Ottomans.
In just a few days, the newspapers might very well publish: The London Government provided money and effort to buy the Ottoman Empire time to create the ¡¯ck Death.¡¯
Whether the created virus is the ¡¯ck Death¡¯ or not is irrelevant. Nevertheless, the London Government¡¯s support for the Ottoman Empire has indeed given the Sultan Government more time to resist, undeniably creating the conditions for artificial gue.
Everyone will say that without the materials provided by the British, the Near East war would have ended months earlier. If Ankara had been breached earlier, the Russian Army would have been able to stop the pernicious acts of the Ottoman Government.
dstone understood that he had to do something immediately; otherwise, the situation might soon spiral out of control.
"Organize a medical volunteer team at once to rush to the Near East to control the outbreak, and also procure a batch of supplies in the name of the government to send over.
Contact the Austrians in the Foreign Office, and the Royal Navy is willing to dispatch a fleet to cooperate in blockading the Near East, demonstrating our determination tobat the epidemic to the outside world."
After hesitating for a moment, dstone added, "Arrest the Ottomans who have fled to our country on the charge of being suspected of creating the ck Death, regardless of their status or rank."
Now that the facts had been established, dstone naturally wouldn¡¯t be courteous towards the Ottomans who had brought them to such a pass.
This is not a matter of underling and boss; it¡¯s about humanity and anti-humanity. Once the ¡¯ck Death¡¯ is involved, no one dares to take it lightly.
Foreign Minister George reminded him, "Prime Minister, the medicalmunity has not yet confirmed it as the ck Death; it¡¯s still under suspicion."
dstone waved his hand, "That doesn¡¯t matter, the fact remains that the Ottoman Government deliberately created the gue.
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What we need now is a stance. I estimate it won¡¯t be long before the European world rises to a wave of anti-Turkish sentiment; let¡¯s not let it spill over onto us.
Have the Treasury settle the ounts as soon as possible, iming that the supplies for the Ottoman Empire came from wicked capitalists, and that has nothing to do with the government, we¡¯ve never had any contact with the Ottomans."
From this moment on, the British Government will lead the charge inbating the epidemic. There has been no collusion with the Ottoman Empire; that is out of the question.
```
Providing the Ottoman Empire with supplies is nonsense; the supplies are clearly exported to Persia. Since the blockade of the Near East coastline by the Anti-Turkish Alliance started, British-Ottoman trade has ceased.
The reason supplies end up in the Ottoman Empire is that illegal merchants, lured by exorbitant profits, sell to the Ottoman Empire.
Who specifically?
You¡¯d have to ask the Persian Government about that, since the supplies flow in from Persia and have no ties whatsoever to the London Government.
¡
Watching the British put on a splendid performance, Franz really wanted to say, "This is much ado about nothing. Everyone is busy controlling the gue; who has time for squabbling?"
Based on this groundless matter, apart from causing a bit of trouble for the British Government and tarnishing their international image, there¡¯s nothing more that can be done.
If one truly wishes to bring Britain to its knees, spreading rumors and causing trouble is far from sufficient.
The world is never short of intelligent people, and with a bit of calm, anyone can see that "Britain¡¯s Conspiracy" doesn¡¯t hold up.
There¡¯s no other reason, mainly because "gue" is uncontroble. When ites to killing, it does not discriminate between friend and foe, or high and low status.
If the European world suffers misfortune, Britain cannot possibly remain unscathed.
As for the current international situation, though for the British it does contain some discord, these are only minor issues that are far from the point of mutual destruction.
If there were to be a rampant spread, it¡¯s likely that the Russians would suffer the lightest losses. The only advantage of thend of ice and snow is that the virus spreads and breeds more slowly.
For reference, consider the little mice that freeze to death halfway across the road.
During the ck Death that ravaged the European Continent, the Russian Empire also lost over 200,000 people, butpared to the 25 million in the European world, where one in three Europeans met God due to the disease, that number is negligible.
If one were to frame the British, unless Austria could reconcile the differences among European nations and offer enough incentives to convince everyone that the British were to me,
That would be much harder to achieve than getting everyone to tell lies with open eyes. Whether it¡¯s resolving inter-nation conflicts or offering sufficient benefits, neither is within Franz¡¯s power.
Since they can¡¯t be beaten to death, might as well not take any action at all. Just give the London Government some work to do and have them cooperate with the epidemic control.
Indeed, the gue, known as the deadliest of epidemics, didn¡¯t get that reputation for no reason.
Even with the Vienna Government implementing the strictest prevention, the gue still came knocking, and the first affected were the Austrian Soldiers stationed in the Near East.
From the discovery of the first infected person, within just one week, three hundred soldiers were infected, and the number swelled to two thousand the following week.
This was the oue even with timely istion upon detection of the outbreak and the presence of rat poison around the military camps; otherwise, the number of infected would have been much higher.
Army Minister Fev: "This epidemic is highly transmissible, and our number of infections is still not consideredrge.
The Russian Army, which first detected the outbreak, is different; the number of infections has already reached 35,000, and that¡¯s just those diagnosed. The actual number is likely even higher."
```
The gue¡¯s outbreak and lethality were also astonishingly high, with onset to deathmonly not exceeding one week, and those who survived initially could still face recurrenceter.
The symptoms it exhibited were not much different from those ofmon gues, with nausea, vomiting, and fever.
"Our side has just encountered the epidemic, and we can¡¯t determine the mortality rate yet, but the Russian Army has reported a mortality rate for the infected at an rming 13.2%!"
At present, there are no particrly good treatments, even our best antibiotics can only reduce the mortality rate and cannot guarantee therapeutic effects.
The Army Department has ordered all units to disperse bypany to reduce infection chances as much as possible."
This 13.2% ratio weighed heavily on Franz¡¯s heart all at once.
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Although this was without effective treatment, the death ratio was still far too high.
It should be known that Russian soldiers are young and strong, naturally having the strongest resistance. If the elderly, weak, and sick were to be infected, the mortality rate would likely be even more brutal.
After a brief consideration, Franz slowly said, "Report this mortality rate, but feel free to embellish it a bit, exaggerating the gue¡¯s lethality on other age groups as necessary.
Notify the countries of Europe, tell them we have identified rats as the source of the ck Death¡¯s spread.
To contain the spread of the ck Death, we n to distribute rat poison extensively in the Near East, needing at least 400,000 tons of it."
Without a doubt, with such a high mortality rate, whether it¡¯s ¡¯ck Death¡¯ or not, we have to insist it is ¡¯ck Death¡¯.
Only if everyone is frightened will all the countries of Europe mobilize to produce rat poison, contributing money and efforts to the epidemic prevention.
...
In St. Petersburg, as the biggest victim of this gue, Alexander III was now beside himself with grief.
If only he knew earlier that a gue would break out in the Near East, he would have ordered... oh, it can¡¯t be helped, the Divine Shield still needs to make a profit.
Without question, to evade responsibility, the higher-ups of the Russian Army tacitly concealed the early infection numbers, with official documents initially reporting only 28 infected soldiers at the discovery of the gue.
Concealing the infection numbers was just a temporary solution. Soter on, they increased the numbers. Aren¡¯t the Austrians shouting ¡¯ck Death¡¯? To mitigate me, the Russian military leadership naturally followed suit.
If it¡¯s ck Death, then fast transmission and high mortality rates are normal, and definitely not a result of neglecting duties.
With the embellished data reaching Alexander III, the severity of the issue had greatly intensified.
The discovered timing of the epidemic was artificially cut by half.
In just over twenty days, the gue caused over three thousand Russian soldiers to die and infected more than fifty thousand.
Such numbers would rm anyone who saw them. Worse yet, due to relocating the poption, the epidemic could likely have spread to the interior of the country.
Now, Alexander III could only hope Siberia was cold enough to freeze the virus to death; otherwise, if it spread to the western part of the Empire, that would be a disaster.
"What are the Austrians saying? We are resettling migrants for them, the Vienna Government has to have a statement, right?"
Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes replied, "The Vienna Government has informed us of the virus research progress, and they have thought of ways to reduce the mortality rate of the infected.
The antibiotics developed by the Austrian Royal Academy of Sciences can suppress the virus to a certain extent.
Production has now started, and the Vienna Government has promised to provide us with twenty thousand doses within the next month."
Alexander III frowned and said dissatisfied, "Is that all? How would that be enough?
Can¡¯t the Austrians provide a bit more? If it really won¡¯t do, we can buy it ourselves!"
Oscar Ximenes exined, "Your Majesty, this kind of medication isn¡¯t yet capable of industrial production and must be made manually in theboratory.
The quantity is highly limited, it has always been in high demand, and the price is higher than the same amount of gold. Twenty thousand doses is already quite a lot.
In fact, we also haveboratories in our own country that have obtained patent licenses, but the difficulty in manufacturing is so great that they only can produce a little over a thousand doses a month."
The technical difficulty in producing penicillin in theboratory isn¡¯t significant, but once a product appears on the market, its manufacturing techniques would quickly be decrypted by others.
To maximize profits, Franz had instituted patent licensing several years before, forming a monopoly alliance.
Those who granted licenses were prominent figures from various nations, and after obtaining the technology, they also joined the ranks protecting the patents.
In line with the principle that scarcity drives value, everyone tacitly exaggerated the technical difficulties, deliberately restricting production capacity.
Of course, it¡¯s not necessarily that the Russian Empire is limiting production capacity. After all, while it may sound simple, creating a qualified product in aboratory is not something just anyone can do.
Generally, this task is undertaken by technically skilled engineering students. Such talent is in severely short supply within the Russian Empire.
The Vienna Government¡¯s promise of twenty thousand doses naturally isn¡¯t all manually made. Otherwise, all the produced goods would go to the Russians, leaving none for their own use.
Being unable to industrially produce was an issue of the past, and over the years, science and technology had advanced significantly.
Austria was already capable of mechanized production, although the products had ws, with a high rate of defects and reduced effectiveness.
To assure the price of the drugs, information on industrial production was kept strictly confidential.
Even if someone discovered the drugs were of inadequate effect, it would be assumed that theb technicians were simply careless, and an error urred in the operation.
News unknown even to insiders in the industry was even less known to outsiders. Having heard this exnation, Alexander III was deeply moved.
...
Chapter 783 - 46: Flames Engulf the City
Rat extermination is a traditional technique that dates back thousands of years to the dawn of human civilization, with the earliest rat poisons traceable to the pre-Qin period.
In "The ssic of Mountains and Seas, The ssic of the Western Mountains," it is recorded that on Mount Gao Tu, "there is a white rock called Ju, which can poison rats. There is also a grass that looks like Yaobai with leaves like mallow but with a red back, named Wu Tiao, which can also poison rats."
Originally utilizing nt or mineral toxins, by the 19th century, rat poisons had be diverse and numerous, with as many as a hundred different kinds.
The dreaded name "ck Death" was so significant that, upon receiving the notice from the Vienna Government, European countries expressed their support, albeit somewhat confusedly.
A chaotic array of rat poisons were shipped by the boatload to the Asia Minor Penins. The various bizarre methods employed led to an internal copse of spirit within the Austrian army tasked with extermination.
The eyes of the European world converged, as countries sent medical experts to observe the situation firsthand.
Of course, such a hot news topic would neverck for reporters. After witnessing the Russian Army¡¯s appalling conditions, all doubts were dispelled.
No matter the antics of the Anti-Turkish Alliance, they couldn¡¯t possibly feign a ruse with the lives of tens of thousands of soldiers; the infamy of the "ck Death" solidified.
The ck Death ravaged Europe in stages and by region for hundreds of years, persisting until the 18th century.
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It was most severe from 1347 to 1353, starting in Sicily and then spreading to Italy, Austria, France, Ennd, Central Europe, Northern Europe...
Then came the Italian gue from 1629 to 1631, the Great gue of London from 1665 to 1666, the Vienna gue of 1679, the Great gue of Marseille from 1720 to 1722, and the Moscow gue of 1771.
Although considered to be the ck Death, there remained distinctions. Whether it was mutations of the gue virus or a new virus, it is still an unsolved mystery to this day.
The gue in the Near East had just begun to exert its force when it exploded with astonishing lethality; it was quite normal to include it in this category.
...
Ever since the gue spread through the military, Marshal Ivanov, the suprememander, had been in low spirits. Others could find excuses to slip away and return to their country, but not him.
Being the head of the military is no easy position; one must possess not only outstanding achievements but also a character that inspires confidence and trust in the masses.
The conservative Marshal Ivanov was undoubtedly a qualified soldier. Upon receiving news of the outbreak, he hurried over from St. Petersburg without dy and took on the responsibility of the suprememander.
Ivanov asked with concern, "Have the Austrians delivered the medicinal supplies they promised?"
He had gone to great lengths for these supplies. While in St. Petersburg, he had a fierce argument with higher government officials, mainly to prevent the Tsarist Government from getting involved.
Plucking feathers from a passing goose is an old habit of the Tsarist Government.
During the reign of Alexander II, his iron-fisted methods could still intimidate the bureaucrats; when Alexander III took over and softened the governance, the bureaucrats grew bolder.
Already there was a shortage of medicinal supplies, and if those domestic chaps peeled off ayer, even less would reach their hands.
Such supplies were in high demand on the market; it¡¯s one thing to be skimmed off, but if someone bold enough swapped them out entirely, lives could be at stake.
When it came to the integrity of domestic bureaucrats, Marshal Ivanov had never held any confidence.
Lieutenant General Erzucher replied, "We¡¯ve only received 5,318 doses. The rest, at the earliest, won¡¯t arrive until next week."
Upon hearing this response, Marshal Ivanov¡¯s mood grew even heavier.
Over fifty thousand Russian soldiers had fallen ill, and the medicine amounted to only a tenth of what was needed. Whom to treat and whom to forgo presented a vexing dilemma.
"Send a telegram to the government back home, instructing them to find a way to purchase more. Theck of medicinal supplies could spell disaster!"
What Ivanov regretted the most now was attending the victory feast upon his return to the country, thus wasting precious response time.
Theoretically, the war had ended, and as a victorious army, the Russian forces could retreat at any time. Unfortunately, reality forbade this.
Setting aside the transaction reached between Russia and Austria, the sheer number of infected soldiers posed a major concern¡ªif they were to return now, wouldn¡¯t they be endangering their homnd?
Moreover, staying on the Asia Minor Penins still afforded the chance to seek assistance from allies, an option that would vanish upon a return home.
Even with the aid of medicinal supplies, they would be pilfered by the domestic elite, leaving none for these genuinely needy soldiers.
Lieutenant General Erzucher cautioned, "Marshal, that may prove difficult. These medicines are allb-produced and have always been in short supply.
Even if the government is willing to spend money to purchase them, we could only buy a small part at high prices on the ck market, still unable to meet the demand."
...
Ankaraypletely deserted from the moment the Russian Army withdrew from the city.
As the birthce of the epidemic, this ce became the focus of rat extermination efforts. The Austrian Airship Troop had already dropped dozens of tons of rodenticides from the sky.
The former Allied Command of the Anti-Turkish Alliance had now turned into the Epidemic Control Command. Albrecht, who had oncemanded the destruction of the Ottoman Empire, had be the chief in charge of rat extermination.
This was an inevitable result, as soldiers were all on the penins. If senior military officers were to flee, the morale of the troops would scatter.
Albrecht said, "The current efficiency of rat extermination is too low. Now that it¡¯s winter, the rats have stored enough food and don¡¯te out often.
To maximize the elimination of rats before the end of winter, we must adopt more aggressive measures.
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No one knows how many rat breeding cers the Ottomans had prepared, and the current situation does not permit sending soldiers into the cities to search. I propose we directly resort to incendiary urban cleansing."
Opposition was naturally impossible. Now these ces were all Austrian territory, and for epidemic control, Albrecht was going to burn his own cities, which naturally met with no objections.
If someone uninformed came across this, they might be deeply moved, thinking that Austria was making a great sacrifice.
After all, the cities being burned were their own industries. Even if they were damaged in the war, their basic structures were still intact; a little repairing and they were as good as new.
Albrecht was well aware that the Vienna Government¡¯s development n for the Near East did not include restoring the old cities.
The n was to either choose new areas for building cities or to engage inrge-scale reconstruction; in the end, the cities¡¯ appearance would change entirely, so adding a bit of fire didn¡¯t make much of a difference.
Marshal Ivanov of the Russian Army said, "Your Excellency¡¯s proposal is excellent. The Russian Empire is willing to provide two hundred thousand tons of petroleum."
The British representative Sherl Abeli said, "Britannia is willing to provide three hundred thousand tons of petroleum to eliminate the hidden dangers."
...
This was not a matter for one nation alone; for their own safety, European countries were umonly unified and did not sabotage one another. Regardless of their capacity, everyone contributed more or less.
The fuel provided by the countries was substantial, but those were theoretical figures. When it could actually be delivered depended on the bureaucrats¡¯ integrity.
As the host, Austria had to take responsibility. Fortunately, electricity had already been poprized in most of the cities within the country; otherwise, the public wouldn¡¯t even be able to buy kerosene.
Since the Epidemic Control Command decided on incendiary cleansing of the disease sources, Austria had begun experiencing a shortage of oil.
There was no way around it; Austria indeed possessed a lot of petroleum, but it was all buried underground and could not be excavated at a moment¡¯s notice.
Reliance on just the production from the few oil fields in Romania was nowhere near enough to meet Austria¡¯s demands.
Starting from five years ago and continuing to the present, Austria had been the world¡¯s number one petroleum importing nation.
Prime Minister Felix said, "The government has done all it could. The fuel that could be collected domestically has been sent to the Near East region.
We have wiped out the international spot market as well, causing a significant rise in international fuel prices.
But this is still far from enough. The fuel promised by the European countries is substantial, unfortunately, their efficiency is too low.
By the time their material arrives, it will probably be close to summer. The epidemic in the Near East region cannot afford this dy."
After hesitating for a moment, Franz slowly said, "Then we will use our strategic reserves and first eliminate Ankara, this source of the problem."
If it were another time, Franz would never give up the national strategic oil reserves so easily.
To this day, petroleum had be an important energy source for Austria. The internalbustion engine industry that emerged during the second industrial revolution waspletely driven by oil.
Without sufficient petroleum supplies, the industrial advantages that Austria had established during the second revolution would be directly halved.
But now it was different. With the easing of international tensions, it is unlikely that war would break out in the European Continent anytime soon.
Especially after absorbing the Ottoman Empire, Austria¡¯s strategic security had been guaranteed, and the government could confidently and boldly develop Middle Eastern oil.
It was only a matter of weathering the most difficult period. Once the oil in the Middle East region was exploited, there would be no more worries about insufficient supplies.
...
Ankara became the first city to be cleansed by fire. Thick smoke billowed, and endless sins turned to ashes in the mes.
This was just the beginning. Any city near regions with major outbreaks became a target for purification.
Throughout 1884, the primary tasks of the Epidemic Control Command were setting fires and dispensing rat poison. By the end of the epidemic, a total of twenty-three cities had undergone purification by fire.
...
Chapter 784 - 47, The Mahidi Uprising
Time flew by, and before long, it was 1885.
The previously shelved development projects in the Near East resumed, and the global economy emerged from the great depression, charging forward once again.
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Everything was developing in a positive direction; adhering to the principle of "concerning oneself only with major affairs," Emperor Franz also found himself with more leisure time.
Perhaps due to age, Franz¡¯s hobbies also began to change. At some point, he developed a passion for calligraphy.
A quill was obviously not suitable for practicing calligraphy, and thus an incongruous scene unfolded: a Shinra Emperor, wielding a writing brush to practice calligraphy, was born.
Personal interests, after all, were merely that. The European nobility had plenty of entric hobbies; in the grand scheme, Franz¡¯s newfound pastime was nothing out of the ordinary.
No minister, with time to spare and nothing better to do, would be so foolish as to interfere with the Emperor¡¯s daily life¡ªthey weren¡¯t auditors of the great Ming dynasty.
Let alone changing writing instruments, even massive construction projects like renovating the Imperial Pce or even building a new one, nobody would question it.
The Emperor¡¯s personal finances and the state treasury were always separate; in a world where private property was sacred and invible, no outsider was entitled to criticize how he chose to spend his money.
Franz, unfettered, practiced his calligraphy without reservation, writing down whatever came to mind.
Any transmigrator alongside him would realize that many famous sayings and poems from the future had appeared quite abruptly on paper.
Fortunately, as time passed, Franz¡¯s memory had grown hazy, and what he wrote was often only a phrase or two; otherwise, the original authors would be thoroughly bewildered.
¡
Colonial Minister Stephen: "Your Majesty, a rebellion has broken out in the French Sudan area, and the rebel army has taken the Wadi Halfa area and is advancing towards Egypt."
The outbreak of rebellion in French Sudan had been ongoing for some time. Such colonial rebellions, urring frequently, didn¡¯t amount to news until they escted significantly.
"Our people haven¡¯t been involved, have they?"
Franz asked with skepticism. In these times, it was all toomon for the colonial empires to stab each other in the back, despite having treaties and promises to not cause trouble.
That was limited to the surface, though. What happened behind the scenes was anybody¡¯s guess; as long as one wasn¡¯t caught red-handed, it wasn¡¯t an issue.
After some thought, Colonial Minister Stephen replied, "The colonial government has not supported the rebel army. As for civilian involvement, it is currently impossible to confirm."
This was seen as an aftereffect of colonial expansion. The Austria Empire had thousands of colonial powers, both big and small, under itsmand, with dozens situated in the Sudan area of French Sudan.
The government¡¯s control over these groups was limited to cities and regions that had undergone local integration. Elsewhere, it was a free-for-all.
So long as national interests were not harmed, outward expansion was legal. The caveat was that the Colonial Teams must be able to secure and defend their territories on their own.
With the African Continent already carved up, those still looking to achieve further glory could only point their weapons at other colonial empires.
Many had been eager for years, but the Central Government wouldn¡¯t allow it. Without state backing, nobody was foolhardy enough to challenge a Colonial Empire.
Direct conflicts were out of the question, but stealth operations were a different story. Take the current situation, for example: if the French could not quell the rebellion, opportunities for others would arise.
After all, the African Continent was vast, and thebined area of French Egypt and Sudan alone amounted to over two million square kilometers. Carving out a small piece was enough to feed a Colonial Team.
Simr events weremon worldwide. While the great colonial empires tried hard to exercise restraint, disputes over colonies still urred frequently, mostly instigated by civilian Colonial Teams.
With an indifferent tone, Franz remarked, "Let it be, so long as the colonial government isn¡¯t involved. If civilian Colonial Teams want to go, let them. It¡¯s a good opportunity to test what the French are made of. The French government has been very busytely; as long as we¡¯re not caught with evidence, it¡¯s all good."
This "busy" naturally referred to France¡¯s invasion of Annan and the first foreign war ignited by Napoleon IV since he came to the throne, where the French Army did not perform as expected.
Now with the Mahdi Rebel Army uprising as well, it was enough to keep the Paris Government upied.
If the rebellion could not be held back from Egypt, the losses suffered by the French would be substantial.
If, by any chance, the Rebel Army damaged the cotton ntations in the Egypt Area with reckless abandon, the French cotton textile industry would face another serious blow.
This year, the cotton textile industry is the most important industry in France, with one-fifth of domestic industrial workers depending on this industrial chain for their livelihood.
Should any issue arise, the entire French industrial system would be affected. Not just France, but in all industrialized nations, the textile industry upies a significant proportion.
Beyond the cotton-producing regions, there is also the Suez Canal, which is vital to the lifeblood of France. Should the rebel army reach the canal and threaten to destroy it, the Paris Government would be in trouble.
Perhaps the international powers would intervene even before the rebel army could destroy the canal.
The British, having spent countless efforts to get a grip on the Suez Canal without sess, would naturally not miss an opportunity presented to them on a silver tter.
Even the seemingly conciliatory Austrian Government would not hesitate to take control of the Suez Canal themselves.
In the original timeline, it was the British who worried over these issues, and to protect the cotton-producing regions and the Suez Canal, the British Government evenpromised with the local powers in Egypt.
Without the support of the Egyptian people, the Mahdi Rebel Army persisted alone for seven years before being quelled by the British. Even the British Governor of Sudan was killed by the rebel army. Experience more content on empire
Such an incident is impossible on the French side.
The French government adopts a direct administrative approach to colonies. Local forces, led by the King of Egypt, have long been suppressed.
Even the Egyptian royal family was relocated to live in Paris and met their end during the recent Paris Revolution.
Without a doubt, the French must now personally take to the field to suppress the rebellion. They must also show the might of the French Army; another incident like the one on the Indochina Penins would destabilize the foundation of the French Empire.
The reputation of the French Army is built upon one victory after another. A single failure may be an ident, but consecutive failures would no longer be idental.
Without the strength befitting the world¡¯s premiernd force, how can France contend with Austria with its political diplomacy, industrial economy, and resource territorygging behind?
Colonial Minister Stephen: "I¡¯m afraid that won¡¯t be enough. Unless we or the British fully support the rebel army, then just relying on that rabble, they won¡¯t pose any significant threat."
Franz nodded. Although the French Army¡¯s training mode and mobilization mechanisms were outdated, they had to be acknowledged as one of the world¡¯s topnd forces.
In the original timeline, the Mahdist uprisingsted as long as it did mainly because the British had a very weak hold on the area, and the British forces stationed in the Sudan area were less than a battalion.
It would be different with the French. Just from French Egypt alone, they would be able to muster an army of fifty to sixty thousand, including a main division of the French Army.
"There¡¯s no need. However much they are supported, they are still no match for the French. Now is not the time for a confrontation; perhaps we can let the British give it a try."
...
Paris, having received two pieces of bad news in session, threw cold water on the ambitions of Napoleon IV.
Annan, thousands of miles away, could endure some losses, and it would only be a minor issue. However, Egypt is different; it is one of France¡¯s most crucial colonies.
"Has it been rified who is orchestrating this from behind the scenes?"
The rebel army did not remain in the Sudan area to im kingship but instead headed straight for Egypt. If there was no international power pulling the strings, Napoleon IV would not believe it even if he were to die.
Interior Minister Edison answered cautiously, "Based on the intelligence we¡¯ve gathered, we can confirm that the weapons in the hands of the rebel army have all been imported from the ind regions, originating from the colonies of both Ennd and Austria.
Whether it¡¯s a scheme nned by civil colonial teams or a conspiracy by the two governments, we don¡¯t have sufficient evidence and are still unable to determine."
This was not an answer, yet it was the standard response. With the capability to cause trouble in the Sudan area, apart from themselves, both Ennd and Austria are suspects.
No evidence is needed to directly identify the target, without any worry of wrongfully using the innocent.
Having determined the target is of no use without sufficient evidence; Ennd and Austria would definitely not admit any involvement. Apart from wasting time with diplomatic wrangling, it serves no purpose.
After suppressing the anger within, Napoleon IV sighed and said slowly, "Forget it. Let¡¯s note this ount for now. We¡¯ll settle it with themter.
Order the Governor of Egypt to dispatch troops to suppress the rebellion immediately. We absolutely cannot allow the rebel army to enter the Egyptian hearnd."
...
Chapter 787 - 50, The British "Perfect Strategy
Colonel Hutile interrupted, "Enough, the two of you, stop ying around. We don¡¯t need to lighten the mood right now; we need to think about countermeasures as quickly as possible!"
Botiyek waved his hand helplessly, "All right, Colonel. But given the current situation, I don¡¯t think there is any need to develop strategic tactics.
Most of the rebel army¡¯s main force is of this caliber, and one can easily imagine what the ragtag elements look like. It¡¯s already quite an effort to bring them to the battlefield.
Frankly, I¡¯m not optimistic about this mission at all. Now Ipletely agree with what His Excellency the Governor said: we should first learn to survive on the battlefield.
Right now, the most important thing is to takemand of the army and give this motley crew some basic training, at least teach them to follow orders."
Joking aside, Botiyek was not foolhardy enough to attack Cairo with a bunch of rabble.
The French Army of those days still held a lot of deterrent power, and no one dared take them lightly.
With the current strength of the rebel forces, not to mention taking Cairo, even bringing the fight to the Nile Delta would be a military miracle.
Regr troops have their way of fighting, and a rabble has its way; all greenhorns, naturally, theyck sophistication.
Strategies and tactics, for an army of rabble, arepletely superfluous and simply unattainable.
Colonel Hutile nodded, "You being aware of this, it seems my worries were unnecessary.
However, we¡¯re notpletely without a chance. Just because the French Army¡¯s main force is invincible doesn¡¯t mean the Egyptian people can¡¯t be ovee.
When the timees, let the Mahdi and others hold back the French Army¡¯s main force, and we will specialize in sabotage.
I hear Egypt is one of the most important cotton-producing areas for the French; destroying these ntations will probably cause them enough pain.
If we¡¯re lucky and can incite the Egyptians to join the rebellion, the effect would likely be much better.
If that¡¯s not feasible, find an opportunity to blow up the Nile River and deliberately create a...
...
Compared to Austria¡¯s casual attitude, the British took matters much more seriously. To create an opportunity to intervene in the Suez Canal, the British Government directly dispatched a military instructor group led by General Jeret.
On one hand there were fledgling military academy cadets, and on the other, an experienced general; any normal person knew which to choose.
General Jeret did not disappoint Mahdi,ing up with a perfect battle n, or at least it sounded perfect.
A spirited General Jeret, with a baton in hand, pointed on the map, "Here is Egypt¡¯s core, the Nile Delta, which is also a focus of French operations.
To drive out the French, we must first destroy their foundation here. Without the Delta as support, the cost for the French to deploy troops would at least double.
For France, Egypt is at least one part of their numerous colonies; the Paris Government can¡¯t possibly invest resources indefinitely.
As long as we hit them hard and make them realize that colonizing Egypt was a mistake, the French government will weigh the pros and cons.
With our strength, it¡¯s unrealistic to take the Delta region directly from the French.
However, we too have our advantages¡ªthe Nile River.
Find an appropriate ce to build a dam and store water, then blow up the dam, and the flood will drive away the French for us..."
Pure bluffing, but the Rebel Army leadership liked to hear it. Compared to the Austrians¡¯ proposal of ruling over a region, the temptation to drive the French out of Egypt was too great.
To keep the Rebel Army leader in the dark, General Jeret had put in great effort and crammed knowledge about the Egypt Area.
Only then had he devised a perfect operational n that increased the chances of victory for the Mahdi Rebel Army at least tenfold.
But this was of no use, a hundred times zero is still zero, let alone ten times?
Unless something drastic happened on the European Continent, like Paris being breached in the original timeline, the French government would never consider giving up the Suez Canal.
Thebined poption of half of Sudan plus Egypt was only a few million, and their military strength absolutely couldn¡¯tpare to that of the Ottoman Empire, which had been annihted by the Anti-Turkish Alliance.
Even if the cost of war increased, how much could it possibly increase? The great revolution two years earlier had only made the French government poorer, not the French citizenry.
Driven to desperation, the French government couldmit genocide. As long as the military might was sufficient, the troubles of the colonies were not an issue at all.
Listening to the bright blueprint Jeret outlined, Mahdi was moved, yet he did not show it on his face. Enjoy new adventures from empire
For a leader, personal image is also very important. Once this n was implemented, those Egyptians who had supported him might very well reconsider their stance.
With some trepidation, he asked, "General, wouldn¡¯t this be too..."
Jeret red harshly at Mahdi and interrupted, "War always requires sacrifices, whether it¡¯s soldiers or civilians. As long as victory can be secured, these sacrifices are worthwhile."
Without a doubt, he had seen through Mahdi¡¯s real purpose. Orders that were bound to be controversial were something no one wanted to be responsible for.
What seemed like indecisive questioning was actually a way to make Jeret take the me. But for the sake of the grand strategy of the Great Britain Empire, Jeret chose to bear it.
There was no point in getting angry with a dead man, after all, the fate of this Rebel Army had been sealed from the beginning.
After hesitating for a while, Mahdi said helplessly, "Very well! In order to escape the French yoke, we will have to inconvenience the people of the lower regions.
Abduh, send someone to tally the losses of the popce, and after we drive out the French, we willpensate them in the future."
Having made this decision, Mahdi seemed to have lightened his burden considerably.
...
With a "perfect" n of action, the highmand of the Rebel Army paid even less attention to the Austrian Officer Corps.
If Hutile and his men hadn¡¯t been holding the weapons and equipment they desired, and if they didn¡¯t need support from Austria, they probably wouldn¡¯t even bother meeting with them.
"General, the French forces are formidable..."
Mahdi cut Hutile off before he could finish, "Colonel, we already have a perfect operational n. For safety reasons, I¡¯m afraid we can¡¯t disclose it, please understand."
The atmosphere in the room became awkward instantly, as good intentions were misconstrued, infuriating Hutile to the point where his face turned red with anger.
If it weren¡¯t for the consideration of his mission, he would have stormed off. Even so, he was now teetering on the edge of bursting out.
It was one thing not to ept advice, but that line "For safety reasons, I¡¯m afraid we can¡¯t disclose it," was as good as having "distrust" written all over it in bright lights.
No sooner had the words left his mouth did Mahdi realize his slip of the tongue. Some things are okay to think, but not to say.
The speaker may have been thoughtless, but the listener read into it deeply.
"A perfect operational n" amounted to saying that Hutile and his men were ipetent, having devised a rubbishbat strategy.
"For safety reasons, I¡¯m afraid we can¡¯t disclose it," only revealed a thick sense of mistrust, didn¡¯t it?
Mahdi hurried to remedy the situation, "Colonel, I meant no suspicion towards you. It¡¯s just that this matter is of great importance, and we must be extremely careful. Please understand."
With a cold snort, Hutile mocked, "Of course, I fullyprehend your approach.
In such matters, whoever it is would keep secrets from outsiders. After all, outsiders are unreliable. What if they ran off to inform the French?"
Seeing the atmosphere grow even tenser, Mahdi realized the danger. He was no ignoramus and was very aware of the French prowess.
Here on the African Continent, the British had limited influence and were utterly powerless against the French. Without the support of Austria, their dream of independence was a joke.
He patiently exined, "Your Excellency has misunderstood. I have no doubts about your intentions. If you wish to know, you are wee to attend our uing military conference."
He had never doubted that Austria would snitch. In Mahdi¡¯s view, the reliability of the British and Austrian delegations on this issue was higher than that of the top leaders within the Rebel Army.
The fact that these individuals had arrived here already indicated the stance of their respective governments. To inform would be treachery.
If the French could turn the representatives of Ennd and Austria, it would no longer just be about African independence; it would mean Ennd, France, and Austria were set for a direct sh.
The great powers also had their pride. The French could not ept the idea of meddling in their internal affairs, and just as much, Ennd and Austria could not ept the French nting spies in their midst.
Should such an event ur, Mahdi would wake from his sleepughing. If the great powers were to sh, the French would have no time to attend to them.
In fact, Mahdi¡¯s ostentatious reception of the British and Austrian delegations, apart from military aid, was undertaken primarily for the sake of his subordinates.
The organizational structure within the Rebel Army had always been problematic with wed systems. The bond holding the Rebel Army together was mainly Mahdi¡¯s personal charisma.
This was clearly insufficient. People¡¯s loyalty is fragile and unreliable. Any unexpected turn on the battlefield could lead to the disintegration of the Rebel Army at any moment.
Reorganizing the Rebel Army was impossible in the short term, and the French would not grant them that much time.
Therefore, the introduction of foreign forces was essential. Ennd and Austria were both powerful allies. Having the support of these two would undoubtedly boost the confidence of his men.
So far, the effect was significant. Ever since the arrival of the British and Austrian delegations, the morale within the Rebel Army had quickly stabilized.
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Those who were wavering and contemting defecting to the French had now halted their steps towards betrayal.
Nobody wanted to be enved if they could establish an independent nation.
After all, colonial rule at that time was truly brutal. Even the local dignitaries might have their heads relocated at any moment in front of the colonists.
No one wished to live in constant fear of the next day. Given hope, they were all willing to take their chances.
Listening to this exnation, Hutile¡¯s expression eased somewhat, yet he still did not offer Mahdi any warm gestures.
"No need, General. I have no interest in your ns. I joined simply because we share amon enemy.
You have been to the European Continent and should know that we and the French are archenemies. We are only too pleased to cause trouble for them whenever possible."
There was no talk of friendship; that was too unreliable.
Since the rise of the Habsburg dynasty, Ottoman Empire territory fell under the Sultan¡¯s rule, which ced them directly opposed; thus, there was no room for friendship.
Compared to friendship, hate could bring two parties closer. Anyone familiar with European history would know how the "France and Austria" rivalry originated.
Afterpeting for centuries and still opposing each other, France and Austria had every motive to undermine one another until the struggle for hegemony on the European Continent was unequivocally resolved.
The Rebel Army sought to overthrow the rule of the French, thus standing against France as well. Having amon enemy provided the grounds for both sides to gravitate towards each other.
By this point in the conversation, Mahdi had understood Hutile¡¯s intentions, which were within his bottom line.
Mahdi echoed, "Right, it¡¯s to take down ourmon enemy.
However, Colonel, we¡¯ve encountered a bit of trouble and need your assistance."
"You¡¯re aware that the Rebel Army was only recently established and hasn¡¯t had the chance to perfect its internal organization, particrly theck of sufficient excellent officers."
"I know you¡¯re a top graduate of the Austrian Military Academy, and I¡¯d like to ask for your help in training the Eighth Division and to temporarily act as the acting Division Commander."
After a pause, Mahdi added, "The Eighth Division is newly formed, and there is a bit of a shortage in weapons and equipment, so¡"
Nominally, the total number of the Rebel Army had already surpassed one hundred thousand, and eight infantry divisions had been organized based on European military structures. In reality, the only ones who had seen actualbat were those of Mahdi¡¯s direct line in the First Division.
The rest of the forces wereposed of rebels who had subsequently joined, with aplex mixture of backgrounds.
The Eighth Division was the most recently established force, with the weakestbat capabilities among all the Rebel Army units, and their equipment was in total disarray.
The entire division, numbering over nine thousand men, together possessed only eight hundred rifles. Mahdi was now ready to take back even those meager eight hundred rifles as he handed the division over to the Austrians.
There was no way around it, the Rebel Army was in dire need of weapons and equipment. It was true that Ennd and Austria supported them, but the military equipment didn¡¯t just blow in with the wind from Anglo-Austria.
Before seeing any results, the level of investment from the two countries was very limited.
The British provided seven thousand five hundred rifles, three hundred pistols, five field guns, and a quantity of ammunition, barely enough to equip an infantry division.
The assistance from Austria was simr to that of the British. The military aid from both countries together was enough for only two infantry divisions, with the rest left to fend for themselves.
Until the Rebel Army could prove themselves on the battlefield, it was difficult to secure more substantial aid.
Mahdi¡¯s assigning the Eighth Division to Hutile¡¯smand was essentially out of desperation¡ªhow could a force where not even one in ten had a rifle enter the battlefield?
In Mahdi¡¯s view, the Austrian Officer Corps¡¯ eagerness to join the battle was simply these restless young men wanting to prove their capabilities on the battlefield and to secure a chance for promotion.
Since these men wished to achieve results on the battlefield, they had to first solve the issue of arming the Eighth Division.
Even if they were all embroidered pillows, useless in battle, he still had a chance to pick up some weapons and equipment for free.
If the Austrians could train the Eighth Divisionpetently, it would only please him even more.
The French counterattack was imminent, and Mahdi wouldn¡¯t pass up any opportunity to strengthen his hand.
As for the troubles that might arise in the future, those were issues to be dealt with after the French were driven away. If they failed, there would be no future to worry about.
"At your service! We can find a way to solve the equipment issue," Hutile decisively agreed after a brief moment of consideration. It was just weapons and equipment, trivial matters.
Everyone had their allotments; an infantry division didn¡¯t need that much weaponry, and it could be scraped together with ease.
It was not easy to get a chance for realbat practice. Giving up some dmissioned weapons and equipment was truly no big deal.
¡
Chapter 788 - 51: The Tangled England and France
The minor incident in North Africa did not affect the European Continent; even the newspapers reporting the rebellion were few and far between.
Now is a time of peak arrogance for European people, who simply don¡¯t care about colonial rebellions in remote and impoverished regions.
The French government failed to quell the Egyptian colonial rebellion promptly, an embarrassing situation they could not suppress news about quickly enough, let alone publicize.
Ennd and France, being involved themselves, were also not keen to lift the lid on the matter. Other countries did indeed want tough at the French, but nobody wanted to be the first to make a move.
The inability to ridicule the French in Africa did not stop people from revealing the wounds of the French Army in Annan.
Nearly 20,000 French soldiers couldn¡¯t defeat a band of...It was like a resounding p to the face of Napoleon IV.
"Waste, they¡¯re all a waste! The face of the French Army has been lost by them, maintaining them..."
"Send reinforcements immediately, I want to..."
...
Under the Emperor¡¯s roar, everyone tacitly lowered their arrogant heads.
If the initial defeat on the battlefield was due to the French Army¡¯sck of preparation and being caught off guard by the enemy; continued defeat left no room for excuses.
Finance Minister Roy Vernon touched his forehead and advised, "Your Majesty, Annan is too far from us; the cost of expedition is too high, and further reinforcements would be more loss than gain."
As a colonial empire, the most important thing is to weigh the pros and cons. Colonies are established for profit; thus, controlling costs is essential.
All supplies for the campaign in Annan had to be transported from the homnd, and the cost was nearly three times that of domestic operations.
Early failures already proved that the enemy was not easy to provoke, and further reinforcements might not guarantee victory. Even if the war were won, the military expenditure required was astronomical.
These immense military expenses could not be recouped through colonial management in the short term, making the investment return ratio extremely low.
Without a doubt, Napoleon IV said, "That won¡¯t do! All European countries are watching us andughing; if we stop now, how can we stand in the world..."
There are many cases where colonial failures have led to withdrawal; the most recent being the British invasion of Afghanistan, which cost hundreds of millions of British Pounds and ended in vain.
However, this did not apply to France. The title of the world¡¯s strongestnd force was both an honor and a burden.
Just as the European world was beginning to rumor that the French Army was all bark and no bite, the French Forces had beencking any significant victories since the end of the anti-French wars.
If the French government gave up now, the outside world would not care about the reasons for giving up; they would only say: the French Army is finished; they can¡¯t even defeat a band of...
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Once the perception was shattered, the aura of the invincible French Army would be lost too. Napoleon IV, who had studied military affairs, knew the importance of "the spirit of the army" very well.
Times have changed, and the Austrians across from them are no less equipped or trained than the French; the French Army¡¯s only advantage was the militaristic spirit forged during the Napoleonic Era.
The illustrious military achievements in the history of the French Army made every French soldier believe they were the strongest, giving them a psychological advantage against any enemy on the battlefield.
Without that spirit, the French Army would be no different from any ordinary European force, and France would lose the ability to intimidate the European Continent.
It was impossible to let go, and continuing the war was very disadvantageous; the French government found itself in an embarrassing and difficult situation, like riding a tiger they couldn¡¯t dismount.
Foreign Minister Terence Burkin suggested, "Your Majesty, ording to news from the Far East, the enemy has already made peace overtures to us.
We might as well use diplomatic means to resolve the Annan issue first, and then settle ounts with them after suppressing the Egyptian rebellion."
(Note: The Sudan area is rtively poor economically. France established a governor¡¯s district in Cairo, with jurisdiction including French Sudan and Egypt)
Proposing diplomatic means to resolve the issue, Terence Burkin did not make this offer lightly. It was precisely because he understood the enemy that he proactively took on what seemed to be a "thorny" task.
Finance Minister Roy Vernon echoed, "The Marquis is right; the pressing matter is to focus on solving the Egyptian rebellion.
This uprising in Egypt, backed by Anglo-Austrian support, is no ordinary rebellion.
Egypt is our most important colony; should the rebels spread to the Delta Region, our losses will be tremendous."
With the cotton ntations and the Suez Canal as its lifelines, Egypt¡¯s significance to France needs no exnation.
Confronted with harsh reality, Napoleon IV had to make a choice once again.
"Well then, let the Ministry of Foreign Affairs deal with the Annan matter for now. Urge the Governor of Egypt to send troops to suppress the rebels promptly."
...
While the French were wrestling with their headache, the London Government was also mired in concerns.
Following the end of the Near East War, the Tsarist Government gained arge sum of revenue and saw significant relief from financial pressure.
Without any surprise, Russia, having just escaped from financial hardship, became restless again, engaging in mischief in Central Asia.
After settling a bunch of resentful migrants into Siberia, the Russians realized it was a vast waste of money.
To save precious funds, unscrupulous Tsarist bureaucrats directly drove migrants into Central Asia.
If it were just this minor matter, it wouldn¡¯t be a concern for Prime Minister dstone ¨C the few Khanates of Central Asia could handle it themselves.
The key issue was the Russians¡¯ continual small maneuvers in the border regions; one day the Russian Army woulde and steal a few sheep, the next day the Russians woulde and take a few horses...
Especiallyst month when the Russians relocated several Cossack tribes, seizing a vast expanse of grasnd.
The small Central Asian countries,cking the courage to confront the Russians, could only look to the big brother to step in.
Foreign Minister George: "The Foreign Office has already negotiated with the Russians, and the result is very pessimistic.
The Tsarist Government not only refused to acknowledge the fact of crossing the border, but they also insisted that they were merely moving within their own territory and warned us not to interfere in their internal affairs.
Perhaps it won¡¯t be long before war erupts again in Central Asia. I fear that the forces of the few Khanates in Central Asia will not be able to withstand the Russian onught."
The wheel of fortune turns; it has always been the British who have been the hooligans, but now they have met their match.
Prime Minister dstone mmed the table, "Damn Russian barbarians, daring to provoke Britannia like this, we must show them some color."
He was truly angry, and even if there is a limit to telling tant lies with open eyes.
Caught with evidence, the Russians not only refused to admit fault but instead retorted, making dstone feel that the dignity of the Great Britain Empire had been challenged.
Finance Minister George Childs reminded him, "In reality, we can do nothing; as early as three years ago when the Tsarist Government dered debt default, we had already sanctioned them.
It had no effect, as the Royal Navy could not enter the Baltic Sea or blockade the ck Sea.
The maritime business of the Russian Empire was mostly undertaken by Northern Europe and Austrian enterprises, and the Royal Navy, even if encountered, could do nothing about it."
Interest is always the best bond; originally, the Nordic Federation wanted to find fault with the Tsarist Government as a form of revenge for the Russians not honoring their agreement.
However, after mediation by the Vienna Government, and given a considerable amount of shipping business by the Russians aspensation, the rtionship between the two quickly recovered.
No matter how the British warned, it couldn¡¯t dy the two countries¡¯ enterprises from making money. Surely they can¡¯t break up with two countries over such a trivial matter, can they?
After insisting for several months and seeing no effect, the London Government had no choice but to lift the blockade order against Russia.
Every time he thought about this, George Childs couldn¡¯t help but criticize the previous few governments: Their heads must have been filled with water.
On the one hand, they supported the Prusso Federation, and on the other, they borrowed money to the Russians, which ended up with the smaller brother Prusso Federation defeated, in debt and unable to fulfill promises, with Russians directly defaulting.
Of course, the economic losses were still reluctantly recovered, at least the British Pound held a leading advantage over the Divine Shield for quite a long time.
Unfortunately, this was a thing of the past; after the Prusso-Russian war, the Tsarist quickly abandoned the British Pound and held Divine Shield, and thepetition for currency hegemony took another turn.
Compared to the capital preservation in the economy, the political losses were deadly, with the loss of the Prusso Federation pawn to restrain behind, the British Governmentpletely lost its ability to limit Austria.
The biggest sequ was that the Ottoman Empire was annihted, and the situation in Europepletely escaped the control of the British Government.
dstone nodded, "I am well aware of this, but now we must do something to show the various Khanates in Central Asia our determination."
It¡¯s not easy being the boss; when it¡¯s time to step up, you have to step up. Otherwise, if you chill the hearts of your underlings, it bes harder to cheat peopleter on.
Foreign Minister George reminded him, "Your Excellency Prime Minister, what the countries of Central Asia need is substantial support.
Rather than sanctioning the Russians, it would be better to arm the Central Asian Countries. Even if they are no match for the Russians, at the very least they can cause greater losses to the Russians.
Stay connected with empire
The Russian Empire is now very weak; they cannot affordrge-scale losses, otherwise, they would not be probing now.
As long as the countries of Central Asia show a certain strength, I believe the Tsarist Government will make the right choice."
Although the Central Asian underlings were supported by the British Government, John Bull¡¯s innate attribute of betraying teammates still erupted. While supporting the Central Asian Countries, they also didn¡¯t forget to limit their growth in strength.
For instance: Inciting rtions between the Central Asian Countries, intentionally making them oppose and restrain each other; discounting military training...
By doing so, there¡¯s no worry that the underlings will grow too strong. But to expect them to stop the Russians, to defend India¡¯s northern gate, has also be an illusion.
After a moment of silence, dstone said, "That seems like a very good suggestion, but how can we ensure smooth implementation?"
dstone paused for a moment, then added, "Have you noticed that this Central Asian conflict is very unusual, with no previous signs and too sudden an outbreak?
I have a bad feeling, as if someone is deliberately maneuvering behind the scenes, wanting to make us confront the Russians."
Politicians also rely on feelings; many times, personal feelings can be a significant factor influencing strategic decisions.
Finance Minister George Childsughed, "I think that doesn¡¯t matter. Whether or not someone is manipting behind the scenes, we will eventually have to face off with the Russians over the issue in Central Asia.
If we must find a puppet master behind this, my guess is the Austrians are up to no good, only they have the strength to do so."
Foreign Minister George replied, "I think there¡¯s no need to guess about this problem, just look at the current international situation to know.
We, along with France and Russia, are all in trouble, and the Austrians are the ones who benefit the most.
If all of these events are coincidental, then God is too kind to Austria."
Spection aside, not to mention the absence of evidence, even if evidence was found, we would still have to do what needs to be done.
dstone sighed deeply and said seriously, "Send someone to investigate, even if it won¡¯t change the oue; getting the evidence could worsen Russian-Austrian rtions.
How far have things progressed in Egypt?
If there¡¯s no hope, we can give it up for now; it¡¯s not the time to weaken France."
The self-contradictory n appeared again.
On one hand, they wanted to maintain the bnce in Europe, not to weaken France; on the other, they sought an opportunity to intervene in the Suez Canal, which required causing trouble in Egypt.
As for the destruction of cotton ntations and striking againstpetitors to create opportunities for domestic trade and industry, those were just incidental.
George shook his head, "General Jeret has already handed over the operation ns to the Rebel army, and material support has been provided.
Even if we stop now, the French will not be grateful to us; instead, we¡¯ll miss a good opportunity."
...
Chapter 789 - 52, Extremely Low Psychological Expectations
Vienna Pce, Franz was ying with his grandson, just a few months old.
In recent times, as Ennd, France, and Russia had all been busy, and operations within the country were running smoothly, Franz had no choice but to spend his leisure time fussing over the little one.
A burst of wailing cries suddenly erupted, throwing Franz into a flurry.
At that moment, a maid hurried over, speaking urgently, "Your Majesty, news has juste from outside the pce that Prime Minister Felix fainted just after leaving the house today, and he is currently undergoing emergency treatment."
Struck by this terrible news, Franz could no longer pay attention to his crying grandson and promptly handed Little Charlie over to the maid.
He ordered, "Prepare the carriage immediately, I must leave the pce!"
Human beings are not heartless like grass or trees.
Since the era of the Great Revolution, Felix had been the Prime Minister of Austria. The two had worked closely for over thirty years, saving the Habsburg dynasty from the brink of hell.
In terms of achievements, Felix could be considered the primary contributor to the revival of the Habsburg dynasty.
Born in 1800, Felix Schwarzenberg was now 85 years old, an age that was double the average life expectancy of that era.
With this thought in mind, Franz felt his heart sink.
Time spares no one; even as Emperor, he could only watch helplessly as the people around him dwindled away, one by one.
An advanced age of 85 years was difficult to recover from, not just now but even in the 21st century.
¡
As the Prime Minister of Austria, Felix naturally had his personal doctor at his service at all times, and even various medical equipment were always on hand at home.
Mainly because there wasn¡¯t much medical equipment avable at that time. If it were like the 21st century, with a plethora of devices, it wouldn¡¯t be possible to have them at the ready.
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Everything being readily avable, treatment naturally took ce at home. By the time Franz arrived, the medical experts from Vienna had almost all gathered.
Arge group of nobility from Vienna also arrived, but there weren¡¯t many colleagues from the government. There was nothing to be done; it was the rule. It was working hours now, and even without the Prime Minister, the government still had to function normally.
Seeing Franz arrive in person, the crowd wasn¡¯t surprised. He always made a point to visit each minister who was seriously ill.
Faced with Prime Minister Felix, who was in an unresponsivea, Franz swallowed all his words and silently waited outside the sickroom.
There was no time for pleasantries, as Franz was in a troubled mood and had no energy to deal with too much.
Seeing the Emperor¡¯s somber expression, everyone understood that it was not the time to approach, or they would certainly be asking for a scolding.
Seconds and minutes ticked by, and the sky gradually darkened. The Guard Commander reminded him, "Your Majesty, it is gettingte, it¡¯s time to return to the Pce."
Franz nodded and, seeing therge group of nobles and officials outside, waved his hand andmanded, "Disperse!"
It was only then that Franz realized that because he, the Emperor, had stayed, others had been obliged to wait as well.
Returning to the Pce with a heavy heart, Franz knew that a new round of political shuffling was about to begin.
Given the current state of Prime Minister Felix¡¯s health, even if he recovered, he was unlikely to continue to be capable of his duties.
It was not just the Prime Minister who was of advanced age; many high-ranking officials were over seventy years old. Unwittingly, the Vienna Government had also entered an age of seniority.
Lying in bed, Franz couldn¡¯t help but think how wonderful it would be to pursue immortality in an era where spiritual energy was revived.
As time went on, Franz began to indulge in fantasies in his dreams.
¡
Egypt, under persistent urging from Napoleon IV, Governor Adolf¡¯s Rebellion Suppression Army finally assembled in Cairo.
One French infantry division, plus two Egyptian colonial divisions, plus one cavalry battalion constituted the entire makeup of the Rebellion Suppression Army.
There was no artillery regiment; artillery was superfluous for quelling colonial insurrections, the field cannons carried by the infantry were sufficient.
In those days, artillery was a high-technicalbat branch, not just about firing a cannonball; uracy was key.
Even if the Anglo-Austrian two countries were willing to provide artillery, the Rebel Army wouldn¡¯t be able to find capable gunners.
On a bright, sunny day, Governor Adolf led his 36,000-strong Rebellion Suppression Army and set off magnificently from Cairo.
Faced with the formidable approach of the French, the Rebel Army descended into chaos. The reputation of France, the world¡¯s foremostnd army powerhouse, was so strong that some within the Rebel Army began to waver even before the battle had begun.
Mahidi held several mobilization meetings to boost morale, but to little effect.
As the Austrian representative, Colonel Hutile also attended one meeting. After seeing the ugly state of the Rebel Army¡¯s highmand, he decisively chose not to participate again.
The headquarters of the Eighth Division, the newly appointed Commander Hutile said with great concern, "The Rebel Army is tooplex inposition, rife with internal contradictions, andcks sufficient training andbat awareness.
Given the current situation, a head-on collision with the French is only a matter of time before failure ensues.
The perfect strategy devised by the Britishpletely overlooks the execution ability of the Rebel Army. After such a long time, they still haven¡¯t decided where to intercept the river.
Now a bunch of them are still arguing; I estimate that by the time the Frenche here, they won¡¯t even have determined a location."
The flow of the Nile River is not always high throughout the year. Intercepting the river to store water for a downstream flood during the dry season simply cannot achieve the desired effect.
Regrettably, we are just entering April now, and from January to May, it is the dry season for the Nile River. Water levels will not start to rise until May, reaching their peak in August.
This means that the Rebel Army must hold out for at least 40 days under the French offensive before the "perfect strategy" devised by the British has any chance of being realized.
To rely on floods to destroy the downstream Delta Region, it would be best to wait until August.
Every year in August there are floods in the lower reaches, and it ismon for farnd to be destroyed, sometimes even affecting Cairo City.
Fa Jinhan: "The British n ispletely unworkable; the French will not leave them enough time.
If Mahidi is smart enough, he would immediately choose a suitable location to blow up a small mountain peak to block the river.
Even though it is the dry season now, and the destructive power on the downstream is limited, it¡¯s better to have some blockade than none at all; it could at least dy the French Rebellion Suppression Army."
By virtue of being upstream, they naturally have a geographical advantage. Once the river is blocked, the approaching French will have to detour.
If they continue to march along the Nile River, in the event the Rebel army suddenly releases the water, they will be fish food; the French would not take that risk.
However, going through with the n prematurely means destroying the Delta bes a dream. After all, the water volume is insufficient, and the destructive power is limited.
Hutile shook his head: "Don¡¯t expect too much; the Rebel Army has been fooled by the British.
Perhaps General Jeret still thinks the Rebel Army can be as disciplined as the British Army."
The disdain was obvious in his tone. If it weren¡¯t for the certainty that General Jeret¡¯s identity made betrayal of Britain impossible, he would suspect Jeret was a spy sent by the French.
It appears that the total strength of the Rebel army is nearly 100,000 people, about three times the French, possessing an absolute advantage in manpower.
However, a manpower advantage does not equate to victory. In the battles to suppress colonial rebellions, it¡¯s not umon to fight against odds of one to three, or even one to a hundred.
Botiyek suggested, "Since the highmand of the Rebel Army is already foolish, let¡¯s not bother with them.
Find an opportunity to separate from them. Then we fight our own battles, using them to tie up the main force of the French Army while we wreak havoc in the Egyptian maind.
If we can¡¯t beat the main force of the French Army, can¡¯t we at least bully the ntation Owners? Burn down the French people¡¯s cotton fields and let Governor Adolf weep!"
Expectations were so low, despite being armed with a batch of equipment airdropped by airship and having undergone simple training. Botiyek had no hope of a decisive battle with the French.
In his view, even bullying ntation Owners would depend on a manpower advantage. With equal numbers, this rabble would not be able to beat the hired hands raised by the ntation Owners.
Fa Jinhan asked with a frown, "The idea sounds good, but once we enter the Egyptian maind, how should we retreat?"
This is a realistic problem; it¡¯s easy to prate deep behind enemy lines, but difficult to get out once in.
If the French find out someone burned their cotton fields, they would give them a beating to death.
Botiyek shook his head: "The French are not fools. Once they catch on, they will quickly send troops to suppress us, and retreating is simply not possible.
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But our task is to cause destruction; why must we retreat?
Take the troops on a rampage, and if the situation turns sour, abandon the troops, and just disguise ourselves and run."
Although a bit ruthless, this strategy was indeed very feasible. In those days without identification cards, a few more strangers in the colony could not be identified.
Even if caught by the French, one could still pretend to be an Austrian expedition team that identally wandered into Egypt Area.
This world has nevercked the directionally challenged; every year there are numerous expedition teams lost and wandering into foreign colonies.
Being caught wouldn¡¯t be a problem either; it would merely involve alerting the Austrian Colonial Government to fetch them and possibly extract a ransom.
It¡¯s amon practice; without conflicts of interest, the Colonists usually won¡¯t kill indiscriminately.
Chapter 790 - 53, The British Counterattack
The next day, Franz received mixed news. Prime Minister Felix had awakened the previous night, but the cause of hisa had yet to be found.
There was no choice, medical care in the 19th century was only so advanced. Without the aid of instruments for diagnostic testing, doctors could only make judgments based on past experience.
If it had been an ordinary person, with only one doctor in attendance, there would have been fewer worries; one could simply rely on God¡¯s blessing.
If the guess was right, the appropriate medicine would be given; if wrong, one could only pray for better luck.
But it was different for Prime Minister Felix; after he fell ill, all of Austria¡¯s top doctors came.
Consequently, they reached different conclusions. When professionals could not agree, it only confused everyone else even more.
In such a situation, Franz was powerless. As someone with little medical knowledge, his only option was to wait.
Before Prime Minister Felix¡¯s condition was diagnosed, international trouble arose.
Influenced by the copse of the Ottoman Empire, the British Government began to elerate its invasion of Persia.
On February 16, 1885, under the threat of British military force, they obtained the telegraph rights from British-India passing through Kerman, Persia, Tehran, to Bushehr.
Forcing the instation of telegraph lines in Persia was one thing; the key was that the Persian Government had to foot the bill for these construction costs.
The Persian Empire, which had be a semi-colony, was naturally impoverished and had to take out loans from the British to pay for the expensive telegraph construction.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg handed Franz a document, saying, "Your Majesty, the British are too ugly in their greed.
The Foreign Ministry just received news; three days ago, the British secretly signed a loan-for-rental agreement with the Persian Government.
This agreement could be described as all-epassing, involving tariffs, minerals, railways, factories, water conservancy projects, and many other areas.
Once the content of the agreement bes reality, Persia will turn into a personal estate for the British, and we will basically lose all ourmercial markets in the Persian region."
After taking the document, Franz started flipping through it immediately, his brows furrowing tighter the more he read.
The butterfly effect was still unable to change the history of Persia bing a British colony.
Agreements regarding minerals, resources, and factories had little impact on Austria, which could be set aside for now. ording to the treaty: the British obtained 25 years of Persian tariff rights with just 20,000 British Pounds.
No wonder Minister Weisenberg said the British were excessive; it was not just excessive, it was clear they wanted a monopoly.
In thest Anglo-Persian War, because of Russia¡¯s intervention, the British failed to achieve their strategic expectations. Discover hidden content at empire
Persia had a more rxed international environment than in the same historical period, and after the war, Ennd, Russia and Austria all extended their influence into the Persian region, forming a new bnce.
Since the Vienna Government had not prepared to expand into the Persian region and had invested little there, the mainmercial interests were limited; the primary disputes were between Britain and Russia.
Because of the Prusso-Russian War, the Russians were busy licking their wounds and had reduced their resource investment in the Persian region, whereas the British took advantage of the void to increase their presence.
This all-epassing rental agreement was the product that emerged after the bnce had been disrupted.
After finishing reading, Franz took a deep breath, "The British want to extend the railway to the Caspian Sea; surely the Russians won¡¯t just watch, right?"
The British gained control over Persian railways, and the extension of the railway to the Caspian Sea also meant that the British influence had prated the Caspian Sea, which severely affected Russian interests.
Minister Weisenberg replied, "Of course! However, right now the Tsarist Government is most upset not about the railway.
The Russians controlled nearly a third of Persian tobo trade, and the British have also secured Persian tobo monopoly rights for just 15,000 British Pounds, which will directly reduce the Tsarist Government¡¯s fiscal revenue.
Besides that, there¡¯s also the tariff issue. Persia is one of the few countries that import Russian industrial andmercial products, and with the British holding the tariffs rights, they can practically dere Russian industrial andmercial products ousted from the Persian market."
Leaving aside tobo, Franz very nearly forgot. The tobo industry¡¯s immense profits had already be evident by this time.
Persia was a major producer of tobo leaves, which were itsrgest exportmodity before the discovery of oil.
During his reform, Alexander II, taking a cue from Austria, introduced tobo and alcohol monopolies, and the Tsarist Government imported arge amount of tobo leaves from Persia each year.
After processing, a portion was kept for domestic sales, while the rest was sold back to the Persian Empire.
The Tsarist Government earned significant revenues from this, ounting for 1¨C2 percent of the government¡¯s fiscal ie."
Inparison, the export of industrial andmercial products isn¡¯t much to speak of. After all, Russian industrial products are just as they are, with their only advantage being durability, andcking in all other respects.
Even if such products could be sold, the sales volume wouldn¡¯t be high. But having some exports is better than none, and for the Russians, the meaning of export is different.
It¡¯s often said that "cutting off one¡¯s means of livelihood is akin to killing one¡¯s parents." Franz could already imagine the reaction of the Tsarist Government upon learning of the British¡¯s monopolistic practices.
After pondering for a moment, Franz asked doubtfully, "Do you know the reason the British are doing this?"
The more he thought about it, the more puzzling he found the British¡¯s actions. A monopoly is undoubtedly good, but one must also consider the consequences.
Russia and Austria are not soft persimmons; if pushed too far, they could entirely upset the table, leaving no one better off.
The British Government surely knows this, yet they still went ahead. It couldn¡¯t possibly be that they¡¯re intentionally creating conflicts, luring Russia and Austria into attacking Persia, could it?
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Foreign Minister Weisenberg exined, "It¡¯s likely rted to the conflict in Central Asia. The British Government protested to the Russians several times without sess and took retaliatory measures.
As for us being involved, it¡¯s mostly because the British Government thinks we are inciting the Russians to stir up the conflict in Central Asia, and they want to teach us a lesson."
Upon hearing this answer, Franz was speechless.
Where is the trust between people?
A pure disaster, even if he wanted to encourage the Russians to cause trouble in Central Asia, he wouldn¡¯t choose to act now!
The Russians are belligerent, but they¡¯re not fools. They¡¯re at a critical moment of recovery; how could they possibly start a war at this time?
An exnation is but a cover-up; even if Franz knew he was being framed, he was powerless to refute it.
In international politics, evidence is not needed; as long as it is believed to be so, targeted actions can be taken.
"How is the foreign ministry nning to respond?" Franz asked.
Minister Weisenberg replied, "The secret treaty between Britain and Persia is still just a secret agreement; there¡¯s a distance before it bes reality, and it¡¯s not worth our direct confrontation with the British yet.
The foreign ministry ns to first leak the secret treaty, encourage Persian citizens to oppose this traitorous contract, and then join forces with the Russians to put pressure on Persia to abandon the agreement."
Austria couldn¡¯t do anything to the British, and the Russians couldn¡¯t either, but that did not mean that both could do nothing to the Persian Empire.
Frankly speaking, Franz somewhat couldn¡¯t understand the reckless moves of the Persian Government. Was it "ignorance is bliss," or had the bureaucrats of the Persian Government lost their minds.
With the influence of Ennd, Russia, and Austria already deeply involved here, any single power attempting to dominate would face joint resistance from the others.
This stable structure meant that as long as the Persian Government didn¡¯t act foolishly, maintaining sovereignty by ying off the conflicts between the powers should not be a problem.
Such a good hand, yet yed so poorly. Now, they are naively signing a treasonous treaty with the British.
The power and threats of the British?
Worstes to worst, a war breaks out, which wouldn¡¯t be the first time. With the support of Russia and Austria at the back, the nation wasn¡¯t going to perish anyway.
If lucky, they might even use this opportunity to train an elite force, allowing the Persian Empire to be reborn from the ashes.
Without a doubt, the chance for revival had been perfectly missed. From the moment the treaty was signed, the Persian Government was not far from being abandoned by all.
The public cannot tolerate such a treacherous government; even without rebellion, the prestige of the Persian Government would plummet to rock bottom amongst the people.
Due to the subsequent impact of the secret treaty, rtions with Russia and Austria would also drop to freezing point.
As for the British, just the content of the treaty alone made it clear that their aim was to annex Persia; any sensible person would recognize them as the enemy.
Indeed, the decay of an empire is not without reason. Setting aside the motley array of objective factors, the ipetence of its rulers is evident: there¡¯s no limit to foolishness.
With all sorts of absurd policies stemming not from idents but genuine ineptitude.
In his heart, Franz deeply scorned the decayed Persian Government and then made his decision: "Let¡¯s proceed with the foreign ministry¡¯s n!"
...
Chapter 792 - 55, The Era of Comparing Who’s Worse
Having left the meeting room, Colonel Hutile and his associates¡¯ expressions darkened. Clearly, they were unimpressed by General Jeret¡¯s grandiloquence.
Their restraint during the meeting was due to their lower rank. While others were Generals, the highest rank in the Austrian Delegation was only a Colonel.
Add to that the Rebel Army¡¯s top brass evidently trusted the British more, directly questioning the opposition in a public setting served no purpose other than offending people.
Back at the camp, Major Botiyek couldn¡¯t hold back anymore, "What do you think, could that guy have been bribed by the French to deliberately¡"
Colonel Hutile interrupted, "Impossible! After all, he is a General of The Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets, he wouldn¡¯t betray his country over some petty cash.
In fact, General Jeret is not entirely without merit, at least more reliable than those guys in the Rebel Army¡¯s highmand."
Merits?
Unfortunately, Hutile really couldn¡¯t find any. General Jeret¡¯s military strategies, in theory, had no issues.
He had calcted everything except the execution capabilities of the Rebel Army.
Including thest ambush, theoretically, there was nothing wrong, but due to the Rebel Army¡¯s poorbat effectiveness, the campaign ended in failure.
Since aparison of quality was out of the question, they could onlypare the lesser of two woes. Although General Jeret was a bit rigid and bureaucratic, he was still more reliable than the disorderly higher echelons of the Rebel Army.
Major Botiyek shook his head, "I¡¯m afraid even his strengths are limited. Jeret¡¯sbat experience is limited to suppressing colonial rebellions, not inciting them."
It can¡¯t be helped, Britain hadn¡¯t been at war for many years too. The most recent major war was against Austria over South Africa, which also ended in defeat.
Having lost, there was naturally no future to speak of, and the officers involved in thebat either retired or changed professions.
Now sending representatives was like choosing the tallest from among the short, and General Jeret emerged due to his experience in suppressing a miners¡¯ rebellion in Australia.
Fa Jinhanughed, "Actually, that¡¯s not bad, having Jeretmand the Rebel Army at least ensures that the Rebel army won¡¯t surrender easily.
ording to the recently announced operation n, isn¡¯t our task to feign an attack on Ugsur? It¡¯s perfect for cutting through to the Egyptian maind."
"Won¡¯t surrender easily" bing a reason, this expectation left nothing more to be said.
Hutile nodded, "That¡¯s settled then. First, we¡¯ll contact our people to air-drop somepressed biscuits here, as no one can guarantee we¡¯ll get supplies once we leave the camp."
The first taboo of operating deep in enemy territory is logistics; nearly ten thousand troops getting replenished locally in enemy territory, and whether the requisitioned food can fill their stomachs remains an unknown.
...
At the Rebel Army¡¯s headquarters, General Jeret was poring over a map, worried. Despite his casual talk, he had no confidence inside.
Let alone leading this ragtag group, even if he weremanding the British Army against the French, Jeret wasn¡¯t sure of victory.
The French, with their title of "the world¡¯s foremost Army", had earned it through battlefield prowess, with the armies of European nations serving as stepping stones for the French ascent¡ªan opponent like that pressures anyone psychologically.
Mahidi asked with a grave tone, "General Jeret, can the Eighth Division attack Ugsur? Should we perhaps also send out the Sixth Division?"
After a moment of silence, Jeret cautiously reminded, "Your Excellency, it¡¯s a feint, not an attack.
The French have two regiments guarding Ugsur. To capture this ce, not to mention one Eighth Division, even adding the Sixth Division wouldn¡¯t suffice.
We only need to make a certain gesture to draw the French¡¯s attention, buying time for the main forces to regroup." Explore new worlds at empire
Deep inside, Jeret harbored a profound distrust of the Rebel Army¡¯smand capabilities.
If not for political reasons, he wouldn¡¯t mind coborating with the Austrians.
After all, Hutile and his men, being formally military educated, were more reliable than the abruptly positioned "Rebel Army highmand".
Otherwise, Jeret wouldn¡¯t assign such an important task to the Eighth Division.
No matter the opposing positions, when ites to causing trouble for France, the interests of Russia and Austria are aligned.
...
The mes of war began to burn in Egypt, and troubles reached the London Government. The enemy did not y by the rules, avoiding direct confrontation with them and instead seeking to upset the Persian Government.
The Persian Government was willing to sign the traitorous treaty not just because of military threats and diplomatic extortion but also due to the British Government¡¯s promise to solve diplomatic problems.
In other words, the British had obtained diplomatic control over Persia, overseeing the external affairs of the Persian Empire.
Now it was Britain¡¯s turn to fulfill its promises, yet the British Government was powerless. The reason that a secret treaty was secret was because it could not withstand the light of day.
Russia and Austria feigned ignorance,pletely ignoring the existence of the secret treaty, demanding Persia to sign the free trade agreement and putting the London Government in a difficult position.
"Free trade" was a standard of Britain, the greatest beneficiary of the free trade system, and the British Government couldn¡¯t possibly step out to hinder free trade.
Shooting oneself in the foot was a minor issue; if they brought down the free trade system, the losses would be substantial.
dstone asked, "Have the Russians not stopped their minor movements in Central Asia?"
Foreign Minister George shook his head, "It¡¯s the same old story, the Russians show no sign of restraint, and just recently Cossack cavalry piged a small tribe in the Bukhara Khanate."
dstone¡¯s frown deepened, this was not merely ineffectual, it was escting.
If they couldn¡¯t curb the Russians¡¯ arrogance, the Central Asian countries would have to start reconsidering their alliances once again.
The Tsarist Government was not merely brute force; althoughcking in some diplomatic finesse, it too was capable of diplomacy.
No one could guarantee that the Russians would not support a Pro-Russian Faction to power locally, adopting gentler methods for integrating Central Asia.
Especially now, when the Russian Empire was in a weakened state, unfit for initiating wars, diplomatic tactics were even more crucial.
This could be seen in recent years from the internal power structure of the Tsarist Government, where the Foreign Minister¡¯s influence in the government was growing daily, nearly rivaling that of the Finance Minister.
After hesitating for a while, dstone made a decision, "Let¡¯s confront the Russians directly and tell the Tsarist Government:
Either stop the minor movements in Central Asia and ensure no expansion in that region, or face a war in Central Asia!
Also, send someone to join the tripartite negotiations between Russia, Austria, and Pnd to disrupt them as much as possible."
If the Central Asian issues were not resolved now, it would be even harder once the Russians recovered their strength.
Compared to that, Persia¡¯s interests are a minor issue. It¡¯s essentially a probe; monopolizing Persia¡¯s interests would be too antagonistic.
...
ns never change as fast as reality; before the British could intervene, the tripartite negotiations among Russia, Austria, and Pnd had already concluded.
On April 28, 1885, under diplomatic pressure from Russia and Austria, and some deception at the negotiation table, the Persian officials, in a daze, signed the "Tri-State Free Trade Agreement."
Perhaps it was not that the Persian officials involved in the negotiations were intentionally confused;pared to the Anglo-Persian secretive treaty filled with inequality, the "Tri-State Free Trade Agreement" appeared much more harmonious.
Without so many additional conditions, on the surface, it seemed like a fair trade, not infringing directly upon the sovereignty of the Persian Empire.
The Persian Government wasn¡¯t entirely foolish, it had its share of wise people who could distinguish between major and minor enemies.
Compared to the fools who signed the Anglo-Persian secret treaty, this "confused" Persian official was much smarter.
They were not foolishly led by the nose by Russia and Austria but directly adopted the agreements within the "free trade system" of various countries.
For the precarious Persian Empire, securing an apparently equal treaty was already a significant diplomatic victory.
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Chapter 793 - 56: Time Waits for No One
```
The turbulent international environment did not affect Austria¡¯s Near East development n, which was unfolding methodically.
Just in the first quarter, the Vienna Government had immigrated 128,000 people from the homnd to the Near East area, nearly half of whom were the newly emerged military farm owners.
Everyone was enthusiastic about developing theirnd. If it wasn¡¯t for the fear of "ck Death" remnants, and the government¡¯s prohibition, they would have already gone there.
After all, the earlier the development began, the sooner the harvest. Generally, the earliest immigrants received preferential treatment and could select theirnd in advance.
It was still the 19th century, and the gap between agriculture and industry was not as wide as inter times. The global backdrop of grain shortage had not improved, especially in the Asia-Pacific region where food was in the shortest supply.
Agriculture was still an industry with a "promising financial future," particrly against the backdrop of a poption explosion in Europe, where international grain prices were beginning to climb again.
In fact, as the world¡¯s leading agricultural product exporter, Austria was also thergest grain importer.
This was a market demand increment brought about by poption growth, and after meeting domestic needs, the amount of grain avable for export had significantly decreased.
Under such circumstances, agribusinesses involved in international trade had to import raw grain from overseas to ensure smooth delivery of orders.
This situation had actually arisen during the Prusso-Russian war. At one point, the Vienna Government was ready to lift the restrictions on the colonies and open up the grain nting and exporting of the African continent.
However, considering political implications, Franz stopped it. Instead, they imported grain from the Russian Empire, processed it further, and then exported it.
In a sense, the Vienna Government¡¯s food policy had retained the Tsarist Government.
Otherwise, with an additional grain-producing area in Africa, the international grain prices would have dropped significantly, and the expensive Russian agricultural system would have been the first to face a disaster.
It was even possible for international grain prices to turn negative, and with the loss of this revenue, it was uncertain whether the Tsarist Government could survive.
Of course, the Vienna Government¡¯s food policy was not just for the sake of the Russians. A fall in international grain prices, Austria, as the world¡¯s top agricultural exporter, would suffer the greatest losses.
The political structure of Austria dictated that the government must stabilize agriculture, as a copse in international grain prices would mean government subsidies for grain growers.
Amon practice inter times, but it was still too early for that.
The Vienna Government was not yet so wealthy that it could disregard the substantial profits to be made annually, so why turn it into a loss-making business?
Even if it meant suppressing the Russians, now was not the time. Backstabbing the Tsarist Government at this juncture could lead to its premature downfall.
Having a Tsarist Government sliding into the abyss as a neighbor is much safer than dealing with an unknown entity.
The consequence of flipping the table would be the downfall of a pro-Austria Tsarist Government, and Austria itself would suffer heavy losses, with only the major European grain importing countries profiting.
Cheap grain imports would lower the production costs of industrial andmercial businesses, thereby enhancing thepetitiveness of their products.
A vicious cycle of self-inflicted suffering, once started, would significantly weaken the advantages that Austria itself possessed.
...
Vienna Pce
The Maid said softly, "Your Majesty, the cause of the Prime Minister¡¯s fainting has been found, it is said to be insufficient blood supply to the brain.
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The doctors suggest more rest and recuperation. This is the Prime Minister¡¯s letter of resignation, please review it."
Inter times, this might not be considered a serious illness, but in this era, it was quite deadly, categorized as one of those diseases that could im a life at any moment.
With no specific cure and even controlling the condition being difficult, all that could be done was to recover and hope for God¡¯s blessing.
After receiving the resignation letter from the Maid and ncing it over, Franz didn¡¯t immediately respond.
After he sighed, hemanded, "Prepare the carriage, I want to leave the pce."
"Yes, Your Majesty!" the Maid replied.
To this day, Prime Minister Felix was also a banner for Austria.
Even if he could not perform the duties of Prime Minister, just having his name on the list and asionally making appearances could have a stabilizing effect on the popce.
Especially for the German People¡¯s nationalists, Prime Minister Felix was their spiritual leader, having consistently worked towards the unification of the German region.
Since 1853, Felix visited each principality in the German region almost every year to discuss the issue of "peaceful unification."
Over the years, not insignificant achievements had been made. Although true unification was still a distant prospect, economically and culturally, they had alreadye together.
```
The Customs Union is essential, and no one can refuse therge market of Austria; the economic prosperity of North Germany is inseparable from Austria¡¯s support.
Up to now, the Divine Shield could flow freely within the German region without any restrictions, and there were even sixteen sub-states within the North German Empire that had designated the Divine Shield as the sole legal currency.
Moreover, there are countless cultural exchange groups. Citizens of any sub-state can travel and work freely within the German region without a visa.
As the foundationyer of all this, Prime Minister Felix is naturally supported by all nationalists.
...
"Your Majesty, you¡¯vee again."
A familiar voice rang in Franz¡¯s ear.
Seeing the tottering Felix, Franz knew that the spirited Austrian Prime Minister was no longer here, only an elderly man in the twilight of his years remained.
"Hmm!"
The myriad of thoughts he had on his way here were now reduced to a single word.
Felix joked, "You shouldn¡¯t havee. Every time you leave the pce you bid farewell to an old friend, making it seem as if I¡¯m about to meet God."
It was a joke, but also a fact. As the Emperor, Franz didn¡¯t need to visit his ministers; such visits were essentially to say a final goodbye.
Embarrassed, Franz scratched his nose and retorted not to be outdone, "Save it; the Good Lord¡¯s busy right now, He doesn¡¯t have time to see you yet!"
After more than thirty years of interaction, the two were both sovereign and subject and friends.
Especially after Felix¡¯s brush with death, the way they rted to one another had be much more casual; at this moment, they were more friends than sovereign and subject.
From Felix¡¯s behavior, Franz understood that he had made up his mind to retire from politics, and there was no possibility of further persuasion.
Although the sovereign-subject rtionships in the European world were not as rigidly hierarchical as those in the East, decorum and etiquette were still indispensable; maintaining a proper distance was the key to their rtionship.
A seasoned politician would not make such an error; only after casting aside their sovereign-subject roles could they afford to be so casual.
Felix nodded, "That would be for the best. However, it¡¯s better that you don¡¯te again. I still want to live to see the unification of the German region!"
An obsession? Perhaps. After all, when someone has devoted over thirty years to a task and must suddenly leave it, it¡¯s natural to feel emotional.
And who wouldn¡¯t want a glorious conclusion as a final chapter?
However, Felix was very aware that the German region could not be unified in the short term. He couldn¡¯t, out of personal obsession, push for the unification of the German region recklessly.
Until then, Felix had always thought that he could achieve the unification of the German region in his own hands, subconsciously ignoring the issue of his age.
This sudden illness brought him to his senses. In an era where the average lifespan was in the forties, the 85-year-old Felix had lived the equivalent of two ordinary lifetimes.
Time spares no one, and the frailty of his elderly body forced him to bow his head.
Perhaps by riding on past achievements, Felix could still remain in the position of Prime Minister even if he couldn¡¯t fulfill his duties, but the pride he was born with forbid it.
Felix had always despised those who "upied positions and did nothing." During his time as Prime Minister, he constantly fought against the practice of drawing pay without working.
Over the years, at least a four-digit number of officials had been sent home because of this.
To avoid bing what he despised the most, Felix didn¡¯t even give Franz the chance to plead for him to stay.
Looking at the proud and stubborn old man, Franz shrugged helplessly, "Fine, I won¡¯te then, making it sound as if I¡¯m a harbinger of doom.
But if you want to see the unification of the German region, you can¡¯t just sit idle; visit the German unification organization from time to time and guide the work of those young folks."
This time, Felix didn¡¯t refuse Franz¡¯s goodwill. Letting go of power was not as easy as saying it. If it weren¡¯t for his failing health, he wouldn¡¯t have retired so early.
Felix joked, "I will! But unifying the German region primarily remains the government¡¯s task.
Your Majesty, you need to hurry. Otherwise, one day when God is free and calls me to join Him, I¡¯ll have to watch it all from heaven."
Franz rolled his eyes;ing to terms with death is never easy. Maybe one doesn¡¯t feel it much when young, but as one ages, life¡¯s valuees into sharper focus.
He answered in a feigned humorous tone, "Don¡¯t worry, the German region will surely be unified before you celebrate your 100th birthday."
Readtest chapters at empire
Deep inside, Franz was not at peace. Should that daye fifteen yearster, he too would be of an age rarely reached by anyone, with not many years left to make a difference.
Chapter 794 - 57: A World of Ice and Fire
With the departure of Prime Minister Felix, the political scene in Austria also faced a reshuffle, and Franz appointed Finance Minister Karl as Prime Minister.
In fact, this was just an interim appointment. Carl-Ludwig Von Bruck was born during the Anti-French War, only seven or eight years younger than Felix.
Against the backdrop where stability was paramount, Franz didn¡¯t make any fuss. It waspletely in ord with the government¡¯s operational rules that the Prime Minister resigned in advance and the second-ranked Finance Minister stepped up.
The Cab reshuffle would have to wait until the end of the term, which would be in 1889. In terms of timing, Karl¡¯s term as interim Prime Minister was not short.
By the time this term ended, Karl would also be nearing the age of retirement, conveniently making room for his sessor.
Austria did not undergo any significant changes in its political reshuffle, and the transition of power was carried out very smoothly, which disappointed many people.
...
Paris, Napoleon IV, who was closely monitoring the situation in Austria, was one of the disappointed ones.
Whether they liked it or not, France and Austria had be each other¡¯s biggestpetitors on the European continent.
Although both governments maintained restraint on the surface, in secret, neither country spared the other from backstabbing manoeuvres.
Especially after the Paris revolution, the weakened France gradually fell behind in the internationalpetition.
In order to stabilize the situation, the Paris Government was forced into a strategic defensive phase, intensifying Napoleon IV¡¯s resentment towards Austria.
Though he enjoyed watching the tumult, he was still incapable of interfering with the power shift in Austria.
...
"Your Majesty, good news!"
The voice arrived before the person did, echoing from tens of meters away. Seeing the delighted Foreign Minister, Napoleon IV¡¯s sullen mood also dissipated considerably.
"Let¡¯s hear it, what¡¯s the good news?"
Foreign Minister Terence Burkin handed Napoleon IV a thin file and gleefully replied, "The Annam War is over.
We¡¯ve got everything we wanted at the negotiation table. This is the contract sent back by the Envoy in the Far East."
Hearing this, Napoleon IV understood why Terence Burkin was so excited.
What wasn¡¯t obtained on the battlefield was acquired at the negotiation table, an absolute miracle in diplomatic history.
With this achievement, Terence Burkin was fully qualified topete for the next Prime Minister of France.
This was the change after the Paris revolution. Napoleon IV needed a figure to buffer the contradictions and, after some internal struggle, decided to restore the Premiership system.
Having reviewed the contract, Napoleon IV said, "This is indeed good news. The Foreign Ministry has done an outstanding job!"
It was a sincerepliment; the gains in the treaty far exceeded his expectations. Initially, he had only sought to end the war with dignity.
Ever since the Paris revolution, therge and prosperous France had begun to decline, and multiple far-flung expeditions had exceeded the French government¡¯s capacity.
The importance of Annan couldn¡¯tpare to that of Egypt. From the moment negotiations began, the French government had already decided to temporarily abandon the n to annex Annan.
The world is so wonderful when something you yearn for is unattainable, but when you decide to give up, ites back. Experience tales at empire
However, joyous times are always fleeting. Just as everyone was celebrating, Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz arrived with a grim face to report, "I¡¯m sorry to interrupt the good mood, everyone.
News just came in from Egypt, Governor Adolf, leading the Rebellion Suppression Army, finally defeated the rebel army¡¯s main force in the Aswan Region after enduring great hardship two days ago."
Defeating the main force of the rebel army was clearly good news. The crowd was bewildered, looking at Luskinia Hafiz and waiting for the rest of the story.
"However, at the moment of victory, the despicable enemy destroyed the upstream dam. Under the onught of the flood, the Rebellion Suppression Army suffered heavy losses."
The faces that heard this news were not pretty, ranging from angry to baffled...
After a moment to process this grave news, Napoleon IV inquired, "How extensive are the losses?"
Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz, with a gloomy face, pressed his voice to the lowest as he answered, "As of yesterday afternoon, of the nearly forty thousand men of the Rebellion Suppression Army, less than six thousand soldiers have returned to the ranks, and two-thirds of them are Egyptians.
"
Governor Adolf estimated that the final number of troops and officers who could return to the ranks would be around ten thousand, with regr forces numbering over four thousand.
"
The army¡¯s carried supplies were almost entirely lost, with more than 80 percent of weapons and equipment destroyed, especially the artillery which was all lost.
@@novelbin@@
"
To avoid unnecessary losses, Governor Adolf was currently leading the troops to retreat back to Cairo.
"
Egypt is now in its most dangerous moment, and the Colonial Government hopes for reinforcements from the homnd."
There was no choice, no one could have known that the Rebel army would even betray its own people. The main forces were engaging in a decisive battle with the French when the dam upstream was blown up.
In this day and age, without wireless telegraphy, and the Rebel armycking the capability to install wired telegraphy or telephone, they encountered a flood immediately after the battle ended.
Based on the timing, the Rebel army must have destroyed the dam while the battle was still ongoing. This meant from the outset, the main Rebel forces present on the battlefield were all expendables.
More heartbreakingly, the "Aswan Dam" was funded and constructed by the French government.
Egypt is a crucial part of France¡¯srge-scale African development, built to protect the downstream areas from floods and to preserve the Delta¡¯s fertile regions.
In 1875, after the French government decided to restart the African development program, one of the first projects initiated included the Aswan Dam, which was 23 years earlier than when the British built it in the original timeline.
An angry Napoleon IV tore up the documents and roared, "Why fall for a trick, is Adolf¡¯s brain full of shit?"
As an experienced military leader, he should not have neglected the upstream dam; under normal circumstances, even while marching, there should have been cautiousness.
Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz tentatively exined, with a heavy heart, "The Colonial Government indeed received a message beforehand that the Rebel army was nning to use a water attack.
"
However, it wasn¡¯t about destroying the Aswan Dam but was nned to be in the downstream Isna area, intending to blow up a mountaintop barrage to cut off the river and redirect the flow of the Nile to strike the Delta downstream.
In fact, there¡¯s a distance between the Aswan Dam and the Delta, and as it is not the flood season right now, destroying it would have limited impact on downstream areas.
If it wasn¡¯t for the fact that the chosen battle site for the Rebel army was situated in a low-lying area, luring the Rebellion Suppression Army to fight there, even if the dam were destroyed, it wouldn¡¯t have resulted in such significant losses for us.
ording to information sent back from the front lines, the losses of the Rebel army are at least three times ours, but no one could have known that the Rebel army would use its main forces as bait, so¡"
Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz understood Governor Adolf, this was more than a desperate ploy, the enemy was clearly a madman.
In an era of difficultmunication, using the main force as bait could backfire massively. If the French hadn¡¯t taken the bait and the upstream dam had been destroyed, a tactic intending mutual destruction would have turned into a one-sided suicide mission.
There are no hypotheticals in reality; even though the Rebel army may have suffered greater numbers in losses, they still achieved a strategic victory.
The Rebellion Suppression Army suffered heavy casualties, and the Egypt Area is currently incapable of organizing a second Rebellion Suppression Army in a short time, only being able to wait for reinforcements from the homnd.
For at least half a month, the Rebel army will be able to expand its territory uncontested and incite even more people to join the uprising.
With this victory, the Rebel army has earned sufficient regard from the two financial backers behind them to receive more substantial support.
Napoleon IV interrupted, "No more excuses, regardless of the reasons, failure is failure.
"
"
"Since when has the French Army fallen so low as to make excuses for defeat?"
Confronted with the enraged Emperor, Luskinia Hafiz judiciously chose to agree wholeheartedly. Deep down, he had already mourned for Governor Adolf.
In this situation, escaping unscathed would be nothing short of divine providence. If it weren¡¯t for the fact that changingmanders on the eve of battle was a grave military taboo, Adolf would now be on his way home to face a military tribunal.
After calming down a bit, Napoleon IV slowly said, "The Army Department will redraw the ns for the suppression of the rebellion, I do not wish to hear news of failure again.
"
Remember to select capable leaders from the homnd to take charge of the situation in Egypt, there is no need for idiots like Adolf to go."
A defeated general is still a defeated general, no amount of reasons can cover up the fact of defeat.
Holding back from immediately holding Governor Adolf responsible was already Napoleon IV considering the bigger picture.
Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz promptly assured, "Your Majesty, please be assured. This time the Army Department will be careful in its selection, there absolutely won¡¯t be any more problems."
...
Chapter 795 - 58,
Having just emerged from the desert, the Rebel Army¡¯s Eighth Division, which was approaching Ugsur City, hadn¡¯t yetunched an attack when they were met by the surging waters of the Nile River.
Fortunately, they were far from the Aswan Dam, where the floodwater had already dispersed, raising downstream water levels but not to the extent of flooding the city.
Gazing at the ceaseless flow of the Nile River, Colonel Hutile sighed, "Command the troops to encamp here, let¡¯s rest for a day, and send out scouts to quickly figure out what happened upstream."
Despite not knowing the specifics, Hutile knew it certainly had something to do with General Jeret.
Fa Jinhan said, "From the water level, it¡¯s evident that the Rebel Army destroyed the Aswan Dam, but it¡¯s unclear what the battle oue was.
If we manage to severely damage the French Army, then our secret infiltration here wouldn¡¯t just be about staging a feint at Ugsur."
All those present were elites from the Austrian Army, and they weren¡¯t easily fooled by changes on the battlefield.
The original order from Rebel Headquarters to the Eighth Division was to infiltrate secretly, stage a feint at Ugsur to draw the main French forces back, and buy time for the Rebel Army.
Speaking of infiltration, in reality, an army of nearly ten thousand could hardly erase all traces of their passage.
Initially, Hutile and hisrades had prepared for an ambush by the French, proceeding with extreme caution and even detouring through the desert for a while.
However, it turned out they were overly cautious; the French didn¡¯t take them seriously at all.
Thinking about it, that made sense as Egypt still housed numerous tribes, and though shes involving thousands were rare, they weren¡¯t unheard of.
The Eighth Division itself was quite disorganized, marching in disarray andcking uniform military attire; they looked more like civilians than soldiers.
Consequently, the French in Ugsur City werepletely unresponsive. Had they not been so wearied by the march, Hutile might have taken the opportunity to attack the city.
Of course, that was merely wishful thinking. The Eighth Division was hardly a fighting force; if they were ordered to attack at this point, no one could guarantee what this mob might do.
Schtausenburg grimly noted, "From the current situation, perhaps we have all underestimated Jeret; he isn¡¯t as foolish as he appears.
Strategically located in the middle of the Nile River, Ugsur is key for the French Army¡¯s logistics. Should weunch an attack, the French would definitelye to their aid.
If the situation in the Aswan region is unfavorable, we would be just a decoy, drawing the French fire while buying time for the Rebel Army¡¯s main forces to maneuver.
If the flood yed its part and the Rebel Army was victorious, we would be ideally positioned to block the French Army¡¯s retreat.
We certainly could not stop the French Army at its peak, but a defeated one is another story.
We might not annihte them, but picking off stragglers is feasible. By holding them here, we might manage to trap most of the French forces."
Forewarned yet underestimated by what they scorned as "trash," this was a harsh lesson for these young officers whose pride was deeply wounded.
The atmosphere inside the tent instantly turned tense, Hutile being the first to recover, "Alright, no more wild guesses.
We are here to learn, things you can¡¯t study in school. Without firsthand experience, no one takes them seriously.
Whatever Jeret¡¯s n may be, ultimately the choice is ours. Whether we follow the n depends on whether it aligns with our mission."
Comfort? Nonexistent. Soldiers are not so fragile. If they can¡¯t handle this slight setback, then they might as well go home early. Those who aren¡¯t mentally tough don¡¯t belong in the army. Continue your journey on empire
Regaining theirposure, Major Botiyekughed, "The Colonel is right, we are here to learn.
If a British General could be easily figured out by us, then the world would be far too simple."
Right, did you notice something odd about Ugsur?
It¡¯s said there are two defense battalions in the city, one of which is entirelyposed of French. Surprisingly, they didn¡¯t take advantage of our unstable footing to attack us."
Not something you think about, but when Major Botiyek mentioned it, everyone realized,
With over four thousand men, half of them French, facing a native Rebel army twice their number, the French wouldn¡¯t just hold back from an attack; they wouldn¡¯t shy away from a direct battle either.
Yet, the city¡¯s garrison just holed up inside, doing nothing. It¡¯s not like they are peace lovers, unwilling to kill.
If they¡¯re passing up easy military honors, either the city¡¯s garrisoned officers have water in their brains, or the defense force in the city is too depleted to dare leaving for battle."
Fa Jinhan spected, "It¡¯s very likely that when Governor Adolf passed through, he took the city¡¯s garrison with him; now Ugsur is practically a ghost town.
Tomorrow we can probe; if it¡¯s indeed a ghost town, then we can seize the city and cut off the French Army¡¯s logistics."
Don¡¯t ask why tomorrow and not today. Ask, and it¡¯s because today everyone is in a bad mood and not up for taking a city¡ªhardly."
There was no other way; the Eighth Division was just a group of old soldiers. It had not been easy for Hutile and others, who had taken overmand only a short while ago, to barely maintain discipline.
It was impossible to expect everyone to fight while exhausted. This had already been proven during the march: whenever the pace was increased, deserters would appear.
Thebat effectiveness was alreadycking, supported solely by a facade brought about by numerical superiority. If they lost even that advantage, how could they possibly frighten anyone?
It was known that their goal was to cause destruction. With just a few people, it was impossible to sweep through Egypt.
Thus, they needed to expand the "Rebel Army". Drawing from historical Eastern examples of rebellion studied, everyone concluded that the most effective method was to be bandits.
Dragging along hundreds of thousands of people and plundering along the way would cause immense destruction, far greater than direct looting and piging.
More people meant greater strength. With so many covering for them, it was easy to abandon the main force and run away if the situation turned dire.
The soldiers of the Eighth Division might have been worthless, but they were seeds for banditry, each one a potential future leader. They could not be easily abandoned.
¡
At this moment, Mayor Gus Ollie of Ugsur City was cursing Governor Adolf¡¯s entire family,pletely forgetting who had initially insisted on sending the garrison there to share in the merits.
With the enemy at the gates and the garrison out of the city, the elite of Ugsur City were panicking.
The rebel¡¯s de did not discriminate; once Ugsur City fell, all the notables would suffer greatly.
The wealthy whose roots were not in this area had already fled the city. As long as they had a horse, they were likely to outrun the foot soldiers of the rebel army outside the city.
Without the army, the police officers took on the role of armed forces. Police Chief Anthony said, "Mr. Mayor, we have already issued a notice to recruit young men to defend the city.
However, this is far from enough. With a division of rebels outside the city, our strength will not hold for long."
Although Ugsur was a colony, it was also a key ind city that had been under French control for over a decade or two, leading to peace throughout the region.
As a result, the military capacity within the city had declined significantly. The once fierce colonial teams had now turned into regr businesses.
At most, they maintained a few dozen subordinates to oversee their venues. The days of armed groups numbering in the hundreds or thousands were long gone.
In Egyptian territory, foreigners remained outnumbered, with true Frenchmen totaling only around eight hundred or so.
In normal times, Ugsur¡¯s garrison consisted of just one battalion. Those two regiments were cobbled together out of necessity when the rebels rampaged through.
Gathering forces was one thing, but Ugsur could not withstand another such event. Now, calling up young people to defend the city was, in reality, mostly Egyptians, with a very limited number of French descendants.
As colonists, they not only had to defend the city but also guard against cooperation between the Egyptian popce within and the rebels without.
Mayor Gus Ollie rubbed his forehead and said, "I¡¯ve sent out a distress telegram. There might be some unforeseen changes at the front line, as Governor Adolf hasn¡¯t responded immediately.
But rest assured, I also sent distress telegrams to the cities of Kina, Gilja, Ahemim, and others. Reinforcements should arrive within a week at most."
A week was the most optimistic estimate. With the governor unreachable at the front, and without anyone to coordinate between the cities, it was uncertain whether the cities would even send troops.
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While mutual aid was expected, everyone was inherently selfish, especially the bureaucrats. Before helping Ugsur, they would first consider their own safety.
Especially the nearby Kina region, less than a hundred kilometers away, was also likely to be threatened by the rebels.
The earliest reinforcements, which could have arrived the fastest, were estimated to wait until the following forces confirmed their own safety before trulymitting their troops.
While everyone was making military preparations, a telegraph operator suddenly burst in: "Mr. Mayor, an urgent telegram from Isna has arrived."
Mayor Gus Ollie frowned, suppressing his displeasure as he took the telegram. Upon reading it, his face turned pale and he lost all his energy.
Anthony, quick to react, helped the drained Mayor Gus Ollie to sit down and instructed a servant, "Quickly, call a doctor."
After catching his breath, the elderly Mayor Gus Ollie waved a hand to stop them: "No need, I¡¯m fine.
It was just the bad news from the front that shocked me. I¡¯ll be fine after a bit."
Hearing this response, everyone¡¯s expression grew tense. The rebels were at the gates, yet Mayor Gus Ollie had merely frowned, showing no sign of panic.
A single piece of news had frightened the experienced mayor so severely; it must have been particrly bad news.
Police Chief Anthony hurriedly asked, "Mr. Mayor, what has happened?"
Chapter 796 - 59: Kick Someone When They’re Down
Having defeated the French, the high ranks of the Rebel Army showed no joy, except for a group of British generals led by General Jeret, who seemed in good spirits, while the rest red at Mahidi with anger.
A bearded officer drew his sidearm and mmed it on the table, demanding, "Mahidi, what is going on? Why did you destroy the dam without notifying us? Do you realize that because..."
Before he could finish, Mahidi hurriedly exined, "Retings, it¡¯s not that I didn¡¯t want to inform you, it¡¯s just that there wasn¡¯t enough time.
Our main forces at the front had failed in the decisive battle; the only way for the Rebel Army to defeat the French was to destroy the Aswan Dam.
It turned out our decision was not wrong. The French Army was heavily damaged, and they are now fleeing in panic."
Retings scoffed with a coldugh and mocked, "I think it¡¯s not a matter of time, but that you never nned to inform us at all.
After all, it was our people who suffered the losses; your Direct Line Sixth Division and the First Division werepletely unharmed, naturally, you wouldn¡¯t feel the pain."
From the expressions of everyone present, perhaps this was the real reason for their anger.
The battlefield had already seen failure; turning defeat into victory by destroying the dam had no issues militarily. Doing so for the greater good was barely justifiable.
But the problem was that it was their own troops who suffered the losses, while Mahidi¡¯s Direct Line forces had all escaped disaster, creating a feeling of imbnce among the group.
Seeing that calm persuasion was ineffective, Mahidi became angry and retorted sharply, "Do you not know the condition of the First and Sixth Divisions?
Don¡¯t say I preserved strength; remember the previous ambush battles, my troops were the first to fight. If not for the severe losses, they wouldn¡¯t have withdrawn to rest."
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As the situation threatened to spiral out of control, General Jeret spoke, "Gentlemen, no one wants this kind of thing to happen.
War requires sacrifices. The soldiers involved in the frontline defeat couldn¡¯t escape the French¡¯s pursuit either. Being able to drag the French down with them, they too died a worthy death.
Rather than ming each other here, it would be better to think about how to restore strength. We can simply recruit more people topensate for the heavy losses in our army.
The French are severely weakened, and in the short term, they won¡¯t be able to organize a second military encirclement in the Egypt Area. Now, you haveplete freedom to act.
Considering the heavy losses everyone suffered, Britannia is willing to provide another 30,000 rifles and some ammunition to help everyone overthrow the French rule."
The wheel of fortune turns; the French once assisted the Americans, causing the British to lose their base of power in North America. Now it was the British¡¯s turn to step in.
However, inparison to Louis XVI¡¯s generous donations, even personally entering the fray, the British seemed quite petty.
Merely 30,000 rifles, without even cannons or machine guns, and typical of John Bull¡¯s integrity, these were likely just worn weapons discarded by the British Army.
In Britannia, thirty thousand dmissioned rifles definitely wouldn¡¯t sell for 30,000 British Pounds, not even finding a buyer at 10,000 pounds on the European Continent.
But for the Rebel Army, this was already an astronomical figure, far exceeding the total aid previously provided by the Anglo-Austrian countries.
Upon hearing the news of the 30,000 rifle aid, everyone¡¯s temper seemed to cool down. The Rebel Army was a motley crew; there might have been those who cared deeply for their soldiers, but they were definitely in the minority.
For most of the high-ranking members, the army was merely a tool for achieving power and wealth, considered expendable.
After all, as many rifles as they had, that¡¯s how many troops they could have. If soldiers were lost, they would simply recruit more.
The British had supplied a batch of weapons, and most likely the Austrians would supply another batch, along with leftovers from the battlefield, so restoring strength was not at all a problem.
Retings quickly seized the opportunity and said, "Out of respect for General¡¯s presence, let¡¯s let this matter go. However, the Second Division suffered heavy losses; I need 10,000 rifles for replenishment."
Mahidi objected, "No! Everyone¡¯s losses are heavy. The Second Division actually fared quite well; they at least retained a regiment. I can only supply you with 5,500 rifles at most."
It was essential to suppress Retings, who was the second strongest in the Rebel Army after Mahidi. The conflicts between them over power were more than just single instances.
Finally, using the opportunity provided by the battlefield to heavily damage the Second Division, Mahidi would never allow him to easily recover his strength.
Retings mmed the table furiously, cursing, "Mahidi, don¡¯t push it too far.
If this is how it¡¯s going to be, we might as well disband now; no one wants to stay here and take your nonsense."
...
A conflict within the Rebel Army was precisely what General Jeret was pleased to see. If the Rebel Army were unified, how could he demonstrate his importance as the British envoy?
Take this instance, for example; everyone knew the order to blow up the dam was actually issued by General Jeret, yet everyone pretended to be oblivious, forcing Mahidi to take the me.
This was still the oue after Hutile and others had left; otherwise, the situation here would have been even more lively. The losers in the power struggle would most likely seek support from the Austrians, stepping forward to challenge Mahidi, who was supported by the British.
As the continuous arguing raged on, turning headquarters into a mess and nearly leading to blows, General Jeret picked up a baton and struck it hard on the table.
He scolded directly, "Sit down, all of you, and look at what you¡¯ve be?"
"Don¡¯t forget, your current status is that of a national leader, not some street thug.
To quarrel endlessly over such trivial matters, aren¡¯t you afraid of bing aughingstock if word gets out?"
Seeing everyone returning to their seats, General Jeret nodded in satisfaction.
He was aware that it wasn¡¯t because of his revered stature that they showed respect but rather because he held all the weapons and equipment. No one present could afford to offend him.
After a brief pause to soften his tone, he said, "The French main forces have copsed. Now is the time to expand our gains. If you keep arguing like this, you¡¯ll miss the chance in battle."
"We are all soldiers here, so let¡¯s decide things by military rules. Whoever earns the most merit in wartime should take therger share."
"Now I¡¯m making the decision for you. Chase the retreating French Soldiers. Whoever seizes the most heads and captures the most prisoners, gets therger share."
"Those who just muddle along and wait to die, don¡¯t waste resources. Do not say that I am being unfair. Although the frontline troops have suffered heavy losses, you are closest to the French."
"Even if you are incapable of continuing the chase, the French Soldiers whoe to your doorstep won¡¯t be few in number."
Undoubtedly, this allocation scheme was most advantageous to Mahidi. General Jeret spoke lightly, but in reality, after being struck by a great flood, the frontline Rebel Army was not much better off than the French.
Capture retreating French Soldiers?
Actually, they were a group of retreating soldiers themselves. Their only advantage was that they had barely won, and after the water receded, they could regroup on the spot.
The morale of the troops was gone, and these units could not fight any battles for a short period. As General Jeret had said, they could capture isted French retreating soldiers, but that was all they could do.
...
Outside Ugsur City, Hutile was observing the siege with a telescope. Siege machinery was non-existent; the Rebel Army neither knew how to make it nor did they need such contraptions.
For urban development, the French had long demolished the city walls of Ugsur. As an ind key city, the French never considered the possibility of foreign threats.
Bunkers and fortresses were also non-existent; the battle immediately turned into urban warfare.
Exploiting theck of artillery in the Rebel Army, the French used buildings as support to obstruct the Rebel Army from entering the city.
Watching his troops rushing in disarray, being blown apart, Hutile¡¯s brow furrowed deeply.
After all, they were his troops, and he still felt some affection for them. If possible, he hoped that these soldiers could survive.
Beside him, Fa Jinhan seemed much calmer, seemingly unaffected by the atmosphere of the battlefield, andmented with interest, "The defending forces are firing randomly; they don¡¯t seem like regr troops.
Now that the main force of the French Army is not in the city, if we do not spare costs, the sess rate of taking Ugsur is very high."
Hutile shook his head, "Vienna is not yet prepared to turn against the French. Even if we capture Ugsur, we cannot retain it.
Giving it to the Rebel Army, they couldn¡¯t keep it either. Making a feint attack to scare off the French inside the city is enough.
Rather than deplete our precious troops here, it¡¯s better to take the troops on a tour around Egypt. That would cause much greater disturbance to the French."
At that moment, a thrilled Schtausenburg came from behind, cheerfully saying, "Colonel, order a halt to the attack. Next, we can make a big move."
Hutile boldly guessed, "Oh, could it be that the main force of the French Army was devastated by a flood attack and now the Egypt Area is defenseless, just waiting for us to pluck the fruits of victory?" Find adventures on empire
Schtausenburg nodded slightly and then shook his head, "Although not entirely annihted, it¡¯s almost the same.
ording to intelligence gathered by the scouts, Rebel Headquarters used their main forces as bait. During the decisive battle, they suddenly destroyed the Aswan Dam, causing the flood to rush directly to the troops engaged inbat.
Both sides suffered heavy losses, and now Adolf¡¯s Rebellion Suppression Army has be desperate dogs, fleeing in panic.
It might not be long before we encounter them. Hitting them again, it¡¯s likely that this Rebellion Suppression Army of the French can be disbanded."
Ambushing the defeated French Army would be more cost-effective than attacking Ugsur. If lucky, keeping Adolf¡¯s Rebellion Suppression Army here might even allow a parade in Cairo.
Fa Jinhan countered, "Major, you¡¯re too optimistic. If the French run back in disarray, indeed, we can hold them here.
But if Adolf has any sense, he would reorganize his troops halfway and continue to retreat.
Not many are needed, just gathering the strength of one battalion would be enough to defeat the Eighth Division.
Even if the morale of the French Army is greatly reduced, doubling the troop strength to two battalions would suffice.
If Adolf is bold enough, he doesn¡¯t even need to retreat. The frontline troops are severely damaged, and Rebel Headquarters has only two and a half depleted infantry divisions left; just five thousand French soldiers could make a breakthrough."
Undoubtedly, the final inference is based on an ideal state. Even if Adolf has the courage to stake everything, the French Soldiers must be willing to fight a desperate battle.
The renownedbat strength of the French Army is built on morale and military spirit. Without the desire to fight, thebat strength that could be brought out by the French Army might not be much stronger than the Rebel Army.
Schtausenburg smiled slightly, "You overestimate the French too much. Most of those participating in this battle are Colonial Troops, not the core elite of the French Army.
After the flood attack, the surviving retreating soldiers¡¯ will to fight is at its lowest; thebat strength they can disy is very limited."
Of course, these are not the crux of the problem. The real key to our victory is that the French Army has lost almost all of their logistical supplies and heavy firepower.
The small cities and colonial outposts along the way can only provide them with partial food supplies; the lost weapons and equipment are irreceable.
As the French Army was struck by the flood duringbat, this means the ammunition used by the French Soldiers inbat was not replenished before their hasty escape.
As long as the French run out of theirst rounds of ammunition, we win this war."
After hesitating for a moment, Hutile made a decision, "Send orders down: all units are to stop attacking immediately.
Notify officers of battalion rank and above that an urgent military meeting will be held this afternoon."
Chapter 797 - 60: The French Counterattack Plan
The news of the French Army¡¯s defeat in Egypt quickly caused an uproar on the European continent. Many people¡¯s first reaction upon reading the newspaper was ¡ª is it April Fool¡¯s Day?
In the original timeline, Italy¡¯s defeat in Africa was mocked by the European world for over a century; now, the French have received the same treatment.
Due to their high level of animosity, the fire directed at the French was even more intense than that aimed at Italy in the original timeline.
As the official media of the Austrian Government, the Vienna Daily published the news of the French army¡¯s defeat with an extremely exaggerated headline ¡ª The Decline of the Empire Fran?ais.
This was part of a series of reports that could be traced back to the Roman Empire, including all the countries of major influence in European history.
To enhance credibility, the Habsburg dynasty was also listed, with a pompous title ¡ª The First Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets.
Since it involved our own history, we naturally couldn¡¯t be careless. Some degree of artistic embellishment was inevitable, and the summary was: The French were too despicable, actually conspiring with infidels.
This was Fran?ais most scandalous history, an indelible stain no matter how hard they tried to wash it away.
As Catholic countries, they had the gall to join the Protestant Alliance; after all, they shared a belief in God, which was reluctantly eptable.
But when they colluded with the Ottoman, themon enemy of Europe, that was intolerable. As a result, naturally, the Habsburg dynasty went into decline.
The victorious French did not bask in their triumph for long, as they were soon isted by everyone on the European continent.
Catholic countries saw them as traitors, and Protestant countries were unwilling to ept them as "heretics." It wasn¡¯t until the decline of religion that this situation gradually improved.
If this was the old grudge, then the new hatred would be the anti-French wars.
Emperor Napoleon used the countries of Europe as steppingstones to build his supreme reputation, and as his descendant, he had to inherit these enmities.
Especially after Napoleon III annexed the Italian area, the level of hatred skyrocketed, plunging him into istion.
Yet this wasn¡¯t the worst; at least Napoleon III had signed a treaty with the Anglo-Austrian two countries.
Although it was unreliable and did not obligate military alliance on the European continent, a ky ally was still better than none.
By the time of Napoleon IV, the situation had changed. After the expiry of the Tripartite Alliance without renewal, once released from the constraints of the treaty, the Anglo-Austria no longer hesitated to stir up trouble.
The incident in Egypt is just one such case in point; without the support of both the Anglo-Austrian countries, the rebel army would have probably been doomed long ago, and where would the ambition to liberate Egypte from?
It should be noted that the rebel army¡¯s program of insurrection was all masterminded by the proficient British. The Aswan disaster was also John Bull¡¯s doing.
The underhanded tactics of Austria were still brewing and had yet to explode.
...
No matter how impartial the media ims to be, there¡¯s always a bias. Their own scandalous history was published, so naturally, Fran?ais was painted ck as coal.
Of course, this was an empire series created after the revival of the Habsburg dynasty. Otherwise, Franz wouldn¡¯t have had the confidence to face this period in history.
In this context, "The Decline of the Empire Fran?ais" could only spell bad news. The world-ss French Army was, after all, a matter of subjective judgment.
Beyond the impable military training of the French forces, there was more to it ¡ª a psychological factor.
To dispel the fear of the French within their own troops, denigrating thebat effectiveness of the French Army became politically correct across the European continent.
The earlier setback in Annan was nothing, as the French Army didn¡¯t suffer significant casualties. At most, the media across Europe made fun of them for a bit, and everyone tacitly kept quiet upon the signing of the treaty.
But the Battle of Egypt was different ¡ª forty thousand French soldiers couldn¡¯t even beat the African natives, losing face all the way to grandma¡¯s house.
Without fault, rounding up, the Colonial troops could also be considered part of the main force of the French Army.
European citizens just needed to know that the French had suffered a defeat in Egypt; details weren¡¯t important at all.
First, there was a financial storm, an economic crisis, a great depression, all capped off with a Parisian revolution that left the domestic economy in shambles.
Without having a moment to recover, they then suffered a great defeat in Egypt. Franz almost believed that Fran?ais was in decline.
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Times have changed; present-day Austria no longer needs Fran?ais to attract the attention of the British.
Talking down Fran?ais has be a key policy of the Vienna Government going forward.
Not every European needs to be convinced, as long as the Germans and Italians believe it, that would be enough.
It¡¯s not only Austria giving the French government trouble; almost every European nation is adding fuel to the fire, mainly through ridicule.
Watching the French be the butt of jokes has been a wee entertainment for European citizens. As the mastermind behind the Battle of Aswan, General Jeret also became famous overnight.
It¡¯s worth mentioning that it was the French newspapers who spread the word about General Jeret.
It wasn¡¯t that the French wanted to promote their enemy; they were reluctantlypelled. Losing to the British was far more eptable than losing to African natives.
Not only was the British support for the rebel army exposed, but Austria¡¯s involvement couldn¡¯t stay hidden either, and the Vienna Government duly received a protest from the French government.
The famed writer Victor Hugo even penned an article himself, exposing the despicable deeds of the Anglo-Austrian two countries ¡ª "The Two Empires¡¯ Conspiracy Against Fran?ais."
...
In Paris, the angry French public had already taken to the streets to protest against the government. Adolf, the Governor of Egypt, had now be synonymous with idiocy and ineffectiveness.
Facing the public¡¯s outrage, Napoleon IV also had a headache. No matter how the government tried to exin, the protesting crowd refused to disperse.
Even with Anglo-Austria brought to the fore, the French public stubbornly believed it was a government hiring error, and many began to question the French government¡¯s personnel selection system.
Adolf, whose ancestry was scrutinized up to eight generations, eventually concluded that being connected to the nobility equaled being ipetent and useless.
If it weren¡¯t for being beyond his reach, Napoleon IV would have liked to drag Adolf back to soothe the anger of the people.
Of course, such thoughts were just wishful thinking. There were rules to follow, and even an emperor could not act recklessly.
Even if a defeat had urred, to hold Adolf personally ountable, it would first require a military tribunal.
Public protests were only child¡¯s y; having seen them often, Napoleon IV had grown ustomed to them.
Not long ago, a simr debacle had happened in Annan, and after the treaty was sent back, all issues were resolved.
The urgent task at hand was still to suppress the rebellion. Once the rebel army had been vanquished, the matter would soon fade away.
Napoleon IV asked, "You all are aware of the domestic situation, when can the Army Department send out troops?"
Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz replied, "Your Majesty, a long-distance campaign requires extensive preparations, the soonest we could dispatch is in a week.
Moreover, after arriving in Egypt, the troops will need to rest and reorganize for at least another week before they can bemitted to the battlefield.
Including time to march,unching an assault on the rebel army will take at least a month."
In a sense, Napoleon IV¡¯s urgency was one of the reasons for Adolf¡¯s defeat. If it hadn¡¯t been for the emperor¡¯s pressure, he wouldn¡¯t have hastily engaged the rebel army in battle.
However, such a matter naturally could not be attributed to the emperor, so Adolf had to ept his misfortune.
With the precedent in mind, Luskinia Hafiz was much more cautious. This time, the Army Department had chosen the personnel, and should there be another defeat, he, as the Army Minister, could not shirk responsibility.
Napoleon IV frowned, "With the situation in Egypt hanging by a thread and the mounting domestic pressures, can¡¯t the Army Department act faster?"
Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz: "Your Majesty, this is already the fastest we can proceed. To reinforce Egypt, we need to travel by sea; we must first weed out any soldiers prone to seasickness.
Upon arrival, we also have to consider limatization issues. Generally, such overseas operations usually require preparation time of half a year, or even longer."
This was not an exaggeration, as sending troops blindly, even if the Mediterranean was calm, would result in a significant number of nonbat casualties.
Especially after arriving at the destination, if the troops did not get necessary rest and directly enteredbat, even the most formidable army would be crippled.
Faced with the tough stance of the Army Minister, Napoleon IV was at a loss for words. After all, he was a military academy graduate; such basic knowledge was not unknown to him, right?
It was just the internal and external pressures were overwhelming, causing him to panic for a moment. He harbored an unrealistic fantasy of quickly quelling the unrest.
After sighing, Napoleon IV waved his hand and said, "Very well, proceed ording to your n.
However, do hurry and try to suppress this rebellion as soon as possible to minimize our losses."
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Luskinia Hafiz replied.
Staring at the map on the wall, after contemting for a while, it seemed he thought of something.
Suddenly, Napoleon IV pped the table and said emphatically, "Anglo-Austrian two countries have been causing us trouble one after another, now we must strike back."
When the word "retaliate" appeared, everyone fell into confusion.
The French government had long wanted to retaliate against the sessive actions of the Anglo-Austrian two countries, but they did not know where to start.
Counterattack the financial systems of the Anglo-Austrian two countries?
Just thinking about it was enough; the Anglo-Austrian two countries were not short of gold reserves, and the value of British Pounds and the Divine Shield were stable as Mount Tai.
Support the Revolutionary Party and national separatist forces?
The Paris Government was already doing so, yet the oue was moving. Except for a few sshes made by the Irish Independence Organization, the other organizations were all investment with no action.
There was even an organization posing as the Hungarian Independence Organization that scammed 5 million Francs from the French government.
Return blood for blood, stir trouble in their colonies?
The French government had been doing it all along, but to little effect. The British employed indirect rule, so any rebellion would first lead to the locals killing each other.
Although Austria ruled directly, their control over the colonies was clearly much stronger.
Especially neighboring Austro-Africa, trying to instigate a colonial uprising was a question of whom to even approach.
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Local strongmen certainly existed, but they had all be Austrian Nobility. As beneficiaries, it made no sense for them to rebel against themselves.
If these strategies were ineffective, surely they couldn¡¯t add diplomatic hurdles for the two countries, right?
The French government still had self-awareness. It wasn¡¯t that their diplomatic abilities were rubbish, but rather that France¡¯s notoriety in the European Continent was so high that they faced ostracism from European countries.
To engage in diplomatic struggles with Anglo-Austria was simply self-humiliation. It might even be more likely to seed byunching a military invasion directly.
After much deliberation, the French government helplessly concluded: to retaliate against Anglo-Austria, it was necessary to have favorable timing, geographical, and human conditions. Rashly charging ahead was pointless.
Foreign Minister Terence Burke advised, "Your Majesty, Anglo-Austria is in collusion; a hasty move might provoke greater chaos, we must act prudently."
"In collusion" was definitely an exaggeration, as aside from previously joining forces to short the Franc, Anglo-Austria had not really cooperated against France.
However, there was no need to delve into these details. The French government also needed to save face. If they didn¡¯t exaggerate the strength of their enemies, they would appear too incapable.
After all, from an external perspective, Anglo-Austria was supporting the Egyptian rebel army, so iming the two were jointly suppressing France was not too far of a stretch.
Chapter 798 - 61, African Farm Plan
Napoleon IV shook his head and picked up a newspaper, saying, "You all must have seen these newspapers, they all speak of the decline of France.
Even our domestic newspapers hold the same pessimistic view. What this implies, I¡¯m sure you all understand very well.
If we do not take countermeasures now, even if we want to fight backter, it will be impossible."
Even though they were reluctant to admit it, everyone knew in their hearts that France was indeed on the decline.
Especially economically, after quelling domestic rebellions, the French economy fell back to its 1860 level.
Although there has been some recovery over the past two years, it has just caught up to the level of 1870. To return to the peak period of 1881, at least three to four more years are needed.
A step slow, then everything slows down. France, alreadygging behind in economypared to the Anglo-Austrian alliance, was left even further behind by its twopetitors.
Now with the fiasco in Egypt, the reputation the French Army had built with great effort has beenrgely ruined.
No matter how justified Governor Adolf¡¯s defeat was, a loss is a loss, and the public won¡¯t care about the specifics.
Economic, military, and political setbacks striking all at once, if not managed properly, could shake the foundations of the government.
In order to consolidate his rule, Napoleon IV must now adopt a strong stance and restore the dignity of France.
Thinking and doing are always two different concepts, getting back at the Anglo-Austrian alliance is easier said than done, it requires careful consideration.
Minister of the Navy Hamdi Halbavi, "Your Majesty, although the Anglo-Austrian alliance is powerful, they are not without vulnerabilities.
The British colonial system hinges on India, merely creating trouble there will be enough to give them a headache.
We have already gained control over half of the Indochina Penins, we can fully continue to expand our influence into Burma, and make the British hesitate.
Although we can¡¯t touch the core colonial territories of Austria, it¡¯s still feasible to cause them some trouble, such as: supporting the Republic of Colombia."
While these measures sound good, such light retaliation can at most cause minor inconveniences to the Anglo-Austrian alliance.
But this precisely indicates that Hamdi Halbavi has political acumen, striking back at both countries withoutpletely burning bridges, keeping the conflict within controble limits.
Napoleon IV shook his head, "That¡¯s still far from enough. Expanding into Burma might pose a threat to the British, we¡¯ll make a bigger move, that might suffice.
Supporting the Republic of Colombia is very insufficient, perhaps earlier it might have been effective. But now, Colombia has been intimidated and daunted, they wouldn¡¯t dare confront Austria.
Moreover, with their meager strength, if they really sh with Austria, they might even provide the Vienna Government an excuse to annex them."
It¡¯s not that Napoleon IV¡¯s expectations are too high, but now they muste up with substantiated countermeasures, to show to the European nations and their own citizens.
If one gets bullied and doesn¡¯t fight back, can they still be the formidable France?
What makes a great power is its strength. France now needs an opportunity to prove its might, choosing to have a friction with the Anglo-Austrian alliance to reestablish their status among the three great nations.
Results are not important, but the momentum must be sufficient, to show everyone the grand demeanor of France.
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Momentster, Economic Minister Elsa nervously spoke, "Your Majesty, retaliating against Austria does not necessarily have to be through military means, it¡¯s also possible economically.
However, this action would have serious repercussions. We could end up facing both Russia and Austria, in an inextricable conflict."
France is not Ennd, a strategy that kills two birds with one stone is not their ultimate pursuit.
Experience is the teacher of fools.
The French government has clearly felt the repercussions of being too hated, causing a bit of trouble to Austria alone, a small reprisal is fine. Stay connected through empire
To directly create deadly enmity with Russia and Austria, standing against them continuously, is not in the interests of France.
After hearing the words of the Economic Minister, everyone was baffled. Is it really necessary to turn into irreconcble enemies with Russia and Austria just for one economic strike against Austria?
Napoleon IV asked curiously, "Let¡¯s hear it, what n is so terrifying?"
Economic Minister Elsa exined, "To immediatelyunch an agricultural development n in the Region of Africa, different from earlier ns, this time we¡¯re not considering profit.
No one from the public sphere was investing, so the government funded the establishment of state-owned farms to expand the area for grain cultivation.
In the short term, arge quantity of grain would be rapidly produced and released into the international grain market, driving down the prices of grain.
Agriculture has always been one of Austria¡¯s most important industries, with agricultural exports ounting for nearly forty percent of Austria¡¯s total export volume, contributing a significant amount of tax revenue to the Vienna Government.
Among these, processed grain exports ounted for thergest share of agricultural exports, estimated at about 53%.
If our n seeded and international grain prices plummeted, Austria would undoubtedly suffer heavy losses.
Of the processed grain exported by Austria, seventy percent of the raw grain was imported from Russia; a crash in international grain prices would make Russians the second biggest victims after Austria.
There was no doubt that this was amon vulnerability for Russia and Austria. Should a third country dump arge amount of grain onto the market and cause the international grain prices to copse, both enterprises engaged in agricultural processing and farmers growing grain would suffer heavy losses.
Enterprises would face the agony of a sudden plunge in prices but could transfer the losses by pushing down the purchase price of raw grain. It is the farmers cultivating grain who would truly suffer irreparable financial losses.
This ring weakness was naturally no secret.
For colonial countries, growing grain overseas to dump into the European Continent posed no technical difficulty.
The issue was that an increase in grain production would inevitably lead to a decrease in international grain prices.
The painstakingly cultivated grain not only would fail to make a profit but could even incur the cost of transportation, not to mention recovering the initial cost of clearing thend.
Finance Minister Roy Vernon hastily objected, "No! The Region of Africa consists of undeveloped wastnds, while Russia and Austria are already developed and cultivatednds. Our grain cultivation costs will definitely be higher than theirs.
This means that in futurepetition, we would be at a natural disadvantage from the start. To ensure that the grain doesn¡¯t go unsold, the only path left would be to sell at a low price.
At that point, it would be a contest of financial endurance to see who copses first. This would be a clear case of self-harm."
There was no room for calmness; once that n kicked off, money would flow out like water, and the Ministry of Finance¡¯s slender purse simply couldn¡¯t bear it.
Napoleon IV said, "Roy is right, disrupting grain prices is not a viable option. It would only result in mutual harm for us and Austria, handing benefits to the British on a silver tter."
Napoleon IV didn¡¯t care about coteral damage to the Russians; the rtions between the two countries had never been good anyway, and offense was already taken.
But when it came to the interests of French farmers, it was a different story. French farmers were the most steadfast supporters of the Bonaparte family; it was with the support of the vast number of farmers that Napoleon III climbed to the throne.
Even if the blow to Austria would be great, engaging in such self-destructive actions was not something Napoleon IV could do.
Once a political figure has spoken, it¡¯s not easy to retract those words. Since Elsa had proposed the idea, she would have to proceed with determination.
"Even if we don¡¯t aim to strike at Austria, it¡¯s necessary to initiate the African farm n.
Since the annexation of the Italian Area, France had be one of the main grain-importing countries on the European Continent, consuming arge amount of foreign exchange to import agricultural products each year.
If one day we fall out with Austria, a food crisis would quickly erupt domestically. For the strategic safety of the nation, achieving grain self-sufficiency is also a must.
Considering we have already withdrawn from the free trade system, we canpletely adopt tariff barriers to shield domestic grain prices from international market disturbances, in order to protect the interests of the farmer ss.
We can even take a step back, notpete for the international agricultural product market, but just achieve domestic grain self-sufficiency and reduce the hostility of Russia and Austria."
Hearing "protect the market," Napoleon IV¡¯s interest was piqued. As long as the interests of the domestic farmers were notpromised, he was quite willing to hit Austria¡¯s economy.
Although in those times, the economy was not equivalent to national strength, a good economic development meant the government had money, and with money came troops.
Perhaps the middle and lower sses had not yet felt the threat of Austria, but after the Paris Revolution, the upper echelons of the French government realized that their neighbors had changed.
Suppressing Austria had be a consensus among the upper levels of France, with no action taken only because the French government had been busy. After suppressing domestic rebellion, there were still a heap of messes to sort out.
Just as domestic issues appeared to be resolving, an uprising erupted in Egypt. Had the French government not beenpelled by necessity, they wouldn¡¯t have chosen retaliation at this time.
As of today, the Greater French Empire had be the secondrgest grain-importing nation after the United Kingdom. Once this market was lost, Europe would inevitably face an excess of agricultural capacity.
By then, Russia and Austria, two big grain-exporting countries, wouldn¡¯t have a good time, and it might even trigger a new round of economic crisis.
Chapter 799 - 62, Survival by Tail-Cutting
```
Ugsur, the Rebel Army¡¯s Eighth Division had already constructed simple fortifications, waiting for the French to arrive.
Inside themand post, Colonel Hutile held a pointer against the sand table and said, "ording to intelligence reported by our scouts, the enemy halted their advance thirty miles away.
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Clearly, they have discovered us. The enemy is on high alert, and the nned ambush must be canceled immediately."
The French, having operated in Egypt for a long time, have naturally cultivated quite a few loyalists; the news of the Eighth Division¡¯s presence in Ugsur was impossible to keep secret.
After suffering a major defeat, the French Army had be like startled birds. Any small movement would alert them, making an ambush impossible.
Fa Jinhanined, "Who knows what those fools at the rear are doing? They¡¯ve just missed a golden opportunity."
The ambush n was premised on being pursued. Only with pursuers behind them would the Frenchck the time to think and be driven into the ambush zone in a panic.
Regrettably, the Rebel Army¡¯s response was too slow, and by the time they reacted, the French had already gone tens of kilometers away.
One step slow, every step slow. The Rebel Army, already poor at marching, naturally couldn¡¯t catch up with the French, desperate to escape.
The fact the French Army could stop and settle down upon noticing something amiss showed the pressure from chasing forces was not great.
Major Botiyek spoke fairly, "This is normal. Blowing up the Aswan Dam dealt a heavy blow not only to the French Army but also to the Rebel Army.
With such an event, the Rebel Army was bound to be in disarray, and conflicts amongst the high ranks would escte.
That they could gather troops in such a short time and catch up probably cost General Jeret quite an effort."
Colonel Hutile nodded and steered the conversation towards battle strategy, "Based on the current situation, the odds are still more in our favor.
No matter how slow the pursuers are, their mere existence puts pressure on the French.
In a sense, not engaging the French directly is also a good thing.
If ites to a fight, revealing the Rebel Army¡¯s frail nature could indeed turn the tides in favor of the French."
If the enemy does not approach, we¡¯ll wait here. Time is on our side.
If Governor Adolf doesn¡¯t want to get sandwiched between us, he must break through here within five days.
We¡¯ve already seized all the strategic routes and established simple signals, but this is still not enough.
In terms ofbat strength, the Eighth Division is at most equivalent to a second-line infantry regiment of the French Army. Even with so many advantages, defeating the enemy on the front lines is still challenging.
The time hase to test all that we have learned; we must adapt to the situation on the battlefield to stand a chance of holding the enemy back."
Clearly, facing the French for the first time was not easy for Colonel Hutile.
The optimistic Major Botiyekughed, "Don¡¯t worry, Colonel. We might not dare to confront the French main force, but can¡¯t we handle a bunch of defeated stragglers?
If the scouts are not mistaken, more than half of this French force is unarmed; they can hardly fight us with fire sticks!
If it reallyes down to it, we can destroy roads and bridges to slow their march, buying time for the Rebel Army¡¯s main forces."
Colonel Hutile rolled his eyes, "I hope you¡¯re as optimistic on the battlefield, Major Botiyek.
As for destroying roads and bridges, that¡¯s out of the question. If we actually destroy them, the French will have to take a detour.
Crossing the Sahara Desert from Isna to enter the River Valley Province, the narrowest part is just over a hundred kilometers. It¡¯s not impossible, provided they are willing to pay the price."
Upon saying this, Hutile suddenly realized what he had overlooked.
And then there was no ¡¯then.¡¯ Dividing our forces to intercept them is out of the question. With the pitifulbat strength of the Eighth Division, dividing forces would be tantamount to handing them our heads.
Schtausenburg, "This is thest option. The French Army is not prepared for a desert march; blindly crossing the Sahara will inevitably result in significant losses.
Only when they are certain they can¡¯t break through our lines will they risk marching through the desert."
After hesitating for a moment, Colonel Hutile made his decision, "We¡¯ll start with interception. Once we discover the French entering the desert, we¡¯ll immediately implement the marauder n.
I don¡¯t care about the cities. All able-bodied men and women from surrounding viges and tribes must be conscripted, and then we must proceed quickly along the Nile River.
We must get into the Delta Region before the French return. Leave them nothing but ruins, let them..."
¡
The crackle of gunfire broke out, heralding the beginning of battle. Without the presence of artillery, it was like setting off firecrackers.
Compared to the spirited departure, Governor Adolf, peering through his binocrs, seemed particrly haggard, as if he had aged twenty years.
"Governor, it¡¯s too dangerous here, you should¡"
Without letting the guard finish, Adolf interrupted, "It doesn¡¯t matter. If God wishes to summon me early, that would be a blessing."
Even though he was not in his homnd, Adolf knew there were many who would crush him into dust without hesitation.
One could imagine that his fate upon returning would not be kind. As a soldier, he¡¯d rather die on the battlefield than face trial in a military court.
After pausing for a while, Adolf asked, "Where has Colonel Makro reached?"
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"Judging by the time, they should be almost through the Sahara Desert," the guard replied.
```
Marching through the desert requires preparation of a vast array of supplies; without ample preparation, it would be a death march, and Adolf couldn¡¯t possibly gather enough in such a short time.
If the entire army left together, there wouldn¡¯t be enough supplies, but it was still feasible to first allow the French soldiers to evacuate. As for the Egyptian soldiers, they were expendable; losing more of them didn¡¯t matter.
At its peak, the Rebellion Suppression Army could easily tear through the Eighth Division¡¯s blockade, but not anymore.
After surviving the ordeal of flooding, the French Army that made it through lost all their heavy weaponry, and over two-thirds of the soldier even lost the rifles they carried with them.
This couldn¡¯t be med on them; struggling to survive after falling into the water, their weapons had be a burden, and naturally had to be discarded.
Those soldiers who retained their weapons had only a handful of bullets left. Although they conscripted some weapons and ammunition in the cities they passed through, it was still like trying to extinguish a cartload of burning wood with a cup of water.
With less than ten bullets per person, each shot fired would be one less they had.
Leading a band of broken and exhausted soldiers, and short on guns and medicine, tearing through the enemy¡¯s defenses head-on was not something Governor Adolf was mad enough to consider.
War always requires sacrifice, and in such a crucial moment, Adolf disyed a decisive side. He stayed behind with the Egyptian soldiers to attract the enemy¡¯s attention, covering the retreat of the soldiers of French descent.
Of course, a fight was still necessary. How else could they cheat the enemy without putting up a fight?
If the Rebel Army noticed that the main force of the French had fled and charged directly towards Cairo, Cairo, with its depleted defenses, might not be able to hold on.
If Cairo fell, France¡¯s situation in Egypt wouldpletely deteriorate. As the Governor of Egypt, Adolf still had a sense of responsibility.
Staying behind was to stall the Rebel Army, buying precious time for the French forces that were taking a roundabout way back to Cairo.
Upon hearing this news, Adolf breathed a sigh of relief. Even a feint attack required the expenditure of ammunition, and now, after so much fighting, many soldiers¡¯ rifles were nothing more than fire sticks, only equipped with a bay.
Once the weapons and ammunition were exhausted, the y would be up. By that time, they would be powerless to fight to the death, left only with the options to flee or to be captured.
Camels, water bottles¡ªall the essential tools for marching through the desert had been taken by the departing French forces. Those left behind would even have trouble fleeing.
Adolf was just about to put down his binocrs when the scene he most dreaded unfolded before him¡ªthe enemyunched a counterattack.
"Damn it, the enemy has discovered our true situation. Send orders,mand the troops to immediately move eastward, to rendezvous in Hesse!"
It was not an easy route; it meant crossing a barren wilderness, but it was still better than heading into the desert unprepared, to certain death.
...
A rabble will always be a rabble. After the counterattack began, the Eighth Division quickly fell into disarray.
Seeing the enemy flee, soldiers of the Rebel Army chased them down eagerly, ignoring theirmanders¡¯ orders from behind and acting entirely on their own whims.
This infuriated Hutile, who had never ordered an attack from start to finish, yet saw his men rush out to the battle.
Major Schtausenburg, who initiated the counterattack, was also bewildered. He had only ordered a tentative counterattack, yet suddenly it had escted into a full assault.
Fortunately, the enemy was also in chaos. Otherwise, if the enemy had seized the opportunity and pushed them back, he would have be theughing stock of the Austrian army.
Not just him, all Austrian officersmanding the battle were now plunged into self-doubt.
Who am I?
Where am I?
What am I supposed to do now?
...
Theedic victory had a profound impact on Hutile and others.
Many began to deeply question their ability tomand militarily, and the arrogance they once had as if they owned the world had dissipated.
By evening, the Rebel Army soldiers who had gone on the chase gradually returned to the camp.
The most outstanding among them had several heads hanging from their waists, strutting through the camp with pride, as if unting their bravery.
The soldiers who returned empty-handed chose to hang their heads and avoid others, as if ashamed to show their faces.
Witnessing these scenes of barbarism, the faces of those in themand post were not looking good.
The senior Hutile, with the benefit of greater experience and knowledge, said calmly, "Don¡¯t get angry. Those who have heads hanging from their waists are probably from tribes.
It¡¯s their tradition to hang the heads of their enemies on themselves to prove their bravery.
Stay in Africa long enough, and you¡¯ll get used to all this. The most barbaric are the Cannibal Tribes. If you¡¯re lucky enough to witness that, you¡¯ll no longer think much of today¡¯s events.
But that¡¯s all in the past. There are no such dangerous individuals in Austro-Africa anymore. Perhaps they may still exist in the colonies of Ennd, France, and Portugal."
Hutile seemedposed, but his knowledge was also based on hearsay. Even though he arrived in Africa earlier than these individuals, he hadn¡¯t been part of the colonial movement.
Fa Jinhan was the first to recover. He sighed and said slowly, "What a barbaric world, but this might be a good thing for our uing tasks.
It¡¯s just a pity that the main force of the French managed to slip away. If only we had known how desperately short of ammunition they were, we would have attacked earlier."
...
Chapter 800 - 63: Trade Deficit
Though they failed to capture the main force of the French Army, Hutile and the others lost interest in pursuing the Egypt Colonial Army. After the battle ended, the Eighth Division immediately began a massive recruitment campaign.
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In just one week, the organization of the Eighth Division expanded threefold, and all the young and able-bodied in the surrounding areas were conscripted.
At least they still had some conscience and didn¡¯t really use men, women, and children as cannon fodder like bandits would.
The army advanced mightily along the Nile River, ignoring the cities along the way and specifically targeting the rural ntations.
While destroying the estates, they also recruited the enved Egyptian people, spreading ideas of national independence.
By relying on a tactic of bullying the weak and fearing the strong, the Eighth Division progressed smoothly and swelled rapidly like a rolling snowball.
By contrast, the progress of the main body of the Rebel Army was much worse. Unlike Hutile and his group who would hit and run, the high-ranking members of the Rebel Army still had aspirations.
Desiring to be warlords, they naturally needed territory. Mahidi, the leader, could no longer control the situation, as major factions began seizingnd.
They even fought fiercely over territories. If not for the ongoing threat from the French, it¡¯s likely the Rebel Army would have split.
To unify the Rebel Army to collectively counter the French people¡¯s forting counterattack, General Jeret frequently stepped in to mediate rtions among the different groups.
However, the chaos that was bound to happen still ensued. The Rebel Army was overlyplex in itsposition, and internal conflicts were endless. It was only the threat from the French that maintained a semnce of unity.
As the leader of the Rebel Army, Mahidi was very dissatisfied with this situation. Unfortunately, the incident where he blew up the Aswan Dam had significantly diminished his prestige within the Rebel Army.
If it weren¡¯t for the support of the British, it was uncertain if he could still maintain his position as the leader.
By this time, if Mahidi didn¡¯t realize that the British had tricked him, he wouldn¡¯t have been able to establish a great reputation in the original timeline.
Once again, reality proved that one could shoulder any me, but the ckest me was untouchable.
Labeled as ruthless, Mahidi found it difficult to recruit followers. Everyone really disliked this leader who might betray his own people at any time.
Impacted by this, Retings, the second-inmand of the Rebel Army, directly led his troops to the River Valley in, preparing to carve out his own territory.
Mahidi was powerless against this move. Although he had won the first round of the anti-encirclement campaigns, his political reputation had also plummeted.
Without substantive restraints and relying merely on personal prestige to hold the Rebel Army together, it was inherently a loose alliance.
Driven to desperation, Mahidi could only join the fray to scramble for territory. This greatly displeased General Jeret, who wanted to march directly into Cairo.
At the Rebel Army headquarters, General Jeret solemnly said, "Gentlemen, the crisis has just begun; it¡¯s far from the time to enjoy the fruits of victory.
The French will not be content with failure, and it won¡¯t be long before theye back. Then, we¡¯ll be facing not just a disorganized colonial mob.
I¡¯m sure you¡¯ve all heard of the world¡¯s foremost army. This is not a reputation the French made up, but one forged with every de and gun on the battlefield.
By luck, we¡¯ve secured a victory once, but the same tactics can¡¯t be used a second time. After being tricked once, the French won¡¯t be fooled again.
In the future, we¡¯ll face an unprecedentedly tough battle. To gain an advantage in the uing conflicts, we must first take this ce."
Looking in the direction pointed by General Jeret¡¯s baton, unsurprisingly, it was Cairo.
This ancient city, which embodies political, economic, and military values, is crucial for the Rebel Army¡¯s next battles.
Only by capturing Cairo could the Rebel Army have a chance to be independent from the French.
A middle-aged man asked doubtfully, "General, hasn¡¯t the Eighth Division already set out for Cairo?"
In his view, the French Army in Cairo had suffered heavy losses in a recent battle and was now at its weakest, making it easily overpowered by the Eighth Division.
Jeret shook his head, "Essner, you are too optimistic. Cairo is not like those small towns you¡¯ve encountered.
Indeed, the reason why the Rebel Army has been progressing smoothly is that the French in those small towns werepletely terrified and failed to organize any substantial resistance.
Cairo is different, being the center of Egypt, the French will definitely not give up.
The news of the defeat at the front has already been sent back, and the French left behind are likely, at this moment, organizing a new defense force.
Without heavy firepower, for the Eighth Division to take over Cairo City, which is heavily guarded by the French, is utterly a fool¡¯s dream."
Honestly speaking, Jeret was quite satisfied with the Eighth Divisionmanded by the Austrians.
Whether it was destroying the cotton ntations along the way or heading directly for the Delta, both actions were perfectly in line with the interests of Britain.
Considering the current circumstances, Egypt¡¯s cotton production is bound to plummet this year, and it will be difficult to recover in theing years.
This is undoubtedly the best news for British cotton textile businesses. The decrease in apetitor¡¯s raw material supply and output is without doubt the best opportunity to seize the market.
Although he did not n this, Jeret did not hesitate to take credit for it himself.
Politics also involves a quid pro quo. As the leader of this Egyptian uprising, he would naturally receive a reward from domestic businesses upon his return.
It might be economic, or it could be political, but in any case, General Jeret has made a huge profit this time.
Inciting the Rebel Army to attack Cairo was only a part of General Jeret¡¯s n. If possible, he most hoped the Rebel Army would reach the Suez Canal.
It would be best to block the canal¡¯s navigation, and then the Great Britain Empire could use the opportunity to defend canal navigation to extend its influence into the Suez Canal Area.
...
The capital market is sensitive; affected by the battlefield losses in Egypt, the stock prices of Parisian textilepanies plunged, and manypanies managing Egyptian ntations went bankrupt.
With the storm brewing and the textile industry¡¯s stock plummeting, within just one week, the overall Paris stock market fell by 11.4%, and billions of francs in market value evaporated.
The international cotton prices also experienced severe fluctuations. On the London cotton futures market, the price of cotton even surged by a third.
Under this double blow, the French cotton textile industry faced its greatest winter.
Affected by the reduced supply of raw materials, numerous businesses announcedyoffs and production cuts, leading to a soaring unemployment rate and once again challenging the French economy.
Although he had been mentally prepared, Napoleon IV felt as if he was in another world when all of this actually happened.
No matter how difficult it was emotionally, the issue still needed solving, or else a new round of economic crisis would erupt.
Having experienced the Paris Revolution, Napoleon IV was extremely vignt about the economic crisis that could potentially destabilize his regime.
"As the domestic economy continues to deteriorate, does the Economic Ministry have any ns?"
After a brief moment of thought, Economic Minister Elsa carefully responded, "This economic turmoil is mainly due to the rebellion in Egypt, which has caused a significant drop in cotton production.
Combined with the drought in North America this year, a decline in cotton production is inevitable, and a sharp increase in cotton prices on the international market is already a certainty.
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The Economic Ministry suggests that the government temporarily eliminate cotton import duties to reduce the cost of raw materials for textile enterprises, and also issue them low-interest loans to help them through this difficult time."
Would reducing tariffs really work?
The answer is no.
With insufficient cotton supply on the international market, it is inevitable that some enterprises will not be able to procure enough cotton.
Capital cooperation also follows a firste, first-served basis, and capital owners involved in cotton wholesaling, at roughly simr prices, will definitely choose to work with reliable, long-standing customers first.
Many supply cooperation rtionships have been continuing for several years, even decades, and are simply not something neers can easily disce.
Most of these enterprises are concentrated in Britain, and France¡¯s cotton textile industry, as ater, only began to develop after securing the cotton-producing region of Egypt.
Unless they are willing to pay a high price, French textilepanies simply cannot acquire enough cotton on the international market.
It was because of all this that manypanies, before running out of their cotton reserves, had already announcedyoffs and production cuts in preparation for the uing crisis.
Foreign Minister Terence Burkin cautioned, "It¡¯s not that simple. International wholesale cotton dealers are not fools; they wouldn¡¯t miss such a great opportunity to make a profit.
If things goes as expected, they might take this opportunity to force us into permanently eliminating cotton import tariffs."
Trade barriers have also been one of the main reasons why the French cotton ntation economy was able to develop.
High tariffs rendered cheap cotton upetitive after entering the French market, allowing local ntation entrepreneurs to make a fortune.
Driven by interests, capital owners investing in cotton ntations had been increasing in recent years, with the French virtually achieving self-sufficiency in cotton.
This harmed the interests of overseas cotton farmers and wholesalers who were eager to enter the market.
Normally it wouldn¡¯t matter, as France¡¯s strength was enough to withstand these interest groups.
But now it¡¯s different, France¡¯s cotton supply chain has issues, and they must find solutions on the international market.
Economic Minister Elsa objected, "Eliminating cotton import duties is impossible. Without sufficient incentives, domestic capitalists will not invest in cotton ntations.
Moreover, it¡¯s not just about cotton, it also involves other industries.
Once wepromise here, there will be a relentless demand for eliminating other tariffs as well.
Given the current state of domestic economic development, for a long time toe, we must implement trade barriers to protect our national industries."
It¡¯s a proven fact, as demonstrated in previous economic crises. France is truly not yet ready topete internationally.
Finance Minister Roy Vernon added, "It¡¯s not just that. Recently, our foreign exchange reserves have significantly decreased.
Now, having to massively purchase cotton from abroad will certainly involve huge foreign exchange expenses, and the Empire¡¯s foreign exchange reserves are already dangerously low.
As of now, we hold 31.876 million British Pounds, 65.423 million Divine Shield, plus other minor currencies, totaling approximately 1.78 billion francs."
Ever since the shots of the Paris Revolution were fired, the French economy has been in a state of chronic trade deficit. The trade barriers have barely achieved trade bnce, and now it has slipped back into a deficit.
Long-term capital outflows are obviously detrimental to the nation¡¯s economic development. Finding ways to reverse the trade deficit has be a major problem for the French government.
Economic Minister Elsa remarked, "The Marquis is correct, to restore our domestic economy, we must find ways to get out of the trade deficit situation.
Increasing exports is currently out of the question, even without tariff barriers, our industrial andmercial productsck internationalpetitiveness.
In the short term, the best way to address this issue is by reducing foreign exchange expenditures.
At present, the mainmodities we import consist of grains and coal.
Domestic coal production is insufficient, and norge coal mines have been found in North Africa. The only major coal mine we control is far away in the Indochina Penins.
But meeting domestic needs is still far from enough, and the high transportation costs make self-sufficiency impossible.
The only viable solution is grains; Algeria, Tunisia, and Moro all have areas suitable for agricultural production, making national self-sufficiency easily achievable if we develop them.
Investing in grain cultivation yields low returns, so capitalists are not interested, leaving the government to be the main investor.
This is also a good thing; as long as we manage it well, we can ensure grain self-sufficiency without harming the interests of domestic farmers.
We can not only save arge amount on foreign exchange, but also challenge ourpetitors on the European Continent, ensuring strategic food security."
Since proposing the African farm n, Elsa had be a proponent of this policy, continuously promoting its benefits.
Of course, this is just how outsiders view it. In reality, Elsa pursued this course because she had no other choice.
Exiting the free trade system has its advantages and disadvantages. While it brings benefits, it also necessitates bearing the policy¡¯s drawbacks.
You restrict me, I naturally restrict you. Affected by high tariffs, France¡¯s industrial andmercial export volumes sharply declined.
This is only a minor issue; by using trade protection to drive away internationalpetitors, the domestic market share left behind has been sufficient for capitalists topensate for their losses.
But France remains a major importer of industrial raw materials. The Grand Africa Development Strategy was one of the French government¡¯s measures to shed dependence on external resources.
Although progress was slow due to insufficient funding, from a results perspective, it was still sessful.
France has virtually achieved self-sufficiency in various economic crops, including cotton, and even if not entirely self-sufficient, the demand for imports has decreased.
Yet, this still isn¡¯t enough, not all resources can regenerate themselves; coal and food remain significant vulnerabilities.
Elsa could do nothing about non-renewable coal. Faced with the trade deficit, her only choice was to tackle the solvable issue of food.
Chapter 801 - 64, Crisis is Always Accompanied by Opportunities
Since receiving news that the French government intended to initiate the "Colonial Farming Project," the Vienna Government had been on edge.
To this day, agriculture remains the most important pir industry in Austria, employing the most people.
The capacity of the international grain market is limited. Had it not been for Austria calling for an international agricultural summit and leading the establishment of the International Agricultural Product Export Alliance, where major grain producing countries collectively control export volumes and jointly set grain prices to avoid viciouspetition, things would not be as prosperous as they are now.
However, all this is based on the premise that supply and demand are basically bnced, and any country enhancing its grain production could cause market disruptions.
Franz, "How many suitable agricultural colonies do the French have avable?"
Colonial Minister Stephen replied, "ording to the data collected by the Colonial Department, French Africa alone has millions of square kilometers of arablend that can be developed and utilized, with about five hundred thousand square kilometers of fertile soil suitable for agricultural production.
Mainly distributed in French Algeria at 210,000 square kilometers, French Moro at 120,000 square kilometers, French Tunisia at 40,000 square kilometers, French Egypt at 60,000 square kilometers¡"
The natural environment and territories of this era are different from the future, and discrepancies in arablend area are inevitable.
For instance, Tunisia is divided between Ennd and France, Moro is also filled with powers from Ennd, France, and Spain, and French Egypt includes half of Sudan.
Hearing this response, everyone¡¯s expression became even more serious.
With so muchnd, even if only a third, or even a fifth, is developed, the French could achieve self-sufficiency.
The Desert Empire is not entirely desert; just in French Africa alone, there is so much fertile soil, and if other French overseas colonies are included, this number could probably double.
In Franz¡¯s interests, the Indochina Penins is very suitable for agricultural development, although it is a bit far, yet the French have tariff barriers.
So muchnd, just developing a part of it could cause a devastating impact on the international grain market.
The French do not need to snatch up the international market, just achieving domestic self-sufficiency would be enough to cause the international grain market to copse.
Although they knew, the Vienna Government was now powerless. The French developing their ownnd, Austria simply had no reason to interfere.
After pondering for a moment, Franz slowly said, "It¡¯s a matter of time, no major country wants to be controlled in strategic security, and the French are no exception.
Even if investing in colonial farms doesn¡¯t make money, as long as it can ensure self-sufficiency in grain and reduce foreign exchange losses, economically, it is a gain.
Now, only the French themselves can stop them. Agricultural investment is not something that shows returns in a short time.
Reiming wastnds, constructing irrigation projects, roads, all these require substantial initial investments, and no one makes a losing deal.
Capitalists definitely wouldn¡¯t be happy to invest; the colonial farming project would have to be funded by the French government.
Given the current situation, the French government is far from wealthy enough to easily finance agricultural development, and their investment in agriculture will still be limited in the short term.
At least for the next three to five years, we don¡¯t have to worry about the international grain market copsing. With such a long time, a lot can be done."
Opening up newnd is not just talk, perhaps clearing a field is simple¡ªburn the trees, weeds, and level thend.
Apart from a very few naturally favorable areas with abundant water resources, most areas need to construct water conservancies.
Even after growing the crops, it¡¯s not the end. If they cannot be transported out for sale, even mountains of grain hold no value.
Taking all these factors into ount, three to five years is already optimistic. Probably only coastal areas could yield some results, while it might take eight to ten years for ind areas to be developed.
Having some buffer time did not make everyone optimistic. A disaster was still bound to erupt; it was just a matter of sooner orter.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg suggested, "This is no longer just our affair. Perhaps leaking the news could yield even better results.
If we can pull together all the member countries of the Agriculture Export Alliance to exert pressure on the French, we might gain more than expected."
Undoubtedly, Russia and Austria would be the main ones applying pressure, while other alliance members could only cheer from the sidelines.
Forcing the French to give in would make everyone very happy. However, the probability is small; if it was so easy topromise, France wouldn¡¯t be able to operate in the European Continent.
Prime Minister Carl shook his head, "There¡¯s no need; such matters can¡¯t be kept secret. Once the French colonial farming project is initiated, everyone will know.
If the international grain prices copse immediately, then we are indeed the biggest victims, but don¡¯t we have a few years to buffer?
Although our domestic grain production capacity is still growing, this increase is merely about one and a half percent, yet our domestic market¡¯s grain consumption rate is increasing at four point seven percent.
If the Near East development n hadn¡¯tmenced, the future grain capacity might have continued to grow, and perhaps in less than ten years, our grain capacity would have been just sufficient for domestic needs.
Currently, most of the finished grain we export is imported from the Russians¡ªthe surplus in grain capacity can simply lead to reduced purchase prices for raw grain to offset the losses.
A powerful Russian Empire does not align with our interests; it¡¯s beneficial to use the French to disrupt Russia¡¯s development.
If possible, it would be best to also involve the British.
If Ennd and France both implement grain self-sufficiency ns, the international grain import market could directly shrink by half, letting everyone truly feel the power of an agricultural crisis."
The high increase in grain consumption is due to various factors, with poption growth being the most direct cause, increasing food consumption.
Secondly, the standard of living of the people is continually improving, and so is their consumption level, most notably the rapid increase in the consumption of meat products.
As a result, the grain used for feed has also been growing rapidly, with an annual growth rate of over five percent.
Finally, there¡¯s an increase in grain used for industry, including in sectors like pharmaceuticals, chemicals, alcohol, and starch, where the demand for grain continues to grow.
Rapid growth in demand does not mean that capacity can also grow rapidly. In fact, since the outbreak of the agricultural crisis, the Vienna Government has always encouraged the nting of cash crops.
It¡¯s not that Franz doesn¡¯t understand the importance of grain, but Austria really doesn¡¯tck grain; continuing to increase capacity would result in crop depreciation harming the farmers, or even crops rotting in the fields.
Otherwise, had the Agriculture Export Alliance not been established, we might still be experiencing an agricultural crisis, with everyone dumping milk into the rivers.
Of course, wooing the Russians is also one of the reasons.
Grain exported by the Russian Empire each year, over ny percent flows into Austria, and nearly half of that grain, once processed, eventually flows back to Russia for sale.
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The continuity of the Russian-Austrian Alliance is maintained due to friendly civil rtions, essentially built on mutual interests.
Usually, alliances based on interests are the sturdiest, yet the Russian-Austrian rtionship is an exception.
If one day the Russiansplete their industrial revolution, and their domestic processing industries develop, the grain interest chain will break.
However, that is a concern for the future, and in the short term there¡¯s no need to worry. Stay tuned with empire
Against the backdrop of imperfect infrastructure, the Tsarist nobles still prefer to be flood-and-drought resistant mine owners andndlords, and are not enthusiastic about the hugely risky industry.
Franz knew, these reasons were just on the surface. Ten yearster, the Near East development n would also be nearlyplete, and Austria¡¯s dominance would be truly established.
By then, the process of unifying Germany should also be on the agenda. The Vienna Government isn¡¯t one to stir up trouble and attract hatred.
Austria stillcks the capability to challenge the European world alone¡ªstirring up rtionships among European countries is very necessary.
The French colonial development n indeed harms Austria¡¯s interests, butpared to national strategy, a temporary loss is eptable.
Taking advantage of the situation to provoke the British to join, it may seem like Ennd and France have achieved grain self-sufficiency and their strategic security is no longer limited, but it also ces them against the Russians.
Touching the Russians¡¯ cheese, affecting the interests of tens of millions of people, even if the Tsarist Government wants to side with Ennd and France, the Russian people wouldn¡¯t agree.
The chance of failure is too high when confronting three, but confronting two, or even one-on-one increases the chances of sess.
As a mature monarch, Franz still felt it was best to avoid war if possible.
"The Prime Minister is right, we can¡¯t and don¡¯t need to stop the French from developing their colonies.
The diplomatic department should make a token effort to let the outside world know we are very dissatisfied, and it would be best to make the British feel that the French strike hit our soft underbelly.
Inducing the London Government to join, artificially creating the most severe agricultural crisis, creating opportunities for our next strategic move."
An agricultural crisis is no fun matter; if it indeed urs, grain exporting countries would suffer huge losses, and the participants, Ennd and France, would not have it easy either.
The French are better off, protected by tariff barriers, and the Paris Government would not let domestic grain prices copse.
The British would have it tough, as free trade is a double-edged sword. While enjoying the benefits it brings, they must also bear its negative effects.
In the British manner, if an agricultural crisis erupts, the initial investments would all be in vain, and the parliamentary lords would order the government to stop the losses.
Spending money is a minor issue; the key is political turmoil, which could dy the British Government¡¯s decision-making, which would be very beneficial for Austria¡¯s next n.
Chapter 802 - 65, Neither Have It Easy
Perhaps out of disgust for Austria, France¡¯srge farm n wasn¡¯t kept a secret. Soon after the Paris Government made a decision, the n was announced to the public.
This was understandable, since the Rebel Army¡¯s Eighth Division led by Hutile and others had swollen to a massive eighty thousand strong and looked set to breach the one hundred thousand mark soon.
Regardless of theirbat effectiveness, their destructive power had been felt by the French. This ragtag force did only two things on their journey: wildly expand their ranks and plunder estates.
Hutile and his fellows fully exhibited a style of bullying the weak and fearing the strong. They didn¡¯t touch the cities that the French staunchly defended, instead targeting the weaker countryside and small towns.
Even if most of the soldiers were armed with melee weapons, the advantage of their sheer numbers meant they were an unstoppable force everywhere they went.
In fact, many times they didn¡¯t need to attack at all. Just the sight of the Rebel army¡¯s numbers was enough for the defending troops to flee.
It wasn¡¯t that there was ack of attempts to resist; it was mainly the severe disadvantage in military strength. The towns had too few French soldiers, and the Egyptian people were unreliable.
Concentrating forces to defend the major cities was the best option. Generally speaking, as long as there were more than a thousand French soldiers, the Eighth Division wouldn¡¯t bother making trouble.
There was no sense in a drawn-out battle; they weren¡¯t there to conquer the world. Looting was enough, leaving the seizing of territory to the Rebel army following behind.
With the Eighth Division running wild, the French forces in the Egypt Area lost the chance to regroup, each having to fight their own battles.
After all, there were fewbat-ready French soldiers, and most of the troops were colonial forces¡ªdecent enough for defending a city but only a slight improvement over the Rebel army in open field battles.
Stirring up such trouble, the French government naturally was displeased. Embracing the spirit of shared misery, they decided to reveal their hand openly.
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All agricultural stocks then started to plummet. A bunch of self-proimed experts and schrs came out one after another to sing doom about agricultural stocks, some even directly predicting a new round of agricultural crises right before their eyes.
Well, this time they guessed right. For a long time toe, enterprises involved in agricultural production would have a hard time, and describing their situation as declining day by day might be fitting.
Even without the French¡¯s interference, an agricultural crisis was bound to erupt. With the continual development of fertilizer technology, an oversupply of grain was an inevitable trend.
Even for grain exporting countries like Austria, if they didn¡¯t promote industrial fertilizer technology, the grain importing countries would push it forward.
Although the increase in yield wasn¡¯t as explosive as several times over like inter eras, an increase of several tens of percent was still possible.
While grain production capacity could increase substantially, the demand for grain in the market certainly couldn¡¯t skyrocket in a year.
Phosphorus fertilizers had already been born and were beginning to be used on arge scale; potassium fertilizers had been invented in theboratories of the Royal Academy of Sciences, not promoted simply to maintain the stability of grain prices.
As forter fertilizers like ammonia andpound fertilizers, they were still nowhere to be seen. Human demand is the driving force behind technological advancement, but at this point, Austria wascking motivation.
To gain more profits from the export of agricultural products, Franz was not very proactive in researching fertilizer technologies that would greatly enhance grain production.
For many green food advocates ofter generations, this might be considered the best era, where pure green foods free of chemical fertilizers and pesticides weremonce.
As a result of France¡¯srge farm n, all the major grain exporting countries of the world experienced varying degrees of panic.
...
St. Petersburg, as the world¡¯srgest exporter of grain, the Tsarist Government was undoubtedly most troubled.
Alexander III personally experienced the agricultural crisis. It was during thest crisis that the panicked Tsarist Government foolishly signed the notorious grain for loan agreement with the British.
This was one of the dark chapters in the reign of Alexander II, who had been cheated by the British and entered the British Pounds-Gold standard.
Even though in the end they reneged on their debts to the British, in the grand scheme of things, the Russian Empire still lost tens of millions of Rubles, and the political loss was incalcble.
With that lesson learned, Alexander III understood the importance of agriculture to Russia and became extremely attentive to the fluctuations in the international grain market.
"What do you think about therge farm n announced by the French?" he asked.
Minister of Agriculture Baolsha Ke spoke bitterly, "It is simply terrible. Currently, the main European countries and regions that need to import arge amount of grain are Britannia, North Germany, and the Italian Area.
The rest, like Switzend, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, and other grain-importing countries, have very limited demands¡ªallbined, they don¡¯t even make up ten percent."
"If the French seed in their n for grain self-sufficiency, the international grain export market will shrink by at least one-fifth.
Without this part of the market, a new round of oversupply in grain production is bound to erupt in Europe.
As Europe¡¯srgest exporter of unprocessed grain, should this happen, we would suffer heavy losses, possibly even triggering a new wave of peasant bankruptcies."
Alexander III frowned at this. These problems were well known¡ªwhat he sought was a solution, not to listen toints.
"Is there a way to avoid the worst-case scenario?" asked Alexander III expectantly.
Sadly, identifying problems is easy, solving them is difficult. This was a trend of the times, something not easily resolved by individual capability.
Baolsha Ke shook his head: "The international market contraction is not something the Ministry of Agriculture can influence.
If possible, the best course would be to diplomatically convince the French to give up theirrge farm n."
```
Passing the buck, the Ministry of Agriculture had no way to cope with the agricultural crisis and had to pin their hopes on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
"This is impossible!
The French have already withdrawn from the free trade system, and even if the international grain prices plummet to rock bottom, they can still implement tariff barriers to protect their domestic market from shock.
By achieving grain self-sufficiency, the French government can save a substantial amount of foreign exchange expenditures every year and reverse the current trade deficit situation. I really can¡¯t see any reason why the French would give this up.
Instead of hoping that the French have taken leave of their senses and abandon therge farm n, we might as well start thinking of ways to reduce grain production capacity or to expand market demand now."
Faced with the issue tossed over, Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes didn¡¯t hesitate to hit back.
Both Russia and Austria are France¡¯spetitors on the European Continent. While striking atpetitors, they can also gain substantial profits; the French government has no reason not to act.
To say nothing of Russia applying pressure in the past¡ªeven if all the countries of Europe were to pressure them¡ªthe French would not give up.
Agricultural Minister Paul Baolsak steadfastly refused, "The poption engaged in agricultural production in our country amounts to fifty or sixty million people. It¡¯s simply impossible to get so many people to reduce production simultaneously.
Expanding the market is even more of a joke. Isn¡¯t the domestic grain demand market expanding?
However, as the market expands, our grain production capacity also grows in sync, and at times even faster.
This is under the premise that domestic agricultural production technology is still backward. If thetest agricultural production technologies are adopted, domestic grain production capacity could increase by a third.
If it weren¡¯t for the concern that increased grain production capacity would not find a market, the Ministry of Agriculture would have already promoted new technologies."
Although the words were harsh, Alexander III understood that these were the facts¡ªreducing production capacity and expanding the market were both unrealistic.
"Once the Frenchplete their n, Austria will also suffer heavy losses. What is the Vienna government preparing to do?" Alexander III asked expectantly.
There¡¯s nothing embarrassing about it; if you can¡¯t handle it yourself, learn from others. The worst is when others don¡¯t know what to do either.
After hesitating for a moment, Paul Baolsak answered, "Your Majesty, the situation in Austria is different from ours.
As a major grain exporting country, Austria primarily exports finished and by-products, which have a stronger resistance to risk.
As early as 1884, the trade volume of Austrian exported agricultural by-products and food industry-rted products ounted for 47.9% of the total agricultural product export volume, and this percentage is still growing.
A drastic drop in grain prices does not significantly impact canned goods, biscuits, snacks, and industrial chemical products; in fact, due to the reduced production costs, profits might even increase further.
The main impact is on the sale of finished grain products, such as flour, potato flour...
After a grain price drop impacts the retail market, there is still some time for processing businesses to lower grain purchasing prices and shift their own risks..."
Seeing Tsarist¡¯s increasingly displeased face, Baolsak¡¯s voice got lower and lower until he finally fell silent.
It was normal for Alexander III to feel unhappy, as he had thought there would be others suffering alongside him, but it turned out others had already prepared a way out.
Once Austrian businesses lower grain purchasing prices, most of the losses would fall on the Russian Empire, and they could not refuse.
After all, during an agricultural crisis, being able to sell at all is considered lucky. If they were unlucky, they could only let their products pile up in the warehouse and wait to go moldy.
Seeing the tension in the air, Finance Minister Alisher Gurov identally steered away from the topic: "No matter how they shift the losses, Austrian agriculture will be impacted; it¡¯s just a matter of degree.
Experience new tales on empire
Given the scale of Austrian agriculture, even a drop of one percentage point is enough to make the Vienna government wince.
Once the agricultural crisis breaks out, even if their industrial chain is perfected, they will suffer heavy losses; the Vienna government can¡¯t possibly take no action.
If there is no move now, it¡¯s probably because they too have been rattled by the French¡¯s sudden action and don¡¯t know how to respond at the moment."
Upon hearing this exnation, Alexander III¡¯s expression eased slightly. Having others to share the burden felt better; being the only one in misfortune was indeed too tragic.
"The Ministry of Foreign Affairs will closely monitor Austria¡¯s movements and report to me immediately if there are any developments."
...
Alexander III did not have to wait long.
On June 11, 1885, Austria sent out invitations to Russia, Denmark, Argentina, the United States of America, Brazil, and other agricultural product exporting countries for the third Agriculture Summit to be held in Vienna in March of the following year.
This oue made many people breathe a sigh of relief. Some reaction is better than none at all, and the worst fear is apleteck of response.
The French¡¯srge farm strategy is still just a n at this point, to be exact, an intention, without even a detailed nning.
Implementing it won¡¯t happen overnight. Apart from anything else, just choosing the location will take more than a month or two to sort out.
By the time the agricultural experts have selected a site andpleted the preliminary design ns, the year would have passed without even time to level thend.
There is plenty of time; there¡¯s no need to rush. It¡¯ll be several years before it bes a threat.
```
Chapter 803 - 66: Collecting Money
Influenced by France¡¯srge farm n, experts in the United Kingdom also advocated for a "grain self-sufficiency strategy," suggesting that the government establish Britannia¡¯s own granaries in overseas colonies.
Unlike the French, the British had too many options. With the advantage of the Royal Navy, Britannia did not have to worry about grain supplies.
Whether it was the United States in North America, or Argentina and Brazil in South America, they all were Britannia¡¯s granaries.
@@novelbin@@
Even newly developed regions like New Zend, Australia, and Canada also had the potential to be the Empire¡¯s granaries.
If that wasn¡¯t enough, squeezing more out of India would suffice.
After all, the poption of the British Isles was just that bit, and the homnd could self-sustain 70% of it. Feeding a few million people was not a problem for John Bull.
The high food security of Britannia did not prevent schrs from boasting. As long as the money was in ce, nothing was impossible.
For the sake of British Pounds, experts soon listed a whole bunch of reasons, even bringing up the shameful Irish famine to make a point.
The government had not yet responded, but the public had already begun to panic. It was unknown which unscrupulous capitalists were spreading rumors, iming that Russia and Austria suffered from drought and that the autumn grain harvest for thetter half of the year hadpletely failed.
Such absurd rumors were believed, not by just one or two people, because grain prices indeed rose.
As awyer, Bill¡¯s insight was much stronger than ordinary people, and he was not influenced by the rumors to run and hoard grain.
"Sir, there has been a frenzy recently about a drought in Eastern Europe, with Russia and Austria facing a total failure of this year¡¯s autumn grain harvest, leading to a slight increase in grain prices in London.
To reduce expenses, I suggest you stockpile some grain now. If funds permit, you can store more, and sell it after the grain prices skyrocket," the housekeeper advised.
The housekeeper¡¯s reminder did not shake Bill¡¯s judgment. What kind of drought could cause Russia and Austria¡¯s entire grain crop to fail?
Keep in mind, it was only June. The grain had been nted not long ago, and there was still a long time before the autumn harvest.
Even if there had been no rain in the first half of the year, as long as there was enough rainfallter, most of the crops could still be saved.
If Russia and the Austrian Alliance really had a total grain failure, international grain prices would have skyrocketed by now.
A slight increase?
If it did not increase three to five times, it would not match the conscience of the capitalists.
Bill smiled and said, "These are all rumors, and only the ignorant fools would believe them. If Russia and Austria really had a total crop failure, they would have stopped exporting grain long ago.
Without grain from Russia and Austria, the international grain market would copse. The highly sensitive futures market hasn¡¯t responded, so there¡¯s nothing to worry about."
This was the truth, the futures market was indeed the most sensitive. On the contrary, if there were even a slight sign of reduced food production, the spectors would not miss the chance to manipte the market.
"Yes, sir. I also believe that aplete grain failure in Russia and Austria is unlikely, but the drought might be real.
Just yesterday, the London newspaper reproduced a drought resistance n by Austria¡¯s Agriculture Department. If they hadn¡¯t faced a drought, such a n would not have appeared.
Given the credibility of the London newspaper, they likely would not lie about such news. The futures market not reacting might be due to the spectors hiding the news," the housekeeper exined.
Upon hearing the housekeeper¡¯s exnation, Bill believed it somewhat. After all, the futures market was too heavily manipted by the spectors, and often the fluctuations were not determined by the market itself.
After hesitating for a moment, Bill made a decision, "Then go ahead and purchase a batch of grain, but don¡¯t buy from local stores. I will contact the wholesalers directly." Your next chapter awaits on empire
...
Adhering to the principle "better to believe it and be prepared, than to disbelieve and be caught unprepared," there were quite a few people making simr decisions.
After all, grain is a life necessity, and even if the price doesn¡¯t increaseter, it¡¯s still something to consume gradually.
It¡¯s much better than being unprepared and waiting until grain prices soar before rushing to purchase grain.
Due to the hoarding frenzy, grain prices in London steadily increased, and consequently, more people joined the queue to hoard grain.
In Downing Street Prime Minister¡¯s Office, the intensifying hoarding frenzy made Prime Minister dstone uneasy.
People regard food as their prime want, a notion that is universal throughout ancient and modern times worldwide.
Mere rumors were enough to cause British grain prices to rise, proving that Britannia¡¯s food security was not as stable as presumed.
dstone asked, "Regarding the recent advocacy for grain self-sufficiency by the public and the continuous rise in domestic grain prices, what do you all think?"
What to think, they sat and watched.
Everyone present understood that it was nothing more than the French initiating therge farm ns, and a group of people looking to profit from manipting public opinion and artificially creating panic.
Minister of Agriculture Died Barres stated, "The government has already arranged to debunk the rumors, but the effect has been minimal so far. Once the autumn graines to market, domestic grain prices will stabilize.
This fluctuation also indirectly confirms our food security, which is too influenced by external factors and is not as stable as we imagined.
Fortunately, this time it was just a rumor. If Russia and Austria really faced a severe drought, the consequences would have been serious."
"From a safety perspective, the French¡¯s n for agricultural self-sufficiency is indeed very worthy of our emtion," he said.
Setting aside the potential for profit, once the agricultural self-sufficiency n was initiated, the influence of the Ministry of Agriculture within the government would greatly increase.
As one of the beneficiaries, Died Barres could not possibly oppose it.
Finance Minister George Childs warned, "We are different from the French, strategies that work in France may not necessarily work in Britannia.
The French are not part of the free trade system; their grain self-sufficiency n relies on protective tariffs, making this investment somewhat secure.
Given the current situation, a fall in international grain prices is inevitable, and future marketpetition will be very fierce.
If we mimic their decision, we mustpete directly with the world¡¯s major grain-producing countries, and perhaps eventually we won¡¯t even be able to sell our grain at cost.
From an economic standpoint, this is a fundamentally money-losing investment. The domestic market turmoil is only temporary and will soon recover.
Britannia has too many ces to import grain from; with the Royal Navy, there is no need to worry about blockades," he said.
While enjoying the benefits brought by the free trade system, Britannia must also be constrained by it.
Normally, that is not so bad. After all, Britannia¡¯s imports are industrial raw materials and grains, essentials that definitely don¡¯t need tariff barriers.
To achieve grain self-sufficiency is not feasible, as it requires directpetition with the major grain-producing countries, or essentially a price war.
Anyone would think it¡¯s clear that growing grain in colonies is more expensive than in other grain-exporting countries.
Running at a loss to gain a reputation for grain self-sufficiency, it virtually has little effect on the growth of the Great Britain Empire¡¯s national strength.
Foreign Minister George rebutted, "Economically, we might run at a loss, but politically it¡¯s different.
From what the French have shown, they are gradually losing the ability to counterbnce Austria, and the bnce in Europe is being disrupted.
The French agricultural n seems to be just for securing their own grain safety, but in essence, it is also a retaliatory move against Austria.
If we also follow suit, the international grain market would shrink by half. Consequently, countries that rely on grain exports would be devastated.
As thergest exporter of agricultural products in the world, Austria would bear the brunt, which could help equalize the power dynamics between France and Austria," he stated.
Pressuring the strong has been the British Government¡¯s unchanged foreign policy for hundreds of years; now it¡¯s Austria¡¯s turn.
The more issues considered, the harder it was for Prime Minister dstone to make a decision. It wasn¡¯t just about money; it involved political changes in European politics for the British Government.
After hesitating for a while, dstone asked, "What about the Russians¡¯ reaction, has the Foreign Office considered that?"
This isn¡¯t just about pressuring one major power; it is about putting pressure on two at the same time. A Russian-Austrian union is an invinciblebination on the World Ind.
If they were pushed too far, they might start a war to divert attention and head straight for India, which would reallyplicate things.
Foreign Minister George shook his head, "The Russian-Austrian Alliance hassted for three generations, nearly a century, and the interests of the two countries are now intertwined.
To break up this alliance, we have put in a lot of effort, but now the two countries still stand together.
How capable the Habsburg dynasty is in diplomacy is known by flipping through history books. Franz is among the best monarchs of the dynasty; isting Austria is simply not feasible.
The Russian-Austrian Alliance won¡¯t be split anytime soon. From the moment Russia began expanding into Central Asia, they were our enemies, so there¡¯s no harm in offending them now.
Perhaps after the international grain market contracts, Russia and Austria might part ways over interests.
Even if the alliance bes more consolidated, the situation can¡¯t get much worse than it already is," he exined.
A threat to India?
If no action is taken, wouldn¡¯t Russia and Austria still be a threat to India? In George¡¯s view, any powerful country near India is a potential danger.
It can¡¯t be helped; such is the crisis consciousness of a maritime civilization. Rather than facing a strong Russian-Austrian alliance, it¡¯s better to face a weakened one.
As long as Austria, the financial backer, runs out of money, the impoverished Russians won¡¯t be able to make much of a stir. As for Austria, aren¡¯t the French keeping them in check?
Although the economy of France isn¡¯t great, no one doubts thebat effectiveness of the French Army.
If not for such a formidable boss, the British would have sleepless nights; today¡¯s Austria is much more formidable than the German Empire of the same historical period.
After hesitating for a while, the politically astute dstone finally decided to pass the buck.
"The agricultural self-sufficiency n involves an investment of tens of millions of British Pounds; it¡¯s too hasty to just decide among us.
Let the Ministry of Agriculture prepare a proposal and submit it to Parliament for review. Let¡¯s first hear the opinions of the Members," he proposed.
...
Chapter 804 - 67: Friends and Foes Indistinguishable
```
Although the British Government did not follow suit directly, their noisy mode of operation in Parliament still frightened many.
Anyone with a slight political acumen knew who that intimidation was aimed at.
Once the grain consumption markets of Ennd and France were lost, Austria¡¯s total export volume would drop by one sixth.
For the predominantly agrarian Russians, it would be a blessing to keep half of their trade exports.
Under fierce marketpetition, Russian agriculture,gging in productivity due to production costs, would lose its marketpetitiveness.
The Tsarist Government even dared not promote new agricultural techniques, because production capacity doesn¡¯t equate to revenue; unsold grain nullifies even the highest yields.
Even industrial upgrading was something the Tsarist Government dared not touch, simr to what Austria had faced during thest agricultural crisis.
Constrained by the domestic economic development level, Franz had to cautiously develop animal husbandry, fearing a repeat of a surplus in livestock productivity.
The significant development in Austria¡¯s livestock industry had only emerged in the past two or three years, primarily because of economic growth and increased purchasing power.
Demand in the market must exist before the production of goods. This sequence cannot be reversed, or else it will lead to great chaos.
The Tsarist Government was desperate, and so was the Vienna Government, although the Russians were genuinely concerned, while Vienna only pretended to be.
Slogans roared in diplomacy, the government¡¯s actions were fierce like a tiger, but the actual results were a mere 0.5, appearing to be caught in a fluster.
For instance, following the announcement of therge farm project by the French, the Vienna Government dered a suspension in the reditation of agricultural product processing enterprises.
Upon learning that the British Parliament had begun discussions on whether to follow suit, the Vienna Government again issued a notification for agricultural transformation, advising the public to reduce their grain cultivation areas in response to the agricultural crisis.
The direct consequence was a significant drop in domestic agriculturalpany share prices, and even some food productionpanies not greatly affected also ended up implicated.
Of course, since the economic crisis had just ended not long ago, the stock prices were already low and could not fall much further.
Essentially, the French had merely announced a n, and even the Paris Government had yet to figure out the specifics of its implementation.
Capitalists refusing to invest meant the government had to step in and manage money-losing ventures; it was not so simple merely to talk about it.
No one has the experience of how to operate it. Direct management by government officials would significantly increase administrative costs, and corruption would be a major issue.
If it ended up producing exorbitantly priced grain that the popce couldn¡¯t afford, that would be a huge problem.
Contracting to capitalists seemed easy, but the integrity of capitalists was hardly reliable.
Swindling the government¡¯s subsidies with a shell project, then importing cheap grain from abroad to fill the gap, would make the Paris Government the big sucker.
Mentioning regtion is easy, but the problem lies in the fact that the farms are built in the colonies, which, although directly governed by the French Government, are too far removed from the Central Government¡¯s control.
Beyond administrative issues, the natives of the colonies were another headache. French African territories weren¡¯t like the Austro-African ones; mostnd had owners.
It was inevitable to confront them; it wasn¡¯t possible to establish farms in deste deserts, right?
Desert farming, still in the research phase in the 21st century, was not something the French could achieve with cheats at that time.
Direct discement was also not an option, as missteps could lead to uprisings in the colonies. With the precedent of the Egyptian rebellion, the French Government had to be cautious.
After all, native rebel armies are easy to deal with, but those supported by external forces are another matter. If there were a few more incidents like the Egyptian rebellion, the French Government wouldn¡¯t have the money for theirrge farm project.
With so many issues to consider, if not handled properly, therge farm project of the French could turn into a farce.
As for the British, anyone with a basic understanding of the British Parliament knows that it would be an exceptional performance to unify opinions within a year and a half.
Such a major strategy could spur debates for three to five years. Especially since all major grain-producing countries have already deployed their power to lobby the British Parliament.
Many still hoped for a turnaround, even presuming Ennd and France were just biding their time with the "grain self-sufficiency n" to force concessions from Russia and Austria in international politics.
There were quite a few supporters of this theory, including many from within Ennd and France.
In the Vienna Pce, as news of the "grain self-sufficiency n" of Ennd and France spread, Franz also felt the pressure. Read thetest on empire
From the public to the government insiders, there was a rising call for negotiations with Ennd and France to resolve the conflicts.
After all, it was a secret n, and aside from a few high-ranking officials, no one had knowledge of it, so such reactions were almost inevitable.
Influenced by this, on August 16, 1885, the Vienna Government alsomunicated with the English and French envoys stationed in Austria for an in-depth discussion.
After Vienna deliberately showed a hint of willingness topromise, the presumptuous Ennd and France, believing they had found Austria¡¯s weakness, naturally made exorbitant demands.
And then there was no follow-up, for the talks came to a standstill. The Vienna Foreign Ministry was in a state of tension while treading water, filled with superficial activities but remaining firm in substantial negotiations.
Franz asked incredulously, "Are the Russians going to exit the free trade system, is the information confirmed?"
The French had already exited the free trade system, and so had the United States; if Russia were to exit as well, it seemed that free trade wasing to its end.
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Foreign Minister Weisenberg nodded, "To be exact, the Russians have only shown signs of exiting, and it could also be a bluff by the Tsarist Government.
Yesterday afternoon, Alexander III summoned the British envoy to Russia to discuss Britannia¡¯s grain self-sufficiency n, ending the talks conclusively dissatisfied.
This morning, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a notice to Britannia, warning the London Government not to y with fire, using the British of severely undermining the free trade system with their grain self-sufficiency n.
If the British do not abandon their grain self-sufficiency n, then the Russian Empire will impose trade sanctions on Britannia."
```
The potential for undermining the free trade system might exist, but that would depend on whose stance you take.
In theory, as long as the British do not raise tariffs or suppresspetitors through administrative measures, but instead adopt fairpetition to achieve their grain self-sufficiency n, it is in ordance with the spirit of free trade.
Of course, it could be argued that the British Government¡¯s financing of agriculture interferes with normal market development and vites the principle of "freedom."
After all, Britannia is the one that boasts of "absolute freedom," so they must be responsible for their own words.
However, only the Russians might have something to say about this matter; Austria has even less right to speak.
From beginning to end, Franz never spoke out on this issue. It¡¯s not that he didn¡¯t see it, but that Austria was doing something even more excessive.
State-owned farms? Austria is hardlycking in such enterprises. Did people really think that the rapid decrease in Austrian grain production capacity during thest agricultural crisis was due to a voluntary cutback in nting area by the popce?
Na?ve!
Millions of farmers cut back a tenth of their production capacity at most when the government called for it; the rest continued as usual.
It¡¯s not a matter of obedience; the question is, if not grain, what else would they nt?
Economic crops might sound simple, but they require technology. Sowing seeds doesn¡¯t always guarantee a harvest.
Grain prices might fall, but unsold grain can be kept for personal consumption or fed to livestock.
With economic crops, a miscalction that leads to unseble produce means it can only rot in the field.
The government¡¯s promotion efforts extended only to the cultivation of vegetables in areas surrounding cities, with remote mountainous regions beingpletely ignored.
It¡¯s not about willingness; Austria operates a market economy, not a nned one, so the government doesn¡¯t even know the market demand for each economic crop.
Rather than leaving decisions to bureaucrats and arousing public resentment, Franz would prefer to let the people continue growing grain.
At worst, adjustments to production capacity could be handled by state-owned farms. And if there¡¯s confusion about what to nt, it¡¯s not a problem to let thend lie fallow for a few more years.
After pondering for a while, Franz asked, "How likely is it that the British willpromise?"
Franz had spent much effort coaxing the British to the edge of the cliff and was just one step away from pushing them over; he didn¡¯t want them to be pulled back.
One thing was certain; once the British embarked on their n for grain self-sufficiency, they would have to enter a long-term mode of deficit, suffering even more losses than the French.
Bound by the free trade system and needing to import grain equally from all nations, Britannia must continue its current strategy of nearly zero tariffs.
This means Britannia cannot support a minor yer to be the granary and push Austrian agricultural products out of the market.
While establishing farms in the colonies might seem trivial for the British, the actual costs cannot be lowered.
Poption is the first challenge; regions like Australia, New Zend, and Canada are ssic examples of vastnds with sparse poptions.
Even with mechanized agriculture, significantbor is still needed. At least until irrigation and transportation improvements, the demand forbor will not decrease.
Recruiting domesticbor would result in costs that could make the British Government wince, driving the production costs of grain up to astronomical levels.
Without barriers, the more such grain is grown, the greater the losses. After losing money for a few years, British citizens would probably realize that growing grain has no "future prospects."
Once the opposition party gains power, they would likely cut this loss-making strategy and leave a trail of iplete projects to demonstrate the ipetence of the previous administration.
India certainly has arge poption and fertilend suitable for agricultural production; the problem is there are just too many people, and feeding the locals is already challenging.
Before even considering supporting the homnd, the produce might get consumed locally. It wouldn¡¯t be a problem to prioritize domestic needs, but when people start going hungry, rebellion bes inevitable.
The previous cultivation of cotton already sparked a major uprising, and now with Russia and Austria established as new neighbors, the British Government surely wouldn¡¯t dare to disrupt things carelessly.
After pondering for a brief moment, Weisenberg slowly answered, "Fifty-fifty, I suppose."
The Russian market, although seemingly vast, possesses very limited purchasing power. Of this limited market, nearly seventy percent is already upied by us, leaving only scraps for the British.
Even if they lose the Russian market, the total volume of British exports would at most drop by a silver or two percentage points, a fluctuation the British can withstand.
But the British Government is not enthusiastic about the grain self-sufficiency n; dstone has left the decision to Parliament, and theck of a clear position from the Cab is enough to illustrate this point.
This answer amounted to nothing; fifty-fifty was less an analysis than a gamble.
It must be admitted that though the Russian methods may be a bit crude, they are indeed very effective.
The Tsarist Government has made the British consider abandoning their n by half. Under normal circumstances, a little push from Austria would result in the British Parliament rejecting or indefinitely shelving the proposal, and the matter would pass.
Several strategies floated through Franz¡¯s mind, only to be dismissed by him.
"At this point, we are no longer suited to do anything.
Next, we¡¯ll see how the French perform. Napoleon IV surely won¡¯t miss this opportunity."
As soon as he said this, Franz felt something was amiss. He didn¡¯t know when it started, but Austria seemed to spend more time cooperating with enemies than with allies.
Whether this represented a moral decline or a distortion of human nature was a question worth pondering.
What was certain was that if this approach continued, Franz would even start doubting whether he could still tell friend from foe.
"There are only permanent interests, no permanent enemies among nations." Franz¡¯s actions seemed to exemplify this maxim.
Chapter 805 - 68: The Final Strike
"Sigh!"
Returning to the ancient city of Cairo, Governor Adolf felt as though he had stepped into another lifetime; the myriad thoughts in his heart coalescing into a single sigh.
At this moment, Egypt had descended into utter chaos. Naturally, no one was eager to shoulder this mess, so Adolf had to continue fulfilling his duties as governor.
Though they called him governor, his authority barely extended beyond the walls of Cairo City. Outside the city, it was the Rebel Army¡¯s domain, andmunications with the outside world had long been severed.
Ever since the news of defeat arrived, the once bustling governor¡¯s mansion had fallen into eerie silence.
Even when reporting for duty, everyone hurried in and out as if lingering for even a moment would afflict them with the gue.
Seeing a familiar figure, Adolf asked in puzzlement, "Fidos, what brings you here?
This ce is far from safe now. If you get involved, don¡¯te to regret it."
His words were sincere. Even though a fallen wall is trampled by everyone, as a governor, Adolf still had a few loyal confidants who stuck by him.
The value of what one has is realized only when it¡¯s lost. To prevent involving all these contacts, Adolf had taken the initiative to distance himself from his subordinates.
The effectiveness of this was uncertain, but to him, saving even one was worth it. If even one person could appreciate it, it wouldn¡¯t be in vain.
Fidos gave a bitter smile and shook his head, "Governor, given the current situation, as one of the militarymanders, do you think I could keep myself safe?"
The defeat was too embarrassing, and even if Adolf took full responsibility for the failure of the war, other officers from the Rebellion Suppression Army could not escape being held ountable.
The best oue would just be retiring and returning home; fully getting away was out of the question.
Since Fidos couldn¡¯t escape it, he simply gave up trying to hide. After all, being held ountable meant retiring and going home, albeit in disgrace.
Including Governor Adolf, the chief culprit, after appearing before a military tribunal, most likely he too would retire and that would be the end of it.
Essentially, this defeat was unexpected and logically, there were no significant mistakes in theirmand.
Adolf nodded helplessly, "Alright then, I can only wish you good luck, may God bless you!
Now tell me, what brings you here today?
Don¡¯t tell me it¡¯s just to drop by or visit me; you know my mood is dreadful right now."
Fidos said, "Governor, the situation haspletely deteriorated. Do you dare to take one more gamble?"
Adolf couldn¡¯t help but smile wryly, "At this point, what is there that I dare not do?
The state of affairs in Egypt has already decayedpletely. It can¡¯t get much worse. So, what¡¯s your n?"
Fidos said, "The rebels outside the city are nothing but a ragtag bunch. It would only take one battalion to defeat them.
I¡¯ve calcted that within Cairo City, there are still over three thousand regr soldiers, two thousand from the Colonial Department, and four thousand recently recruited able-bodied men.
Sending out a battalion of regrs to look for an opportunity to ambush the enemy, even if it fails, the remaining troops should still be able to defend Cairo."
No one epts defeat willingly, and Fidos is no exception. Making amends through service is applicable in France as well.
If the Rebels outside the city could be defeated and the siege of Cairo lifted, it wouldn¡¯t reverse the great loss at Aswan, but it¡¯d allow everyone a dignified end.
After hesitating for a moment, Adolf slowly said, "Based on the timeline, reinforcements should have just arrived in Egypt.
If you want to earn military honors and cleanse your dishonor, it¡¯s best to wait another three to five days beforeunching an attack."
Governor Adolf¡¯s readily agreeable response surprised Fidos. In the eyes of the French government, defeating the Rebel Army was expected and no great achievement.
At most, it might allow officers like Fidos to retire unharmed, but for Governor Adolf, this little merit wasn¡¯t nearly enough to make up for one-tenth of his faults.
Unless he could quell this rebellion before the reinforcements arrived, nothing would change Governor Adolf¡¯s fate.
If he won, he¡¯d gain no advantage, and if he lost the gamble, Governor Adolf would have to bear the greatest responsibility.
This self-sacrificial spirit truly moved Fidos, rendering all his prepared arguments unnecessary. For the first time, he saw how Governor Adolf was so...
Having dismissed this uninvited guest, Governor Adolf found himself in destion once again. Agreeing to Fidos¡¯s adventure was also ast resort for him.
Before suppressing this rebellion, many from the nobility hade to France for a touch of glory. Because of this, Adolf had collected quite a bit of goodwill, which, after the defeat, all turned into hatred.
The nobility that survived had their futures ruined, not to mention those who died in battle¡ªtheir families were certain to hold a grudge.
Adolf was also not a bachelor free of family burdens; if he couldn¡¯t resolve this hatred, his entire family would begin to suffer once they returned to their country.
Agreeing to Fidos¡¯s n was, in fact, a way to create an opportunity for these connected individuals to get away.
...
Hutile and others were also trying to find a way to escape. At this point in the war, they were barely able to control their troops anymore.
From an initial count of less than ten thousand, within just over a month, their numbers had ballooned to more than two hundred thousand.
Themand system was in total disarray, and the term "ragtag" was no longer sufficient to describe this mob.
"The soldiers don¡¯t know their generals, and the generals don¡¯t know their soldiers," was the normal state of affairs here. Often, when officers needed to assemble troops, they would just pull in whoever was closest.
After all, they were all part of the Rebel Army, so there was no need to be so particr. Every day, some would desert, and every day, others woulde to join¡ªthe exact numbers were beyond Hutile¡¯s grasp.
To be frank, thisrge and disorderly force was even worse than some bandits. At least the bandits had veteranirs that could fight; this force was rubbish through and through.
Botiyek: "The French reinforcements have alreadynded along the coast, less than 150 kilometers away from us. Since we¡¯vepleted our mission, staying here any longer is pointless."
A fight to the death was out of the question. This time the French government was ruthless, assembling a force of one hundred and fifty thousand troops. With such a paltry strength from the Rebel Army, the enemy wouldn¡¯t even need to break a sweat.
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Fa Jinhan nodded: "The enemy approaches fiercely; indeed, we should consider making our escape.
It¡¯s just a shame we¡¯ll miss the chance to confront the French head-on. If possible, I really wanted to sh with the French on the battlefield."
But as much as they wanted to fight, they still needed to run. If they were captured, they, the chief culprits of Egypt¡¯s turmoil, would surely not escape their fate.
Hutile made a decision: "We should ren our escape routes, the original n is no longer feasible."
No one knew in advance that the main force of the Rebel Army would be able to counterattack, and no one could¡¯ve imagined that stirring trouble in Egypt would be so simple.
Now with Rebel Army forces everywhere, disguising their escape as an expedition and blending into the city could turn into aughingstock if the Rebel Army intercepted them halfway.
Schtausenburg objected: "It seems now we don¡¯t need to run; we could totally fight the French first and then retreat if we lose.
Since the telegraph lines have long been cut, the French Army, huddled in the cities, will not dare toe out to intercept us before ascertaining their safety.
As long as we¡¯re not too unlucky, we can fight while retreating, and if worsees to worst, return the way we came through Austro-Africa."
Hutile, who had fallen into a cognitive trap, suddenly realized the situation was different now.
With the original Eighth Division having fewer than ten thousand men, of course, they had to flee.
But now, with over two hundred thousand strong, even if they were defeated, with such an enormous number in disarray, the French couldn¡¯t possibly capture prisoners swiftly.
If they acted quickly, taking a few tens of thousands of remnants on the run, there was still a guarantee of safety for everyone.
Hutile immediately made the decision: "Then let¡¯s make the most of the time we have left to carry out something meaningful." Find exclusive stories on empire
"Something meaningful" obviously meant sabotaging the Nile River. If not for the concern of the reaction from the Egyptian people, Hutile would have ordered river filling a long time ago.
It no longer mattered, for they couldn¡¯t stay in the Egypt Area anyway. Blowing up the mountains on both sides of the river to artificially createndslide dams and block the navigation routes became very important strategically.
Flooding was a minor issue since the primends of the Delta had already been mostly destroyed by the Rebel Army.
The key was the subsequent military operations¡ªwithout the Nile for transporting supplies, the French Army would lose the possibility of rapid deployment.
Having to fight all the way from Egypt to Sudan, spanning thousands of kilometers, solely relying on manpower and animal power for transport, the logistics alone would give the French a hard time.
Not just the river channels, but also the railways, roads, and bridges along the way were within the scope of destruction.
As long as the gueri forces put in a bit of effort, a situation would arise where for one soldier fighting at the front, five or six soldiers in the rear were needed to transport supplies¡ªan embarrassing predicament for the front-liners.
Chapter 808 - 71, The French Advance
In the evening, four or five officers gathered around a campfire, silent for a long while, the atmosphere oppressively heavy.
It was none other than Hutile and his men, and from the look of things, it was clear they had suffered a defeat. If not for the urgency of escape, a makeshift headquarters would not be absent.
The most spirited among them, Botiyek, was the first to break the silence, "Come on, speak up. Everyone¡¯s got such long faces, as if somebody¡¯s family member just died.
Is it just because of a defeat? From the beginning, our n was to fight and retreat simultaneously. It¡¯s just that this time we were a bit more embarrassed."
The only true allies of the Rebel Army were those few seated there; everyone else was expendable, their lives hardly a concern.
Their grief and difort were certainly not because of the heavy casualties among the expendable troops. Frankly, regiments like the Eighth Division, an assembly of riffraff, could continue to be replenished if the rest were willing.
What truly demoralized everyone was not just a defeat, but a severe one at that.
To achieve a greater victory, the Rebel Army fully exploited its initial advantage and ambushed the French Army¡¯s vanguard along the way.
Everything had gone very smoothly at first, with the French plunging headlong into the ambush unawares.
However, though Hutile and the others had anticipated the beginning, they had not foreseen the end.
Even with a sessful ambush that caught the French off guard and an absolute advantage in troop strength, they still couldn¡¯t avoid the fate of defeat.
Defeat is defeat, winning and losing are normal in battle. Sadly, the French pursued the routed soldiers all the way to the Rebel Army¡¯s camp, and the well-prepared Eighth Division still ended up in disarray.
Seeing that the situation was hopeless, Hutile and the others decisively chose to flee. Fortunately, there were many fleeing soldiers, and the French didn¡¯t take notice of them, allowing them to escape peril.
After escaping danger, the Rebel Army, which at its peak boasted over two hundred thousand troops, now had barely a tenth remaining.
The survivors were either dead on the battlefield, captured by the French, or more likely, scattered throughout the countryside after their rout.
Lighting a cigarette and taking a deep drag, Hutile slowly said, "This is my responsibility. I knew the French were not to be trifled with, yet I was greedy for advantage,
leading to heavy losses and demoralization among the Rebel Army, losing the capability to continue the fight against the French."
Greed was not exclusive to Hutile; the smooth progress early on had led everyone to overestimate their ownmand abilities.
Ambushing the French vanguard was a decision made collectively, and in the face of absolute power, any strategy or tactic was insignificant.
Fa Jinhan: "Lieutenant Colonel, there¡¯s no need for self-reproach. The ambush n was devised together by us all. If we were to pursue responsibility, everyone present has a share in it.
Before sending us here, Governor Friedrich clearly told us to learn to save ourselves first and then cause trouble for the French.
The domestic sentiment has never been confident in the Rebel Army and did not expect us to save it.
In fact, at this stage, we have alreadypleted our mission; there is no so-called responsibility.
As for this defeat, it was somewhat expected. We just didn¡¯t anticipate losing so badly that our contingency ns never had a chance to make a difference.
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However, considering that two months ago, the main force of the Rebel Army ambushed a French vanguard and ended up only slightly better off than us,
and taking into ount this time we faced the French main force called up from home, which is stronger than the colonial troops, in reality, we..."
Though the rationale was sound, including Fa Jinhan himself, no one felt at ease.
It was like experiencing three consecutive limit-ups in the stock market, preparing to cash out, but due to greed, waiting a bit longer only to face a crash and then selling at a painful loss.
The profits within grasp had shrunk, and no matter how one consoled oneself¡ªafter all, it was still a profit¡ªthe difort lingered.
It didn¡¯t take long for the older Hutile to recover, "Alright, enough. It¡¯s done, and further talk is futile.
We only encountered the French vanguard, their forces limited. While they may seem victorious, they can¡¯t prevent the Rebel Army soldiers from scattering far and wide.
Everyone¡¯s aware of the disruptive power of a disbanded army. Among the tens of thousands of them, there are bound to be some with deep grudges against the French. If we can¡¯t defeat them in the open, can¡¯t we cause them trouble from behind?
We were actually considering leaving some troops behind for gueri warfare, but it was difficult to assign tasks due to ack of fighting spirit. Now, the French havepleted that n for us.
Next..."
This wasn¡¯t merely self-constion; since failure was unavoidable, the only option was to look for the silver lining.
...
In the Temporary Pce of Paris, the glum expression on Napoleon IV¡¯s face had cleared ever since the news of the great victory in Egypt was received.
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Lately, he had been under tremendous pressure. A group of grain-exporting countries internationally were creating troubles for him every day; domestically, the popce was restless, frequently staging protests and demonstrations.
The news of the significant victory in the Egyptian battlefield, although it could not solve international problems, was still sufficient to appease the domestic popce.
Foreign Minister Terence Burkin said, "Your Majesty, influenced by the British self-sufficiency grain n, rtions between Ennd and Russia have deteriorated rapidly.
Not long ago, the Tsarist Government threatened to withdraw from the free-trade system in an attempt to force the British Government to give in. The opportunity we¡¯ve been eagerly awaiting has arrived."
Life has been difficult as the only country on the European Continent that remains outside of the free-trade system¡ªFrance has attracted many unusual gazes.
Although publicly, the Paris Government appears to disdain the situation, the bitterness and hardship are only truly understood by them.
Tariff barrierse at a cost. While they restrict the goods of others from entering the country, France inevitably faces simr restrictions.
As a consequence, France¡¯s total import and export trade volume has plummeted by roughly three-quarters.
Reentering the free-trade system is out of the question, at least not until France¡¯s industry gains an advantage¡ªsomething the Paris Government will not consider before then.
The only solution, then, is to undermine this system, to bring everyone back to the era of tariff barriers, and then to obtain a rtively fairpetitive opportunity.
Napoleon IV remarked with curiosity, "The British are still discussing it in Parliament and have yet to make a resolution. Are the Russians really in such a hurry?"
Foreign Minister Terence Burkin exined, "Your Majesty, the Russian Empire is the world¡¯s leading exporter of raw grains.
Our agricultural ns have already caused them significant losses. If they also lose the British market, Russian agriculture will suffer a tremendous blow.
Additionally, once the Russian finances lose the revenue from grain exports, the Tsarist Government will quickly find itself in a budgetary shortfall. It¡¯s normal for them to be restless."
After pondering for a moment, Napoleon IV spoke slowly, "You mean to take this opportunity to draw in the Russians and dismantle the free-trade system?"
Terence Burkin shook his head, "Not just the free-trade system, but also the Russian-Austrian Alliance.
As soon as the British ns be reality, the grain export alliance led by Austria will inevitably crumble, and all major grain-exporting countries will be thrown into fiercepetition.
No matter how good the rtions between Russia and Austria are, Austria itself is a grain-exporting country. In the context of shrinking international markets, they can¡¯t absorb the vast production capacity of the Russians.
At this time, if we extend an olive branch, the Tsarist Government has no way to refuse.
After all, ourrge-scale agricultural project wouldn¡¯t bepleted overnight; we could simply reduce some of itster phases.
We could reach an agreement with the Russians to import a portion of grain from the Russian Empire annually, in exchange for allowing our domestic industrial andmercial products into the Russian market.
As problems emerge within themon interest chain over time, even if the Russian-Austrian Alliance remains strong, it would eventually face issues.
If we can sow discord in the Franco-Russian rtions, the strategic predicament of France¡¯s istion on the European Continent will no longer exist."
The grand farnd project of the Paris Government was more talk than action; implementing it would require substantialbor and financial resources.
Given the Paris Government¡¯s finances, it was utterly incapable of initiating such an ambitious n in the short term, which meant the farnd project was destined to be downsized.
Using a project that was going to be downsized anyway to drive a wedge between Russia and Austria and even dissolve the alliance, thereby freeing France from its strategic istion on the European Continent, was undoubtedly a huge win.
Napoleon IV nodded. He could find no reason to refuse such a multiple-benefit situation.
"However, how do we convince the British? All this hinges on the willingness of the British Government to cooperate and exert enough pressure on the Russians."
That was the crux of the issue. Betraying the Russian-Austrian Alliance woulde at a severe cost, and the Russians would certainly not take such action unless absolutely necessary.
Foreign Minister Terence Burkin answered calmly, "Your Majesty, the Russian-Austrian Alliance is not only a threat to us but is equally troublesome for the British.
Don¡¯t you think that Russia and Austria are a little too close to India forfort?
From the British perspective, India is the most prized colony, and any country would be tempted by it.
To break up the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the British Government has already done quite a bit. Now that the opportunity is at their doorstep, I don¡¯t believe they will refuse it."
The Russian-Austrian Alliance, even if not amon enemy of Ennd and France, is amon threat. On this issue, the interests of both countries align.
Chapter 809 - 72, Automotive Industry
The little actions of the French did note as a surprise to Franz. As Austria continued to grow stronger, it was only a matter of time before the French felt threatened.
There weren¡¯t many on the European Continent qualified to be France¡¯s allies, andpared to courting the British, the French government naturally preferred to court the Russians.
This was determined by geography; the spheres of influence of France and Russia did not border each other, and even if there were conflicts, those were mainly historical issues, leaving the two with few conflicting interests.
By contrast, the issues between Ennd and France were not just historical leftovers; they also involved a multitude of direct shes of interest.
From the colonies to their homnds, Ennd and France faced severe strategic conflicts. In those days, the disputes between Ennd and France were still the main international conflicts, with even the France and Austria dispute having to step aside.
Besides the French government feeling threatened, the French public was still immersed in the glory of the Napoleonic Era, hardly taking Austria, the defeated underling, seriously at all.
The general environment also affects people. Otherwise, the French government would have courted the Russians long ago and wouldn¡¯t have waited until now.
When ites to interests, any ally is unreliable. As long as the French offer enough, it is inevitable that French-Russian rtions would draw closer.
It¡¯s just that without the failure of the Prussia and France War to prompt the French government to go all-out to court the Russians, it would be too much to ask of Napoleon IV.
Remember, in the original timeline, the French-Russian alliance was secured with hefty loans. As a consequence, the French Navy fell behind, surpassed by both Germany and the United States in the early 20th century.
The so-called naval detour into submarines and small vessels was not solely due to the French Navy¡¯s highmand being misguided; more crucially, there was a shortage of military funding.
Without money, what big navy can you y with?
A single battleship¡¯s construction costs alone could reach tens of millions of Francs, and considering ongoing maintenance costs, harbor constructions, and a series of other issues, it¡¯s not surprising that the cumtive cost would exceed 100 million.
While maintaining the Continental Army, to also build dozens of battleships would deplete the government¡¯s funds, as well as civilian financing. Where would the money to court the Russianse from?
The Russian Empire at this time, although not as impressive as the same period in history, was strapped for cash, but it was still physicallyrger than in the original timeline!
Alexander III was not as easy to cheat as Nichs II. If the French didn¡¯t make a high enough bid, he would not be tempted.
Of course, courting would definitely have an effect. After all, "you¡¯re short when you take someone¡¯s money, and soft when you eat their food." It is certain that French-Russian rtions would be eased.
If the price were a little higher, the political maneuvers more potent, and a suitable entry point found, it would be possible to disintegrate the Russian-Austrian Alliance.
As for expecting the Tsarist Government to fight on behalf of the French, this wasn¡¯t something a small incentive could achieve.
Treating the Russians as the mercenaries of the age would mean they¡¯re the highest-paid mercenaries around.
Yet, this highly-priced mercenary¡¯s reputation was not so great, having taken money without delivering on more than one asion. How could the employers feel assured?
Since for the moment he was safe, Franz was not in a hurry. Right now, he was testing out his own ride¡ªthe Royal Number One.
It wasn¡¯t a battleship, which was not suitable for an Emperor prone to seasickness. The Royal Number One was a luxury sedan from the Austrian Auto Group, a symbol of status made expressly for the wealthy elite.
Made entirely by hand, an upscale work of art, not something churned out on the assembly line that couldpare.
Of course, "automobile art" wasn¡¯t popr at this time. Household cars themselves were super luxury goods, not something ordinary people could dream of.
The realpetitive edge of the Royal Number Oney in its superior performance. Since it was produced for the Emperor, costs were of no concern.
The technology and craftsmanship employed were at the very limits of what the era could achieve.
A 4-cylinder engine, 90 horsepower, with a top speed of 120 kilometers per hour. Filled with a tank of gas, it could run at full speed for 3.5 hours.
Besides its incredible speed, the Royal Number One also had unmatched stability and supetive safety features, including special steel covering its entire exterior and groundbreaking bulletproof ss...
Franz had personally tested it¡ªthe bulletproof ss could easily stop rifle bullets, and the body of the car could withstand hand grenades.
Of course, this was only if the explosion urred on the outside, protecting against shrapnel; if a grenade were thrown under the tires, it still had lethal potential.
In some ways, this vehicle, with a few modifications, could have been taken to the battlefield, to be used as an assault tank.
However, upon seeing the frightening costs, Franz immediately abandoned this tempting idea. The tank brigade was still a long way off in the future.
There was no choice, as most high-tech equipment was limited to theb. Not only was their production costly, but the rate of defective products was frighteningly high.
Take the engine, for example. Out of a hundred produced in the same batch, only 2 had the full 90 horsepower. The rest werergely between 80 and 90 horsepower, with some even dropping below 70.
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This contraption is, more or less, simr to counterfeit devices inter periods, their qualitypletely dependent on luck. Even worse than those knockoffs, as their defect rate nearly impossible to reach ny-eight percent.
With such a high defect rate even in small-scale production, it goes without saying that mass industrial production was even more appalling to look at, the figures were simply horrific.
Just look at regr cars at the time, any capable of reaching speeds of 40 kilometers per hour were considered premium, conscientious products.
Most cars could theoretically reach that speed, or perhaps maintain forty kilometers per hour for the first few years, only to slow down to twenty or thirty kilometers per hourter on.
If you were in a hurry, even horses might be faster. The only advantage cars had, I suppose, was a slightly better range.
If it was just a bit slower, it might not have been such a big deal since cars were still faster than horse-drawn carriages and more convenient than trains for short distances.
However, the failure rate of cars was rmingly high. When they were first sold at the turn of the century, they required maintenance every two hundred kilometers, or after a single hundred-kilometer run.
Let¡¯s put it this way, in the 19th century, owning a car meant not just having money but also learning how to repair it, or else you¡¯d have to hire a chauffeur.
In order to sell more cars, the Austrian Auto Group has now installed a maintenance and rescue station every twenty kilometers, lifting everyone¡¯s concerns, which solidified the thriving development of the Austrian automotive industry.
Without a doubt, these sorts of messes would not happen with the "Royal No. 1".
If it were to break down after a mere hundred and eighty kilometers, the people below wouldn¡¯t dare to present it to the Emperor. Should there be any idents, lives could be at stake.
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You get what you pay for, and the superior performance of "Royal No. 1" was also hammered out with money, with its total cost approaching 100,000 Divine Shield, nearly reaching the construction cost of a Pre-Dreadnought Battleship.
This epoch-making product still holds significant collection value. That¡¯s right, collecting. Franz is essentially a homebody and seldom goes outside.
For long-distance trips, there are special trains, and Austria¡¯s railways extend to every city, convenient enough; for shorter distances like hunting trips, horses suffice, no need for cars to get around.
If there was a wealthy man willing to pay, Franz really wouldn¡¯t mind selling this incredibly expensive car. However, that¡¯s out of the question.
The mere manufacturing cost was as high as 600,000 Divine Shield, and what¡¯s crucial is the use of a bunch of new technologies, the pinnacle of Austrian industrial standards. It wouldn¡¯t be right to sell it for anything less than seventy or eighty million, or it would be a disservice to everyone¡¯s hard work.
After all, what¡¯s being sold isn¡¯t just the product itself, which might be worth at most a few hundred thousand Divine Shield, rather it¡¯s the new technologies employed in the car that are truly valuable.
Disassembling this car to serve as a research temte, one could reverse engineer these technologies much faster than developing them independently.
Without a doubt, it¡¯s an impossible scenario. Regardless of how many of these technologies are highly ssified and not for sale, the mere price alone makes finding a buyer improbable.
As good as technology may be, not everyone can afford it. Even the powerful British and French consortia aren¡¯t yet technically proficient to fully assimte all of this car¡¯s technologies.
Limited by research capabilities, or different industrial systems, most of these technologies essentially cannot be simply reverse-engineered from a prototype.
Of course, if one had enough prototypes to experiment with repeatedly, then it would be fundamentally possible to reverse engineer them.
Acquiring the technologies doesn¡¯t mean one also has the capability for industrial production. It is a test of a nation¡¯s industrial standards; such transcendent products are not easily replicated.
If these technologies cannot be integrated into industrial production to create wealth, then purchasing the car amounts to acquiring an ultra-luxurious item.
Indeed, highly luxurious. Seventy or eighty million Divine Shield, when converted to gold, would be over two hundred tons.
Such extravagance could only exist after the copse of the gold standard; it was impossible during the gold-based currency era.
And that is the end of that story. The super luxury car that propelled the Austrian automotive industry forward¡ª "Royal No. 1"¡ª ended up as nothing more than a collector¡¯s item for the Emperor.
Even if it were to be sold, it would have to wait at least ten or twenty years until the technologies were widely used and no longer needed to be kept secret.
But by then, the value of "Royal No. 1" would have plummeted considerably¡ªperhaps only warranting a few tens of thousands or even just a few thousands Divine Shield to produce.
When the "Royal No. 1" merely holds collectible value, its worth truly resides in remaining in the Emperor¡¯s hands; should it fall to an average person, its value would drastically decline.
This is akin to antiques, even if it¡¯s just ordinary bottles and jars, as long as they¡¯ve been used by the Emperor and bear the word "Pce", their value instantly skyrockets.
Lacking artistic value, experts can still prescribe it; if all else fails, they can ascribe historical value to it.
After circling the Pce at eighty kilometers per hour, Franz promptly got out of the car.
No choice, not having ridden such a fast car in a long time, Franz unexpectedly found himself feeling car sick for the first-time.
Theoretically, drivers don¡¯t get car sick, but unfortunately, no one dares to let the Emperor sit in the driver¡¯s seat and take the wheel himself.
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Chapter 810 - 73, Monopoly Group
The creation of Royal One was not merely a luxury item, nor was it an extravagant endeavor crafted by subordinates to tter the Emperor.
After all, it was a product of his own industry, and Franz himself would ultimately foot the bill. Without the personal permission of the Emperor himself, there would be responsibility to answer for.
There was no doubt that the Austrian Auto Group put forth its utmost effort to build this ultra-luxury sedan, and it certainly wasn¡¯t for showing off wealth.
Franz would never drive this car for leisure, and even information about the car would not be disclosed to the public.
The request for its creation, apart from advancing automotive technology, was more so a test of the domestic industrial strength.
As an Emperor bombarded with various kinds of information, Franz was well aware that data and reports could be fabricated out of thin air, but physical objects right before one¡¯s eyes couldn¡¯t be faked.
In those days, only Austria had aplete automotive industry, while other nations were still trailing behind, eating dust.
Even if someone wanted to fabricate the truth, there was no leeway to do so.
In respect for the Royal One, Franz even personally inspected thergest automobile production base of the Austrian Auto Group¡ªPrague Automobile Factory, which at full capacity could produce 20,000 cars a year.
Such a number would not seem strange at all inter generations, easily attainable by any car factory.
However, this factory, which could average no more than about 55 cars per day, was already the world¡¯srgest car factory without peer.
In fact, the situation was even more exaggerated. This seemingly inconspicuous annual production capacity of 20,000 cars already ounted for one-third of Austria¡¯s entire automotive industry¡¯s output.
The production capacity of the Prague Automobile Factory alone surpassed thebined automotive output of Ennd and France, and was equivalent to the capacity of all other countries excluding Austria.
Well, this was the result of Franz¡¯s headstart. At present, the only enterprise in the world capable of industrial automotive production was the unique Austrian Auto Group.
There was no helping it; an early start was an advantage. While everyone else was still not paying attention to the automotive industry, Franz had already started investing heavily.
From the onset, the Austrian Auto Group was deeply engrossed in research and development within itsboratories, without ever making news public, leaving their peers clueless.
No, more precisely, before their product came to market, there were no so-called peers at all.
Prior to this, everyone was focusing on the development of steam cars. Compared to Austrian Auto Group¡¯s internalbustion engine cars, they werepletely different species.
In the original timeline, the earliest internalbustion engine car came to market in 1888; the pioneer who made history and was infamous inter generations, the founder of Mercedes-Benz, didn¡¯t even know what he was doing yet.
The earliest American carpany, Oldsmobile, was established in 1897; and Japan¡¯s earliest carpany, Cadic, was not registered until 1902.
...
It wasn¡¯t until after the Austrian Auto Group¡¯s first product¡ª"Beetle"¡ªwasunched and sold that everyone suddenly realized that cars could be built this way.
With nopetitors, the Austrian Auto Group naturally led the way, instantly bing the dominant force in the field of automobiles.
There was no doubt that, in a world where patent protection didn¡¯t cover every corner, imitators quickly emerged.
If one couldn¡¯t develop their own product in a short amount of time, what¡¯s to stop them from using a temte to copy or pirate?
Then, the first batch of products from the Austrian Auto Group mostly becameponents, contributing to the development of the global automobile industry.
In essence, this was also just a conceptual breakthrough. As long as one opened their mind, any industrial powerhouse could manufacture automobiles.
However, automobiles aren¡¯t simply about assembly; possessing manufacturing technology doesn¡¯t guarantee the production of a vehicle that meets quality standards.
The coboration of rted industries is also necessary; any issue in any link can lead to a tragic result.
The followers soon realized this, but to expect them to develop technologies across multiple fields and ovee a series of challenges would be asking too much.
The immense capital investment required in the early stages alone isn¡¯t something that mostpanies and individuals can bear.
After all, the automobile market was quite limited at the time, and financial consortia didn¡¯t care for such small change in profits.
What capital likes best is to wait until the fruit is almost ripe and then simply pluck it, rather than to nt the tree themselves.
The physical giants, on the other hand, were usually constrained by business philosophies, focusing mainly on their own fields; even if they expanded, it would be into rted industries.
This was a lesson learned from countless ssic cases: rashly entering an unfamiliar field usually results in failure, with the chances of failure much higher than those of sess.
Before being able to predict risks, most people would choose to wait and see. Of course, the more important reason was theck of money in their pockets.
The domestic automobile market had only just begun, and its future was still unclear; no one could guarantee that today¡¯s internalbustion engine cars wouldn¡¯t be yesterday¡¯s steam cars.
The automobile industry was in the money-burning stage, akin to a freshly nted sapling, with blooming and fruit-bearing still far in the future.
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Then, naturally, it was handcrafted work. The difficulty of mass industrial production was too high; even copying required industrial support, which couldn¡¯t be achieved overnight.
Byparison, handcrafting was much simpler. If the precision of parts wasn¡¯t sufficient, manual polishing would suffice. If the enginecked power, the number of cylinders would be increased.
The mainpetitors on the market for the Austrian Auto Group right now were a bunch of handcrafted workshops.
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Because automobiles had only been introduced shortly before and were still considered luxury high-end products with high pricing, even though the production costs for handcrafted workshops were higher, they too could gain considerable profits.
After straightening all this out, Franz furrowed his brows.
It was clear that many in the Austrian Auto Group were dazzled by current achievements, overlooking the presence ofpetitors.
Since the introduction of the products in 1882, the market share of the Austrian Auto Group had been decreasing year by year.
A decline in market share was inevitable unless the market waspletely monopolized; with the continuous entry ofpetitors, the market share was bound to decrease.
However, the rate at which the Austrian Auto Group¡¯s market share decreased was too fast, falling nearly a quarter in just three years.
This was their own industry; standing still meant losing their own interests, which Franz found absolutely intolerable.
"Oprea, haven¡¯t you thought about creating a budget model to maintain market share?"
Franz no longer harbored any hopes of expanding market share.
After all, the Austrian Auto Group upied 76.4 percent of the automobile sales market share; how could it increase even more?
But making an effort to keep market share as much as possible, or to slow the decline in market share, was feasible.
Oprea hastily exined, "Your Majesty, releasing a budget car would not only reduce our corporate profits but also damage our automotive brand value."
The models currently promoted by the group, such as Beetle, Walker, and Brady, are all luxury cars.
Although lowering prices can gain arger market share in a short time, the automobile was destined to be a luxury item from its inception.
No matter how much we reduce the price, ordinary people won¡¯t be able to afford it. Right now, we are trying to make cars a symbol of status and identity, so maintaining the brand value of our automobiles is very important."
Being aware of "brand value," Oprea is certainly no ordinary yer.
However, limited by the times, he still hadn¡¯t realized that cars might bemon in every household, falling from luxury items to basic transportation tools.
Given the current global automobile consumption market of only tens of thousands of vehicles per year, Oprea¡¯s decision to forgo the development of low-end models and focus on high-end brand operation still conforms to reality.
Franz shook his head, "No, there is still much room for reduction in the cost of producing cars. In the future, it¡¯s not impossible for prices to drop to a range that ordinary people can afford.
In the short term, under the existing technology system, we can all reduce costs to within the range affordable by the middle ss.
If we continue to expand production capacity, the current cost of production will continue to decrease.
Perhaps the sales of individual cars have declined, but the number of middle ss is much greater than that of the rich, so our total profit will only be higher.
Moreover, lowering the sales price of cars can also hit ourpetitors. Unlike us, their small workshops simply cannot bring down the cost of production.
As for the issue of brand value, that¡¯s even simpler. Register a newpany and use the name of the newpany tounch a different brand that targets low-priced cars."
The production cost of cars is generally between 400 and 700 Divine Shield, and the market selling price is basically above 1000 Divine Shield; the price of luxury versions of cars is easily over ten thousand.
This high gross profit still cannot cover the fact that the Austrian Auto Group is operating at a loss.
The main issue is the high investment in research and development and the consistently high maintenance costs, which are the reasons for thepany¡¯s long-term deficit.
Oprea¡¯s focus on corporate profit is also out of necessity. Thepany¡¯s finances aren¡¯t great; he can¡¯t be asking the boss for money all the time, can he?
Were it not for Franz¡¯s strict orders, Oprea would probably sh the R&D budget and go all-in on car sales.
After all, in the short term, sales-oriented enterprises are more profitable than research and development-oriented ones. Only when thepany makes money can everyone receive a richer reward.
With the current state of losses, it is better to take some bonuses. Stock options are not yet popr, but profit sharing has already emerged.
However, a research and development-orientedpany like the Austrian Auto Group, which has been operating at a loss for over a decade, simply cannot see any dividends.
But Oprea still has integrity and hasn¡¯t resorted to duplicity like some hical publicly tradedpany executives who only focus on lining their own pockets without considering thepany¡¯s long-term development.
Otherwise, if they were to switch concepts, it would be very simple for the Austrian Auto Group to turn losses into profits. Whether by reducing research and development investment or by slowing down the construction of service stations, profitability can be achieved.
If not for these two money pits dragging it down, the Austrian Auto Group would definitely be the most profitablepany of the era, and one with wealth to rival nations.
Even if each car only earned a profit of 100 Divine Shield, the Austrian Auto Group would still have an annual ie of five or six million Divine Shield.
In reality, it would be even more, as not all the cars sold are the least profitable standard models. Those luxury cars priced at tens of thousands are sold easily,ting several thousand Divine Shield with each sale.
Of course, the Austrian Auto Group¡¯s corepetitiveness actually lies in technology and after-sales service.
They may lose money in the short term, but these are what will be most profitable in the future. Once the distribution channels are established, they will be withoutpetitors for a very long period.
This could be seen within Austria itself, where in regions covered by the group¡¯s servicework, the only cars that could be sold were those from Austrian Automotive.
Other manufacturers, limited by their own capabilities, simplycked the strength to set up so many maintenance stations.
Once a car broke down, one could only find their own way to fix it, or wait for the manufacturer¡¯s technicians to arrive.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Oprea responded.
After a pause, Oprea added, "Your Majesty, in order to improve corporate earnings, reverse the current state of losses, and increasepetitiveness,
the management ns to cover gas stations as well when setting up logistical channels, to facilitate refueling for our users on the go."
If this were done in the future, antitrustws would have intervened before it even began.
"Facilitating our users" was a clear indication of its exclusionary nature. Other cars could only look on helplessly at the gas stations.
But in the 19th century, the era of major monopolies, this was amon sight. Just as now, Austrian Auto Group¡¯s maintenance stations would not provide services to other brands¡¯ cars.
After pondering for a moment, Franz shook his head, "Gas stations are feasible, but we cannot be so extreme. This is different from maintenance points, and it¡¯s very easy to cause public discontent.
With the growing outcry against monopolies in society, it¡¯s only a matter of time before countries enact antitrustws. Leaving such an obvious w now makes it easy to be targeted in the future.
In this respect, you must pay close attention. Even if we want to increasepetitiveness, we can adopt more covert methods.
For example: membership card services.
Those who purchase vehicles from our group can enjoy membership services and receive a certain discount at gas stations.
Other customers who wish to enjoy fuel discounts can pay to purchase a membership card.
We can issue various types of membership cards, preferably different in each city, where a membership card can only enjoy discounts in one region.
Any excuse will do, as long as it¡¯s usible on the surface and people can reluctantly ept it."
Austrian Auto Group¡¯s maintenance points refusing to service other cars had sufficient reasons to excuse.
For example:cking the matching spare parts, unable to carry out repairs; or iming the mechanics hadn¡¯t encountered this type of car before, not knowing how to handle it.
Gas stations were different, as everyone used the same fuel, and there was no issue with ipatibility.
If service were denied, car owners would surely make a fuss. Such an antagonizing move was something Franz would naturally not engage in.
By contrast, membership services were much more eptable to everyone. As long as it wasn¡¯t promoted overtly, ordinary people couldn¡¯t understand theplex rtionships between businesses.
Changing the facade, disconnecting the gas stations from direct association with the auto group. The automotive group could also pay an annual membership fee to the gas stations, leaving no room for criticism.
Anyway, in those days withoutworking technology, membership cards couldn¡¯t be recognized nationwide, and it could be excused as an identification issue or imed that gas stations operated independently in different regions.
Cards might not be recognized, but the car could be. If all car manufacturers were willing to pay membership fees, Franz wouldn¡¯t mind everyone enjoying a discount together.
¡
Chapter 811 - 74, Compromise in Helplessness
Compared to passenger cars, trucks and tractors actually enjoy more favor with consumers in the market.
The former are luxury items, capable only of consuming wealth; thetter are means of production, able to create even more wealth.
Rich people aren¡¯t fools, they can clearly distinguish what is more important. When faced with a choice, they will, of course, decide based on their own needs.
Generally speaking, city capitalists tend to favor cars. Because cars can showcase their esteemed status and bring convenience in the business world.
Well, this is just a psychological illusion. Unless you¡¯re going out as a con artist, deliberately unting wealth to deceive others, it might have some use.
In normal business settings, negotiations proceed as they ought to. No one concedes easily when interests are at stake.
The true function of cars, perhaps, is to impress one¡¯s subordinates. Operating through an invisible disy of wealth, it signals to everyone: the boss is rich, no need to worry.
The buyers of trucks and tractors, aside from transportationpanies, are mostly farmers from the countryside, as well as some of the nobility.
Farmers have real needs. Unlike the expensive cars, tractors were defined as budget vehicles from their inception.
This isn¡¯t Franz¡¯s concern. In an agricultural powerhouse like Austria, it would be problematic if the Vienna Government did not intervene after discovering such a godsend as the tractor.
Starting from 1883, the Vienna Government has issued decrees to exempt tractor manufacturers from taxes, encouraging them to sell to farmers at low prices.
Up to now, several state-owned enterprises have ventured into tractor production, directly driving down sales prices.
Compared to the high profits from cars, tractors really are dirt cheap.
Dual-purpose tractors for hauling and plowing are priced around 200 to 300 Divine Shields on the market, and single-purpose ones can be bought for as little as 150 Divine Shields.
Of course, you get what you pay for. Their practical value is not low, butfort is not to be expected.
To cut production costs, some manufacturers even skip seats, requiring consumers to install them themselves after purchase.
The pungent fumes, the jarring "putt, putt, putt¡" noise when running if there were a user experience rating, many would probably give it a zero.
Inparison, trucks can be considered an improvised version of cars. They¡¯re essentially cars with an added carriage at the back, and a few more cylinders underneath for power.
Comfort-wise, they are much better than tractors but can¡¯tpare with cars. In terms of price, they are in between the two.
As they arerger, their production isn¡¯t as technically difficult, so the cost is slightly lower.
If it weren¡¯t for transportation limitations, it¡¯s estimated that the proliferation of trucks would be much faster than that of cars, which only operate within the city or in surrounding areas.
As soon as they were introduced to the market, they won over the nobility. Whether hauling grain and vegetables to the city for sale or carrying possessions on hunting trips, trucks are much more convenient than horse-drawn carriages.
Showcasing one¡¯s social status is something only the nouveau riche need. Since the revolution of 1848, the Austrian nobles have be more low-key.
The new ss of capitalists has taken over their role as the target of public enmity, as can be seen from daily newspapers.
Most news stories exposing social realities cast either the upstart capitalists or their second generation as the viins.
In contrast, the proportion of degenerate offspring among the nobility is much lower. Of course, this might be due to social constraints limiting their chances to misbehave.
Noble offspring have manymitments, and after reaching adulthood, they each spend years honing themselves in the military.
By the time they return home, they are no longer young and not the rash teenagers of before, learning to think before acting.
In fact, there is no shortage of scandals among the nobility, with all sorts of bizarre pregnancies emerging one after another.
These individuals have to consider their family¡¯s reputation, and except for the asional fool, most know to keep their affairs out of the spotlight.
Inparison to the old nobility, the newly risen Military Nobility,cking experience in dealing with such matters,
Many have caused more trouble after gaining power, sumbing to the intoxication of authority and failing to extricate themselves.
To Franz, these are minor problems.
If an issue hasn¡¯te to light, then everyone is fine, and naturally, as Emperor, he wouldn¡¯t be aware of it.
If an issue doese to light, then everyone involved should be dealt with ording to Austrianw. That¡¯s it.
After witnessing chicken after chicken being ughtered, it¡¯s had an effect. Whether it frightened the monkeys is uncertain, but the remaining chickens definitely got the scares.
With the vigorous development of the automotive industry, many surrounding industries have also benefited from this new production chain.
Steel, machinery manufacturing, petrochemicals... and a number of other industries have notably elerated their development over these years.
Take the steel industry for example. It seems that the current car production isn¡¯t high and consumes only a little steel each year.
But the automotive industry now requires fine steel or the special steel widely used in the military, not a heap of scrap iron that needs to be melted down and remade.
The customer is always right¡ªwhere there is market demand, service will follow. As long as the money is right, everything is negotiable.
There is no Austrianw stipting that military-grade special steel cannot be used for civilian purposes. Before this, no one used it because it was too expensive.
Now it¡¯s different. Low-end cars can¡¯t afford this high technology, but it must be included in the luxury models.
Influenced by this positive news, in just the first half of 1885 alone, Austria¡¯s special steel production broke through 50,000 tons, while the entire year of 1880 had only a meager production of just over 30,000 tons of special steel.
¡
Economic development does not always go smoothly, time flies by, and by the end of 1885, trouble came knocking.
Franz asked in surprise, "A problem with the transportation, what problem?"
It¡¯s not boasting to say that at this time, transportation within Austria itself was known as the second best in the world, and indeed no one dared to im they were the first.
The extensive railwaywork connected Austrian cities,rge and small; on the map, it looked like a dense spider web.
The Austrian economy was able to grow rapidly, and this "railway spider web" yed a huge part in that sess. It could be said that without convenient transportation, the Austrian Empire as it is today would not exist.
The Minister of Transportation, Styrons, exined, "From an overall perspective of the Empire, our transportation situation is still at a world-leading level, but some areas are already experiencing severe congestion.
It is primarily in several of the Empire¡¯s major industrial cities, which have seen a continuous influx of poption over the years, leading to an ever-increasing pressure on transportation.
Especially since the invention of the automobile, the original urban nning can no longer keep up with the pace of the times.
Currently, the main problems are concentrated in old industrial cities such as Prague, Pilsen, Brno, Ostrava, Munich, Stuttgart, Kaunice, Linz, and Mn.
Due to overpoption, the rush hour congestion duringmutes ismon, with many people wasting up to half an hour just squeezing onto a bus.
Inparison, the situation is much better in the newer industrial cities in the south of the Empire, such as Belgrade, Sarajevo, Zagreb, and Bucharest.
Besides the cities, another issue is that the roads we previously built are not wide enough, with many sections too narrow to allow tworge trucks to pass each other easily."
These problems are all inevitable oues. Even if the old industrial cities underwent upgrades and renovations, it was still based on their original structures without significant changes to the city¡¯s architecture.
Looking back thirty years, those changes were sufficient for the needs at the time. The designers did not possess the ability to predict the future and couldn¡¯t have imagined how fast Austria would develop.
Franz wasn¡¯t a professional urban designer, so even if he wanted to intervene, he wouldn¡¯t know where to begin. Moreover, by that time, the Vienna Government was already heavily in debt, so Franz¡¯s wallet was too empty to entertain the idea ofrge-scale demolitions and constructions.
Thirty years on, these problems havee to light, and now it was up to the government to find solutions.
The industrial cities in the south were establishedter on when the Vienna Government¡¯s finances gradually improved.
Moreover, since their foundations were weak and without many historical burdens, demolishing them wasn¡¯t much of a loss. Therefore, these southern cities are more modernized, and their traffic capacity is much higher.
"Congestion" is rtive;pared to the congested cities ofter ages, spending half an hour on a bus is hardly worth mentioning.
It is much better than spending half an hour at a bus stop during yourmute, only to move a few hundred meters forward, which is even slower than walking.
City transportation needs improvement, and so does the traffic outside the cities. Before the automobile was invented, Austria¡¯s roads were also considered top-notch in Europe.
However, a road and a highway are two different concepts. The former was for horseback, at best amodating horse-drawn carriages.
The automobiles of thirty years ago were all hefty steam-powered ones, suitable for hauling mining cargo but not designed with road travel in mind.
The lifespan of a dirt road is quite long; many years have passed with patches and repairs, and those roads from years ago are still in regr use.
There was no issue of building highways too early, as highways also have a lifespan; if built too soon, they might have retired even before cars became prevalent.
To solve these issues, the government would again need a major round of infrastructure construction.
Prime Minister Karl opposed, "In the short term, we are not suited to initiate another round of major infrastructure construction. At least until the first phase of the Near East development n ispleted, the government should not be distracted.
The issue of urban traffic congestion can be addressed by the Department of Transportation improving management, or by increasing the number of buses to release more transport capacity as much as possible.
Although this doesn¡¯t solve the problem at its root, dying the problem for a while is still feasible.
The roads outside the city were not originally designed for automobiles, so it is inevitable that they don¡¯t meet the needs. Theoretically, to meet these needs, all of the country¡¯s roads would need an upgrade.
But we all know that this is impossible. If we were to build a highwaywork that covers the entire country, the construction costs would probably be only slightly cheaper than our railwaywork.
This exceeds the government¡¯s financial capacity, and we cannot issue bonds for financing indefinitely.
These issues are not urgent; we can start nning, and it¡¯s not a big deal to dy the actual implementation."
The problem emerged, and it was then Franz realized that Austria was still poor. Renning and upgrading the old industrial cities would cost almost as much as building a new city from scratch.
With a dozen or so projects already underway in the Near East development n, the Vienna Government really didn¡¯t have the financial ability to start another wave simultaneously.
Regarding highwaywork construction, there are no existing examples to follow, but referring to Austria¡¯s railwaywork could essentially illustrate the point.
If it weren¡¯t for cheating a bunch of international investors with friendly sponsorships, relying solely on the Vienna Government to build, it¡¯s questionable whether these routes would even be open right now.
"Once bitten, twice shy."
Having been conned once, international capital learned its lesson. It would now be quite difficult to find so many "enthusiastic individuals" for friendly sponsorships by pulling the same trick again.
Highways differ from railways; the prospects for investing in railways are bright. Endure the long investment period, and the returns will be substantial.
Highways, on the other hand, present a muddled prospect for profitability, with no precedents to follow.
In these times, when there aren¡¯t many cars to begin with, even charging tolls in the most economically developed regions might not be enough to cover the sries of toll collectors.
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It is truly hard to convince investors to put money into a business with no clear path to profitability.
Forget the investors; even Franz, a transmigrator, wasn¡¯t optimistic about the profitability of highway projects.
@@novelbin@@
There was no choice; the widespread adoption of cars takes time. Only when the market reaches a certain level could tolls potentially recover the investment costs and yield returns.
However, capitalists can¡¯t wait that long. Even "value investing" wouldn¡¯t work because the highways built earlier might be obsolete before recovering the costs.
...
Chapter 812 - 75: Crisis
St. Petersburg, ever since receiving news of the French¡¯s grand farming n, Alexander III¡¯s face had seldom shown a smile.
Now, having received news that the British Parliament had passed the "Food Self-sufficiency n," one could imagine what Alexander III¡¯s mood was like.
There was no choice, as food exports were simply too important for the Russian Empire. Not only did theyprise thergest share of the nation¡¯s foreign ie, but they also involved the livelihoods of tens of millions of people.
Since Alexander IIpleted agricultural reforms, the Russian Empire had been trapped in an embarrassing surplus of food supply, apart from the years during the Prusso-Russian War when the Tsarist Government worried about finding markets for its grain every year.
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This was rted to a decree from the time of Alexander II.
At the time, in preparation for the Second Prusso-Russian War and coinciding with an agricultural crisis, the public had difficulty selling their grain and paying their taxes, so Alexander II ordered that peasants be allowed to pay their taxes with grain.
This policy allowed the Tsarist Government to collect enough military provisions in the shortest time possible,ying the foundation for winning the Second Prusso-Russian War.
The aftermath was that the Tsarist Government had to receive arge quantity of grain each year, especially in remote areas, where almost all peasants paid their taxes with grain.
It was now impossible to revert to the original system. Transportation in Russia was extremely poor and grain from remote areas simply couldn¡¯t fetch a good price; in certain regions, it couldn¡¯t even be sold, making it far more cost-effective to submit it as tax in kind.
If this decree were to be abolished, it would mean going against tens of millions of peasants, something Alexander III naturally dared not do.
Decades ago, if the Tsarist Government had this much grain, it would have gone on a rampage across the European Continent, stopping at nothing.
Unfortunately, times had changed, and now the Tsarist Government¡¯s greatest desire was to mize the grain.
Domestically, there was no hope, as the market price of grain was already low. Releasing so much grain would surely cause the grain market to crash.
Internationally, there was also an oversupply of grain production, andbined with political factors, Russia¡¯s grain export path was not smooth.
If it had not been for Austria leading an alliance to reduce grain export volumes and stabilize grain prices, the international market would probably have been ruined long ago.
After international grain prices stabilized, the Tsarist Government breathed a sigh of relief, but the allotment given to them was still insufficient to absorb the grain they received each year.
Of course, the surplus wasn¡¯tpletely wasted. The Tsarist Government thought of many solutions, such as raising livestock, brewing alcohol¡
The former naturally failed; raising livestock was easy, but selling it was difficult.
The domestic market appearedrge, but ordinary folks were so poor that just filling their bellies was hard enough; they simply couldn¡¯t afford it.
The international market was somewhatrger, but the problem was that live animal transport was difficult, and after ughter, the meat couldn¡¯t be kept fresh. Cured meat did not fetch a good price on the international market.
Food safety was already fraught with risks at the time, and the four words "Russian-made products" could scare away ny-nine percent of consumers.
This was the effect of the brand; Russian food was just that reassuring.
Food exported by other countries might have potential issues, whereas Russian exported food almost always had problems.
This was the conclusion reached by the European public through their personal experiences.
In an attempt to change this image, the Tsarist Government also made efforts, but these efforts were dashed by thebined forces of bureaucrats and capitalists.
One could refer to the market situation of meat products in Russia, where imported goods were priced high, and domestic products didn¡¯t fetch a good price.
If economically feasible, people would always opt for imported food that they found more reliable. Not just meat products, but even flour was the same.
Even though many knew that this flour was made from Russian-produced wheat exported to Austria, processed, and then re-imported, they would rather pay a higher price for peace of mind.
The development of the livestock industry ultimately benefited only the breeders in the border regions, who could drive their livestock to be sold in neighboring Austria.
Hope for industrial development should be dismissed because these livestock werebeled from the start as "Russian imports."
Once a public perception is established, it is not so easy to change.
Thisbel directly caused these meat products to have no market in Austria. Many were processed into cured meat and canned goods, which then returned to the Russian market.
Compared to the livestock industry¡¯s failure, the Tsarist Government¡¯s burgeoning alcohol industry had be Europe¡¯srgest alcohol supplier, selling primarily cheap liquor.
Indeed, it is very cheap, and even if others wanted to imitate, it would be impossible. Because ording to the market price of grain, selling these grain alcohols would not cover their costs.
Of course, being "cheap" alone is not enough to make Russia thergest alcohol supplier on the European Continent. More crucially, the Russian Empire itself is thergest consumer of alcohol in Europe.
Austria, with a simr poption size, consumes less than half the amount of alcohol per year than the Russian Empire. If you calcte the consumption of pure alcohol, the gap would be even greater.
In some sense, the overproduction of grain propelled the development of Russia¡¯s alcohol culture, truly earning the country its title as the "Barrel of Liquor."
This was all forced; the Tsarist Government did not wish to be so extravagant, but with surplus grain at hand, they couldn¡¯t just let it rot in storehouses!
Just as they finally managed to deal with the surplus grain, the United Kingdom and France started causing trouble.
Although the impact was not significant in the short term, once their ns became reality, the Tsarist Government¡¯s biggest foreign currency-earning project would be lost entirely.
Alexander III, with a gloomy expression, demanded, "The British Parliament has passed the self-sufficiency grain n without the slightest regard for our withdrawal from the free-trade system. So, who can tell me what the Austrians are up to?"
This was a very clear issue. If the British Parliament was able to pass the proposal so smoothly, then the Austrian Government definitely did not make its best efforts to stop it.
Given Austria¡¯s influence, even if it was impossible to sway the British decision, dying the process in parliament for some time should not have been a problem.
Given recent events, Alexander III had reason to suspect that the Austrian Government made a deal with Ennd and France behind the scenes, betraying the interests of the Russian Empire.
Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes said, "Your Majesty, not long ago the Vienna Government released an agricultural upgrade announcement.
ording to its contents, within the next five years, Austria will reduce: five percent of wheat cultivation area, three percent of potato cultivation area... to deal with the new round of agricultural crisis.
If this n is fully realized, their domestic market alone would suffice to consume the national grain production capacity, essentially freeing them from dependence on international markets."
In essence, Franz was driven to this out of necessity. The importance of grain goes without saying, and he would fight to the end to monopolize the grain export market, even at a loss.
Regrettably, Austria nowcks the conditions to monopolize grain exports.
Even if it upies thergest share in the international agricultural product export market, almost monopolizing it, this dominant position is not secure.
To consolidate this leading position, it must first suppress a few grain-producing countries, especially its neighbor, the Russian Empire.
The international situation changes unpredictably; today Ennd, France, and Russia might be enemies, and tomorrow they could be friends.
On their own, the Russians do not pose a threat to the development of agricultural processing industries, but with external support, it would be a different story.
If one day the Russians reached an agreement with the French or the British, attracting a group of English and French capitalists to invest there,
Setting up agricultural processing factories in coastal cities. The consequences would be severe because, "Advanced technology + cheap industrial raw materials + cheapbor + vast markets = sess."
Faced with such abination, Austria could only passively engage in a price war, undermining its financial strength against itself.
Knowing the financial outlook was bleak and involving the interests of millions of farmers, Franz naturally couldn¡¯t just recklessly persist on this dead-end path out of stubbornness.
To minimize losses, it was natural to promote domestic agricultural transformation before flipping the table.
In this era of rapid technological advancement, reducing the cultivation area of grain doesn¡¯t equate to reducing the overall grain production capacity¡ªthese are two entirely different concepts.
Of course, from the outside, it might seem the Vienna Government was out of options and had to reduce grain production capacity to face the uing agricultural crisis.
With a loud "bang," the coffee cup in front of Alexander III flew out. Austria now backing down was not good news for the Russian Empire.
@@novelbin@@
If they could concede in grain production, they could do the same in agricultural processing. If the United Kingdom and France truly achieved self-sufficiency in grain, Austria could also give up this part of their interests.
As the economy continued to grow, the share of agricultural processing industries in Austria¡¯s domestic economy was getting lower and lower.
Moreover, losing some foreign markets did not mean the end of the agricultural processing industry. The real impact would be limited to some grain processing enterprises like flour mills.
Other agricultural by-product processing businesses would not be affected much, so overall, the impact on the entire agricultural processing industry would be minimal.
The real unfortunate ones would be raw material exporters like Russia because processing businesses can transform or shift their losses, but the Tsarist Government had no way to transfer theirs.
Chapter 813 - 76: Sticky Candy
Vienna Pce
Franz asked in surprise, "Are France and Russia drawing closer together?"
It was not surprising to Franz that France and Russia would grow closer; what shocked him was that it was happening too early.
An agricultural crisis was brewing, but it had not yet erupted. Desperate measures are only taken when the situation bes severe, plunging into chaos.
It was still too early, the French¡¯s grand farm project was only on paper, and the British¡¯s food self-sufficiency n hadn¡¯t even secured a location for food production.
Even if it were to impact international food prices, that would only happen once they started harvesting the crops.
@@novelbin@@
Such indispensable staple products are not futures or stocks specting on future market fluctuations.
Regardless of bad news or good, the demand in the market is always present. Before an excess production of food urs, even if the international food market experiences turbulence, there won¡¯t be major upheavals.
At least not until major food-exporting countries abandon the execution of a unified price for food sales; the international food trade market is unlikely to see major changes.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg: "Your Majesty, the Tsarist Government was alsopelled.
Although after the outbreak of the agricultural crisis, everyone could solve the problem by expanding domestic demand, the Tsarist Government¡¯s debt pressure was too great.
The Russian Empire also severelycked foreign exchange, and after losing the revenue from food exports, their financial system would soon copse."
There was no other choice, no matter how much they economized, debts still had to be paid, and they could only choose between paying in foreign exchange or gold, as Rubles were basically unwanted in the international currency market.
Having to allocate arge amount of foreign exchange to pay debts annually, the Tsarist Government naturally had to strive to earn foreign exchange, otherwise they would have to use arge amount of gold to fill the gap.
Once the foreign exchange was insufficient, with arge amount of gold flowing overseas, the value of the Ruble would be doomed. When a country¡¯s currency lost its credibility, its financial system was doomed to copse.
The Tsarist Government had personally experienced this suffering, even to the point of being versed in it through experience.
Every financial copse was apanied by ¡ª government bankruptcy.
What seemed like an effective method of dodging debts actually hid endless troubles. Being isted and excluded by the internationalmunity was one thing, but what about mortgage loans?
They certainly couldn¡¯t default on the debts of both the Nordic Federation and Austria, refusing to fulfill previously signed mortgage loan contracts, and fight a war with both to wipe out the debts, could they?
This kind of unscrupulous tactic was naturally not rejected by the Tsarist Government, since allies were worthless before interests. But the current problem of facing two enemies at once was genuinely insurmountable!
In this age of survival of the fittest, the victor on the battlefield could dodge debts, but it had never been heard that the loser could as well.
If they couldn¡¯t dodge the debts, the only option was to find a way to make money.
The French hadid out tangible benefits, and even though the Tsarist Government knew this might be a poisoned bait, they had no way to refuse it.
Franz nodded and slowly said, "It seems we have all underestimated the French; perhaps the Paris Government¡¯s grand farm n is just a fa?ade.
The French region itself is thergest food-producing area in Western Europe, and they really wouldn¡¯tck food if it weren¡¯t for annexing the Italian Area.
These farmers are the backbone of the Bonaparte Dynasty, and as long as Napoleon IV hasn¡¯t lost his mind, he wouldn¡¯t harm these people¡¯s interests.
Politically, it had already been decided that the food prices in France would be at a higher level to protect the interests of the farmer ss.
The French¡¯s grand farm n could reduce their reliance on foreign food, but it didn¡¯t mean they would achieveplete self-sufficiency.
If food production were entirely self-sufficient, driven by interest groups, French food prices were destined to fall, and it would be difficult to ensure the interests of the farmer ss.
Only by leaving a certain gap, importing food from abroad, could they keep food prices high, providing a reason eptable to all parties.
Drawing in the Russians might also have been part of their nned strategy. Our non-intervention has only hastened the development of the situation.
Next, how does the Foreign Ministry n to respond?"
The facty before everyone, regardless of whether the French had prepared in advance or had acted on a sudden inspiration, the end situation developed in a direction favorable to France.
By implementingrge farm ns without harming the interests of domestic farmers, not only was the outflow of foreign exchange reduced, it also helped to promote the development of the domestic grain processing industry.
By this point in the industrial revolution, the mainstream economic sectors were essentially few: light industry, led by the textile and agricultural processing industries, followed by traditional heavy industries including shipbuilding, steel metallurgy, and mining.
Next came transportation, andstly the newly emerging electrical industry. As for the automotive and internalbustion engine industries, they were still in their infancy, upying a very small proportion of the socio-economic volume.
The foundations of France remained solid, with almost aplete set of industrial chains, the only regret being theck of leading industries.
The British held a dominant position in finance, textiles, and shipbuilding and also held significant positions in mining and steel metallurgy.
Austria was the dominant force in agricultural processing, electrical industry, and transportation, and even slightly surpassed the British in mining and steel metallurgy, bing industry leaders.
The French tragedy was such that they had no g bearer in any major industry, suggesting a sense of general mediocrity.
Not to mention heavy industry, inherent resources had already determined that the French would struggle in this field, and being able to rank third in the world was already an effort.
The government¡¯s focus on developing the textile industry was being outssed by the British in internationalpetition. Although the industry seemed vast, it still fell short of neighboring Austria, which maintained a low profile.
France¡¯s transportation industry developed well, starting with sweeping railway constructions since Napoleon III, but unfortunately, other industries did not keep pace.
Capitalists invest with returns in mind, railways that do not show long-term profitability, even if constructed, would be ruthlessly abandoned.
Frankly speaking, the development of France¡¯s emerging industries was quite good, but sadly, was greatly limited by inherent disadvantages.
For example, the electrical industry, which the French entered very early. Unfortunately, theycked coal and heavily depended on overseas imports, which made power generation costly and hindered the widespread adoption of electricity.
The real economy struggles to dominate on its own, and even if it cannot be an industry leader, being second in the industry can also be quite prosperous.
Therge farm ns now appeared solely for the sake of self-sufficiency in food, seemingly possible merely by farming.
In reality, due to the presence of tariff barriers, domestic agricultural processing enterprises had a tax cost advantage, and as long as grain production increased, these enterprises would develop.
While promoting domestic economic development, they also struck at theirpetitors. It could be said that theserge farm ns were purely beneficial for France with no drawbacks.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg responded, "We are out of reach of the French¡¯srge farm ns, and we currently have no means to disrupt them.
However, their intentions of wooing Russia are something we absolutely cannot allow them toplete smoothly. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is looking for an appropriate point of intervention to disrupt the continuing closeness of French-Russian rtions."
To say there was no fear would certainly be false.
Individually, both France and Russia had clear deficiencies, and Austria could still respond withposure; if the two were to join forces, the situation would change.
Franz had not forgotten that across the Channel, there still was a troublemaker named John Bull. The original timeline¡¯s World War I had detonated after John Bull joined the Allied Powers.
In a sense, if not for John Bull, the troublemaker betraying his teammates, the Russians might not have copsed so quickly.
If material aid had been timely, the Tsarist government would not have fallen so early, the German Empire wouldn¡¯t havested as long, and the Americans would have had nothing to do with World War I.
"It¡¯s going to be difficult. The French are willing to open up their domestic market, offering tangible benefits that the Tsarist government would find hard to refuse.
To stop their alignment, we must also pay a price and can¡¯t possibly offer less than the French, even considering the political influence.
Unlike the French, they can afford to experiment¡ªsessful, they profit greatly, and if they fail, they still create problems for us.
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A few more such instances, and we may not withstand it. As time goes on without France being suppressed, the Russians¡¯ appetite will only grow.
Unless we can secure a decisive victory, this tangle would be very unfavorable for us."
The dilemmay here. The French were purely disruptive in nature with their moves, whether they seeded or failed, the oue couldn¡¯t be worse than the current situation.
Inparison, Austria couldn¡¯t keep ying this game indefinitely. Over time, this would give the Russians the illusion that Austria couldn¡¯t do without Russia.
Chapter 814: 77. Drawing from the Bottom of the Pot...
Prime Minister Carl, "If we cannot retain them, then suppression is the only option.
Through the years of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the Russians had already reaped too many benefits. If they are still not satisfied, there is no need to continue..."
It was just a matter of time before a conflict urred within the Russian-Austrian Alliance because human desires are never fully satisfied, and Austria could not possibly continue to satisfy the desires of the Russians indefinitely.
Although Franz had been prepared, he had not expected it toe so soon.
Currently, it was only the French acting, and this was already troublesome; if the British also got involvedter on, the situation would be even more difficult.
It was almost certain that as long as Ennd and France were willing to spend the money, it was only a matter of time before the Russians would turn their backs, as Austria could no longer afford the price.
This was dictated by geographical location, Austria blocked the Russians¡¯ route westward, and the Vienna Government couldn¡¯t keep making concessions on this issue.
Once international conditions underwent significant changes, the massive debt between Russia and Austria was also one of the factors that could induce the two countries to turn against each other.
If they couldn¡¯t pay foreign debts, they might as well kill the creditor; such incidents had precedents on the European Continent. Franz wouldn¡¯t be surprised at all if the Russians did something like this given their moral fiber.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg shook his head and chuckled, "Things are not so bad yet. Right now, there are three main reasons preventing the Russians from turning against us:
First, Ennd and France haven¡¯t yet given sufficient attention or offered a high enough price to bribe the Russians, and the incentives for betrayal aren¡¯t strong enough;
Second, since the anti-France wars, a friendship spanning three generations and involving six monarchs has persisted, with the Pro-Austrian Faction having the advantage from the public to the government;
Third, the economic and trade exchanges between the two countries, which, if turned adversarial, would deal a devastating blow to the fledgling Russian national industry.
Without resolving these three issues, at most they could only ease the rtionship, and the Russian-Austrian Alliance could still continue.
From the current situation, the French only intend to drive a wedge in the Russian-Austrian Alliance and are not yet at the point of pulling the Russians into war with us.
Even if Ennd and France took joint action, the Russians would not turn against us anytime soon. I can responsibly say that the Russians do not want to face us on the battlefield."
This exnation made many people breathe a sigh of relief, as resolving these three big issues at the same time was almost impossible.
Especially thest two points, which had been affirmed through the friendship of the Russian-Austrian rtionship over three generations and six monarchs.
Politicians can change their stances at any time, but for the public to change their stance is not something that can be done in a day or two.
The "Pro-Austrian Faction" is not merely conjured up but rather is bound by tangible interests.
If Russia and Austria turn against each other, this group will be the biggest victim. Conversely, there is also a Pro-Russian Faction within Austria, who are the beneficiaries of the friendly Russian-Austrian rtions.
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When ites to interests, relying on mere words will definitely not persuade people. If the Tsarist Government wants to turn around, it must first suppress the Pro-Austrian Faction within its borders.
The industrial system issue is more troublesome; even with the help of Ennd and France, it cannot be rectified in just a few years.
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If Austria suddenly imposes a blockade on the Russians, within half a year, most of the factories in Russia would shut down due to issues with machinery and equipment.
Of course, many people are not aware of this. After all, there hasn¡¯t been a precedent in this area, and no one knows that controlling a country¡¯s industry could start from the mechanicalponents and spare parts.
On constructing a secure defense, Franz was satisfied, having so manyyers of protection was much more reliable than the German Empire of the original timeline.
From the current situation, as long as Austria does notmit unforgivable acts, Ennd, France, and Russia simply cannote together.
The French feel threatened by Austria and need to woo the Russians to share the burden, but the problem is that the British are now feeling the pressure from the Russians, aren¡¯t they?
As for Austria, although slightly stronger and more active, it has not yet infringed on their core interests.
In the eyes of the majority of British people, the French are Britannia¡¯s greatest enemy, the Russians rank as the second enemy, and Austria is at best fourth or fifth, behind the disliked Americans.
This ranking has no substantial value and is too entangled with national sentiments.
On the eve of World War I in the original timeline, the greatest enemy in the eyes of the British public was France, so it¡¯s not without reason that John Bull hindered its allies during the war, and set traps andid mines for them afterward.
After weighing the pros and cons, Franz slowly said, "Since the situation is still within a controble range for the short term, let¡¯s wait a bit longer before making a move.
The Ministry of Agriculture should prepare in advance. Once the French¡¯srge farm n yields results, promote the new potassium fertilizers, and strike at the root of the problem directly."
Since Austria can¡¯t make money from food production, might as well ensure no one else can either.
Therge-scale production of synthetic ammonia still posed technical difficulties, while extracting potash buried in the ground barely involved any.
Phosphate fertilizers had already appeared, and adding potash fertilizers into the mix, it was easy enough to increase the existing yield by several percentage points without making any promises of excessive gains.
Promoting it worldwide was not yet feasible, but within three to five years, it was very likely that most of the European continent would see an increase in grain production.
There was no doubt that an agricultural crisis was imminent and it would be unprecedentedly severe.
The intellectually open French popce had always been at the forefront of global agriculture and was very enthusiastic about promoting fertilizers.
With agriculture in France itself increasing by several percentage points, along with contributions from colonial farms, the domestic grain supply was essentially sufficient. The Paris Government could hardly suppress its own agriculture to clear the market for the Russians, could it?
An agricultural crisis was about to erupt, international grain prices were about to plunge, and with the French defaulting, Franz wondered if the Tsarist Government could withstand this double blow. He had already silently mourned for Alexander III in advance.
Having been severely outmaneuvered, the Russians would undoubtedly hold a grudge. This was Austria¡¯s opportunity.
Be it interests or strategies, all such decisions were ultimately made by people. As long as humans are involved, they are inevitably influenced by personal perceptions and cannot always act rationally.
ying a bit of a trick had no harm, how could one know whether it would work without trying? If it seeded, it would be a windfall; if it failed, it would be as if nothing had happened, with no fear owing to a thick skin.
...
At Franz¡¯smand, the Ministry of Agriculture became very busy. "Potash" had been discovered not just recently, but Franz had kept the news under wraps.
Currently, only agricultural experts were researching it in experimental areas, and it had not been utilized in agricultural production. Minister Hols had also only heard of its name.
After receiving the report, Hols found out about its specificposition.
The agricultural demand for potash was vast. It was not something a small amount of wood ash could fulfill. It was clear they should quickly search for mines!
Thanks to the news forbidding the burning of wheat straw before his transmigration, which caused uproar, Franz knew that wood ash was equivalent to a weakened version of potash.
Thus, the task was to have scientists research theponents beneficial to agriculture in wood ash and thenpare and search in nature.
Franz didn¡¯t know what potash ore looked like, let alone its specific distribution areas.
However, these were minor issues. The Austrian Government had a habit of cataloging resources. As long as any minerals were discovered, they would be registered, useful or not.
Hols, now desperate, knocked on the door of the Mining Bureau. ording to the data, Austria turned out to be a country poor in potash.
"Director Rogers, can¡¯t a vast Austria find even a fewrge potash mines?"
"Look at this data¡ªit hasn¡¯t been updated for seven or eight years. Can¡¯t you guys..."
One rank higher in office can heavily suppress one. Although he wasn¡¯t a direct superior, facing the incessant Minister of Agriculture, even Rogers lost his temper.
Enduring, he exined, "Your Excellency, the Minister, potash is not considered an essential resource, thus the Mining Bureau has naturally not organized manpower specifically for its detection.
These discoveries are incidental by teams on exploratory missions. The reserves listed here are only preliminary estimates and do not represent the actual reserves.
If the Ministry of Agriculture needs it, we can dispatch personnel for detailed exploration to ascertain the final reserves."
This was unavoidable, considering the vast variety of minerals in nature. Even for the same mineral, different characteristics might appear due to varying concentrations.
Common minerals are naturally identifiable by prospecting teams; misjudgment of some minor minerals ismon, and even in the archives, there are thousands of mines for which the types of minerals cannot be determined, simply marked as unknown.
Of course, these thousands of unknown mines do not mean thousands of unknown minerals.
For the Mining Bureau, sometimes having toorge a territory is a burden. The number of mines recorded in Austria already amounted to hundreds of thousands.
With economically valuable mines unable to be fully developed, who would care about "potash," a mineral of little value? It was only natural for the Mining Bureau to be indifferent.
Hols nodded, "Then hasten the process. Regardless, you have to find enough potash mines for me within three years.
Don¡¯t make excuses. I refuse to believe that a vast Austrian Empirecks even a few potash mines."
...
Chapter 815 - 78: Having Too Much Money is Also a Problem
Just as Austria was preparing to turn the tables, the situation in Egypt had undergone a drastic change.
No matter how Russia and Austria tried to hold them back, under the all-out efforts of the French, the Rebel Army led by Mahidi could not hold on, and the battle oues were too gruesome to behold.
If it wasn¡¯t for the Eighth Division wreaking havoc during their retreat and blocking the Nile River, which added logistical pressure to the French Army, the French would have killed their way into the Rebel Army¡¯s stronghold¡ªSultan¡ªlong ago.
In the headquarters of the Eighth Division, Fa Jinhan hurried in, "Lieutenant Colonel, something major has happened.
We¡¯ve just received news that Mahidi diedst night. The cause of death is not yet clear, but it is suspected to be rted to an infection in his wound."
To survive on the battlefield, besides needing a set of skills to protect oneself, more often it is a matter of luck.
Mahidi was incredibly unlucky. While inspecting the troops, he was hit in the left leg by a stray bullet from who knows where.
The bullet didn¡¯t hit the bone but left a hole in his thigh. With the medical technology of the time, this would only be considered a minor injury.
The bullet didn¡¯t hit a vital area, and as long as one received timely treatment, there was an eighty to ny percent chance of survival.
However, Mahidi¡¯s luck was not good; even with such a minor injury, the wound became infected.
Theoretically speaking, an infection is not a fatal injury; most can be treated with antibiotics. If all else fails, amputation to save the patient¡¯s life is still an option.
Unfortunately, this is the African Continent, where there is ack of medical resources, and neither Anglo-Austria was so luxurious as to send medical personnel to the Rebel Army. What was prevalent here was...
Anyway, after a sequence of events, Mahidi¡¯s health copsed.
Whether Mahidi lived or died wasn¡¯t important; the key issue was the timing of his death. Had he died at a different time, people like Hutile would not have bothered.
But now was not the time. The Rebel Army had just suffered a severe blow, beaten senseless by the French, and it was precisely the time they needed to boost their morale.
When it rains, it pours, and Mahidi died at this time, leaving the Rebel Army without even a standard-bearer.
No matter who took over, they would not be able tomand everyone¡¯s respect. A fierce power struggle over leadership within the Rebel Army would surely follow.
The Rebel Army was truly in a "domestic and foreign predicament," and could copse at any moment.
After pondering for a moment, Hutile replied with a bitter smile, "This news hase at the worst possible time. It seems our mission is about to end."
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The deep frustration mixed within his tone, and the worry evident between his brows revealed Hutile¡¯s inner turmoil.
In peacetime, it was exceedingly difficult for military personnel to achieve great sess. This Egyptian uprising was the best opportunity they had been waiting for.
Leaving now would yield a decent evaluation, but it would be just that¡ªdecent. If rated, it would amount to at most eighty points, a full twenty points shy of perfect.
There was no choice. Strategically, they had seeded in creating chaos for the French. But tactically, they never achieved a victory worth bragging about.
The few victories they had were achieved through brute force with numbers. Almost every battle saw casualties on their side several times higher than that of the enemy.
Thepetition within the Austrian army was also very fierce; it adhered to the naturalw where only the strong were revered. Such battle records were naturally not something to be proud of.
Botiyek said, "Since we have to leave anyway, we might as well take advantage of the chaos to leave now. If we dy, we will witness a farce."
The French Army was bearing down, and the Rebel Army was in grave danger, yet the higher-ups were still engaging in cutthroat political intrigue.
As a traditional military man, Botiyek naturally did not want to see such a farce.
Especially since continuing could possibly drag Austria down with them, they couldn¡¯t stay any longer.
...
As expected, no sooner had Hutile and the others left than the internal power struggle within the Rebel Army erupted.
If it hadn¡¯t been for the sudden French attack that forced the Rebel Army to retreat again, the Rebels might have staged an all-out brawl among themselves.
In line with the principle of "if I can¡¯t have it, neither can the enemy," General Jeret, an outsider, became the leader of the Rebel Army in his confusion.
Of course, this title of "leader" was merely nominal; in reality, Jeret couldn¡¯t control anyone. If he wanted tomand the troops, he could only entice them with weapons and equipment in exchange for their service.
In the centralmand, General Jeret, who had just taken over asmander-in-chief, was now busy trying to manage the aftermath.
"General, we¡¯ve just received a message. The highmand of the Eighth Division has disappeared en masse; it looks like the Austrians have chosen to abandon the Rebel Army."
"Bang," a sound echoed, and the documents on General Jeret¡¯s desk had already flown off.
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Without a doubt, for Major General Jeret, this was staggering and terrible news.
Without Austria¡¯s support, the Rebel Army¡¯s chances of turning the tables had grown even slimmer.
Unlike most missions, Major General Jeret truly hoped the Rebel Army would seed. Since the great victory at Aswan, whichunched him into the ranks of world-renowned generals, Major General Jeret had been inextricably linked to the Rebel Army.
A general¡¯s reputation needs to be supported by aplishments, and there are few achievements that canpare with defeating the French.
In life, one vies for fame and fortune.
Major General Jeret could not eschew materialism, especially after having gained so much, he was even less willing to part with it.
After all, the sess at Aswan was greatly exaggerated, with the Rebel Army suffering far more casualties than the French.
If not for political necessities, such a pyrrhic approach tobat would hardly be presentable.
No one likes a ruthlessmander, especially the lower and middle-ranking officers and soldiers; no one wants to be betrayed.
Returning home with these achievements, aside from gaining fame, Major General Jeret¡¯s actual benefits were not high, he might even be sidelined.
Anger cannot solve problems, unless the Anglo-Austrian two countries directly intervened, the oue of this uprising was already predetermined.
Originally, General Jeret¡¯s n was to provoke a conflict between France and Austria and pull Austria in over its head. Given the current international climate, there was an 80% chance that just a spark would ignite a confrontation between the two countries.
After calming down, Major General Jeret realized the futility: "Jack, get ready to pack up, we need to leave here as soon as possible.
It must be done in secret, without attracting the attention of these... Remember, everything in the warehouse must be taken."
If the goal was merely to flee, there was no need to pack up; slipping away quietly would be best.
Obviously, Major General Jeret was not one to adhere to a modest lifestyle; he had taken advantage of his position to amass arge amount of benefits.
Egypt is an ancient civilization with a deep historical heritage, rich in gold, silver, jewels, and countless antique artifacts.
Particrly thetter, which held no value in the eyes of the Rebel Army¡¯s higher-ups. Since General Jeret was fond of them, naturally, they had to be given away.
If they didn¡¯t curry favor with the person in charge, who knew if they would be undercut when allocating assistance materials.
Now about to flee, General Jeret had not forgotten these gains and even nned to take it a step further, aiming for the treasures collected by the Rebel Army.
The young officer Jack shook his head: "General, we have too much to carry, it would take at least dozens of carriages to transport.
With so much to take, keeping the Rebel Army leadership in the dark and leaving quietly is going to be difficult."
General Jeret had heard the most pretentious saying: "Having too much money is also a trouble," never expecting to experience it for himself.
Running away with dozens of carriages, not to mention keeping the Rebel Army leadership in the dark, even the French, the enemy, would not be fooled.
Once the news got out, never mind running away with the treasure, even keeping one¡¯s life would be questionable.
Major General Jeret scolded: "Idiot, when did I ever tell you to run away directly! Without the protection of arge army, these goods are a death warrant."
Although scolded, Jack was not annoyed and asked with a grin: "Uncle, what¡¯s your n?"
General Jeret red at his nephew, annoyed: "Shut up, remember to call me General. If you want to further your career in the military, don¡¯t expose our rtionship."
Like most European armies of the time, the British Army also had a plethora of nepotism, but such matters were to be understood, not discussed.
In order not to alienate themon soldiers in the army, these beneficiaries, while enjoying their privileges, also had to keep as low a profile as possible.
If their connections were exposed, it wouldn¡¯t matter in the short term, but it would invariably lead to being treated differently during future promotions and appointments.
The problem might seem minor ¨C after all, themoners could only envy ¨C yet the repercussions could be severe. When seeking higher rank, having this issue pointed out by rivals could be thest straw that breaks the camel¡¯s back.
What about the escape n?
What n is needed? Isn¡¯t it obvious to flee with arge army?
Once across the border into British-Africa, safety would be in the bag.
Chapter 816 - 79: The Struggle of Napoleon IV
The continuous victories on the African battlefield did not keep the French happy for long. Defeating the rebel army did not mean the end of troubles, as dealing with the aftermath was the real challenge.
Regardless of the soldiers who had fled to the countryside, the Egypt Area was already devastated. The French immigrants who had survived the ordeal all ran to the cities to escape disaster, so there was nothing much to worry about there.
However, the overflowing Nile River could not be ignored. It was the dry season now, so the destructive power was not too astonishing.
If the river channels are not cleared in time, by the time the flood season arrives, including the most fertile Delta Region, the Nile River banks should not expect any crop yield.
Looking at the Egyptian reconstruction n in his hand, Napoleon IV¡¯s face darkened, and even the good news of frontline troops crushing the main forces of the rebels could not bring him anyfort.
"Why do we have to spend so much money?"
Napoleon IV, who had seen major events, would naturally be moved by no small figure.
The post-war reconstruction n in Egypt was nearing one fifth of the cost of the civil war reconstruction n in France, requiring an investment of several billion francs.
This is just a colony, not the maind. Such a huge cost could only restore the social order in Egypt, without speaking of any real significant development.
The newly appointed Prime Minister Terence Burke hurriedly exined, "Your Majesty, the rebels went too far.
The Nile River, Egypt¡¯srgest river, had suffered catastrophic damage, with the river channel being blocked in over a hundred ces, creating seventy-threerge and small barrierkes.
The severe blockages of the river channels caused continuous flooding on both banks, damaging many farnds along the Nile River.
Just clearing the river channels would cost hundreds of millions of francs, and even more investment is needed to restore these farnds.
Due to the war, small towns and ntations in the Egypt Area were all disastrously hit, destroying the local economy.
This impact has put several domestic agricultural insurancepanies into crisis, needing government bailout.
The capital owners, ntation owners, and ordinary immigrants in the Egypt Area, who suffered heavy losses, all needed government financial assistance.
Beyond that, thergest expenditure was in providing relief for refugees.
An iplete statistic indicated that two out of every three people in the Egypt Area were refugees, with the total number possibly exceeding two million.
If these issues are not addressed, the situation in Egypt will be hard to stabilize.
The government included these necessary expenses, along with post-war military expenses to maintain local stability, all into the post-war reconstruction funds."
Hearing this exnation, Napoleon IV still did not feel consoled. No matter the reason, it couldn¡¯t change the fact that money still needed to be spent.
Before Napoleon IV could respond, Finance Minister Roy Vernon interjected, "This is impossible!
Egypt is just a colony, no matter its importance; it¡¯s not worth such a high cost.
The government¡¯s financial resources are limited, and we have more meaningful things to do; we cannot waste precious funds."
This was the harsh truth¡ªthe French government indeed had no money. Influenced by the Egyptian rebellion, the French economy suffered huge losses, and fiscal revenues also declined.
Revenues had decreased, but fiscal expenditures had not been reduced, especially when military spending had significantly increased.
Not long ago, the Paris Government had initiated arge farm n, nning over a hundred farms in areas like French Algeria, Moro, and Tunisia.
Currently, one-third of the farm projects had started construction, with some farms already havingpletednd leveling and preparing for spring nting.
These achievements were all funded by money. Without any surprises, all the farm projects were funded by the government.
As for private capital?
Unfortunately, those ntation owners in Egypt, who were the most enthusiastic representatives of agriculture in France, were now busy licking their wounds, none daring to throw money into the bottomless pit of agriculture.
Prime Minister Terence Burke red angrily, "It has to be done whether we like it or not! Other projects can be deferred, but the Nile River must be cleared as soon as possible.
This year¡¯s agriculture in the Egypt Area is less than one-third of a normal year, with the autumn grain harvest along the Nile River almostpletely failing.
ording to estimates by the colonial government, the poption in the Egypt Area has decreased by at least a quarter due to war, famine, and disease.
If the river channels are not cleared before May, next year¡¯s grain supply along the Nile River will fail again, prolonging the famine for another year.
Once this happens, the situation in Egypt, which has just begun to stabilize, will fall into chaos again.
By the time this is over, whether even a third of the local poption remains is uncertain.
Without enough people, there is no sufficient workforce; what will happen to our cotton ntations?"
Having just suffered from an insufficient supply of cotton, arge group of cotton textile industry capitalists were now urging the government to stabilize the situation quickly to resume production.
You could see from the protesting crowds outside, seven or eight out of ten were workers from the cotton textile industry chain.
Because of insufficient raw material supplies, most factories could not operate normally. If businesses are struggling, the workers¡¯ days are even worse.
Terence Burke might not care about the lives of the Egyptian people, but he had to consider the consequences of abor shortage.
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Now, French Egypt also includes half of Sudan, covering an area of two million square kilometers.
However, in such a vast territory, including the native tribes living in deep mountains and dense forests, there are less than five million people.
These numbers were from before the outbreak of the rebellion. If three and a half million people survived once the situation stabilized, that would be considered a blessing from God.
If the famine continued, it wouldn¡¯t be a dream to see a thousand miles uninhabited. After all, the fertilend of Egypt was only in the Nile Delta, the rest being mostly desert.
Regrettably, relying on hunting and gathering wild fruits for survival was a misguided scenario, as most North African countriescked such capabilities.
Whether it was clearing the river channels, helping ntation owners resume production, or repairing damaged towns, arge workforce was needed.
Essentially, these projects were relief efforts meant to prevent local people from starving, ensuring the continuation of cheapbor for exploitation.
After rifying the severity of the consequences, Napoleon IV could no longer remain passive. With heavy industry struggling to recover, France couldn¡¯t afford to be without cotton fields.
"The work of clearing the river channels must begin as soon as possible. Order the troops at the front to speed up. We cannot let the rebel army continue to destroy the upstream channels.
The national bank should provide low-interest loans to ntation owners to help them resume production quickly. The farms initially nned in the Nile Delta region also need to be activated immediately.
Send a telegram to the colonial government to distribute some relief food. We can¡¯t let the local people starve to death."
In a way, Napoleon IV was truly struggling. Although he was a second-generation emperor, destined from birth, he inherited a tremendous mess.
Napoleon III enjoyed a smooth and glorious reign, eventually earning the title of "the Great," but he left all the aftermath to Napoleon IV.
The massive debts,plex ethnic conflicts, declining economy, and a ridiculed international rtionship were all suddenly exposed.
In such dire conditions, being able to stabilize the situation and prevent France from copsing, Napoleon IV was already among the top monarchs of his time.
Whether it was the African development n or the currentrge farm n, all were measures taken by Napoleon IV to try and reverse the decline of France.
Unfortunately, time waits for no one, and hispetitors continually added to his troubles, never giving France a chance to turn things around.
The African development n met with a man-made economic crisis and even sparked a civil war, with a predictable end.
Thisrge farm n was conceived amidst war. Originally, Napoleon IV had high hopes for it, especially since it targeted the vulnerabilities of Russia and Austria.
However, ns do not change as quickly as situations do, and just as the government began implementing it, they ran out of money.
After pausing for a moment, Napoleon IV added, "The Ministry of Finance will issue fifty billion francs in government bonds to raise funds."
Just mentioning fifty billion francs, even though the French Empire is muchrger now than in the same period historically, still symbolizes an astronomical figure, equivalent to the French government¡¯s total annual revenue.
Upon hearing this news, Finance Minister Roy Vernon waspletely stunned; he even doubted whether there was something wrong with his ears.
In recent years, the French government¡¯s debt had skyrocketed, fast approaching exceeding two hundred and fifty billion francs. Issuing another fifty billion in bonds would break three hundred billion.
"Your Majesty, even if we disregard the government¡¯s financial pressure and do not consider the issue of fund interest, and even ignore the aftermath of mary tightening, the Ministry of Finance would still not be able toplete this fundraising task.
In recent years, the government has issued a massive amount of bonds, absorbing arge amount of idle capital from the market. In the short term, it is simply not possible to raise so much money from the domestic financial market."
In the era of the gold standard, due to the limitation of gold reserves, the amount of currency issued by each country was extremely limited.
Gold-producing countries like Anglo-Austria were better off. Their substantial gold reserves and the market¡¯s confidence in them allowed them to leverage more.
Even if they printed a bit more money, the British Pound and Divine Shield, as international currencies, could be absorbed by international markets, and ying it not too excessively would not affect their value.
However, France as a gold-importing country could not do this. If the ratio of currency issuance to gold reserves wasn¡¯t controlled well, it was easy for international hot money to take advantage of.
The French had already personally experienced it once. Before the financial storm, the French government had yed high leverage along with Anglo-Austria, and the Franc even yed a significant role in the international currency settlement system.
Unfortunately, the French government¡¯s gold reserves were insufficient to handle a bank run, and the Franc¡¯s international status was knocked down overnight.
Napoleon IV asked, "If domestic options are insufficient, isn¡¯t there still the international market?
I remember that Austria once issued bonds across Europe and obtained arge amount of funds.
It was precisely by raising funds from the international market that Austriapleted its industrial revolution and revived once again."
Finance Minister Roy Vernon shook his head, "Your Majesty, we are not the same as Austria, and the current international situation is also different from back then.
What the Austrian government could do does not mean we can do the same. At least we can¡¯t deal with the political interventions of other countries."
Borrowing money these days is not easy. International loans alle with attached conditions, and issuing international bonds is no exception.
When Austria financed a huge amount of bonds through the European world, besides the Vienna Government providing sufficient coteral, a conducive international environment was even more crucial.
The agreements Austria reached with European nations were mostly made at that time. After a series of secret agreements, their rtions with European countries were nearly allies.
With good rtions, naturally, nobody would strangle them financially. But for the French government, it wouldn¡¯t work. It¡¯s likely that before the bonds even went on sale in various countries¡¯ markets, political interference would arise.
The issuended in the Department of Foreign Affairs. Under Napoleon IV¡¯s expectant gaze, Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets bowed his head in submission.
Chapter 817 - 80: The Anti-Semitic Movement in Europe
After a long while, seeing that the Foreign Minister still did not speak, Napoleon IV sighed helplessly.
France¡¯s diplomatic istion by various European countries was not a new phenomenon but could be traced back to the Middle Ages. The Bonaparte Dynasty faced attacks from its inception.
To change this diplomatic istion, sessive French governments had made efforts, but unfortunately, they were of little effect.
It was as if cursed; whenever the French government improved rtions with European countries, before long, a major incident would erupt, instantly maxing out the hatred meter.
There¡¯s no need to go far; during the time of Napoleon III, rtions with European countries had improved, then came the annexation of the Italian Area, and all previous diplomatic efforts were lost overnight.
After Napoleon IV ascended to the throne, he also made efforts, but there were no exceptions this time. It was not them causing trouble, but someone else causing trouble for them.
The oue was the same, the diplomatic rtions that had finally improved dropped back down to freezing point.
Even the Spanish Government, which the French had supported, was lukewarm towards them and could hardly be considered an ally.
Against this backdrop, it was a fool¡¯s dream for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to persuade European countries to agree to the issuance of bonds by the French government in their countries.
After much hesitation, Napoleon IV slowly said, "The refugee relief n is temporarily canceled, restart negotiations with the consortium."
Once again, it was proven that being without money was absolutely uneptable. Therge farm project had just started, not even seeds were sown, and France remained a food importing country.
Using the government¡¯s precious foreign exchange to buy food from abroad to relieve the natives in the colonies was an extravagant act for the colonists.
When the government had money, Napoleon IV did not mind showing kindness and saving these bor forces." But now that there was no money, there was no need to consider it.
Prime Minister Terence Burkin reminded, "Your Majesty, now that we¡¯re negotiating with the consortium, they are sure to make exorbitant demands, and the price we¡¯ll have to pay..."
Napoleon IV interrupted, "Do we even have a choice? The domestic cotton stock has been exhausted, most of the cotton textilepanies areying off workers and cutting back production, and the unemployment rate is soaring.
If we don¡¯t quickly restore cotton production in Egypt, our domestic textile enterprises are going to die out. What then shall we do with those millions of textile workers?"
Knowing it was like drinking poison to quench thirst, Napoleon IV still had no choice. The market needed confidence; without giving the capitalists hope, a wave of bankruptcies and unemployment was imminent.
To avoid another great revolution and well aware of the endless future troubles that woulde frompromising with the consortium, Napoleon IV had no option but to acquiesce.
Finance Minister Roy Vernon said with some trepidation, "Or shall we turn against the Jews?"
This proposal was not without target; the Jews were important creditors of the French government, holding at least one-third of its debts.
By inciting an anti-Semitic movement, these debts would be void. And by confiscating the assets of the Jews, the current financial difficulties could be ovee.
After some hesitation, Napoleon IV nodded, "First, send someone to talk to the Jewish consortium. If they are willing to lend money to the government, let¡¯s spare them."
It was a difficult choice between money and life. Tragically for the Jews, who were unaware of the consequences of refusal, they didn¡¯t even realize that rejecting the offer was not an option.
Even if some suspected what mighte, it was hard to sever ties in the face of interests. From the moment Napoleon IV made this decision, a new round of the French anti-Semitic movement had already begun.
...
In the Vienna Pce, Franz put down the newspaper in his hands, sensing that something was amiss. Recently, there had been a sudden increase in news uncovering the dark history of the Jews in Europe.
With many years of political experience, Franz could be certain that this was a premeditated targeted campaign.
Otherwise, why would the newspapers uncover just Jewish capitalists, since unscrupulous capitalists were everywhere?
Of course, there was nothing wrong with the newspapers. The news published was substantiated with evidence and photos. Every reported incident could be verified, thoroughly fulfilling the journalists¡¯ duty.
Even knowing there were hidden forces behind it, there wasn¡¯t much that could be done; that which had to be reported still needed to be reported, for it was the Jewish capital itself that wasn¡¯t clean.
The Vienna Government, although strict with news censorship, was focused on the veracity of facts, punishing rumors and agendas. News that could be factually supported wasn¡¯t within the scope of censorship.
It¡¯s not just the dark history of Jewish capitalists that could be revealed; even local dignitaries, as long as there was evidence of their crimes, the newspapers had every right to expose them.
...
On the eve of Christmas night, French Economist Yu Lian Fobel gave a speech on the radio entitled "Beware of the Hidden Hands Behind the Economic Crisis," pointing a direct finger at the Jewish consortium.
Following this, numerous experts and schrs in France publicly spoke out, pinning the me for the deterioration of the domestic economy on the heads of the Jewish consortium.
With the tacit consent of the French government, incidents of violence against Jews started to surge.
Sensing the imminent danger, experienced Jewish capitalists immediately employed their invariably effective "Franc" public rtions.
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However, by this time it was already toote. Beginning with the breakdown of negotiations, the French government had already made its decision.
On January 4, 1886, the Paris Government initiated an investigation into several domestic banks under the suspicion of "colluding with foreign hostile forces to short the Franc and engage in financial crimes," thus ushering in the climax of the anti-Semitic movement.
...
As time passed, the momentum of the anti-Semitic movement in Europe grew stronger, and Jews once again found themselves in an ufortable position where everyone was against them.
On January 11, 1886, the mayor of the Free City of Frankfurt, Edward York, published an article in an Austrian newspaper criticizing Jewish capitalism for manipting stock prices and fabricating "bullish and bearish news" for profiteering.
Prior to this, the Frankfurt Securities Management Committee had already issued investigative orders to a number of securitiespanies and foundations controlled by Jewish capital.
With the confirmation of such news, the anti-Semitic movement spread to Austria. Countless "ordinary investors" were bitterly resentful towards Jews.
In an era wheremunication was inconvenient, the anti-Semitic movement went from a simmer to a boil in just over a month, which was sufficient to prove that Jews were qualified scapegoats.
...
At the government meeting, Franz asked expressionlessly, "The anti-Semitic movement among the people is increasingly intensifying, what do you all think?"
It wasn¡¯t just the anti-Semitic movement among the people that was intensifying, even within the government, anti-Semitic voices were bing mainstream. However, due to various constraints, it was inconvenient for many to express their stance openly.
Not being able to express their stance did not mean there were no means to act against Jews. Revealing some of the dark history associated with Jewish capital was possible, and Edward York was just one of those involved.
Lately, multiple institutions such as the Bureau of Industry and Commerce, Quality Inspection Committees, Labour Inspection Committees, Tax Bureaus, Securities Management Committees, etc., were all in action.
All were cracking down on illegal crimes within the bounds of thew, and every action was backed by solid evidence, leaving no room for anyone to object.
If not for the concern that the situation might spiral out of control, Franz would not have bothered to intervene. After all, cracking down on illegal activities was an inherent function of government departments.
As long as punishments were carried out in ordance with Austrianw, without any abuse of power, there would be no issues at all.
Prime Minister Karl said, "Your Majesty, since the French initiated the anti-Semitic movement, the tide of anti-Semitism has risen on the European Continent.
The domestic situation is still rtively stable, and it has not spread to ordinary Jews. Those being targeted are mostly Jewish capitalists.
The government has already strengthened public order enforcement, prohibiting violent acts like smashing, looting, and arson.
Meanwhile, the government also encourages the public to expose all criminal activities. For these criminals, we will show no mercy."
Franz rubbed his forehead; he had nowe to understand the root cause of the recent frequent misfortunes befalling Jewish capitalists.
In these times,pletelywful capitalists were rare. A thorough investigation would inevitably uncover issues.
Because the implications were too broad, Franz could not simply take everyone down. Instead, he could only choose a few with severe issues to "kill the chicken to scare the monkey."
Jewish capitalists already had issues, and with the entire Europe turning against them, these issuesing to light were undoubtedly akin to walking into the line of fire.
Prime Minister Karl, who had a gripe with Jewish capitalists, was clearly set on handling matters by the book this time, punishing thempletely in ordance with Austrianws and regtions, and possibly even imposing harsher penalties.
Although Franz was aware of this, he had no intention of putting a stop to it. The dignity of thew must be upheld, and the government¡¯s actions werepletely justified and legal.
"As long as you all know what is in your hearts, that is enough. The fight against illegal activities must be strict, but we strictly forbid the situation from escting.
For the sake of the country¡¯s economic stability, while the government enforces thew, it must also manage the aftermath well, especially in terms of maintaining employment stability.
Involving industries with dense workforces like manufacturing nts, state-ownedpanies could first take over operations, and after the dust settles, we could proceed with a public auction ording to legal regtions."
...
Chapter 818 - 81: Legal Weapons
The actions were not only taken by the Austrian Government, and governments across Europe joined in this feast.
Jewish capital did incite hatred, but this was a secondary factor, after all, capitalists of that era were all cut from the same cloth, none significantly nobler than the others.
The essence of the anti-Semitic movements has always been a few constant factors:
One was the intensification of social conflicts, where the rulers, in order to consolidate their power, adopted methods to shift these conflicts;
The second was being out of money and unable to repay the high-interest loans from Jewish capital, rulers who did not want to carry the bad reputation of defaulting on their debts then used the banner of anti-Semitism as an excuse to default, incidentally making a profit in the process.
Religious factors and the hatred incited by Jewish capitalists were also among the reasons for the outbreaks of anti-Semitic movements, but these had be secondary factors in more modern times.
Of course, there were exceptions. Sometimes Jewish capital truly invited trouble, often having no bottom line when it came to profits, and this did trigger numerous anti-Semitic movements, though these were mostly local.
The essence of this anti-Semitic movement was very simple, the French government was out of money, other European countries simply followed suit.
Taking the Tsarist Government as an example, after the outbreak of the anti-Semitic movement in Europe, Alexander III confiscated a great deal of property from Jewish capitalists, especially in the banking sector, where any institution with Jewish capital backgrounds were nationalized.
Well, thetter part was added by the bureaucrats.
Mainly, just over a decade ago, the Russian Empire had undergone a massive anti-Semitic movement, and now the Jewish capitalists within Russia had not yet had a chance to recover their vitality, their families simply didn¡¯t have enough assets for everyone to share.
With no other choice, everyone had just opted to escte the issue.
Other industries were difficult to target, as they involved workers¡¯ employment issues and managing them poorly could easily cause major disturbances, the bureaucrats were greedy but also loathedplications.
The banks were an exception, as they inherently heldrge quantities of cash. Using the opportunity of nationalization, everyone perfectly embezzled a portion of the cash, then shifted the me onto the Jewish capitalists.
If performed more skillfully, after a while, another excuse could be found to sell off the nationalized banks at a low price to private capital, thus skimming extra benefits from the transaction.
As for the other capitalists who were drawn into this, it all depended on whether they had strong enough support.
Those with powerful backers naturally had their properties returned; after bribing their way out, they might even join the group divvying up the spoils, seizing the opportunity to incorporate the shares left by the Jews.
Those without powerful backers, well, it was unfortunate for them; managing to preserve their own interests was considered lucky, and the unlucky ones had their assets confiscated outright.
The Tsarist Government was utterly shameless in its greed, not only did the national capitalists inside the country suffer heavy losses, but even foreign capital from Ennd and France was not spared.
This feast continued until Austrian capital suffered losses and the Vienna Government protested to the Tsarist Government, which led Alexander III to finally intervene.
However, that was a matter of six monthster. By that stage, many of the initial victims¡¯ graves were already overgrown with grass.
Byparison, Austria was still somewhat decorous. The unfortunate ones were all Jewish capitalists who had broken thew; those who abided by thew managed to escape the cmity.
Although there were very few who obeyed thews, it didn¡¯t matter. The fact that they didn¡¯t indiscriminately eliminate everyone, or deliberately escte matters to involve more innocent people was already quitemendable.
...
Winter had passed and spring had arrived, with the earth beginning to revive and the trees starting to sprout.
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In the Vienna Pce, rows of camellia trees had already sprouted new branches, grown tender green leaves, and exuded fragrant red buds, heralding the prosperity of Austria¡¯s national fortunes.
This wonderful time was just like Franz¡¯s mood at the moment.
Looking at the revenue report passed by the Prime Minister, Franz finally understood why European countries hated the Jews and why they didn¡¯t just eliminate them all.
It¡¯s not that everyone didn¡¯t want to, they simply couldn¡¯t bear to do so. These were prime "leeks" to be harvested every few decades, each time yielding substantial profits.
If they were all eradicated in one go, what would their descendants do when they were short of money? In a way, this was a sustainable model of pig farming.
The confiscated cash wasn¡¯t too much, only less than two billion Gods Shield, but the real estate, bonds, stocks, and a series of assets such as the seized businesses and properties amounted to an astronomical figure.
ording to the preliminary estimates of the Vienna Government, the value of these assets umted to over 3.5 billion Gods Shield.
Of course, many of these were theoretically virtual assets.
For example, if a publicpany¡¯s market value was 30 million Gods Shield, its actual assets might only be 10 million Gods Shield, or even just a few million.
How much these figures were inted, no one could really tell. How the Vienna Government calcted these values was also unclear to Franz.
If they really were put up for sale, there was no way they could sell for that much money in a short period of time, they might not even reach half the estimated value.
No consortium in the world coulde up with that much money, not even the Royal Consortium that Franz had created himself.
After all, wealth and cash were two different concepts. If theoretical assets were to be considered, Franz, Queen Victoria, and Alexander III would definitely rank among the top three in the world, each possessing assets worth over 10 billion Gods Shield.
However, this wealth was only nominal. Theoretically, Franz¡¯s greatest wealth was a batch of territories directly belonging to the royal family, covering tens of millions of square kilometers, which,pared to the wealth of the Royal Consortium, was really not much.
All those colonies in Britannia were theoretically the Queen¡¯s properties, and their value couldn¡¯t be estimated at all.
The same was true for Alexander III. The Russian Empire was vast enough, and the Tsarist¡¯s nominalnds spanned tens of millions of square kilometers, and even though much of thisnd was permafrost, it was still of great value.
If these theoretical assets could be liquidated, all the consortia in the worldbined would still look weak.
Altogether, more than five thousand Jewish capitalists were involved in the case, ounting for 68.5 percent of all Jewish capitalists.
Undoubtedly, most of these five thousand people were small or medium-sized capitalists, and the real top tier of the capitalistic world was still just a minority, yet it was precisely these few who controlled the most wealth.
ording to thepiled data, the top ten richest had assets exceeding 100 million Gods Shield, and the wealthiest 100 controlled wealth exceeding 2.5 billion Gods Shield, with the least wealthy still surpassing a million.
There¡¯s no denying it, those singled out were doomed. Though legally processed, their substantial wealth was the motivation for the Vienna Government to dig into their dark histories.
This much money was legally obtained, and whether others believed it or not, Franz certainly did not.
One could refer to the Habsburg Family, a royal lineage that hassted for centuries; before Franz took over, all theirbined assets didn¡¯t even reach one billion of today¡¯s Gods Shield currency.
This has nothing to do with effort, it¡¯s more about the limitations of the productive forces of the era. There¡¯s only so much total wealth in society, and no matter how sessful your business is, there is a cap.
There were just too many files piled up behind, and Franz couldn¡¯t be bothered to flip through them anymore, after all, he wasn¡¯t a judge, and it wasn¡¯t his job to try criminals.
Putting down the file he was holding, Franz asked curiously, "ording to the currentws and regtions, how would these people be sentenced?"
Prime Minister Carl replied with a bitter smile, "In fact, there are far more people suspected of crimes than this list suggests, and this list is already a result of the government going easy on them.
For those with minor involvement, we just fined them without including them in this list.
ording to the currentw, everyone on this list is looking at a minimum of ten years. Over half of them could be sentenced to hanging."
This is only based on investigations following reports from whistleblowers without delving too deeply into other criminal activities. Otherwise, I seriously doubt any of them would survive."
Hearing this answer, Franz was also stunned. Isn¡¯t this the real-life version of the adage ¡¯kill nine out of ten capitalists, and one escapes¡¯?
Franz had reason to believe that those who escaped did not do so because of their clean backgrounds or because they were lucky, but rather because too many people were involved.
In order to minimize political fallout, the Vienna Government could not execute thousands at once and can only target the "fat sheep" and those "guilty of the most heinous crimes."
The reason for this situation has to do with thews of Austria. Compared toter times, the legal penalties in those days were much more severe.
After all, it was the nobility in power, and they were naturally unforgiving toward the bourgeoisie who could threaten their status.
A simple example, in Austria, egregious hoarding could result in the confiscation of all property and even decapitation.
Bribing government officials, regardless of the severity, means both the bribe taker and the briber are equally guilty, receiving the same prison sentence.
Bribing multiple officials is tragic, as the prison terms are cumtive and have no upper limit.
If unlucky, and a bribed official ister sentenced to death, then without question, you directly receive a prison term of one hundred years.
Is this fair?
Definitely not, but this world is inherently unfair.
Concerning power struggles and in order to curb the spread of corruption, Franz still opted to turn a blind eye.
Moreover, there was a loophole; to escape punishment, one had to turn informant.
Reporting the officials you have bribed could reduce your sentence. In theory, reporting several could offset the crime, and after paying a fine, you could be released from prison.
This led to every major anti-corruption case involving a significant number of people.
In Austria, whether bribing or being bribed, it was a high-risk activity. To date, the record for the longest prison sentence issued is three thousand four hundred sixteen years,
Franz asked nervously, "How many officials are involved?"
Now he was genuinely scared, fearing another bombshell might explode that would make this year¡¯s record high.
There was no choice, the dignity of thew had to be upheld. Once discovered, it must be dealt with, and Franz would not use pardons for these scum.
Prime Minister Carl answered with his head down, "Up to now, a total of four thousand eight hundred sixty-four civil servants have surrendered to the Anti-Corruption Bureau, submitting dirty money totaling thirteen million four hundred seventy thousand Gods Shield.
How many officials are involved is still under investigation. There have been many criminals reporting to the government, but due to ack of evidence, cases cannot be directly initiated."
Hearing this answer, Franz breathed a sigh of relief.
With arge number of people involved and significant amounts involved, but the average bribe per person not being substantial, plus the reduction for turning themselves in, most of these culprits could be dealt with internally.
Confiscating the dirty money, dismissing them from public office, and assigning varying lengths of mandatorybor, the issue would pass, thankfully avoiding a massive bloodshed.
As for the stubborn culprits uncovered, they would just have to be made examples of.
Franz had a premonition that these unrepentant criminals were mostly those guilty of the most egregious crimes, as ordinary people caught would not resist to the bitter end.
"Investigate! No matter who is involved, investigate thoroughly. This time, no criminal is to be treated with leniency."
Capturing so many Jewish capitalists without government officials being affected would hardly be believable to anyone.
The minor fish who turned themselves in do not count, the big fish have yet to surface. Franz did not believe that Jewish capital in Austria had no foundations whatsoever.
The sess of this action by the Vienna Government was because they caught them unprepared, and nobody knew the government would wield thew as a weapon.
After all, Austriacks both of the core elements of an anti-Jewish movement; the Vienna Government neither needs to divert social conflicts nor is it experiencing fiscal difficulties.
Based on past experiences, European anti-Jewish movements begin with violence, and the Vienna Government had shown no signs before acting.
Especially since the government had bolstered the police force to prevent public extremists from anti-Jewish actions, many people felt reassured.
This illusion of experience misled the judgment of Jewish capitalists. The Vienna Government made no prior announcements and suddenly issued arrest orders, leaving no time for them to react.
The power of money is substantial, but no amount of money holds significant value in the face of state machinery.
Theworks of rtionships and connections built over the days now crumbled to nothing; at least until now, Franz had not encountered anyone pleading on behalf of Jewish capitalists.
Not initiating does not mean it doesn¡¯t exist. Those lightly involved could seize the chance to dissociate themselves from Jewish capitalists, but those already bound together would find it difficult to leave now.
If he couldn¡¯t remove these Jewish capitalist moles buried in the government, Franz would not be able to sleep.
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
...
Chapter 819 - 82: Life-saving Charm = Death-inducing Charm
Overnight descent into the mortal world is certainly unbearable for ordinary people. At this moment, Alps Tarot Prison was filled with arge group of disheartened individuals.
In the face of crisis, these well-dressed dignitaries were hardly any better off than ordinary people.
Even after entering the prison, many still hadn¡¯t epted their reality. The shouting, cursing, threats, bribes... all kinds of bizarre tactics made their appearance here.
Leo Cohen was an exception, quietly squatting in a corner, silently watching everyone perform.
As one of the richest among the Jewishmunity and indeed the world, Leo Cohen was a well-seasoned veteran, having experienced every type of storm.
His journey to sess, defeating numerouspetitors, relied not only on ruthlessness but more so on his sharp judgment.
Before the 1848 Revolution erupted, while the capitalists were engaged in their final revelries, Leo Cohen had sensed the danger and decisively chose toy low.
Even managing family business affairs from behind the scenes, when the umtion of goods was exposed, he didn¡¯t hesitate to introduce a scapegoat and took on all the me without waiting for Austria to settle ounts.
When the Vienna government did their fall clean-up, Leo Cohen secretly handed over evidence of his peers¡¯ crimes.
It was by bringing down his peers and seizing the opportunity that arose from a market gap, that Leo Cohen managed to rise and be one of thergest retail wholesalers in Austria.
Then, following the capitalist model, he took his business public to raise funds and cash out, before transitioning into the banking sector.
To be precise, he entered high-interest lending; Leo Cohen¡¯s banks did not engage in regrmercial loans but specialized in profiteering schemes.
To secure even more profits, Leo Cohen even ventured into casinos and the drug trade, paving his quick path to riches.
Looking at Leo Cohen¡¯s life records, he resembled the viin protagonist with cheats, who single-handedly transformed an ordinary Jewish family into one of the top Jewish elites in Europe.
Unfortunately, luck always runs out. When the anti-Semitic movements spread to Austria, they immediately caught Leo Cohen¡¯s attention.
He chose not to flee because the domestic situation in Austria was stable without any signs of widespread anti-Semitic activities.
Then he was brought in. Until his imprisonment, Leo Cohen had not figured out how he had gotten there.
Thework of connections he had established did not provide him with any safe haven, not even the basic warning of danger.
Although Austria was very strict in investigating corruption, this did not hinder a big capitalist like Leo Cohen.
Direct bribing might not work, but nobody could stop indirect transfer of benefits. Especially after owning his own bank, it was even harder to be regted.
Leo Cohen was able to navigate through the realms of sin and gray zones, creating such a vast empire, relying on the power dealings under the transfer of benefits.
After long periods of dealing, both parties had dirt on each other, and now everyone was stuck together.
If anything happened to Leo Cohen, he could drag everyone down, ording to the currentws of the Austrian government, no one could escape.
It was precisely because he had enough chips in hand that Leo Cohen couldn¡¯t understand why he had been abandoned.
At that moment, a middle-aged police chief and several prison guards walked in, picking up clubs and administered a beating to quell the disorderly crowd.
Before Leo Cohen could feel relieved for dodging a bullet, the middle-aged police chief loudly scolded, "No matter what your status was outside, in here you have only one identity ¡ª criminals.
If you want to walk out alive, behave yourselves! Otherwise, any idents that ur are your own responsibility."
The police chief¡¯s outcry was not without reason; Alps Tarot Prison had another name ¡ª the Door to Hell.
Only those with incontrovertible evidence against them, merely awaiting the court¡¯s final sentence, were qualified to be confined here.
Generally, those whoe here, if not sentenced to death, are at least sentenced to thirty years or more of penalbor.
With such severe criminals, the prison guards naturally did not need to be courteous. The so-called living leave merely meant transferring from this prison to even worse conditions in the Middle East or Africa.
Hearing the middle-aged police chief¡¯s warning, Leo Cohen knew things were about to get worse.
The guards could afford to be indifferent to their lives for only one reason, they were all to be executed. Only when it was certain that they would be sentenced to death did no one care how they died.
Seeing everyone quiet down, the middle-aged chief of police nodded in satisfaction and slowly said, "Who is Leo Cohen? Someone is here to visit."
All eyes immediately turned towards Leo Cohen. Since everyone moved in the same circles, even if they didn¡¯t know each other, they recognized each other¡¯s faces.
In the current situation, for someone toe to visit without hesitation, it must be a life-or-death rtionship.
Seeing the envious and jealous expressions on everyone¡¯s faces, Leo Cohen could only feel bitter inside.
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Considering he had just been captured, even if rtives and friends were unfazed and willing toe to visit, it definitely wouldn¡¯t be this quick.
The identity of the person now visiting was thus self-evident. Leo Cohen was very clear it was "visitation" not "bail", a single word difference that held vastly different implications.
Seeing impatience appear on the face of the middle-aged chief of police, Leo Cohen, adept at reading expressions, quickly got up and responded, "Sir, I am Leo Cohen, may I ask who..."
Before Leo Cohen could finish, the middle-aged chief of police interrupted, "Just go if you¡¯re told to go. What¡¯s with all the nonsense."
Curiosity killed the cat, this was the experience Manuel had umted over many years of work. He never asked about things he wasn¡¯t supposed to.
With a nervous heart, Leo Cohen went to the visitor¡¯s room, and Manuel decisively chose to leave, even the guard who was on duty was withdrawn by a hundred meters.
Feeling insecure, Leo Cohen took the lead and asked, "Sir Ledyard, how are things outside?"
Sir Ledyard shook his head, "The situation is very bad, Mr. Leo. Up to this point, thousands have been imprisoned.
In recent years, you have gone too far, and many people were displeased with you. Now, there are many piling on.
As an old friend, we will try to get you out, but the current situation isplicated. We must first control the situation and try not to let it escte.
If things get out of control, you must be prepared for the worst. Of course, this is just a possibility. The likelihood of it happening is very small.
You should know how strong our influence is, even if things spiral out of control, we will ensure that your family is not implicated. If necessary, we will even send them out of the country."
Hearing this answer, Leo Cohen turned ashen. Although Sir Ledyard seemed to be consoling him, it was actually a warning, making it clear to him: careless talk costs lives.
Currently, without facing a court trial, he couldn¡¯t leave, and after being convicted, getting out would be even more impossible.
It¡¯s not feasible to save a suspected criminal, let alone a convicted felon. It wasn¡¯t about whether one wanted to or not, it simply couldn¡¯t be done by anyone.
Unless Franz himself issued a pardon, otherwise, ording to Austrianw, uwfully releasing a criminal was consideredplicity.
Even if an official was bold enough to take the risk, those below him wouldn¡¯t dare to execute it.
Too many people were involved, and if any part of the process went wrong, all participants would be doomed together.
There were precedents; a few years ago, there was a ssic case where a second-generation individual dragged down more than a hundred others.
This wave was still considered lucky. If a death row inmate had been released, everyone would have had to go down to hell together, which would have been tragic.
Having heard many simr cases, Leo Cohen did not believe he had the privilege to make powerful figures risk their fortunes and lives to rescue him.
"Don¡¯t worry, Sir Ledyard, I won¡¯t cause you any trouble. But the situation here isplicated, and my frail body might not hold up. Could you help by sending word?"
With no way out immediately, the only option was to try to make his stay a bit more bearable.
Sir Ledyard smiled slightly and said, "No problem, we have it handled. Mr. Leo, if you need anything, just talk to the guards. Whatever can be provided, we will provide."
The brief visitation ended, and Sir Ledyard breathed a sigh of relief. It was good that nothing was said out of line, or else if the problems were exposed, they might not have been able to cover them up.
After much deliberation, Sir Ledyard made a decision deep within: "This Leo Cohen cannot be kept."
...
Chapter 821 - 84: Everyone Has Eaten Their Fill
Hearing the word "professional," Albert frowned. In all fairness, silencing people through murder was not his specialty; his actual job was to capture criminals.
He wanted to argue, but considering the critical moment they were in, he couldn¡¯t afford to be concerned with these minor details.
Albert shook his head, "Count, the situation is tense right now, with too many people involved, it¡¯s difficult to silence everyone without attracting outside attention."
This was inevitable. An ident happening to one or two prisoners could be exined away, but idents involving dozens at once would be suspicious to anyone.
Killing people was not difficult; the key was how to deal with the government¡¯s subsequent investigations. Any tiny clue left behind could bring them crashing down from their lofty heights.
The atmosphere in the room grew even more oppressive upon hearing this response. It was unclear who started it, but someone lit a cigar, soon filling the enclosed space with smoke.
Seeing that the mood was off, Sir Ledyard suggested, "I have been to the Alps Tarot Prison, and the conditions there are horrendous. It¡¯s not umon for prisoners to have ¡¯idents¡¯ there every year.
If we could deal with the prison guards and stage an ident, as long as we¡¯re careful, there should be no major problem."
Albert shook his head, "You haven¡¯t worked in the police system; you don¡¯t know the ins and outs.
Many things can be uncovered if we want to investigate. Even if the job is done cleanly, traces will be left behind.
Staging an ident is easy, but how can we ensure that we eliminate all the targets we intend to in one go? What if there are any who slip through the?
If even one survivor remains, all problems will be exposed, and we can¡¯t expect the prison guards to personally finish them off, can we?
Even if the silencing is sessful, it doesn¡¯t mean the matter is concluded. These Jewish capitalists are not to be underestimated; I don¡¯t believe they have no contingency ns.
If we silence them and then someonees forward with evidence, the situation will only worsen."
Understanding the stakes, Albert was aware of how unreliable such arge-scale silencing could be.
Dealing with prison guards wasn¡¯t impossible, but such high-risk tasks at most could only elicit them turning a blind eye; expecting them to risk their lives for this cause was utterly unrealistic.
The most troublesome part was that silencing was only the beginning and not the end of the matter. Despite using their families as a threat, it was all for show to deceive others.
The families of such high-level criminals had long been controlled and interrogated. Even if they wanted to do anything, it would only be after the dust settled.
Generally speaking, even in the case of revenge or retaliation, direct action is not taken. More often, it¡¯s about using the power at hand to arrange a ¡¯better ce¡¯ for them.
For example: exiling them to ska to mine or to the desert to build railroads, and so forth.
Count Witters sighed after his suggestion to silence the targets was rejected, and he slowly said, "If we can¡¯t silence them, we have no choice but to cut our losses to survive.
We haven¡¯t taken any money from the Jews, so they shouldn¡¯t have direct evidence against us. The only risk is a few businesses that had transactions with them.
If everyone is willing, I suggest we liquidate these enterprises and cut off all ties with them."
Everyone¡¯s faces changed dramatically. These businesses were no small matter; apart from benefiting them in terms of interest, they also included their own investments.
If they really gave up these enterprises, every person here, along with their backing families, would be severely weakened.
Albert hastily opposed, "No! Not only would we suffer huge losses from abandoning these enterprises, but would we really be able to get away?
Over the years, everyone has taken advantage of these enterprises to reap benefits. The investigative team could trace their way to our doorsteps if they follow the leads.
Perhaps these things alone aren¡¯t enough to convict us, but to end our careers is already sufficient.
Don¡¯t overthink it. The most urgent task is to stabilize these capitalists and buy us time.
Next, everyone should use their influence to quickly dispose of these businesses, including the disposal of rted surrounding enterprises.
We have never shown our faces; by cutting off the profit chain and sending the implicated staff out of the country, we solve half of the problem.
Leverage our power to try to get the court to sentence these Jewish capitalists to death, preferably with immediate execution.
If we¡¯re quick enough, once the sentence is handed down, we immediately take action, and there will be no chance for them to speak up."
Thetter method was clearly more sophisticated than the raw act of self-muttion, especially the subsequent silencing action, which was filled with professionalism.
No one cares about the life or death of a condemned prisoner. Dying a day early or a dayte is essentially the same.
In a populous nation like Austria, people are executed every day. Generally, those sentenced to immediate execution are executed within three to seven days.
The intervening time is left for the families to say their farewells. However, this is just unwritten practice, not a formal regtion.
In theory, as long as the sentence is issued, the prisoner can be executed.
Even if the execution is carried out unusually quickly and draws the attention of certain observant individuals, the issue can be med on "anti-Semitism."
Count Witters¡¯s eyes lit up with excitement upon hearing the proposal, "What a great idea, Albert, you¡¯re a genius.
Sir Ledyard, the task of handling these scum falls to you. Whatever method you use, you need to fool them first.
If necessary, extreme measures can be taken, but they must be used with caution. If things get too big and attract the attention of the informed, we cannot cover it up.
From now on, we are the vanguard against the Jews, we must see to it that these evil Jewish capitalists are punished by justice!"
...
The anti-Semitic wave continued to surge, but it could no longer capture Franz¡¯s attention; he was busy tallying his gains and determining how to distribute this unexpected windfall.
Economy Minister Reinhardt Halden handed over a document, "Your Majesty, this is the redevelopment n for the traditional industrial cities."
There are mainly two views within the Ministry of Economy: the first is to build a new city at another location; the second is to remodel on-site, learning from the British in constructing subways to improve urban traffic.
Both proposals have their respective advantages and disadvantages.
The advantage of building a new city is that after redesigning and nning, the city¡¯s poption and traffic capacity will increase significantly, and there will be no need for concern for a long time in the future;
The disadvantage is: it requires a considerable investment of funds and a lengthy construction period.
Byparison, remodeling the old city directly on its current foundation brings about quicker results in the short term and requires much less investment.
However, many of the old city¡¯s street ns do not meet current needs, and the remodeling is just an emergency solution, with rebuilding still needed in the future."
The problem of urbannd upation is not within consideration; if Austria has one abundance, it isnd, which also serves as an advantage in urban nning.
After giving it some thought, Franz made his decision, "We have too much to do, and it¡¯s impossible to invest everything into urban construction; we will first rebuild the old city district, and we¡¯ll consider building a new city in the future."
Continue reading on empire
The issue of funding is just one aspect, the crux is that in this day and age, mechanical equipment is scarce, and construction relies mainly on manualbor, carried out mostly by physical burden, naturally slowing progress.
Unlike the development ns for the Near East, where the poption is limited, and a single urban n suffices, with the details to be considered as the poption grows.
The cities that need to be rebuilt now arerge industrial metropolises with poptions in the millions; the construction volume for building new cities is immense, and without a decade or two, it¡¯s simply unachievable.
In such a long time, circumstances would have greatly changed. The international situation is ever-changing; Austria cannot afford to dive head-first into infrastructure construction, lest sudden situations cause trouble.
As for the issue of future rebuilding, it is an inevitable oue. Economic development changes with each passing day, and even if a new city were built, simr problems would still ur decadester.
Societal productive forces dictate that urban construction cannot be achieved in one go; rejuvenation and recement are the naturalws of social development.
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
Reinhardt Halden did not continue to insist. Building a new city is important, but Austria has many other projects of greater significance.
For example, transportation.
As the number of automobiles continues to increase, the existing roads can no longer satisfy the real demand, and upgrading and transforming these roads has be a necessary trend for future development.
The backcountry, with virtually no vehicle traffic, can temporarily be disregarded. However, the reconstruction of roads surroundingrge cities is now an urgent matter.
Take Vienna as an example, the number of family cars in the city has exceeded eight thousand, and the number of trucks and tractors has even surpassed ten thousand.
The inner city is still bearable; when the city wasst reconstructed, the roads were kept fairly wide, so traffic congestion isn¡¯t an immediate concern, but the main arteries surrounding the city are inadequate.
The roads used by horse-drawn carriages and those by automobiles are an entirely different concept.
A road that can amodate four horse-drawn carriages side by side can at most fit two trucks parallel to each other. If any incident urs, traffic jams ensue immediately.
Right now, the number of vehicles is not toorge, and road congestion is bearable, at worst causing dys of only about fifteen minutes.
The key issue is that roads suitable for horse-drawn carriages are not conducive to automobiles. Especially on rainy days, muddy roads are the greatest adversaries of cars.
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To change this situation, two years ago, the Vienna City Government began constructing cement roads.
Many cities wish to follow suit, but sadly, not every city has the funds, leaving them to seek help from the Central Government.
With too many entities asking for money, the Central Government could not fulfill the requests, so the n was temporarily shelved.
There¡¯s no way around it; improving transportation is definitely beneficial for economic development, but investing in road construction is a loss, even when including tolls.
The Ministry of Economy has already assessed that, based on the current scale of vehicles in Austria, even with an annual growth of twenty percent, it would still be difficult to achieve a bnce of ie and expenses from tolls within twenty years.
Bear in mind this is only the bnce of operational and maintenance expenses, not the recovery of capital and profit.
This is theoretically speaking; in reality, it is rare for a road tost twenty years.
Aside from a few roads managing to recoup construction costs before being dmissioned, the majority of road projects still face losses even after the roads have worn out.
If it were profitable, capitalists would not be indifferent and would have already invested heavily.
To put it inly, the time is just too early. If the timeline were shifted forward by two or three decades, there would be no shortage of capitalists willing to invest.
Now, even if we construct a well-traveled road between Vienna and Prague, the end result would still be aplete loss.
The reason is very simple: Austria¡¯s railway industry is too well developed, and the cost of railway transportation is lower than that of road transportation. Many areas also facepetition from even cheaper water transport, so long-haul freight does not rely on roadways.
Without long-haul freight, relying on family cars to generate toll revenues and break even before cars be ubiquitous in every household is hopeless.
...
Chapter 822 - 85: Show-Off Techniques
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The beneficiaries of the windfall were not just the Austrian Government, but governments across Europe, which made a fortune from this "Anti-Semitic Movement."
Even the Russians, with rtively modest profits, turned a deficit into a surplus in this campaign, marking the second time in nearly forty years that the Tsarist Government had a fiscal surplus.
It is noteworthy that thest time the Tsarist Government had a fiscal surplus, it was also due to an anti-Semitic incident. History once again proved that anti-Semitism is indeed the royal road to wealth.
Seeing the assets on the financial statements increase every day, Alexander III felt invigorated. Experience new stories on empire
When the Tsar was in a good mood, joy permeated throughout the Gatchina Pce.
After the initial joy, Alexander III began to worry again. This was the first time since his ession that he had such ample funds at his disposal, and he had no experience in how to spend this money efficiently.
It wasn¡¯t for ack of ces to use the money, quite the opposite, the Russian Empire needed funds in many areas.
Be it debt reduction, investment in domestic infrastructure, or modernization of military equipment, money was needed.
Since thest anti-Semitic campaign happened too recently, the "crops" hadn¡¯t had time to grow well, and the profits of the Tsarist Government were rtively limited, unable to support several projects at the same time.
Finance Minister Alisher Gurov: "Your Majesty, although the liquidated assets included cash totalling tens of billion rubles, most of that money belonged to depositors, and only a small part was actually owned by Jewish capitalists.
The portion that is foreign currency and gold is even smaller, with a total value of about one hundred million rubles.
Considering that the government has nearly forty-three million rubles in international debt maturing this year, which needs to be discharged, and another thirty-eight million due next year, the Ministry of Finance suggests using these foreign currencies to repay the debt.
There is also nearly eighty million rubles of domestic debt maturing soon, and funds also need to be reserved for this.
After deducting these expenditures, theoretically, the assets avable for the government to utilize are about six hundred and forty million rubles.
However, among these assets, only eighty million rubles worth of stocks and bonds can be quickly liquidated; the rest are mostly loans that have been made and a small portion of real estate.
The Ministry of Finance has already started handling the real estate, striving to sell it all within a year; the loans given out are more troublesome, as they can only be collected once they mature."
There was no other way; lending at high interest rates was what Jewish capitalists preferred most.
Especially in a country like Russia where industry andmerce were undeveloped, high-interest lending was much more profitable than investing in manufacturing, so Jewish capitalists naturally flocked to it.
In a sense, this was also a reason the Tsarist Government dared to target Jews without restraint. After all, Jewish capital was concentrated in the banking sector, and even if there were disturbances, the impact on the national economy would be rtively small.
If Jewish capitalists were passionate about investing in industrial enterprises, having millions of workers depending on them for their livelihood, any government would think twice before taking any action.
Regrettably, Jewish capitalists had not yet realized this. Each one of them was thinking of using financial means through banks to covertly control other industries and obtain huge profits from them.
Alexander III, frowning, asked, "Does this mean that the funds we can actually use right now amount to just that eighty million rubles?"
Finance Minister Alisher Gurov: "It will be a bit more than that. Prior to this, we also prepared some funds for debt repayment, though the amount wasn¡¯t substantial.
We had nned to negotiate with the banks to borrow another loan to pay off these old debts, but that is no longer necessary.
With those funds included, the current cash avable for the government to use is about one hundred and ten million rubles.
Taking into ount the possibility of an agricultural crisis in the next few years, the Ministry of Finance suggests reducing our debt as much as possible or reserving some funds to handle emergencies."
The era of Alexander III was a turning point. From the time of his ascension, the Tsarist Government had been working to improve its international image, including punctual debt repayment.
Of course, this excluded the already defaulted debts, which were irrecoverable as the reputation was already damaged, and it was naturally impossible to continue repayment.
The current debt repayment mainly involved the Nordic Federation and Austria, both significant creditors and good neighbors of the Russian Empire.
Through Alexander III¡¯s efforts, the Russian Empire¡¯s external debt was reduced by nearly one-fifth from its peak, and the financial situation had somewhat improved.
In just five years, such brilliant achievements were mainly due to "international trade."
By selling off spoils of the Third Near East War and undertaking the resettlement work for the Ottoman Empire migrants, the Tsarist Government sessfully reduced its debt.
Even after reducing the debt, the finances of the Tsarist Government were still tight. This anti-Semitic campaign was a timely rain indeed.
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It was unfortunate that the bureaucratic corruption was beyond measure; otherwise, Alexander III wouldn¡¯t have had to worry so much.
Because of the corruption, the confiscations yielded only modest assets, an insult to the acimed wealth-gathering abilities of Jews; such results would hardly be believed if made public.
Seeing the Finance Minister intending to save the funds, Naval Minister Anand Nichs promptly said, "Your Majesty, the battleships promised by the Austrians are now ready for delivery."
```
"People have urged us several times, and we keep dragging our feet without collecting the ships; our navy department is almost too ashamed to show its face,"
The navy is a gold-guzzling beast, and once we get the warships from the Austrian Navy, the Russians will have to pay for the subsequent maintenance costs themselves.
The Russian navy is a typical poor man¡¯s navy; most of its ships were built during the reign of Nichs I, and the ships¡¯ age even exceeds that of the average age of the naval soldiers.
It¡¯s unbelievable, but now the Russian navy doesn¡¯t even need to board ships, let alone go to sea; their training exercises are exactly like those of the army.
The reason for all this isn¡¯t that the navy¡¯s highmand has water in their brains; it¡¯s mainly because the ships simply can¡¯t set sail.
Most of the ships are well past their service life, and now if we send them out of the port, no one knows when they might sink.
Not to mention live-fire exercises at sea; it¡¯s estimated that a round of cannon fire could scatter the ships with its recoil.
In such a context, what else can be done if not using army exercises?
If we follow the navy¡¯s training standards and one round of live-fire at sea sinks the ships, the entire Russian navy would be annihted.
No one can bear such a terrifying consequence, and the Tsarist Government, from top to bottom, very tacitly chooses to turn a blind eye to these subtle changes in the navy.
To get new warships as soon as possible, the Russian navy oftenunches petition campaigns, making Naval Minister Anand Nichs dare not inspect the navy for fear of being cornered by the soldiers and being unable to step down.
Now that the opportunity has arrived, of course, we must actively strive for it. We don¡¯t need much; just allocate a mere seven or eight hundred million, bring back the promised Austrian warships, let the Russian navy have ships to go to sea with, and he would be content.
After exchanging nces and confronted with the eager eyes of the Minister of the Navy, Alexander III simply couldn¡¯t find the words to say no.
The Russian Empire is also the fourth-ranked power in the world; it would be utterly ridiculous if the navy didn¡¯t even have the means to put up a front.
If it were a purchase of warships, Alexander III would definitely refuse, as the Tsarist Government cannot afford such luxury. However, with warships being gifted for free, it would be too unreasonable to refuse.
Alexander III was also an ambitious man; he too had heard the term "Century¡¯s Navy." If the current situation continued, it wouldn¡¯t be long before the Russian navy would run out of seeds.
Clenching his fists to himself, as if he had gone through an internal struggle, after a long while, Alexander III slowly said, "Let¡¯s bring back the warships first!
The warships promised by the Austrians are all active service equipment and are at an advanced level worldwide; the finance department will allocate an additional eight hundred million rubles for the maintenance of the warships so that we do not waste these ships."
Everything depends on theparison. With the advent of pre-Dreadnoughts, the battleships offered by Austria naturally do not count as the most advanced.
But, currently, only the Anglo-Austrian two countries have pre-Dreadnoughts, and they each only have one experimental ship. Because of the civil war, the French have been dyed, and their pre-Dreadnoughts are still under construction.
Looking around the world, the active service warships offered by Austria are still top-notch.
In fact, the only countries capable of deploying warships of such caliber at scale are Ennd, France, and Austria.
Once the Russians get ahold of this batch of warships, theoretically, they would be back among the world¡¯s fourth strongest naval powers, at least in terms of the tonnage of their capital ships.
Finance Minister Alisher Gurov reminded, "Your Majesty, Austria promised us a significant number of warships. Once we receive them all, the maintenance costs will increase by more than ten million rubles per year.
This still represents a significant pressure on government finances. Perhaps we should first ept a portion of the warships, and we can discuss the restter."
No sooner had he spoken, did Alisher Gurov realize his gaffe. It¡¯s true that epting only a part of the warships could work, but doing so would all but obliterate the dignity of the Russian Empire.
Losing face is a minor issue; the key point is that this would expose their inherent weakness to the world.
Another country might ept weakness and submit; but not the Russian Empire.
For a nation with poor diplomatic rtions, high levels of enmity, and numerous enemies, the weaker it is, the more it must pretend to be strong, or else it risks a ¡¯wolves preying on the tiger¡¯ scenario.
Unsurprisingly, Alexander III decisively chose to refuse.
"No! We must bring all of the warships back. Moreover, the profits from this transaction for the government must be kept strictly confidential.
When necessary, we can release some false information, making the outside world believe we have regained our vigor.
Next month, we will move another fifty thousand Cossacks into Central Asia. It¡¯s okay to have some conflict with the Central Asian Khanate, but we must control the situation to avoid actually causing a war."
The words of the Finance Minister nheless raised Alexander III¡¯s vignce; dragging our feet for more than a year without epting the warships would certainly raise suspicion.
At this time, we must find a way topensate, and the best way to do so is naturally to show strength to the outside world. Looking around, the easiest target perfect for establishing authority is the several Khanates of Central Asia.
Chapter 823 - 86, Chain Reaction
It was undeniable that Mao Xiong possessed a daunting deterrent power; even a minor action could trigger panic across the European world, causing many to fear another disruption in international rtions.
Whether it was acquiring warships or expanding in Central Asia, it proimed to the world: the formidable Russian Empire had returned.
The Russians intended to make subtle moves in Central Asia, and Britain was the first to be impacted. Leading was no easy task, and it was necessary to step forward when needed.
Compared to before, Prime Minister dstone now had much more confidence, the reason being quite simple: his pockets were now full.
In this anti-Jewish movement, the British Government also reaped substantial benefits, managing to clear a third of its longstanding debts, which significantly relieved the government¡¯s financial burdens.
With money avable, it ought to be spent, for only then could it trante into political achievements.
Unless unexpected, any qualified British Prime Minister would leave debts to his sessor.
dstone was no exception, hence he immediately approved the "Food Self-Sufficiency n" after prospering.
To enhance thepetitiveness of domestic agricultural products, Prime Minister dstone also submitted the "Grain Farming Subsidy Bill" to Parliament.
This meant: by distributing cash, seeds, and fertilizers, the government encouraged people to invest in farms in the colonies.
The bill was still under discussion in Parliament, but once passed, the British Government could bypass the free trade system, support its agriculture to achieve food self-sufficiency, and reduce its dependency on grain-producing countries like Russia and Austria.
dstone dared to propose such a n for good reasons.
The "food self-sufficiency" was just a smokescreen publicized; the real reason was the "Divine Shield¡ªGold System" undermining the "British Pound¡ªGold System."
The British maind was small in area and, apart from coal and iron ore, mostly depended on imports for natural resources.
Consequently, Britain was mostly in a state of trade deficit. For a world leader, this was a minor issue solved simply by printing more money.
Unfortunately, Britain¡¯s status as a world leader was not stable, facing challenges from the Russia, France, and Austria alliance, especially from Austria now, as the Divine Shield¡ªGold System had threatened their mary supremacy.
In the past, there was no choice. The British Government had to hold arge amount of pounds due to insufficient gold reserves, and printing a little extra currency caused no significant harm.
Now, however, under the impact of the Divine Shield, to stabilize the value of the pound, the London Government dared not increase the money issuance lever.
With currency printing capabilities restricted, the trade deficit became particrly ring. Without removing this "nail," British capital would flow outwards.
Of course, such minor issues were still manageable for a grand and prosperous Britain in the short term, as they were still in a state of capital surplus.
However, how could a far-sighted Prime Minister dstone allow such an issue to persist over time?
To quell the trade deficit, there were only two paths: either reduce imports or increase exports.
Clearly, Earth had been partitioned already; the so-called "international market" was merely a corner, with most areas bing colonies of various nations.
To increase exports, one had topete fiercely in this small remaining market with numerouspetitors.
Regrettably, with European countriespleting industrialization, marketpetition had be increasingly intense.
It wasn¡¯t about expanding export markets anymore; even the market shares Britain currently held were being squeezed bypetitors.
Of course, the economy was progressing, and although the market share was reducing, Britain¡¯s total exports were still increasing.
However, the rate of import increase was far outpacing the growth of exports, causing the trade deficit to continually widen.
To prevent the continual outflow of wealth, under the advice of economists and influenced by domestic public opinion, Prime Minister dstone epted the "Food Self-Sufficiency n."
"What exactly is this news about Russia expanding into Central Asia?"
dstone genuinely did not understand why the Russians were now expanding into Central Asia.
In his view, by doing this, the Tsarist Government was either irrational, or taking advantage of Britain¡¯s dull des, with a very small chance that Austria was stirring trouble.
Yet none of these reasons were satisfactory. Warfare was about money; the British Army might not win against the Russians in Central Asia, but the British Government could still bankrupt the Tsarist Government.
Even if Austria was willing to support the Russians, the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t possibly spend all their resources. A loss of one or two hundred million might be bearable, but eight or ten billion would definitely make Vienna falter.
In the end, it all came down to interests: the input must be proportional to the output. Constant expenditure without return was unsustainable for anyone.
Foreign Minister George: "At this moment, we cannot confirm the real intention of the Tsarist Government. Based on the collected data, the Foreign Office believes this is likely a probing move by the Russians.
It may be rted to the recent anti-Jewish movement, the Tsarist Government¡¯s purse is full, and they are restless again."
Colonial Minister Primrose disagreed, "I think it¡¯s more than just a probe; it seems the Russians can¡¯t hold back their ambitions again.
Remember, this is not the first time. After the Third Near East War, the Russians also reached into Central Asia.
Though our intervention made the Tsarist Government cease their subtle moves, their influence in Central Asia still expanded.
ording to the data reported by the Governor of India, in recent years, the Russians have encroached on at least 50,000 square kilometers in Central Asia.
If we don¡¯t pay attention and find a way to curb the Russian ambitions for expansion into Central Asia, there¡¯s a real risk they might swallow the region entirely."
Now, the Nordic Federation, North Germany, and Austria have formed an impregnable barrier, blocking the Russians¡¯ western advance.
The east is protected by the icy world of Siberia and the Far East; harsh climatic conditions limit their eastward movement.
If the Tsarist Government still wants to expand, their only strategic choice left is to move southwards to the Indian Ocean.
Both Persia and Central Asia could be the next targets for the Russians¡¯ expansion.
Compared to Central Asia, the Persian region still has the influence of Austria, so the best choice for the Russians, if they wish to exclude Austria, is Central Asia."
It must be admitted that the analysis of the Colonial Minister was highly reasonable.
After failing to dominate Europe by moving west, the most suitable direction for Russian expansion is now Central Asia, followed by Persia, and then the Far East.
There is no doubt about this; one only needs to open a map to see that it is God¡¯s arrangement, and to go against God¡¯s arrangement is to suffer from harsh natural conditions.
Something felt off, although dstone could not pinpoint what it was exactly, but this did not prevent him from making a decision.
"The Foreign Office issued a formal memorandum to the Tsarist Government, ordering the Russians to withdraw from Central Asia and warning the Tsarist Government not to y with fire.
Order the 11th Division stationed in India to immediately proceed to Central Asia and conduct joint military exercises with the countries there."
...
The British Government made its move, and the French government was not idle either. Of course, the French were not concerned with Central Asian affairs as France¡¯s reach did not extend that far.
Afterunching the anti-Semitic movement, the French government¡¯s finances had undergone aplete turnaround. With money now avable, Napoleon IV started to take bold actions.
The city renovation ns from the era of Napoleon III were restarted, and this time the renovations covered not just Paris but several major cities throughout the country.
Therge farm projects, which had been progressing slowly due to funding issues, were immediately funded to elerate progress.
The ongoing reconstruction efforts in Egypt were also fully expanded, aiming not only to clear the waterways but also to restore farnds affected by floods.
Even the towns, ntations, and bridges destroyed by the rebel army were included in the post-war reconstruction ns, causing an unusual boom in civil construction in the Egypt area.
As a result, many refugees created by the war found employment, securing their livelihoods, which stabilized the situation in Egypt almost immediately.
However, every advantage has its disadvantage. As the initial instigator of the anti-Semitic movement, Napoleon IV recently dared not leave his residence.
In the past month, he had been the target of assassination four times. If not for concerns about the repercussions, he would have already taken drastic measures.
It is known that while the French anti-Semitic movement was massive, the actual number of Jews killed was notrge, and most of the victims were lower-ss civilians.
Napoleon IV was only after the money of Jewish capitalists, not as ruthless as his neighboring counterparts who took lives as well.
Regrettably, this perceived leniency did not earn him forgiveness from Jewish capitalists; instead, it was met with repeated assassination attempts.
At his temporary pce, Napoleon IV shouted, "Adonis, is your police department useless?
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It¡¯s been such a long time, and yet you haven¡¯t found the mastermind behind this. Are you nning to keep me indoors forever?"
The Minister of Police, Adonis, wore a bitter expression, unsure of how to respond. At some point, the role of Minister of Police had be a hot potato.
In the past ten years, the government of France had changed its Ministers of Police seventeen times, with an average term of 7 months.
This number was still decreasing, and Adonis had no confidence whatsoever that he couldplete his term in this position.
"Your Majesty, we have rigorously interrogated the assassins, and just as we found the go-between based on the intelligence they provided, someone else had already silenced him.
The suspects identified by the police had fled the country before the assassinations were even known. The culprits are very cunning, so¡"
Napoleon IV interrupted, "So you have achieved nothing, and now you are telling your emperor that it¡¯s too dangerous outside and to stay indoors for the time being?"
Adonis was tight-lipped, aware of theplexities in Paris overwhelmed with various powers, most of which were enemies of the Bonaparte dynasty.
Perhaps these powers would not normally arrange for the assassination of an emperor, but they might still undermine Napoleon IV.
The police¡¯s failure to resolve these cases was undoubtedly exacerbated by these disruptive forces.
If it weren¡¯t for these restraining forces, the power of Jewish capitalists alone continually engaging in assassination attempts would have been exposed long ago.
After a fierce internal struggle, Minister of Police Adonis hesitantly said, "Your Majesty, although we have no concrete evidence, based on the motive and capability for the crime, the mastermind behind this is most likely a Jew. Perhaps, let¡¯s arrest the Jews in the country first¡"
This was the simplest solution: if no evidence could be found, then stop looking. Arrest those who have the motive and means tomit the crime.
Once arrested, they could continue the investigation slowly. A result woulde eventually. Even if it was unclear who the real culprit was, it didn¡¯t matter; eliminating all suspects would suffice.
Killing the wrong person didn¡¯t matter either, as all those dead would be enemies. Think of it as a preventive measure, eliminating potential threats in advance.
Napoleon IV shook his head, "No! The government has already reached an agreement with the Jewish capitalists and promised their personal safety; we cannot go back on our word." Stay updated via empire
Cunning as a rabbit has three burrows, especially the Jews who are often "ughtered".
Most Jewish capitalists would not put all their eggs in one basket; besides their assets in the open, they also secretly owned many properties.
Napoleon IV had not tasked anyone to monitor these major Jewish capitalists, and after decades of stability, only the obvious properties could be confiscated.
If faced with someone who preferred money over life, squeezing them dry, the government, in the interest of maintaining employment, would have to spend its funds to keep the confiscated factories and businesses running after taking them over.
In such a scenario, only ordinary Jews were truly unfortunate during the anti-Semitic movement.
The powerful Jewish capitalists already possessed the means to negotiate with the government, for example, by paying a ransom to secure the government¡¯s protection of their personal safety.
Chapter 824 - 87, Division
Even Adonis was powerless when faced with an emperor who valued his integrity so highly. If no arrests were permitted, how could the investigation continue?
Anyone who plotted an assassination would first make sure to distance themselves from the act. If they were exposed, there would be no ce for them in the entire world where they could hide.
Not to mention, not a single Jew was among the assassins, which to Adonis, was the biggest red g.
Logically, as victims, the Jews should have been the most eager to target Napoleon IV; the emergence of a Dragon yer would have been apletely normal urrence.
Unfortunately, without organized plotting, an assassination attempt wouldn¡¯t evene close to reaching Napoleon IV before the police caught them¡ªand the Ministry of Police was not utterly useless.
As Adonis knew, since the anti-Semitic movement began, the police had continuously arrested over a thousand Jewish assassins and suspected assassins.
Without a doubt, most of these individuals were wrongly used. Having a motive might be true, but the true heroes daring to kill the emperor were extremely few.
Looking at the disappointed Minister of Police, Napoleon IV himself also felt a headache. It wasn¡¯t that he wanted to keep his word to the Jews; he was simply cornered and without options.
Raising the executioner¡¯s sword was easy, but what if it couldn¡¯t kill? What then?
Jewish capital had infiltrated the French government far more deeply than it had the Austrian. No sooner had the Paris Government felt like turning the tables than leaks emerged.
Before the government could even issue arrests, those cunning financiers had mostly scattered to the winds.
With the big fish having escaped, the remaining small fries captured could not be squeezed for much value.
For the sake of the Franc, Napoleon IV had no choice but topromise. Otherwise, it would be a case of both sides losing everything; the Jewish Group might be finished, but France would also suffer severe losses.
These matters, Napoleon IV could only keep to himself. If word got out, it would surely create an uproar.
A national government actuallypromising with Jewish capital¡ªif such an appalling piece of news were heard, France¡¯s proud citizens would probably revolt again.
Just because an outburst hadn¡¯t urred now didn¡¯t mean it never would. The several assassination attempts had already pushed Napoleon IV to his limits.
One can imagine that in the years toe, Jewish financiers might face a harsh existence in France.
...
Bukovina, lying on the Russian-Austrian border, had be thergest Jewish settlement area in Austria since the outbreak of the European anti-Semitic movement.
This was the valuable experience umted by the Jews after a millennium of wandering Europe: staying near the border when the situation was unclear provided the best chance for escape.
In this matter, the Jews trusted no one. Here, even the Habsburg dynasty¡¯s banner carried little weight, because Austria too had a long-standing tradition of anti-Semitism.
The recorded anti-Semitic movement dates back to the 13th century, around the time when the Habsburg dynasty was just rising to prominence.
Orders for the expulsion of Jews in Austria continued until 1848, and were officially abolished only after Franz ascended to the throne and fully implemented policies of ethnic integration.
Without doubt, this expulsion decree was never seriously enforced; otherwise, the Jewish poption in Austria would have been long gone.
On the contrary, the integration decrees of 1820 were enacted: they mandated that all Jewish rabbis study philosophy and use only German during public prayers. Jewish children had to attend Christian schools.
In fact, Franz¡¯s policy of ethnic integration was an expansion of this decree, with a stronger push for the spread ofnguage and culture.
This policy worked quite well among the numerous ethnic groups in Austria, with the notable exception of the Jews, where it encountered difficulties. Continue your saga on empire
It¡¯s not that it was without effect; at least the Jewish orphans raised in welfare institutions assimted very sessfully, as did the next generation of children from busier parents.
Of course, not being fully assimted didn¡¯t mean there was no influence.
Particrly for those born after 1845, everyone grew up writing in Austrian, speaking Austrian, and learning Austrian history and culture¡ªit was impossible not to be influenced.
After all, the boarding system in Austria¡¯spulsory education was too intense. With only a few holidays a year, students spent less than a month with their parents, with most of their time at school.
Under this policy, Austria¡¯s policy of ethnic assimtion can be said to have proceeded very smoothly, with the many minority ethnic groups in the country converging into a single stream.
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Because of economic reasons, most people entered the workforce right afterpletingpulsory education, leaving no time to inherit their own ethnic history and culture.
Jews were an exception; their business acumen shone brighter, and they were somewhat wealthier than others.
Afterpletingpulsory education, many parents took their children back for home education, to continue their own ethnic culture.
There were even hidden Jewish schools that operated under the radar of government authorities, lurking and operating ndestinely within Jewishmunities.
It¡¯s no wonder that just as they were being assimted, they were pulled back into old ways and ended up on the Vienna Government¡¯s cklist.
Among the arrested Jewish capitalists, many carried the charge of "profiting from illegal education," referring to the funding of underground schools.
Without a doubt, such regressive actions were deemed heinous in Austria, and the government cracked down severely on them.
In a small manor in the suburbs, Jewish representatives from Russia and Austria gathered, their faces flushed and the atmosphere incredibly tense.
Seeing the situation spiraling out of control, the esteemed Jewish leader Feilude Levi stamped his cane and reprimanded, "Silence! Do not forget the times we are living in. While you quarrel here, we must unite or face annihtion."
```
A middle-aged man expressed his dissatisfaction, "Mr. Feilude, it¡¯s not that we want to argue, but we really have no other choice.
Currently, the situation in Europe is highly unfavorable for us, and most importantly, several of our Jewish leaders are now imprisoned by the Austrians.
We must find a way to rescue them and take control of the situation."
The middle-aged man¡¯s dissatisfaction had its reasons. Although the Jewish people are united as one, internally they are divided into various groups of different sizes.
Affected by the butterfly effect, by the 19th century, the majority of the Jewish poption was distributed within the borders of Ennd, France, Austria, and Russia.
Originally, the Jews in Ennd and France had the most substantial capital and the strongest influence on their governments, leading rtivelyfortable lives.
As the economy developed and hitched a ride on the fast train of Austrian economic growth, Jewish capital in Austria rapidly rose, even showing signs of overtaking the others.
In contrast, the most numerous Russian Jews suffered greatly. Not only was the Russian economy struggling, but the Tsarist Government was infamously unreasonable.
After the economic integration of Russia and Austria, Jewish capitalists from both countries also came together out of mutual interests, with Austrian Jewish capital generally holding the advantage.
However, "flowers do not bloom for a hundred days, nor can a person be good for a thousand days." As the anti-Semitic movement just started, Austrian Jewish capitalists and national leaders were all swept away in one stroke.
Without their leaders, the already fragmented Austrian Jews quickly fell into a state of division.
Following the outbreak of the anti-Semitic movement in Russia, arge number of Russian Jews fled to Bukovina under the cover of Divine Shield, quietly gaining control over the speech within the Jewishmunity.
However, the proposal from the middle-aged man did not represent all Jews. The young Osytho spoke up, "Mr. Gleyer, things are not as severe as you paint them. The anti-Semitic movement in Austria has been quelled by the government.
While there were some unpleasant incidents, our lives overall have remained peaceful, and we haven¡¯t been significantly impacted.
The original evacuation n is now unnecessary. What we should do is quickly adjust and embrace the new life, instead of having meaningless meetings here.
As for rescuing the arrested fellows, I think getting them a goodwyer would be more reliable than any rescue n."
Not all Jewish elites were willing to stand with the captured capitalists. Many saw the Austrian Government¡¯s actions aswful arrests; thus, they believed the issue should be resolved within the bounds ofw.
Themunity knows their own affairs well, and everyone has a pretty good idea about who the arrested Jewish individuals really are.
Besides, it wasn¡¯t only Jewish capitalists who ended up in prison; capitalists from other ethnic groups were arrested in simr numbers¡ªjust that the Jews were more numerous.
There¡¯s no avoiding the reality that there will always be some shortsighted people in the world. Having stepped out, Franz reluctantly had to amodate them all.
The Vienna Government did not raise the banner of anti-Semitism, and its actions were not solely directed at Jews.
While many Jewish capitalists were conscripted, not all were imprisoned; a portion of the legitimate Jewish merchants escaped the dra.
For many, this was seen as the governmentunching a massive crackdown on criminal activity.
Coming forward to confront the Austrian Government about these criminal brethren doesn¡¯t make sense, and it¡¯s naturally met with opposition.
Gleyer, unsatisfied, said, "Osytho, don¡¯t forget who funded your education. You¡¯ve turned your back on us so soon!"
Osytho¡¯s expression darkened, "I certainly haven¡¯t forgotten, and for Mr. Leo, I will hire the bestwyer to defend him.
But I absolutely do not agree with a violent rescue, nor would I agree to initiate an armed uprising. That would lead all our brethren down a path of no return, bringing catastrophe upon us all.
Mr. Gleyer, I know that Mr. Leo and others must have deep connections within the Vienna Government. You should know how to contact them.
If you truly want to rescue them, then that¡¯s where you should start! Whether it¡¯s through bribery or threats, it¡¯s far more promising than armed rebellion."
Hearing this insider perspective, the elder Mr. Feilude also advised, "Gleyer, Osytho makes sense. Force won¡¯t solve the problem.
We Jews are simply too few in number. Even if we were to sessfully rise up, it would be quickly suppressed.
In such a case, it wouldn¡¯t just be one or two deaths; we could potentially wipe out all our brethren in Austria.
If you don¡¯t want to repeat the tragedies that happened in Vienna in 1420, then follow Osytho¡¯s suggestion!"
It was no joke; having barely escaped the Russian Empire to find refuge in Austria, if Gleyer were to provoke an armed insurrection and cause the Austrian Government to turn against the Jews, that would spell disaster.
As for the capitalists arrested by the Vienna Government, in Feilude¡¯s view, that wasn¡¯t really an issue.
From his life experience, he was certain that as long as the money was right, these people could be released at any time. He had no respect for impulsive actions like those of Gleyer.
Unable to gain the support of the masses, Gleyer knew that in the absence of the leaders, his prestige among the Jewish people wasn¡¯t enough to incite a rebellion.
In helplessness, he exined, "My friends, it¡¯s not that I want to take things to the extreme. The Austrians are bent on utter eradication; they don¡¯t intend to leave Mr. Leo and the others a way out.
You may not realize this, but many high-ranking officials in the Vienna Government have publicly stated they want the courts to impose heavy punishments, with the highest-profile being a Deputy Minister of Finance.
Their stance essentially represents the position of the Vienna Government. Coupled with the adverse media influence, the courts will definitely be affected during the trials.
If things go as expected, including Mr. Leo, over three thousand of our brethren could be sentenced to death."
There¡¯s no helping it; there¡¯s just too much dark history.
```
Chapter 825 - 88 - This Is Politics
Dragging his weary body back home, Ledyard let out a sigh of relief. It was easy to cheat someone, but fooling a group of old slickers was not so simple.
If he had a choice, Ledyard would never have taken this thorny job, even if it meant he could ess a widerwork of people.
The more he understood, the clearer Ledyard saw the cruelty of this circle. Nobility also had topete, and those without power, wealth, ornds were just empty titles in practice.
Of course, even if one had nothing but a noble title, as long as they set aside their pride, they would still live better than ny-nine percent of ordinary people.
Generally speaking, as long as one abandoned their bottom line, it was very simple to get rich. For instance, by marrying into a family of nouveau riche.
As long as one had a hereditary title recognized by mainstream society, the nouveau riche of America would flock to them, offering houses, cars, and money with ease.
In fact, Ledyard was also one of those down-and-out aristocrats, otherwise, he wouldn¡¯t be acting as the go-between in trades of power for money.
Any noble with a bit of family wealth would not engage in such dirty work. While it seemed profitable and could gather extensive connections, it also insted them from high society.
No matter how good the surface rtionship was, the positioning as a "white glove" already determined that they were from different worlds.
Should any mishap or danger ur, an existence like Ledyard¡¯s could easily be disposable at any moment.
Compared to the big shots hidden behind the scenes, Ledyard was the one who was most nervous. If the imprisoned Jewish capitalists began talking, whether the big shots behind him would be affected was uncertain, but Ledyard definitely couldn¡¯t escape.
The housekeeper reminded him, "Baron, someone delivered a secret letter this afternoon, insisting that it must be handed to you personally, saying the contents were of great importance."
He casually took the secret letter, checked it for any signs of tampering, and assured it was unopened, Ledyard finally broke the seal.
After a long moment, Ledyard asked seriously, "Did the messenger say anything else?"
The housekeeper shook his head, "No. The messenger seemed very anxious; after repeating a few times that the letter must be given to you, he left immediately.
By the way, when he left, he got into a gray car; he must be quite wealthy."
In those days, there weren¡¯t many brand names, and the clothing industry was still into custom-making. Without a deep investigation, it was hard to identify at first nce.
The best way to judge someone¡¯s financial status was still to look at what they rode. Anyone who could afford a car that cost thousands, even tens of thousands of Divine Shields was definitely not ordinary.
Ledyard nodded, and his forehead wrinkled even more. After hesitating for a while, he slowly said, "Prepare the car, I need to go out."
There was no choice, the content of the letter was too shocking. Despite no direct threats, the undertone of "if I¡¯m going down, I¡¯ll drag you with me" was clearly conveyed.
The Jewish capitalists might be in prison, but the contingencies they left behind were not all severed.
No one knew if any of these contingencies included leverage over their "deals of power and money." If that was the case and it got out, Ledyard was certainly doomed.
Since the power brokers behind the scenes could silence the capitalists in prison, they could just as easily kill him, the middleman.
In fact, the hereditary noble title passed down from his ancestors yed a significant role in Ledyard¡¯s survival.
After all, killing him would attract the attention of the Austrian Government and also vite the rules of the game within the nobility circle. Otherwise, Ledyard would have been silenced long ago.
...
Within Vienna Pce, the undercurrents stirring in the country did not escape Franz¡¯s notice.
Perhaps three or five corrupt officials would not draw the attention of the intelligence department, but how could there not be a few spies within such arge group as the Jewish people?
Their ability to round up the illegal Jewish capital group in one fell swoop was the best proof. The division of Jewish groups inside Austria owed much to the intelligence department¡¯s efforts.
Looking at the report in his hand, Franz¡¯s expression was terribly solemn. Had the evidence not been in front of his eyes, he wouldn¡¯t have believed that Jewish capital could reach into the high levels of government.
Initially prepared to let some things slide, Franz had now changed his mind. For the Empire¡¯s long-term stability and order, it was better to solve the problem once and for all.
"I never knew how many worms there were in the Empire until I looked into it, given the current special circumstances, I¡¯ve decided to establish a special task force.
It will be led by Count Witters, the Deputy Finance Minister, with Paul Bodise, Director of Internal Affairs of the Anti-Corruption Bureau, and Deputy Director Albertti of the Police Department serving as deputy heads, to thoroughly investigate thesewless capitalists and the umbres that protect them!"
Establishing a task force wasn¡¯t surprising, but this personnel arrangement puzzled everyone. Finance Minister Mark-Leo-Von-Joseph objected, "Your Majesty, professional investigators are needed to handle cases.
The Anti-Corruption Bureau and the Police Department should take care of it. Count Witters, the Deputy Finance Minister, has no experience in this area; having him in charge might be a mistake¡"
Professional jobs should be done by professionals; that was the consistent policy of the Vienna Government. This kind of cross-disciplinary action rarely happened.
If it were any other job, even one mildly rted to the Finance Ministry, Mark would happily fight for opportunities for his subordinates¡ªafter all, it could expand the Finance Ministry¡¯s influence.
But this time was different. The Finance Ministry reaching into the judicial system was a frightening thought. As a seasoned politician, Mark didn¡¯t believe this was the Emperor¡¯s true intention.
Franz smiled slightly and handed over the intelligence report: "Take a look at this data, and you¡¯ll understand why I made such appointments."
A momentter, Mark¡¯s face darkened. The list of involved parties covered various departments of Austria, and they held significant power¡ªit was practically a ¡¯Small Cab¡¯.
This could be said to be the biggest money and power trading case in Austria in the recent thirty years, involving thergest amounts, the highest levels of personnel, and the most severe consequences.
If this information could be confirmed, then the Vienna Government would face a major political shuffle.
Unfortunately, in this money and power trade, these individuals didn¡¯t get their hands dirty directly; there was no evidence of collusion with capitalists for illegal gains on the surface.
The existence of their money and power trades was deduced because these individuals repeatedly used their authority to provide conveniences for these capitalists, including suppressing many cases involving themselves.
Such actions had effectively be the protection umbre for criminal forces.
Knowing is one thing, but Austria is a country ofws. Without solid evidence, even if it is Franz, he couldn¡¯t just take these officials down and charge them with crimes.
Of course, not being able to charge them doesn¡¯t mean there¡¯s no way to deal with them¡ªafter such a significant incident, the hat of ¡¯dereliction of duty¡¯ could still be put on their heads.
But that was meaningless; unless dereliction of duty led to severe consequences, at most these individuals would be sent home to look after their grandchildren and wouldn¡¯t be charged criminally.
Franz now having these individuals in charge of the investigation was essentially fighting poison with poison.
The existing charges were already enough to send that group of capitalists to prison. With so many watchful eyes on the outside, no matter how lenient they were, they couldn¡¯t just let these people go.
Prison was not an easy ce nowadays; even if they escaped the death penalty, an exile order could just as well make these pampered individuals not survive.
@@novelbin@@
For example, being exiled to the icy, snowy ska to mine gold; or to the desert to nt trees; or to the colonies to build railroads.
Iplete statistics show that criminals sent to ska to mine gold have an average lifespan of only 2.7 years, and in gold mines with harsh climates, it might be less than three months;
Those sent to desert for greening had an average lifespan of only 2.6 years, with some regions averaging only half a year;
Comparatively, those building railways had the longest lifespan¡ªnever more than five years, and generally after two or three years, the people would be worn out.
The cause of these disasters, besides the harsh natural conditions, was more due to officials blindly pursuing achievements, willing to leave these godforsaken ces quickly, ignoring the physical safety of the criminals.
Being sent to such deadly ces and pushed to the brink by individuals who used to make money together, anyone would feel disgruntled.
In the face of death, whether or not to betray these traitors to secure a chance at a reduced sentence is something a normal person would know how to choose.
Franz may not have criminal evidence against these bureaucrats, but that doesn¡¯t mean these capitalists don¡¯t have any¡ªit¡¯s if these bureaucrats don¡¯t want to be unlucky, then they have to kill these capitalists first to silence them.
How exactly to achieve this and whether they can seed or not¡ªthat has nothing to do with Franz.
As long as the two groups start to fight, no matter who wins or loses, some issues hidden in the dark will gradually surface, and then they can be dealt with ording to Austrianw."
Chapter 826 - 89: In the Face of Great Disaster, Everyone Scatters
The announcement of the special investigation team¡¯s personnel appointments instantly caused a sensation. The domestic anti-Jewish public was satisfied; those at the top were all hard-liners.
As the head of the special investigation team, Count Witters had, at a recent press conference, publicly called for the courts to severely punish criminals, certainly not intending to be lenient.
The Jewish capital forces, which had narrowly escaped disaster, were also satisfied. Although they had not made direct contact, everyone vaguely knew these were their own people.
Ledyard, who was responsible for mediating, also breathed a sigh of relief. Since their own people were leading the investigation, he expected the matter would soon pass.
The only thing he found strange was that there were too many of their own in the investigation team, and many unrted department officials had also been pulled in. This did not conform to the Vienna Government¡¯s consistent governance model.
Not understanding why, he was toozy to think further, attributing it to the massive influence of the powers behind the scenes on the Vienna Government¡¯s decision-making.
Making this judgement was logical; the rtionships between the nobility were intricatelyplex¡ªit was rtives everywhere you turned.
As long as one was willing to swallow one¡¯s pride and ask for help, in the absence of conflicting interests, achieving one¡¯s goals was generally possible.
Everyone was satisfied, except for a few of the people actually involved who were now in a plight.
Perhaps there was initial surprise upon receiving the personnel appointments, but after seeing their colleagues in the investigation team, joy was hard toe by.
One or two of them joining by coincidence might be possible, but everyone being on the team was too much of a coincidence; Count Witters did not believe it.
After the initial panic subsided, they still thickened their skins and went to report to the investigation team. No matter what, there was no backing out at this point.
...
At dusk, within a manor to the south of Vienna, lights shone brightly. Taking the opportunity of a colleague bonding event, Count Witters hosted a banquet.
In the Austrian official circles, banquets were no longer popr, unless there were special days needing celebration. Normally, officials would not invite colleagues personally.
"Exchanging sentiments" as an excuse seemed somewhat far-fetched at the present, but Count Witters could no longer care about these details.
Now, they were exposed under the spotlight, and holding secret meetings at this juncture would simply be courting death.
Although everyone worked together during the day, who dared to discuss these issues in the office?
Seeing that the crowd was not in high spirits, Count Witters didn¡¯t beat around the bush; he went straight to the point: "I¡¯ve invited you all here today to discuss how to deal with these capitalists¡¯ issue.
The situation has developed beyond our expectations. The original n is no longer feasible. If we don¡¯t handle this properly, we¡¯re afraid it¡¯ll be hard for us to get out of this mess."
There was no escape; from the moment they entered the investigation team, they were tied to the Jewish issue and couldn¡¯t disengage if they wanted to.
Paul Bodis analyzed from a professional standpoint: "Count, you¡¯re right. The current situation is indeed very bad. This special personnel appointment is too targeted.
There were no signs beforehand, and suddenly the investigation team was established, and we just so happened to be in it.
All these signs indicate that our dealings with the Jewish capitalists are now known to those above us.
Being put in charge of this case leaves only two possibilities: either those above want to remove us butck solid evidence, thus deliberately setting us up to burn on the fire; or they don¡¯t want to blow the matter up and are prepared to give us one more chance. How it ends will depend entirely on our next moves.
Regardless of the situation, what¡¯s most important now is to manage the aftermath well. As long as the government doesn¡¯t have concrete evidence, they won¡¯t act against us."
Knowing there is a trap ahead and yet having to jump in with eyes shut, this feeling of one¡¯s life being at the mercy of others is naturally far from delightful.
Albert nodded in agreement, taking over the conversation: "I agree with Paul¡¯s assessment, but right now, the remedial work is not easy to do.
The Jewish capitalists are mired in too many filthy matters. Just the evidence currently in the hands of the police is enough to send all of them to prison.
I¡¯ve personally reviewed the case files. ording to Austria¡¯s existingws, at least three hundred people will be sentenced to death, over two thousand will be sentenced to more than twenty years, and the rest won¡¯t get less than ten years.
There¡¯s no one with a light case; the many arrested are all hardened criminals. Those with less severe issues were merely fined, warned, and restricted from leaving the country to monitor the effects.
Especially those who have been in contact with us, they are the very epitome of scum and viiny. The absurdities they¡¯vemitted are probably beyond your wildest dreams.
I won¡¯t even mention tax evasion, which all these numerous detainees are involved in.
Manipting markets, colluding with the underworld, running underground casinos, and loan sharking are all routine operations.
Some of these people are simply local mob bosses, forcing women into prostitution, trading drugs, and counterfeiting currency¡ªall the trades heavily cracked down upon by the government¡ªnothing has been missed.
On the surface, they¡¯re all shiny and respectable, but behind the scenes, they stop at no evil. Each and every one of them has blood on their hands.
What¡¯s more, these bastards are also tampering with Jewish schools, inciting the Jewishmon folk to resist the government¡¯s ethnic policy.
Forget it, I don¡¯t even want to go on. Coborating with these people is the most regrettable thing I¡¯ve done in my life.
Now that the outside world is watching us, getting away with a light sentence is practically impossible.
The trouble is that thework of rtionships among Jewish capitalists is vast. Currently, only they themselves have been arrested, but their family and close associates have not been imprisoned."
It¡¯s very likely that these people outside know about our rtionship, and now that they¡¯ve learned we¡¯re in charge of the investigation team, they¡¯re probably celebrating.
If we handle things strictly by the book or let them off lightly within the permissible range of the rules, I¡¯m afraid that won¡¯t satisfy them.
If someone takes the lead to stir up trouble and exposes the trading matters, everyone here, every single one of us will be implicated¡ªno one can escape."
It¡¯s an inevitable oue that lending at high interest rates without involvement in the underworld is a joke.
It¡¯s just that being involved to such a deep extent is hard for the public to ept¡ªthis is clearly a tactic to doom us all.
But everyone present has seen their fair share of crisis, and knows that these charges are not necessarily the doing of the Jewish capitalists.
Maybe a few of them truly participated, but most Jewish capitalists probably don¡¯t have the energy to deal in drugs or counterfeit currency. After all, such businesses get raided by the police every now and then, and the profits might not be as high as those from usurious lending.
However, that¡¯s not important. As long as the underworld gangs they are in collusion with engage in these trades, they share part of the guilt for those crimes.
When ites tobating the underworld, Austrianw has a very wide scope.
Thew explicitly states: joining or colluding with underworld criminal organizations entails joint liability for all crimesmitted by that group.
It¡¯s no wonder that Albert regrets the coboration. These Jewish capitalists are clearly willing to earn any money and coborate with anyone.
Keep in mind that not only Jewish capitalists have transactions involving power and money, but to make the charges this severe is a first-time encounter for him.
The majority of capitalists simply navigate the grey areas. To reduce trouble, they prefer to hire their enforcers rather than getting involved with local gangs.
Even if there is asional cooperation, it¡¯s usually a one-off deal with both money and goods cleared, and long-term coborations are rare.
The Austrian Police have swept through underworld organizations not once or twice. Previously, Jewish capitalists have been able to escape implicating thanks to the support from their powerful backers.
These matters are fine left uninvestigated, but once the lid is lifted, they have to face destruction of both their reputation and status.
Even without concrete evidence for a conviction, as long as there are usations pointing at them, and the public is convinced, the reputation of the family is doomed.
The nobility¡¯s glory shines only under the precondition of a good reputation. Once tarnished, the circles of power won¡¯t continue including them in their games.
When ites to their self-interest, self-preservation is the top priority.
At this point, no one wants to save the Jewish capitalists anymore, but the trouble is their families and cronies won¡¯t agree!
In a nation ofws, we must act ording to thew. Jewish capitalists whomit crimes will be incarcerated, but unless the case involves treason or regicide, their families and confidants won¡¯t be implicated as long as they are not involved in the crime.
Typically, these people are just ced under surveince and forbidden from leaving the country until the court hands down its final verdict.
@@novelbin@@
With the number involved in the tens of thousands and scattered all over the country, no matter how influential we are, we don¡¯t have the capability to silence all these people at once.
After a moment of hesitation, Count Witters spoke slowly, "Then we don¡¯t give them the opportunity to speak out. Dig deep into these cases and find a way to implicate their families and confidants as well.
I recall there¡¯s a legal provision for the crime of failing to report a known crime. These scoundrels have done so much wrong, there¡¯s no way those around them arepletely unaware.
It¡¯s precisely because these people did not report them that these criminals have been able to evade thew for so long. We must punish them to serve as a warning to others."
In response to Count Witters¡¯s righteous statement, everyone fully affirmed, in unison citing the necessity of severely punishing these "silent aplices."
"Strict with others, lenient with oneself."
It¡¯s amon human sentiment; this double standard inw enforcement is just a basic skill for politicians.
Count Witters simply harbored some inexplicable sense of superiority, not an isted case, as most of the nobility exhibit the same attitude.
The reason is very simple: in this rotten era, their integrity is just slightly higher than that of capitalists.
This minute superiority isn¡¯t inherent but due to the burden of their family¡¯s reputation, forcing them to show restraint publicly.
Albert, with some hesitation, asked, "Count, wouldn¡¯t that be going too far? The higher-ups haven¡¯t instructed us to escte matters rashly, and taking action might provoke..."
Count Witters interrupted, "We no longer have a choice. If we don¡¯t act now, the situation will spiral out of control.
At this point, if we want to walk away unscathed, we must go all the way on the anti-Semitic path.
The current social sentiment is very favorable to us, and the harsher we are on these Jewish capitalists, the less likely the outside world will believe we have colluded with them.
After all, none of us have taken the lead, and as long as we all assert: we have not engaged in transactions involving power and money.
With our firm anti-Semitic stance, even if some escaped Jews presented substantive evidence, the public wouldn¡¯t believe it.
The worst-case scenario would be to abandon some industries. Just im that others have beenmitting fraud in our name, and suggest to the government to seize thosepanies to clear our name."
No problem, everyone has their own biases by default. To themon people, the most resolute anti-Semites are definitely not in collusion with Jewish capitalists.
¡
Chapter 827 - 90, Forced Out...
The Jewishmunity in Bukovina, the elderly Feilude was busy settling hispatriots, clearly showing his experience.
After centuries of migration, the Jewish people had learned to adapt to new circumstances. Even in a strange ce, they could quickly adapt.
In fact, initially, Austria was not the first choice for Jewish migrants from Russia. Initially, everyone was prepared to leave Europe, and Bukovina was just a transit station.
However, once they arrived, they found that apart from public opinion being discordant towards Jews, Austria had not experienced arge-scale anti-Semitic movement.
As for Jewish capitalists being imprisoned, that was child¡¯s y. These days, Jews around the world were having a hard time, and it wasmon to be imprisoned without reason.
Especially in the Russian Empire, where discord was at its worst¡ª even if one sided with the nobility in the tsarist government, it was hard to avoid being exploited.
With many years of life experience, including Feilude, several Jewish leaders believed this was the Austrian bureaucrats wanting to make money.
At the same time, an anti-Semitic movement had erupted in America, and suddenly there was no ce to go. After discussing the matter, everyone decided to stay and observe the situation.
Once the members of the investigation group were confirmed to be "our own people," the upper echelons of Austrian Jews felt relieved, unanimously believing that the matter was over.
In this discordant world, the Jewish people¡¯s perseverance was due to their solidarity during crises.
After a consensus, since there was nowhere else to go, and since the anti-Semitic movement in Austria had ended, it was better to stay, where they could support and watch over each other.
Money makes things easier. Although they had not acquired Austrian citizenship, with the help of Austrian-bornpatriots, they quickly purchasednd to rebuild their homes.
Looking at the bustling construction site, Feilude showed a relieved smile. These days had not been spent in vain; through thepatriots here, he had gained a thorough understanding of Austria.
Happiness is rtive, andpared to the living conditions in the Russian Empire, Austria was indeed a paradise.
A society governed by the rule ofw is wonderful. For the vast majority of ordinary Jews, the greatest concern is theck of order.
"Mr. Feilude, there¡¯s big trouble!"
A loud voice shattered Feilude¡¯s good mood.
Frowning, Feilude asked with concern, "Ralph, what¡¯s happened now?"
There was no helping it; they had be like startled birds, extraordinarily vignt to every move in the outside world.
Ralph gasped in response, "Mr. Gleyer and Mr. Osytho have been arrested by the Austrians, and even their families were taken away.
I went out to inquire about it, and it seems to be due to ties with Mr. Leo, apparently for failing to report a crime and for illegal gains.
I¡¯m not exactly clear on the details. In any case, manypatriots have been arrested, including prominent figures from the Bukovina area."
Hearing this terrible news, Feilude¡¯s face turned deathly pale, and his body began to shake. If Ralph hadn¡¯t quickly steadied him, who knows what could have happened.
After a moment, Feilude, who had regained hisposure, sighed helplessly.
There was no way around it; he really couldn¡¯t understand the current changes in the situation. Just when everything was supposed to be all right again, the situation suddenly worsened.
"First, get in touch with our localpatriots. They have some connections here and are more likely to receive news than we are.
Have everyone prepare for another move. If the trend is bad, we¡¯ll leave Austria."
Ralph nodded; facing the current situation, he was already panicked, naturally going along with whatever Feilude said.
Seeing Ralph¡¯s constant nodding, Feilude showed a bitter smile; talking about leaving was easy, but actually doing it was difficult.
The Jewish people¡¯s every migration was a history written with blood and tears. Often, they fell from one hell into another.
The word "home" was too foreign to them. They only had temporary settlements, never knowing when they would have to move again.
¡
Once the valve is opened, closing it is not so simple.
Following the orders of the investigation group, arge number of suspects nked into prison, apanied by a flurry ofints and confessions.
One thing leads to another, with Jewish big capitalists tied up with influential figures in the Austrian government, so the smaller capitalists naturally could only hook up with minor bureaucrats.
Not everyone had such mental fortitude to steadfastly deny charges. Many ordinary people confessed everything after being arrested by the police.
Some, in order to reduce their sentences, even disclosed rumors heard in passing, without any actual evidence.
From government ministries in the Central Government down to the local offices, implicated individuals were everywhere.
Looking at the case file that had been brought to him, Count Witters almost fainted from anger.
It involved so many people that if they were to proceed ording tow, they would offend a vast number of individuals.
Show mercy? That was now impossible. Perhaps before the lid had been lifted, there might have been a chance to cover it up, but not any longer.
The dignity of thew must not be vited. Since the evidence was conclusive, action had to be taken, or else the higher-ups would never forgive them.
...
Paul Bodis, looking haggard, said, "Count, the situation ispletely out of control now. There are over ten thousand officials involved nationwide, including dozens of high-ranking government officials.
I won¡¯t hide the fact that in the past few days, people seeking favors have nearly broken down my door.
I believe it¡¯s been much the same for all of you, even involving our own rtives and friends directly in the cases.
We are now being roasted over the fire. If we let them off, the higher-ups will definitely not spare us; if we handle affairs by the book, we will be isted in the future."
There was no choice; they had overestimated their colleagues¡¯ integrity. They thought it¡¯d be just their own clique benefitting from the grey areas, not expectingrades everywhere across the country.
Generally, these hidden transactions of power and money are difficult to trace. As long as the parties involved keep silent, it¡¯s hard for the outside world to understand the internal rtionships.
In normal times, they had plenty of scorn for those stupid enough to be involved in corruption and bribery, never imagining that one day they might be implicated as well.
Count Witters nodded, "Paul is right, our situation has indeed spun out of control.
To speak bluntly, with just the evidence that has been exposed so far, it¡¯s enough to send us to prison.
If it weren¡¯t for the fact that we happen to be in charge of this case, perhaps it would be us desperately reaching out for connections and begging for favors now.
At this point, do you think it¡¯s better for us to go in, or to make others do it?"
Reality is this cruel. Unwittingly, they had be a knife, a knife poised against the Austrian bureaucracy.
In fact, as soon as the investigation hadmenced, everyone was mentally prepared.
However, they harbored a touch of fantasy, as after all, the Austrian Government was rigorous in its administration of officials; corruption and bribery were scarcely tolerated, making the bureaucracy seem rtively clean, perhaps with only a few rotten elements within the government.
But reality was harsh. Those "clever people" who knew how to take advantage of their power to make money were many, while the fools who went straight for embezzling government funds were few.
The matter wasn¡¯t over yet, and already over ten thousand people were implicated. If the investigation continued, who knew how many more would end up behind bars.
Undoubtedly, as the person in charge of this case, Count Witters was destined to be the object of everyone¡¯s hatred.
Albert vehemently said, "Give the order to arrest them. At this stage, we can¡¯t afford to back down.
Even if we cease now, no one will appreciate our past leniency. The lid has been lifted, and if we don¡¯t dig deeper, others will.
By then, we¡¯ll be the ones who suffer. We¡¯ll have offended both the superiors and the subordinates. Being found guilty of multiple charges could even lead to being stripped of our titles."
Upon hearing the words "stripped of our titles", the others, who had been hesitant, instantly solidified their stance.
There was no choice; the case was too big. At this stage, someone of weight needed to take responsibility.
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It just so happened that the members of the investigation were qualified. As the ringleaders shielding the Jewish Crime Group, if they weren¡¯t punished severely, it would be impossible to exin to the Austrian public.
Offending someone might at worst make it impossible to continue in the officialdom. As long as they remained upright within the rules, no one could do anything to them.
But losing titles was more than just a matter of being unable to continue; it could potentially lead to the extinction of their entire lineage.
Political struggles are always bloody. Rather than relying on others¡¯ ethereal "gratitude", it¡¯s better to fight with all one¡¯s might.
Seeing everyone unified in their stance, Count Witters also breathed a sigh of relief. At times like this, thest thing he wanted was a splintered group.
Even if they would face istion in the future, those present could huddle together for warmth, which was always better than fighting alone.
A momentter, Count Witters slowly said, "Since everyone has made their choice, let¡¯s proceed by the book!
Having taken this step, we must be cautious from now on. The outside world will be scrutinizing us, and we absolutely cannot afford to show the slightest w.
No matter whoes pleading, we cannot afford to be soft-hearted. Even if it involves our own rtives, they must be dealt with ording to thew.
A reputation for fairness and integrity will be the foundation upon which we stand in the political arena in the future."
...
Chapter 828 - 91: Justified by Necessity
The sudden turnaround operation stunned many, including Franz, the initiator, who doubted his own senses.
Fortunately, his years as the Emperor had fortified Franz with a resilient heart, and he soon recovered.
"Frederick, having reviewed these files, what have you understood?"
Adhering to the principle of making the best use of everything at his disposal, Franz did not let this ssic case slip away and seized the opportunity to train his son.
As long as he didn¡¯t reveal it himself, no one would know it was a coincidence, and the outside world would only think of the Emperor¡¯s methods as sophisticated.
Frederick, still recovering from the shock, was confused by Franz¡¯s question.
"Understood what?"
The Emperor¡¯s methods are sophisticated?
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Not right!
This was the answer in the minds of the subjects, suitable for ttering. Frederick did not think his father¡¯s question was meant to hear his ttery.
Bureaucratic issues in the Austrian Government?
Also not right!
Corruption has been a problem throughout history, whetherparing horizontally across European countries or vertically through historical dynasties, Austria¡¯s bureaucracy was rtively clean.
Although the bureaucrats were also making money, they knew better how to appear fair.
The methods of corruption had evolved into transactions of power and money, avoiding embezzlement of government funds or unauthorized levying of taxes, which represented progress.
For rulers, as long as their subordinates could timelyplete assigned tasks without ambitious rebellions or causing mass public outrage, it was eptable.
Discover exclusive content at empire
Eliminating corruption was merely a beautiful dream, only realizable in sleep until humanity evolved to higher levels where material pursuits became irrelevant.
...
This issue was too extensive, and for a while, multiple answers flooded Frederick¡¯s mind only to be rejected by himself, leaving him unsure how to respond.
Facing Franz¡¯s encouraging gaze, Frederick uncertainly responded, "People are selfish; they simply choose the path that is most beneficial to themselves."
Franz nodded appreciatively, "Exactly, people are selfish. This applies to most people, the rest are saints.
In the way of ruling, we can only manage the country using methods suited for themon people, not betting on the small chances of having saints."
"Witters and others are mere representations of the masses. They are equally greedy but maintain a clear head while being so."
"Frederick, if I handed this matter to you, how do you prepare to handle it now?"
After a brief consideration, Frederick firmly answered, "Fuel the mes, seize the opportunity to conduct a major purge within the bureaucratic group, and eliminate all these corrupt elements."
Franz pressed further, "And then?"
Frederick was silent, very aware that conducting a major purge in the administrative circle was easy, but corruption would still breed afterwards, making it impossible to permanently solve the problem.
It is known that Austria¡¯s anti-corruption efforts were already very robust, to the extent that thew allowed officials to take bribes without providing services.
Simply put, an official epting bribes without rendering services wasn¡¯t considered criminal. As long as they reported to the supervisory department within three days, that money could be a legal ie.
After reporting, the officials could enrich themselves without any qualms, and those who paid the bribes were ruined.
The reverse was also true; the bribe-givers could report the officials, which would exonerate them from any wrongdoing.
Under the influence of this, apart from the initial group of bribe-givers who were duped when this was first implemented,ter everyone lost trust.
Even a saying, "Don¡¯t take money unless it¡¯s a matter of life and death," became popr among the public.
In some ways, this regtion also promoted the rise of covert transactions between power and money.
With the current level of productivity, monitoring these hidden transactions was exceedingly difficult.
For some deeply hidden ones, even if discovered, no evidence could be found.
Most of the interests transferred had undergone multiple turnovers, and there were no direct transactions between the involved parties.
If it weren¡¯t for people like Witters breaking the cover from within the interest chain, even if the government wanted to investigate, it would be difficult to make any significant findings.
Even now, knowing that the implicated officials numbered in the thousands, many could still slip through the.
As long as they had been discreet enough previously, without any direct exposure, including using an intermediary for interest transfers, by abandoning the rted industries then, no evidence of their corruption could be found.
In the era of cash transactions, there were no bank transfer records. The simplest moneyundering method was to directly receive unmarked gold bars, bury them, and, after a few years, dig them up as family heirlooms.
If it weren¡¯t for this exposure, Frederick would not have known about such divine maniptions. Yet, this was still rtively primitive.
At a higher level, for example, an official¡¯s proxy could invest in the stock market and double the value in just ten to fifteen days.
Or take random items from their own homes, which would be invaluable antiques.
Well, the issue with antiques, let¡¯s not talk about it; the old nobility¡¯s houses really weren¡¯tcking such items.
This isn¡¯t necessarily considered as fakery; if an ancestor was remarkable enough, as long as it was old, it could immediately im to have been personally used by an ancestor, instantly increasing its value.
Even if the ancestor wasn¡¯t remarkable, surely a distinguished rtive was there, a gift from someone. Ultimately, it all boiled down to one thing: someone would pay the price.
The buyers couldn¡¯t be capitalists in need of favors; typically, it was a cycle of today I pay for you, tomorrow you pay for him, and the day after he pays for me.
The buyers and sellers between them absolutely had no intersecting interests. Even these cooperating capitalists didn¡¯t know each other outwardly, nor had any trade rtions.
This was still not the end; even the individuals who appeared as sellers weren¡¯t the officials themselves, not even their close rtives. Generally, they were registered legalpanies.
If problems arose, they just abandoned those industries. Since there wasn¡¯t an inte back then, many businesses were registered under deceased persons.
The deceased cannot speak, and even if the government wanted to hold them ountable, they couldn¡¯t ask God to return the dead. At most, the properties would be confiscated by the government as ownerless assets.
In reality, there wasn¡¯t much worth confiscating. Most of thesepanies were valueless, except for a few employees who knew nothing, and thepanies¡¯ profits depended entirely on the transfer of benefits.
...
Watching his son lost in thought, Franz decided to patiently wait, knowing that this issue was too troubling. Even he himself had onlye to understand it after many years as the Emperor.
However, being in the royal family, one must understand these issues. Only by thoroughly understanding them could one choose the most advantageous strategy for implementation.
Right, it is not about solving problems. Solving problems is the ministers¡¯ job; the Emperor just needs to provide guidance. The frontline work must be left to subordinates.
After a while, Frederick slowly said, "Father, do you mean that even if we know there are problems with the rules, we must still act ording to them?"
Franz shook his head, "It¡¯s not about the rules per se; in fact, this world does not have perfect rules; the real test is the ability to adapt.
While adhering to the rules, we must also use them to serve us, not be ves under them.
We must always remember, we are both the creators and the maintainers of the rules.
Unless it¡¯s absolutely necessary, it¡¯s best not to try changing the game rules, because before you change the rules, you first have to bear their bacsh."
There was no choice, Franz was training a ruler meant to maintain the status quo. Those too creative and ambitious do not have the qualities a status-quo monarch should have.
Rtively speaking, being conservative is the best choice. After all, with Austria¡¯s huge scale and substantial heritage, the margin for error was already very high.
As long as future monarchs don¡¯t mess things up, the empire¡¯s status would remain stable. Once the state is stable, so is the royal family.
After pondering for a while, Frederick slowly said, "Father, I understand. In politics, there¡¯s no absolute right or wrong, only what¡¯s necessary.
People like Witters may not be good guys, but if what they¡¯re doing now is beneficial for the Empire, we should use them.
And the officials and capitalists currently exposed for crimes, no matter how numerous or powerful, they are criminals.
Since they are criminals, they must face legal sanctions; anyone who obstructs justice is our target.
People like Witters are the knives in our hands, used to remove the decay from the Empire¡¯s body; their personal characters do not matter!
If this de remains sharp, then we shall protect them and make them respected pirs of the country.
On the other hand, if this knife bes dull or even rusty, then let them bear the bacsh."
There¡¯s nothing wrong with it; those caught with proof of their crimes are severely punished, and those not caught, it¡¯s as if nothing happened.
Although this isn¡¯t ideal, not having eradicated all the internal pests, this is the rule of the game.
Maintaining the dignity of thew is of utmost importance; there will be plenty of opportunities to catch those who slip through theter.
Franz was very satisfied with Frederick¡¯s approach; ruthlessness is a basic quality for a monarch.
Despite Franz¡¯s seemingly approachable demeanor, he hadn¡¯t done any drastic purges over the years, but this was only because his subordinates were keeping their heads down.
In fact, behind the morous facade, many more followers fell along the way due to their dishonest ways.
However, considering their past merits, Franz chose to be lenient, appearing merciful.
And this leniency was also within the bounds of the rules. For instance: those who should have been stripped of their titles were allowed to have their descendants inherit directly, and the individuals were exiled toparatively favorable overseas colonies.
No matter how amodating, they were still kicked out of the power circle, just without stripping the family of its foundation, leaving them some hope for aeback.
Killing them, out of the question. Europe does not have a tradition of executing nobility unless they havemitted outrageously heinous acts, so executions are rare.
Such treatment would not extend to people like Witters.
They do have merits, but unfortunately, their previous collusion with Jewish capitalists was a major taboo; not seeking their misfortune was already very generous of Franz.
From the beginning, Franz was prepared to let them and the Jewish capitalists perish together. Unexpectedly, these guys were tough enough to carve a bloody path out of a desperate situation.
Stepping over the corpses of their colleagues, they crafted a good reputation for themselves. It proved that a good reputation could indeed save lives.
Now, all the Austrian citizens think they are clean officials; no matter how much evidence the Jewish capitalists produce, it could all be dismissed as framing and entrapment.
As the price for their escape, people like Witters would have to worry about being retaliated against for the rest of their lives. To continue in their official careers, they can only rely on the reputation of being virtuous "clean officials."
Thinking of this, Franz sighed helplessly. He thought to himself, "I wonder if this counts as turning ck into white?"
"Probably, possibly, it should not be considered so, using a group of pests to eliminate another group of pests, can also be seen as using poison tobat poison.
No, rather, it should be seen as saving errant officials, bringing them back onto the right track..."
No matter how he reassured himself, it didn¡¯t change the ridiculous reality. These were the very people he did not want to use, but because of political needs, he had to reemploy them.
Seeming to recall something unpleasant, Franz continued to instruct, "Frederick, remember this. People like Witters have too low a bottom line to hold high positions.
If there is a necessity to reemploy them, then be cautious. Their limit is the director of the Anti-Corruption Bureau or a deputy minister of a department.
Before reemploying them, we must also prepare measures to counterbnce them. Once any negative signs appear, suppress them immediately.
The selections for the Cab and department heads must pick people with a certain level of integrity. Abilities do not need to be too strong; just above average is sufficient.
Especially for the Prime Minister, pick someone older. Keep the young ones down, no matter how capable they are."
Chapter 829 - 92, Murder to Crush the Spirit
With one official after another beingted, the original anti-Semitic movement gradually drew to a close, and a vigorous anti-corruption campaign began.
In all dynasties and regimes, catching corrupt officials has always been the peoples favorite, and Austria was no exception.
Though there was no direct embezzlement, transactions of power and money and the resulting flow of benefits, in essence, were the same, or to be exact, subject to the same level of punishment under Austrianw.
Watching one bigwig after another being arrested, the happiest were the media, with blockbuster news every day that never repeated, which even caused newspaper sales in 1886 to hit an all-time high.
The onlookers were also satisfied, having so many stories unfold to talk about over meals and leisure time.
Even public servants within the government were pleased, for while there was a sense of sorrow for the fallen, this could not quench their enthusiasm for promotion.
A carrot for every hole; as long as those above didn¡¯t step down, those below simply couldn¡¯t move up. If you were blocking the way, you were the enemy.
By this point, the investigation team¡¯s anti-corruption cases hadpletely spiraled out of control, unstoppable onmand.
Investigating one led to another, and the more they dug, the more people were implicated, leaving Franzpletely bbergasted.
You see, the level of skill required for trading favors versus direct corruption was much higher, impossible for ordinary civil servants to engage in; those truly involved were all officials.
Many local leaders were jailed, with the top ranks of several areas swept away in one fell swoop, leaving a bunch of lower-level staff to take charge.
Then, amazingly, the local government agencies began to operate normally. Well,pared to those cases inter times where governments shut down while the country still ran smoothly, this didn¡¯t seem so strange.
As long as international affairs remained stable, and as long as the regions stayed orderly, the anti-corruption campaign could continue.
With officials taken away, the bribe-givers couldn¡¯t escape either. To reduce their own sentences, reporting others was inevitable.
Unless they hadmitted egregiously heinous acts and were certain to be sentenced to death, they would probably choose to resist to the end. Most people, however, had to consider their own futures and look to lessen their burdens of guilt.
Seeing the number of implicated individuals continually rising, Franz was able to announce to the outside world: The Austrian Government was not anti-Semitic but was engaged in anti-corruption and crackdowns on criminality.
There was no issue, the jailed Jews only ounted for just over forty percent, not even half, and all had concrete evidence of their crimes. If this wasn¡¯t anti-corruption and a crackdown on criminality, then what was it?
Franz might not care, but that didn¡¯t mean others didn¡¯t. Count Witters, a concerned party, was terrified; the prisons were nearly overflowing, and the cases showed no sign of drawing to a close.
In thest month alone, Count Witters had experienced three assassination attempts, all perpetrated by Jews. Who the real mastermind was, nobody knew.
Witters didn¡¯t believe in the leaderless Jews having the capacity to meticulously n multiple assassinations.
And it wasn¡¯t just him suffering; even his family members had been attacked by the mob. Thankfully, the Vienna Police were effective and resolved the issues promptly.
In the Prime Minister¡¯s residence, Count Wittersined anxiously, "Prime Minister, everyone outside has lost their minds¡ªthey¡¯re absolutely crazy!"
Watching his deputy overwhelmed by the evening sun, Prime Minister Carl sighed internally; honestly, he did feel a bit of sympathy for Count Wester.
But mistakes were made, and there was a price to pay. Wester had chosen this path himself, and no matter how many pitfallsy ahead, he had to navigate them on his own.
"Wester, calm yourself, your current state is very unbing. The sky isn¡¯t falling, what¡¯s there to fear from a bunch of crazies!"
Prime Minister Carl had the confidence, the bourgeoisie in Austria had limited power, especially when it came to military force¡ªthey were virtually nil.
The so-called influence was nothing more than awork built upon transactions of power and money.
However, thiswork of rtionships is the least reliable, for the power of the bureaucrats stems from the government, and with a single order, they can be brought low into the dust.
After all, the Austrian Government has an intact system; it doesn¡¯t matter who steps in, it can function normally.
If a chief officer is put away, there is a deputy to rece them; if the deputy is also put away, someone from the next level up takes over¡ªthe administrative hierarchy provides a line of session.
Take several cities in Galicia, for example, where ordinary clerks are now carrying out the mayoral duties. They might not be great at their jobs, but they are sufficient to maintain the status quo.
After so many years ofpulsory education, the Vienna Government is not short of officials, and any vacancies can be filled quickly.
If short-staffed, they can always recruit more. Prime Minister Carl is not the least bit worried these guys can stir up any serious trouble.
Count Witters: "But Prime Minister, they are now¡"
Carl cut him off before he could finish, "Count, I understand what you mean.
It¡¯s nothing more than some overactive riffraff disrupting the investigative team¡¯s work and your normal lives.
Rest assured, the police have already deployed ample force to protect your safety. The Cab has just decided to initiate a nationwide crackdown.
All thugs will face the most severe punishment, including the hidden hands behind them, without exception.
No matter how high their status or how illustrious their position, as long as you can bring them to light, you won¡¯t have to worry about anyone seeking revenge."
Though he seemed calm, Prime Minister Carl had, in fact, harbored a killing intent. Assassinating government officials was a p in the face of the Vienna Government.
Carl held a deep-seated detestation for those who broke the rules of the game. Once they were caught, they faced either death or a lifetime in prison, a "special package deal" ensuring they had no chance of getting out.
For Witters, who didn¡¯t want to be targeted for retaliation in the future, the best strategy was to root out all enemies once and for all, eliminating any potential threats permanently.
It seemed straightforward, but in reality, it was a facy. Despite the multitude of suspects identified, those with solid evidence against them, those who could actually be sent to prison, were still a minority.
Neither capitalists nor bureaucrats are isted individuals; if they fall on hard times, their underlings won¡¯t escape either.
If every suspect were to be caught, then those imprisoned would not be the current forty thousand, but rather, the number would have already exceeded one hundred thousand.
The existence of those who slipped through the meant that the animosity Witters and others had drawn out couldn¡¯t vanish; they were destined to face vengeance in the future.
After hesitating for a moment, Count Wester steeled his heart, "Prime Minister, there is already solid evidence against a good number of criminals. Can we not hand them over to the courts for trial?"
To kill the chicken to scare the monkey!
With so many involved this time, many people believed the Vienna Government would take an approach of "showing high and dropping low,"cking sufficient deterrent power.
Naturally, the best method was to embark on a bloody purge, using bloodshed to make these people understand that wrongdoing could cost them their lives.
After a moment of contemtion, Prime Minister Carl nodded, "Then let¡¯s select a batch of severe criminals for harsh punishment, with the number set at one thousand for now."
The fate of a thousand unfortunate souls was thus decided. As examples set to kill the chicken to scare the monkey, they would be dealt with ording to the strictest standards prescribed byw.
Upon hearing this answer, Count Witters inhaled sharply. One thousand people was roughly the total number of criminals executed in Austriast year, and now this figure was to be met in one fell swoop.
There was no doubt. Not just one thousand, but even two or three thousand severe criminals could easily be singled out for execution if necessary.
Despite the public focus on anti-corruption and anti-Semitism, the majority of those arrested are still members of the criminal underworld.
There¡¯s no other reason for this than the fact that the criminal evidence against these scum is the easiest to collect.
Crimesmitted by others are mostly economical in nature, and even when there¡¯s a murder, they are the ones pulling strings from behind the scenes; these thugs are the actual executors.
Seeing the Prime Minister¡¯s firm stance, Witters secretly breathed a sigh of relief, thankful that he had switched roles quickly, or else he would now be the proverbial chicken ughtered to frighten the monkeys.
Don¡¯t say they won¡¯t kill nobility; if you be the boss of such arge criminal gang, no matter how prominent your identity, you won¡¯t be able to escape.
...
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Bukovina Central Square was now swarming with people, countless onlookers had rushed to see the public trial at the court.
The elderly Feilude and hispanions also appeared among the crowd, butpared to the excitement of the people around them, their faces were terrifyingly grim.
On trial today was the infamous Leo Cohen, who might be seen as a vile scoundrel by others, but to them, he was a respected member of themunity.
As one charge after another was proven, Feilude closed his eyes and slowly said, "Let¡¯s go!"
Causing trouble was out of the question; these days, any European nation could see civil unrest, except for the Jews.
Walking on eggshells, not even sure of surviving from one day to the next¡ªif they made waves, it would just give an excuse to the anti-Semitic forces.
Osytho, unable to contain his emotions, indignantly eximed, "That defense attorney is an idiot, I want to..."
Seeing the odd looks from the people around them and fearing that Osytho might blurt out something foolish, Feilude quickly scolded, "Shut up!"
Whether the defense attorney was effective or not was secondary; the crux of the matter was that the evidence was overwhelmingly sufficient, with a mountain of testimony and physical proof.
Whether they liked it or not, the court was determined in its verdict against Leo Cohen.
Feilude, with his many years of life experience, could tell from the murmurs of the surrounding crowd that Leo Cohen had indeed been involved in many sordid affairs.
Ordinary Jews are very low-key, trying to minimize their presence in daily life to avoid hostility.
Jews who are more aggressive tend to be in cahoots with the local powers-that-be. Unfortunately for Leo Cohen, his boss betrayed him.
The evidence that was meant to be used in ast stand now became the evidence of his conspiracies against Austrian officials, attempts to manipte politics, and plots to overthrow the government...
The evidence he provided was enough to send him to the guillotine; there was nothing more to be said.
...
Having returned to his quarters, Feilude spoke with grave concern, "Osytho, calm down first.
We all regret Mr. Leo¡¯s situation, but there¡¯s no way for us to refute the police¡¯s evidence, especially since a good amount of it came from Mr. Leo¡¯s own confessions.
You must realize what this implies; when the Austrians bring a case to public trial, it means the charges cannot be overturned.
The fact that you managed to stay out of this is fortunate enough.
Keep in mind that Gleyer and his associates still haven¡¯t been released. If nothing unexpected happens, they might never see the light of day again.
If you get involved again, you won¡¯t only be incapable of saving Mr. Leo, but you might also doom many more of our people.
I believe you understand what I¡¯m saying."
How could he not understand? Osytho had not been implicated because the Jewishmunity was preparing to push him into politics. A politician can¡¯t have clear blemishes, so Leo had always kept Osytho away from his business dealings.
Of course, that was all in the past. Now, after this incident, the Jewish power in the Bukovina area is too damaged to support Osytho¡¯s political aspirations any longer.
Without external support, and given his sensitive ethnic identity, even if he managed to enter the official ranks through examinations, he was doomed not to go far.
"Don¡¯t worry, Mr. Feilude. I know what to do next and won¡¯t cause any trouble for everyone," Osytho assured.
...
After calming down Leo¡¯s followers, Feilude began to worry about whether or not to leave Austria.
After spending a few months there, he had a clear understanding of the situation. Austria is rtively friendly towards ordinary Jews, but it¡¯s not a suitable environment for Jewish capitalists to thrive.
Leaving other issues aside, the single decree prohibiting usury could spell doom for many Jewish capitalists.
It¡¯s not impossible to carry on such activities in secret, but given the intensity of the Austrian Government¡¯s anti-corruption and crackdown on the underworld, one carelessness could lead to decapitation. Discover stories with empire
The pending execution of Leo Cohen served as a warning; he was once a bigwig in the Austrian business world, but once disaster struck, he was finished overnight.
Doing business legally is indeed no problem, but legitimate business just doesn¡¯t make money!
Today, the marketpetition within Austria is extremely fierce, with limited profits in most industries.
For neers wishing to get a share of the pie, it¡¯s even more challenging.
High-profit industries, meanwhile, have very high barriers to entry. Not only do they require substantial capital investment, but they also demand high technical know-how and are filled with uncertainties, with even the return on investment taking a long time.
Certainly, there are industries with short cycles and high profits like the stock market and futures trading; aside from the high risks, they have no other drawbacks.
This is definitely not what Jewish capitalists want. While they all pursue extraordinary profits, it doesn¡¯t mean they¡¯re willing to be the suckers.
Experts in finance know full well how treacherous it is. Even powerful dragons don¡¯t press local snakes, and they¡¯re at most a mere caterpir¡ªdiving in is suicide.
Before Feilude could weigh the pros and cons, cruel reality made the decision for him.
Leo Cohen¡¯s execution was just the beginning. As the trials continued, more and more people were sent to the guillotine.
Watching head after head tumble, Jewish capitalists who alreadycked a sense of security became restless, urging Feilude to leave.
It was hopeless; this ce was not suited for making a fortune. They showed their deep-seated aversion to the harsh Austrianws.
If the wealthy patrons leave, keeping only the ordinary Jews behind, would they still be considered Jews?
Without financial investment and under Austria¡¯s assimtion policies, ordinary people won¡¯tst long.
After all, cultural inheritance also requires time, and ordinary people preupied with daily sustenance don¡¯t have much time for the education of the next generation.
Once thenguage and writing are lost, within a few generations the essence would have changed.
Chapter 830 - 93: Judicial Justice Must Not Be Desecrated
Time and again, it has been proven that the butcher¡¯s knife might not necessarily solve a problem, but it can assuredly eliminate the person who creates the problem.
Since the Vienna Government initiated a massive killing spree, the strength of the forces resisting the government¡¯s investigation significantly dwindled. Conversely, the number of people surrendering to the investigative team surged.
Even the security concerns guing the investigation team members were swiftly resolved, as assassins seemed to have vanished overnight.
The astonishing reversal left Franz dumbstruck. After all the bluster over the past half a year, it turned out that their show of strength was nothing but a facade. Once they saw that the government would not back down, they all caved in.
When one thinks about it, it makes sense; although there were many people involved, there were very few who had real power.
The nouveau riche nobility, having made their fortunes during the war, had their roots mainly in the military and to a lesser extent, among the capital investors who transitioned into nobility.
Having rued wealth only recently, they hadn¡¯t had time to cultivate their influence within the government; they were still in a phase of umtion, and few held significant positions.
The prerequisite for transactions between power and money is the possession of power first; with insufficient power, naturally, there were fewer individuals dragged down.
The old nobility, with their methods for enduring longevity, apart from the odd fool, generally knew how to behave with discretion and where to draw the line.
Even when engaging in transactions of interests, they focused on one-time deals and avoided repetitive business rtionships. Read exclusive adventures at empire
After the deed was done, they would immediately clean up any loose ends and destroy any rted clues, leaving no evidence to be found.
The asional transaction couldpletely be passed off as a coincidence; those who were actually under suspicion were involved in long-term coborations, with officials breaking the norm multiple times for certain individuals orpanies.
If there were absolutely no signs of foul y, even the government would not know where to start their investigation.
Even the capitalists who paid the money might not know the true identities of their coborators, as the transactions were all conducted through middlemen.
This could be seen from the list of those involved in the case; most of the arrested officials were from the middle ss, grassroots, and a portion of the declining nobility, with the nouveau riche and established nobility being the minority.
The real power yers had already distanced themselves from the corruption scandal when it erupted, and those who remained naturally could not stir up much trouble.
Those who dared to resist the investigation were simply not clear on the government¡¯s intentions and held onto a slim hope. Upon seeing the government¡¯s raised executioner¡¯s de, they all panicked.
If they continued to resist, they would be left with no choice but to rebel. This high-risk, low-reward venture clearly did not suit those who had homes and businesses to consider.
This was evident from the numerous assassination attempts that had urred previously.
The assassins were not even up to the level of amateurs; rather than killers, they were more like delusional teenagers.
Lacking modern assassination tools, many rushed in wielding nothing more than a fruit knife, making it clear that the intent was more to threaten and warn than to actually assassinate.
After all, if an investigator was actually killed, the issue would no longer be about embezzling and going to prison but about losing one¡¯s head.
This did not matter what your status was or how substantial your connections were; breaking the rules meant you had to pay the ultimate price.
¡
Franz asked with puzzlement, "Are they going to execute that many people?"
It wasn¡¯t an overreaction; executing thousands of people at once in peace times was shocking enough.
In fact, the execution of about a thousand people by the Vienna Government had already caused a sensation, iming the title of thergest execution event in Europe in nearly a decade.
This was no joke; even after the suppression of the Paris Revolution, the number of criminals executed during the French government¡¯s subsequent reckonings was not this substantial, with only the great purge conducted by Alexander II more than a decade ago exceeding a thousand executions.
Now, with over five thousand people sentenced to death, if carried out, this could set an unprecedented, unrivaled world record.
Of course, thises with the stiptions of being "anti-corruption and anti-crime" and having "gone through a court trial."
@@novelbin@@
Prime Minister Carl confidently replied, "Yes, Your Majesty! ording to the Empire¡¯s penal code, all 5,316 individuals listed here should be sentenced to death.
Additionally, there are 4,328 people who could face either the death penalty or life imprisonment."
Prime Minister Carl was also helpless, the evidence had been found, and there was no need for targeted action to have these guys sent to the guillotine.
Whaty before the Vienna Government was a dilemma: executing them all would have too great an impact, as the execution of a thousand people had already caused an uproar in the European world.
To further chop off another five thousand or so, or even round it up to ten thousand, would set off an international outcry, and keyboard warriors are never in short supply in any world.
But leniency wasn¡¯t an option either, as it concerned the dignity of thew. Ignoring the evidence that was right in front of their eyes would set a precedent, who knows what future consequences that might bring?
Reduction of sentences was possible, but these guys didn¡¯t qualify! Surely they couldn¡¯t expect the Emperor to use his privilege to reduce sentences for these people?
Rubbing his forehead, Franz could onlyment that Austria had so much scum, having so easily caught so many criminals.
Franz pressed, "What are the identities of these people?"
Prime Minister Carl: "Among these offenders, over five thousand have a background in organized crime, mostly gang leaders and enforcers, all with blood on their hands.
Their main activities include extortion, illegal gambling dens, usury, drug trafficking, and counterfeiting, among other criminal vitions.
There are also over three thousand enforcers employed by capitalists, nearly half of whom also have ties to organized crime and engage in simr activities, with the addition of suppressing workers¡¯ strikes, minus the extortion and drugs counterfeiting.
The number of capitalists and officials who need to be sentenced to death is actually not that high, totaling less than a thousand, with capitalists slightly outnumbering officials, less than a hundred of whom are deeply implicated."
This result did not surprise Franz.
As long as mobsters had blood on their hands, there was basically no escape. Even idents wouldn¡¯t do, given the other crimes that would be stacked on top.
The Austrian Government has always been unyielding in punishing these people. After all, they are the dregs of society, and there¡¯s no need to worry about wrongful killing.
Byparison, the implicated capitalists and officials usually have problems rted to financial issues, or ties to organized crime, but very few of them directlymitted murder.
Having so many capitalists and officials face the chopping block is mostly due to deep connections with organized crime, bearing vicarious legal responsibility, and being swept up in the process.
As for whether anyone would face execution for massive corruption, Franz could affirmatively answer: no!
The Anti-Corruption Bureau and the police were not idling away, with too many industries, they couldn¡¯t cover it up.
Huge unounted wealth is like a firefly in the dark night, hard to miss being targeted.
Everyone knows that Austrian officials take bribes and do nothing, even if it¡¯s legal,mon people dare not offer a bribe.
If someone were to bring you a bribe, you¡¯d first have to consider whether you were facing a sting operation, something the Anti-Corruption Bureau frequently does.
Embezzlement and bribery could only be done with a few trusted individuals¡ªhow much could one really skim off the top?
After careful consideration, Franz realized that helping these people would only cause trouble for himself without any benefits.
As for international opinion, let them talk if they want to; after all, you can¡¯t stop people¡¯s mouths, which are on their faces.
Even if the number of executed criminals increases, nobody woulde over pointing fingers; no one dares to interfere with Austrian internal affairs these days.
"Judicial integrity must not be vited, and this time we will use these people to demonstrate our determination to uphold judicial integrity to the outside world.
Let¡¯s make it a round number; that will hold more deterrent power. Let this event be the benchmark of Austrianw."
Hearing the word "benchmark," Prime Minister Carl swallowed the words he was about to say. Judicial integrity must be forged with blood.
This stands in direct opposition to the principle that thew does not punish the multitude. If today we show leniency due to therge number of individuals involved, the deterrent power of thew would be greatly diminished, and simr events could ur more frequently in the future.
Rather than leaving issues for the future, it¡¯s better to cut the Gordian knot now. After all, these people are of no use, and Austria is not short ofbor at the moment.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Prime Minister Carl answered gravely
...
Chapter 831 - 94, Arms Race
The guilty were executed, the exble were exiled, and those to be removed from office were removed. Throughout the entire year of 1887, the Vienna Government was busy cleaning out corrupt officials and confiscating illegal assets.
As the curtain fell on the grand case of anti-corruption and crackdown operations, a total of 10,286 criminals were executed, 96,412 people were exiled, and countless others were fined or warned.
Including 1,274 corrupt officials identified within the government, 7,421 people who turned themselves in, 76 were executed for heinous crimes, 376 officials were exiled, and all individuals involved were removed from their positions and a staggering sum of 47,560,000 Divine Shields confiscated.
Frankly, the amount involved in the cases was much less than what Franz had estimated, and the average amount involved per person was only slightly over 5,000 Divine Shields, which clearly showed that the pigs had not been fattened yet.
No wonder everyone favored anti-Semitism. Compared to the confiscation of Jewish assets, the corruption of bureaucrats was child¡¯s y, not even on the same level.
Of course, this was rted to the intensity of Vienna Government¡¯s anti-corruption efforts. Most people didn¡¯t dare to offer bribes directly, and the threshold for transferring benefits was too high, which shied many from their path to wealth.
The purchasing power of the Divine Shield was still impressive. For frontline public officials, a bribe amounting to a few hundred Divine Shields simply wasn¡¯t feasible given their limited authority.
Even if gifts were offered, they usually consisted of just a few Divine Shields or perhaps a dozen, and at most, a few dozen.
With only so much money involved, ying borate games of benefit transfer just wasn¡¯t realistic.
Therefore, their grey ie could onlye from profit-sharing above. After all, as direct operators, they were needed to ensure smooth transactions, and sealing the deal without sweetening the pot was impossible.
What they received wasn¡¯t cash but various discount cards, vouchers, many of which were distributed under the guise of departmental welfare.
Legally speaking, this didn¡¯t even constitute a bribery offense. Their real crime was failure to report and dereliction of duty.
This is also why there were so many officials turning themselves in. After all, by confessing before being caught, the charge of "failure to report" was dropped, and if "dereliction of duty" didn¡¯t cause serious consequences, being dismissed from public office was considered the end of the matter.
With such arge number of people involved, house raids were actually carried out only on high-ranking officials with serious issues. Hence, the 47,560,000 Divine Shields confiscated were quite significant after all.
The per capita gain from the raids was 135,000 Divine Shields; had the anti-corruption case broken just a few dayster, it would have been an average of half a ton of gold per person, a clear mark of major corruption.
With these results, Franz was very satisfied. Compared to the situation at the beginning of his reign, where "nine out of ten bureaucrats would be caught and there would still be one that slipped through," there had now been a fundamental change.
The case might have ended, but the subsequent impacts were just beginning. The most direct effect was a significant improvement in social order.
While it wasn¡¯t safe to say that households could leave their doors unlocked at night, at least those who charged protection money or offered high-interest loans had disappeared without a trace, and even the petty thugs on the streets rarely made an appearance.
The harsh reality taught the naive young that being involved in the underworld came at a cost, and bing a boss was essentially stepping one foot into the gates of hell.
This also served as a mass legal education lesson. The Vienna Government forged the majesty of thew with the lives of tens of thousands of criminals, and society¡¯s immoral trends were reversed.
All of Europe was shocked by Austria¡¯s bold move, which even managed to overshadow the anti-Semitic movement.
The execution of tens of thousands in one go was enough to make many people¡¯s scalp tingle, and public opinion was divided.
Supporters believed that the Austrian Government had upheld the dignity of thew and that the executions of the criminals had followed proper judicial procedures, worthy of emtion worldwide;
The opponents, however, saw the Austrian Government as showing no respect for life, depriving them of the chance to reform, which constituted a desecration of human rights.
The two sides were at loggerheads, battling through newspapers at a distance, with offline debates and academic symposia bing their battlegrounds.
Well, the Vienna Government still spent money on public rtions; otherwise, the forces supporting the rule ofw would have fallen into the minority long ago.
As a result, the total amount of foreign investment entering Austria in 1887 fell by 46% from the previous year, while, conversely, capital outflows increased by 21.2%.
Mainly, it was the Jewish capitalists who retreated. Others might not see it, but they, the people concerned, understood it very clearly.
The Vienna Government certainly treated ordinary Jews very kindly, but behind that kindness was the aim for national integration.
For those standing in the way of national integration, they were shown no mercy, especially Count Witters, an old friend, who was dealt with incredibly harshly.
Those who could be arrested were arrested; those who could be killed were killed¡ªall without clemency, and no one was spared.
This could be seen from the list of those executed or exiled; indeed, the actions were in ordance with Austrianw. The issue was that there were just too many Jews on that list.
There were indeed Jewish capitalists who were entirelyw-abiding, but they were very few. Most capitalists had ventured, more or less, into a grey area.
The investigative team clearly gave them special attention, pulling out many hidden issues that had been concealed.
Knowing that they were targeted, they were powerless to change it. Compared to other European countries, this was still ying by the rules.
If they wanted to avoid being treated differently, it was very simple: they just needed to give up their legacies and actively integrate.
In fact, Austria¡¯s Jews had long been divided, and this sudden blow just made the issue clearer.
Those who left were just a part of those not content with the status quo. Ordinary people were reluctant to continue drifting, as stepping out meant facing an uncertain future.
```
...
London
Prime Minister dstone said, "What is your view on the bold move by the Austrian Government this time?"
Most people only focused on the anti-corruption cases themselves, and the experts and schrs in the market only noticed the legal issues; but through the eyes of politicians, it¡¯s a different story.
Foreign Minister George said, "This is rted to the national integration policies executed by Austria, which can be traced back to 1820.
However, these policies were not well promoted until Franz¡¯s era.
Overall, the integration of various nationalities within Austria is not bad, with the only trouble being the Jews.
Even if Europe does not burst into an anti-Semitic movement, the Vienna Government would sooner orter target these Jewish capitalists who hinder national integration.
As for the anti-corruption cases that erupted afterward, they are actually just a power game by Franz, who took advantage of the situation to cleanse the bureaucratic team and strengthen his control over the country."
Those who hold high positions are all intelligent; the benefits of national integration are clear at a nce.
However, knowing it is one thing, following suit is another. If true national integration were pursued, The British Isles would have already been unified.
In fact, including the dstone Cab, all sessive British governments have tried to solve this problem, but all failed in the end.
There is no way around it. If everyone bes one of our own, then it wouldn¡¯t be so easy to exploit them so outrageously, which is tantamount to cutting off the capitalists¡¯ money route.
Finance Minister George Childs said, "These are just the political aspects. What I am talking about is the economy.
Have you noticed that in this anti-corruption and anti-Semitic movement, the Vienna Government earned a substantial amount of funds?
Although the specific amount is unknown, it is certain that the most was harvested from this anti-Semitic movement, and where this money will be spent is also worth our vignce."
This is an inevitable result; one side is shearing the sheep while the other is ughtering them for meat, the disparity in profits speaks for itself.
Internationalpetition is not only aboutpeting in strength but also in financial power. Whenpetitors have money, it is certainly not a good thing for Britannia.
Hearing this bad news, Prime Minister dstone furrowed his brows and muttered to himself, "Is the arms raceing again?"
@@novelbin@@
After the anti-Semitic movement ended, it wasn¡¯t only Austria that had money in its pockets. To be precise, governments across Europe had money in their pockets.
Generally speaking, in such cases, everyone will spend their money. Exactly where it will be spent is hard to determine.
However, what is certain is that as soon as someone leads the development of armaments, it will immediately detonate an arms race.
Sir Astley Cooper Key, Minister of the Navy, said, "Your Excellency Prime Minister, the French government has recently announced a new shipbuilding n.
ording to the n, within the next three years, the French Navy will add three new battleships, seven destroyers, four cruisers, and a total of 24 ships of various other types and sizes.
Following the recent naval construction norms, the Austrians will maintain a simr scale of capital ships as the French.
If nothing unexpected urs, it won¡¯t take long for the Austrian Navy to announce its shipbuilding n, and when that timees, the pressure on the Royal Navy will significantly increase.
To secure the naval supremacy of the Royal Navy, the Naval Department ns to build six new battleships, ten destroyers...."
Faced with the opportunistic Minister of the Navy, Prime Minister dstone pped his forehead and thought to himself: A mistake has been made.
Before he could speak, Finance Minister George Childs preemptively objected, "No, if we follow this n, France and Austria will surely continue to increase their number of ships. Then, an arms race would be inevitable.
Although the government has recentlye into some money, this money has other uses and shouldn¡¯t be squandered on a meaningless arms race."
Minister of the Navy Astley Cooper Keyughed and said, "How can you say it is meaningless? If we deplete the finances of France and Austria in an arms race, they won¡¯t have the capacity to do anything else.
Otherwise, what do you think they will spend these funds on?
Austria¡¯s Near East development ns, the French¡¯s Africa development ns, theirrge farm projects¡ªall these are capable of strengthening their national power.
If we don¡¯t deplete their financial resources and use the arms race to drag them down, can we continue to maintain our superiority in the long run?"
This is a reality we must face; Britannia, with its narrow territories, has very limited potential for its own development.
To keep its superior position, it must continuously suppress itspetitors. Otherwise, in the long-distance race of national development, they will inevitably fall behind sooner orter.
This can be seen from recent developments. First, Austria¡¯s economic output surpassed Britain, followed by France¡¯s economic total surpassing France.
Although it was only the domestic parts, this still caught the attention of the British elite, who listed the two countries as their greatestpetitors.
```
Chapter 832 - 95: The Bragging Strategy
```
The sudden arms race disrupted many people¡¯s ns, including Austria¡¯s.
In fact, the Vienna Government had also proposed a n to provoke an arms race, but that is all in the past now.
Ever since deciding to implement the Near East development n, Franz had abandoned that tempting n, and the reason was simple¡ªpoverty.
Engaging in infrastructure construction on the one hand, and an arms race on the other, was more than Austria could handle.
Starting an arms race is easy, but the real challenge lies in the aftermath. If someone starts such a meaningful activity and then runs out of money, it would be utterly embarrassing.
This is not just a matter of saving face, but more importantly, it¡¯s about showing strength to the world. The stronger the strength, the easier it is to find allies in international politics.
Of course, there are asional exceptions that may have the opposite effect. As for how to manage, it depends on everyone¡¯s political acumen.
It must be admitted that the British chose their moment well. Now is indeed the best time to subdue France and Austria. Once that moment passes and the two countries¡¯ strategic ns areplete, the situation will turn around dramatically.
Even if it¡¯s not possible to suppress both countries at once, it¡¯s also necessary to crush their arrogance and tell the world who really rules this era.
Putting down the documents in his hand, Franz furrowed his brows and asked, "Are we forced into battle now?"
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Yes, Your Majesty!
The British have timed it well. If we back down now, the outside world will think Austria fears Britannia.
ording to information from the Paris Embassy, the French Government has decided to respond and will probably announce a new shipbuilding n very soon."
It¡¯s not that weck the strength to follow suit; it¡¯s just that Franz is unwilling to engage in such a pointless expenditure.
Well, that¡¯s just self-constion. The reality is that Austria cannotpete with the British financially without affecting domestic economic development.
Even with substantial revenue from confiscations, the Near East development n, urban transformation and upgrading, and road and transportation infrastructure have already consumed nearly everything.
In an arms race, the biggest issue is not shipbuilding but the military expenditure thates afterward. Just building ships, the Vienna Government could easily churn out a hundred battleships.
The problem is, once the ships are built, the cost of their maintenance will be astronomical.
To put it into perspective, the construction cost of a new battleship is just over a million Divine Shield, but the maintenance cost over five years will exceed the battleship¡¯s own price.
Perhaps it won¡¯t even take five years¡ªif the training is more frequent, it might surpass the cost in just three years.
This is calcble: a battleship requires a crew of six to seven hundred officers and soldiers, and the logistical support staff is only slightly less than front-line personnel. The annual military payroll alone is a considerable figure.
To maintainbat effectiveness, regr training is essential. Just looking at the gun barrels, one knows that naval shells aren¡¯t cheap. A battleship¡¯s broadside salvo can cost dozens of Divine Shield, and using specialized ammunition might exhaust hundreds.
The seemingly trivial coal for fuel, when measured in thousands of tons, also amounts to a substantial figure.
Routine maintenance, equipment upkeep, and recing damaged parts also constitute significant expenses.
All in all, annual funding of several hundred thousand Divine Shield is barely enough.
To cut corners is possible though¡ªit¡¯s feasible to go with a poorer navy. Taking a leaf out of the Russians¡¯ book, keep the ships docked in the harbor, have soldiers train with the army¡¯s drill manual, and military expenditures will only need one-tenth of the normal level.
Franz nodded and instructed the Minister of the Navy, "Castagni, tell us about your shipbuilding n!"
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
Navy Minister Castaigne: "The British Navy already has 4 Sovereign-ss battleships and is now nning to build 6 new battleships, 10 destroyers, 7 cruisers, as well as 31 various sses of ships.
To deter them, we must at least maintain 80% of their capital ships and 70% of their auxiliary vessels.
@@novelbin@@
Currently, we only have 3 new battleships. The naval department ns to build an additional 5 new battleships, 8 destroyers, 6 cruisers, and a total of 25 other auxiliary vessels."
No one knows when it started, but the Austrian Navy began to adopt the "Eight-part theory": to deter the British, one must possess 80% of the Royal Navy¡¯s tonnage.
Since the navy¡¯s major expansion, Austria¡¯s initial goal was just one-tenth of the Royal Navy, and in less than thirty years, the target has increased eightfold.
```
It makes sense when you think about it, who would have guessed that the main warships of the Austrian Navy had already approached following closely on the heels of the British with seventy percent of their tonnage?
To be exact, it was sixty-five point seven percent, and rounding it to seventy percent wasn¡¯t wrong. With such a solid foundation, it¡¯s no wonder they were advocating the eight-part theory.
Perhaps within the naval circles, not proposing a one-to-one shipbuilding n was already considered giving face.
Franz was indifferent to this, but he wondered if the British could tolerate it. However, the threshold for people, as well as nations, is constantly being pushed further.
Compared to the original timeline, the British Government¡¯s threshold had be much lower.
This was all due to necessity; as the economic strengths of France and Austria grew and they both increased their naval investments, the Royal Navy¡¯s standard of having twice the might of other navies was immediately met with a setback.
Then the n changed, aiming for the Royal Navy to maintain a 1:0.6 advantage over the world¡¯s second naval power.
This ratio was, in reality, just talk. After striving for a few years, the British Government was forced to lower its threshold once again.
Austria, the third naval power, had achieved sixty-five percent of the Royal Navy¡¯s tonnage, while the French Navy had reached seventy-two percent of the Royal Navy¡¯s tonnage.
The power bnce among Ennd, France, and Austria came to be because the Royal Navy could no longer suppress France and Austria, forcing the London Government to ept sharing the rest of the world with France and Austria.
The British Government had always been repressing others, but the problem was that the effectiveness wascking; they hadn¡¯t managed to suppress anyone.
No one is a fool; with a fisherman at watch, France and Austria tacitly managed their conflicts and kept a close eye on the British.
The British Government tried several times to cause trouble, but they were caught each time. Under retaliation from France and Austria, the British nearly got squeezed out of the Mediterranean.
Initially ufortable, the British Government became more adaptable over time and began to ept reality. After all, 0.72 plus 0.65 only adds up to 1.37, and it was improbable the two would truly unite, so the Royal Navy could just about manage.
All of these assumptions were predicated on this ratio not continuing to grow.
If the tonnage of the Austrian Navy increased to eighty percent of the Royal Navy¡¯s, and the French followed suit, the British Government would probably explode in anger.
This was unlikely; the current ratio was about the maximum the British could tolerate. Even if it meant breaking the bank, the British Government would ensure the Royal Navy kept its advantage.
If Austria were not undertaking so many construction projects, it wouldn¡¯t fearpeting with the British financially, but clearly, that wasn¡¯t the case now.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz slowly said, "Let¡¯s announce the n as it is, but extend the construction timeline by two yearspared to the British.
If Ennd and France increase their shipbuilding efforts in the future, we will follow ording to the current ratio. However, we can slow down the pace of our shipbuilding, constructing two to three battleships per year will suffice.
The Ministry of the Navy can also whip out a few grand ns when necessary to distract and confuse."
It was better to lose out subtly than to admit defeat; Franz had made up his mind to use bluster and engage in an arms race with the British.
It¡¯s not like the ships weren¡¯t being built; they were just dyed. This would not affect the credibility.
Once the shipbuilding timeframe was extended, financial pressure on the government would lessen. As long as the finances could sustain it, a prolonged arms race might even have some benefits.
Burning money was a collective effort after all, and since the British built more warships, they naturally burned through more money too.
If this generation of Pre-Dreadnoughts could be in service until retirement, then it wouldn¡¯t be a loss.
The problem was that Pre-Dreadnoughts were just a stone¡¯s throw away from Dreadnoughts. The difference essentially lied in design philosophy. While the technical difficulty of shipbuilding increased, it was not insurmountable.
Once Dreadnoughts were introduced, the Pre-Dreadnoughts would be outdated.
Just having finished an exhausting race, it would be uniquely frustrating to be told that it was only the first half, and the second half was starting immediately.
The well-heeled British might barely cope with it, but the French Government was unlikely to have the capacity to exert itself further.
Moreover, the increased investment in the navy would likely lead to reduced French contributions to their army, which would greatly benefit Austria¡¯s future strategic ns.
...
Chapter 833 - 96, Tit for Tat (Supplement)
Austria¡¯s shipbuilding n was announced and Europe¡¯s public opinion erupted.
Although the Vienna Government repeatedly emphasized that it was not targeting anyone and merely sought to fill the gap left by retired battleships, still nobody was willing to believe it.
Notably, Vienna had already had a n named "10 battleships in 10 years" before this, and the 3 pre-dreadnoughts currently in service were part of that shipbuilding n.
Starting construction on one battleship every year was just normal procedure, perfectly maintaining the current main force of the Austrian Navy.
The sudden addition of five more battleships to the n was clearly a response to the previous Royal Navy¡¯s shipbuilding n.
At this time, many people realized that not long ago the Austrian Government had gifted numerous warships to the Russians, and their navy was in a period of vacancy.
A testament to Russian-Austrian friendship?
Perhaps that existed, considering the warships were given away for free. Secondhand warships were valuable too, and selling them for their construction cost as per international arms market practice was normal if they were in decent condition.
But, are they sure it wasn¡¯t to make space for the new battleships?
It wasn¡¯t only Austria that needed to update its fleet; Ennd and France were also facing the retirement of arge number of warships, and there simply weren¡¯t enough capable buyers on the international arms market.
Despite the sess of the Austriannd forces¡¯ equipment sales, naval equipment never enjoyed the same demand as the British.
This had nothing to do with the ships¡¯ technology, performance, quality, or price.
The main reason they were hard to sell was politics. Despite Austria¡¯s good rtions with European countries, its rtions with countries outside of Europe were quite average.
This wasn¡¯t due to ack of effort by Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry; rather, there just wasn¡¯t much opportunity to engage.
Outside of Europe, countries were either colonies, powers¡¯ subordinates, or within their spheres of influence, with very few fully sovereign states.
In fact, there was no need to count; other than the United States, which had significant power and maintained its sovereignty, most other nations had signed unequal treaties with the great powers to different extents.
Of course, this didn¡¯t mean Austrian warships couldn¡¯t be sold at all; asionally, there were slim opportunities.
After all, Austria was also a great power with a respectable presence, and the Vienna Government dared to stand out and ovee political obstacles when needed, but the British had brand appeal!
Someone had propagated the theory that everyone took for granted as truth¡ªthat British warships were the best in quality and performance, with countries preferring British ships when purchasing warships.
Against this backdrop, warships from France and Austria became hard to sell. The governments even spread rumors that British warships exports were downgraded versions.
Unfortunately, people were not easy to cheat; whether they were downgraded or not was apparent once they inspected the goods.
While the most advanced warships for export were indeed downgraded by the British, John Bull was less particr about the older, retired ships.
Refitting downgraded warships also costs money, at the very least inbor. Old technologies that were phased out were not worth the money to conceal.
Political factors led to losing 60% of orders, and brand effects led to losing another 30% of the remaining share, leaving only 28% of international orders.
(1-0.6) * (1-0.3) = 0.28
This market share was not solely for Austria but was contested by all European countries, predominantly divided between France and Austria.
In those times, there were very few capable buyers, leaving a small market share for Austria, and naturally, they couldn¡¯t find buyers for retired warships.
This was the case not only for the Austrian Navy but also for the British. Knowing that the Royal Navy had to use warships for target practice every year showed how difficult they were to sell.
For controlling the proliferation of warships, the European powers had an understanding; even if they couldn¡¯t sell, they wouldn¡¯t resort to cheap deals or giveaways when using them for target practice.
In a sense, Austria¡¯srge-scale gifting of warships to Russia also broke this understanding.
However, since such unspoken rules weren¡¯t officially codified and had no verbal agreements, they carried no binding force, causing nothing more than internal dissatisfaction among the powers.
All these were minor issues. The real headache from updating technology and phasing out warships essentially came from the reluctance to part with them.
Battleships not yet due for retirement were too valuable to scrap but keeping them for continued service posed no problems. The key issue was that the new battleships were alsoing.
Owning arge number of warships wasn¡¯t only imposing but came with massive military expenditure, which was economically very unfeasible.
Whether the spection was urate no longer mattered; the warships had already been given away.
Even if one could have second thoughts, given another chance, the Russians would still gleefully take them.
```
Being able to be the world¡¯s fourthrgest naval power without paying any cost is an opportunity anyone would know how to choose.
It¡¯s not often that one gets to watch the great powers directly tear into each other. Spectators have already prepared nuts and coffee, just waiting for the big show to begin.
The British had not yet reacted, and the French could not stand it any longer. For the first time, Napoleon IV felt that the Minister of the Navy was too narrow-minded in their shipbuilding nspared to the Anglo-Austrian two countries.
Compared to the original timeline, France¡¯s situation is much better now.
There are no war reparations to pay and no Russians to please, and the recent anti-Semitic movement has resolved the debt problems umted over the years; the French government now actually has money.
"The shipbuilding ns for this year from the Anglo-Austrian two countries have been released, and from the current situation, our original shipbuilding ns have be outdated.
The Ministry of the Navy needs to revise the shipbuilding ns¡ªwhile not saying we will surpass the British, we at least cannot be less than the Austrians."
There¡¯s nothing wrong with that. There is still some distance from bing the world¡¯s number one naval power, France, but we cannot easily lose the title of the world¡¯s secondrgest naval power.
Although there is no essential difference between the world¡¯s second and thirdrgest naval powers as both can maintain France¡¯s overseas interests,
politically, second and third ce arepletely different. Once we lose the title of the world¡¯s secondrgest naval power, it will give the outside world an impression that France is in decline.
Not to mention the many international enemies waiting to kick us when we are down, but even our proud domestic public would not ept it!
Finance Minister Roy Vernon reminded, "Your Majesty, building warships is not very expensive, but the troublesome part is the huge military expenses in theter stages.
Austria, before announcing their shipbuilding n, donated arge number of warships to the Russians to reduce military expenses.
If we want to follow through on arge scale, it would be best to retire some of the warships to reduce military expenditures."
The French government indeed has money now, but even with money, we cannot afford to spend recklessly. When ites to financial resources, the French government still falls shortpared to Ennd and Austria.
To avoid the worst-case scenario, Roy Vernon believed that controlling military expenditures as much as possible in the arms race was the key.
Minister of the Navy Hamdi said, "Minister, the ships currently serving in the Imperial Navy are all rtively new, and very few are nearing retirement.
Most of the warships are at about 50 to 60 percent of their lifespan, and all their performance metrics are very high quality. It would be a real waste to retire these ships.
The most critical point is that once these ships are retired, there is simply no way to dispose of them. There are no buyers internationally, and we do notck training ships.
The only options in front of us are to either use them as target practice or drag them to the factory for dismantling and sell for scrap metal.
Such wasteful behavior is purely squandering taxpayers¡¯ money.
@@novelbin@@
The old battleships may be outdated, but that is only whenpared to the new battleships. Besides us, currently only Ennd and Austria are equipped with them.
Taking these warships out to perform escort duties anywhere in the world, they are more than capable.
Even if we really had to retire them, it could wait until the new battleships are in service. Over the next few years, we could maximize the value of these warships."
Reluctance is the normal response; warships worth millions or tens of millions of Francs cannot just be disposed of at the drop of a hat¡ªany Minister of the Navy would feel the pain.
After hearing this exnation, Napoleon IV nodded, "New battleships have not yete into service, so there¡¯s no rush to deal with the retirement of old ships.
Our situation is different from Austria¡¯s; our overseas colonies depend far more on the navy.
In the meantime, everyone can still try to find buyers as much as possible, even if it means selling at a slightly lower price."
Since Austria can donate for free, France can naturally sell with tears; Napoleon IV still holds a sliver of hope.
If these soon-to-be-retired warships could be sold, that would be a profit. As for the need for overseas escort, that¡¯s just an excuse.
These days, who among Ennd, France, and Austria doesn¡¯t have an excess of warships? Due to the influence of past arms races, all three countries now have arge number of warships.
As long as the three countries do not go to war with each other, even if half the fleet were scrapped, the French Navy could still fulfill its current duties.
This is also one of the reasons why the Austrian Government donated warships to the Russians; without the three countries shing, the remaining fleet is adequate, and if the three countries do go to war, whether they donate or not, the result will be the same.
In a France-Austria conflict, navy is not needed as the oue of the war will be decided by the army; if ites to fighting the British, the navy has absolutely no chance of winning.
You either go out to disrupt trade or hide in the port to avoid the storm; naval battles are tantamount to suicide.
```
Chapter 835 - 98, Making Trouble!
Wave after wave, the troubles never ceased.
As the military arms race among Ennd, France, and Austria reached its climax, once again the winds of change began to stir in Central Asia.
On July 11, 1887, Governor Lytton of British-India suddenly notified the Afghan Government that they intended to send a delegation to Kabul.
A weasel paying a New Year¡¯s visit to a chicken normally bodes ill intent.
Although many years had passed since thest Anglo-Afghan War, the British never ceased their colonial activities in Afghanistan, and there had never been true friendship between the two nations.
Considering the virulent anti-British sentiment among the Afghan public, the safety of the delegation could not be guaranteed, and the Russians¡¯ reaction was also a concern.
To avoid trouble, Abdul Rahman Khan-Emir politely refused the British request.
However, Governor Lytton was not one to give up easily, persistently making his requests as if he would never relent until they were epted.
Unable to withstand the British persistence, in September, the Amir was forced to agree to their demands.
Once the British went, the Russians naturally could not stand by and watch their ally be bullied, and the Tsarist Government soon dispatched its own delegation.
What happened after that was beyond Franz¡¯s knowledge, but what was certain was that a showdown over Afghanistan hadmenced between Britain and Russia.
Franz asked, "How do the Russians want our support?"
Austria and Afghanistan were separated by thousands of miles, with the Persian Empire lying between them.
The Vienna Government disliked unwarranted intervention; in ces where they had no interest and could not reach, naturally, there would be no Austrian influence.
In the Afghan region, the real powery in the hands of only Ennd and Russia.
Under such circumstances, it seemed quite odd for the Tsarist Government to seek Austrian support.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg answered, "The Russians hope we can help distract the British, ideally creating some sort of trouble for the British Government."
After carefully recalling the original timeline¡¯s struggle between Britain and Russia over the Afghan Region, Franz finally realized something was amiss, the Second Anglo-Afghan War was missing.
Upon realizing the discrepancy, Franz signaled everyone to take a brief pause and hurriedly went to retrieve his memoirs, which he had penned at the beginning of his time travel, and started to review them.
Soon he rified the cause and effect; due to the impact of the Prusso-Russian War, the Russians had not been able to focus on expanding into Central Asia in the past few years.
Without the Russian threat and remembering the heavy losses from the First Anglo-Afghan War, the British desire to capture the Afghan region was naturally not very strong.
Right, the "Anglo-Ebura War" over the control of South Africa between the Anglo-Austrian two countries also yed a key role.
The cost of hundreds of millions of British Pounds, resulting in a fruitless end, directly influenced the colonial policy of the British Government.
Under the pressure of multiple factors, Afghanistan, with little to offer, had incredibly dodged a bullet.
Now with the Russians making aeback, targeting Central Asia once again, Afghanistan¡ªa pro-Russian smaller nation¡ªbecame a thorn in Britain¡¯s side.
Having returned to the meeting room, Franz picked up his teacup and took a sip before slowly saying, "What do you think about us trying to incite a second Anglo-Afghan War?"
Faced with such an unexpected turnaround in the conversation, everyone looked around at each other with bewildered expressions,pletely clueless about what the Emperor had in mind.
Seeing that no one caught on, Franz instructed an attendant, "Bring the map of Central Asia here."
...
"Look here at Afghanistan, bordering the Central Asian Khanate to the north and British-India to the south, with the Far Eastern Empire to the east and the Persian Empire to the west. It¡¯s the heart of Asia.
Whoever controls this point, controls the strategic initiative over Central, West, and South Asia, which is of great importance to both Ennd and Russia.
In the previous years, the Russians were preupied with European issues and could not focus on Central Asia, allowing the British to infiltrate the Afghan Region at their leisure.
@@novelbin@@
Now the Russians have turned around, refocusing their expansion towards Central Asia, a pro-Russian Afghanistan thus presents difficulties for the British.
If the Russians act out of line, and if their diplomatic wooing of Afghanistan fails, do you think the British would remain at ease?"
Prime Minister Carl, "Your Majesty, it¡¯s not hard to provoke the British by the Russians, nor is it difficult to sabotage the British ns of wooing Afghanistan.
Now, however, at a critical moment in the arms race, the Afghan region, no matter how important, is not as crucial as the hegemony of the Royal Navy.
Even if the British Government is deeply concerned, they will not provoke a second Anglo-Afghan war before the end of the arms race."
This is the most realistic issue; facing the challengers Ennd and France, the British have to prioritize and manage their resources carefully, despite their ambitions.
Franz nodded, "Indeed! Under normal circumstances, the British would not initiate a second Afghan war during an arms race.
I did not expect the war to break out immediately. Dying the situation could also serve our purpose.
What we need to do now is to encourage the Russians, telling the Tsarist Government that this arms race willst for several years, so they can confront the British boldly.
When necessary, the Foreign Ministry can also directly bolster the confidence of the Afghan Government, for example, by sponsoring a portion of their firearms and ammunition."
Having two great powers behind them should be intimidating enough. If that doesn¡¯t work, we might as well have someone assassinate the British envoys to exacerbate the conflicts."
Morals and principles can be discarded at critical moments. To create conflict, Franz even thought of assassination.
Of course, assassination aside, the me must still be shifted. Either let the Afghans do it themselves or let the Russians take the fall. In any case, it should have nothing to do with Austria.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Your Majesty, Afghanistan is now essentially surrounded by the British on all sides; once war breaks out, neither we nor the Russians will be able to reach them.
Without our support, relying solely on their own strength, I fear Afghanistan won¡¯tst long.
If the British upy the Afghan region, it will be much moreplicated for the Russians to move south again."
It must be admitted that the current international situation Afghanistan faces is truly dire.
To the south, they border directly with the British; to the north, the Central Asian Khanate is a British subordinate; to the west, the Persian Empire is pro-British, or rather,pelled to be pro-British; to the east, it is temporarily safe, although this route is also difficult to traverse.
Once war breaks out, Afghanistan will immediately be isted and unsupported, and even if there¡¯s international aid, it will be difficult to get it in.
As an agricultural nation, losing international support and confronting the British, the odds of victory are far too slim.
Yet Afghanistan¡¯s strategic position is incredibly important; once the British establish their presence there, leveraging the easily defended but difficult to attack terrain, it will be much harder for Russia to move south.
The British might even counter, coordinating with the several Central Asian subordinates to cause trouble for the Tsarist government.
Franz shook his head, "As long as we want to support them, we can surely get supplies in there.
At worst, we send airships to airdrop supplies. If the range isn¡¯t enough, they can simplynd in Persia on the return flight.
Even if the Persian Government leans towards the British, on this matter they can only pretend to have seen nothing.
Don¡¯t underestimate Afghanistan; with enough weapons, they can give the British a hard time, and the conflict certainly won¡¯t end quickly.
Even if the situation truly gets out of control and the British upy Afghanistan, we can still support Russia to fight its way through Central Asia.
As long as we do not give the British time to consolidate their upation, I believe the Russians are still capable of defeating them."
This is a sincere belief; Franz truly has confidence in Afghanistan, as the graveyard of empires is not a reputation earned easily.
Even if they cannot win, the Afghan people can oust. If they lose the cities, there are still towns; if the towns are lost, there are still mountains and forests.
As long as the people are alive, the fight will not cease.
In the original timeline, several major empires have sessively failed in Afghanistan, dragged down by heavy military expenditures.
Unless the British embarks on a killing spree, initiating genocide from the get-go, victory will be difficult to achieve.
Compared to that, Franz¡¯s confidence in the Russians isn¡¯t as high. The main reason is the three major wars in recent decades, which have sapped the vitality of the Russian Empire. Discover more stories at empire
Not to mention anything else, the poption of the Russian Empire is over thirty million less than in the same historical period, and the proportion of its working-age poption is at least five percentage points lower than in the same period.
The seemingly powerful Russian Empire is actually in its weakest state, alright for a short-term offensive but really ill-suited for a protracted war.
If the British decided to fight a war of attrition with the Russians, not caring about the costs, pitting their colonial troops against the grey livestock, the Tsarist government might not be able to withstand it.
While Franz mayck confidence in the Russians, that does not mean others do as well; the Cab was persuaded.
Chapter 836 - 99, The Major Derailment Scene in France
St. Petersburg, having received a positive response from the Vienna Government, Alexander III still could not feel happy.
"Franz has always been cautious, not acting until he sees his prey. This time he agreed so readily, without setting any conditions. Do you think there might be some sort of plot behind this?"
It was no wonder Alexander III was suspicious. In recent decades, the Russian Empire had suffered in silence too much, which had created a psychological shadow for him.
Foreign Minister Oscar Hemenes replied, "Your Majesty, you are overthinking it. It seems as though the Austrian Government is helping us, but in reality, they are also helping themselves.
The British want a military arms race, which is really aimed at France and Austria. Now Ennd, France, and Austria are all in a situation where it¡¯s hard to back out without a clear victory, and they simply cannot stop.
Regardless of the Afghan issue, the Austrian Government would have to join this arms race involuntarily.
By supporting us now, they not only create trouble for theirpetitors but also do us a favor at a convenient time."
There¡¯s nothing wrong with that. The Vienna Government¡¯s agreement to help restrain the British is correct. In fact, aside from shouting a few slogans, they don¡¯t need to do anything else.
The arms race is already underway, and many warships have already beenmissioned; they surely cannot stop the construction and let it idle, can they?
Even if the British were to divert their strength due to the Central Asia issue and wanted to pause this game, France and Austria, who have already joined, would not agree.
Ennd, France, and Austria have beenpeting for decades. No one believes they are inferior to the others. If you say stop, where does that leave everyone¡¯s face?
An enemy of an enemy is a friend. This saying might not be entirely applicable, but there is no obstacle to Russian-Austrian cooperation in striking at the British.
Having heard this sensible exnation, Alexander III¡¯s unease eased slightly, but then he started to feel a headache again.
"s! Even with the support of the Austrian Government, ourpetition with the British in the Central Asia region is at a disadvantage. Discover more stories at empire
Afghanistan is divided by the Central Asian Khanate, and because of the wars in Europe, we have reduced our attention to Afghanistan in recent years.
It is only because of the lingering hatred from thest Anglo-Afghan War that Afghanistan has not turned towards the British.
If the British adopt a conciliatory approach, the Afghan Government might not resist; after all, the support we can give them is too little."
Hearing the Tsar¡¯sints, Oscar Hemenes secretly breathed a sigh of relief. It was good that the Tsar could be rational. If he acted recklessly and went for a direct confrontation, that would be a real problem.
The Russian Empire truly did not have the capacity to engage in a fight with the British in the Afghan region right now. Seeking Austrian support was essentially trying to resolve the issue through negotiation.
"Your Majesty, rest assured. The Foreign Ministry is making diplomatic efforts. If we can gain the support of France as well, maintaining stability in Central Asia won¡¯t be a big problem.
What we need now is time. Just a few more years, and the situation will be entirely different."
It¡¯s been some years since the end of the Prusso-Russian War, and the Russian Empire has regained some of its vitality. The most critical moment has passed.
The current issue is not wanting to fight, rather than "unable to fight."
Perhaps we are no match for the British in the Afghan region, but we are still capable of dealing with the small states they have propped up.
Not taking military action is critical mainly because the treasury is not full enough. As a rationalist, Alexander III naturally would not blindly confront the British without being fully prepared.
...
With the whirring of machinery and the rising dust, a group of lifelessborers started another day of work under the prod of the whip.
Suddenly, arge group of guards appeared, and after a brief exchange with the managers, they mercifully ordered theborers to rest for the time being.
The guards fulfilled their duty by inspecting the worksite, confiscating "weapons" like shovels, and herding theborers to an empty area.
Undoubtedly, an important person wasing, and it was necessary to remove any risks.
Even the flying dust was a potential hazard, as it could dirty the clothing of the VIPs, so it had to be allowed to settle first.
Time hurried on, and soon it was midday. The thundering sound of galloping could be heard, and looking into the distance, one could faintly see the dust kicked up by the charging cavalry.
As they drew closer, Aringlen, the person in charge on-site, became excited. Pointing ahead, he quietly asked the captain of the guards, "Your Majesty, is he among them?"
The response he got was an indifferent three words: "Don¡¯t know!"
This was the truth; the exact timing of the Emperor¡¯s travels was not something for them to know.
Especially such inspections, many were confirmed and notified on short notice, and whether or not he would actually visit was still uncertain.
Watching therge troops approaching, Aringlen let out a sigh of relief. Judging by the situation, even if it was not the Emperor himself, it had to be a high-ranking person apanying him.
...
An elderly gentleman with golden hair, pointing at the construction site, said, "Your Majesty, this is the Sherif River Dam currently under construction."
Once the project ispleted, more than one hundred and fifty thousand hectares ofnd downstream will be effectively irrigated, freeing them from the plight of relying solely on the weather for sustenance."
It will also ensure that the towns and farnds downriver are safe from the threat of floods, as it is one of the key projects within the agricultural ns."
Napoleon IV nodded slightly, ncing at the great river that flowed to the sea never to return, and then observed a group in the distance, d in ragged attire but still somewhat orderly.
Frowning, he inquired, "What¡¯s going on here? Why has the work suddenly halted? Surely there isn¡¯t a strike happening, is there?"
Seeing the Emperor¡¯s displeasure, the elderly man responsible for introductions hurriedly exined, "No, there couldn¡¯t possibly be a strike here. They should be taking a midday break.
Your Majesty, look at this freshly dug earth, they were still hard at work just a moment ago. Perhaps we should call the project manager over..."
Napoleon IV gestured dismissively and interrupted, "I¡¯ve said before that I don¡¯t want any of this unnecessary ceremoniousness.
The farm ns are critical to the future of France. If my inspection hinders their work, it would be counterproductive.
The site is right here, and the progress can be seen at a nce. I am not familiar with construction, so I won¡¯t interfere.
Have them resume work immediately, and let¡¯s proceed to the next location."
After speaking, Napoleon IV turned, mounted his horse, and left, causing Aringlen, who had been desperately waiting, to silentlyment.
The chance to engage with the Emperor up close had slipped away.
Once the Guard had departed, Aringlen immediately cracked his whip, walking among theborers and scolded fiercely, "You wretches, get up and get back to work immediately!"
It seemed that in order to vent his frustration, Aringlenshed out viciously with his whip at a few of the workers who were slow to respond.
Seeing the boss take action, the surrounding overseers joined in, and the worksite quickly returned to its usual hustle and bustle.
Inspecting Algeria had been a sudden whim of Napoleon IV.
The main cause was his distrust of the bureaucrats under him, fearing some might embezzle public funds from the project, causing the great farming n to fail.
His judgment proved correct. The progress of the great farm n fell far short of what the officials had reported.
Take this Sherif River Dam, for example, work had only just begun, yet the reports imed the project was close topletion.
There were many such cases; theoretically, by 1887, the state farms would be able to contribute 1.2 million tons of wheat and 580,000 tons of corn to the domestic market...
With the arrival of these crops, the grain deficit in France would be cut by one-third, significantly reducing national foreign exchange expenditures.
The reality was that the output from state farms was indeed met¡ªand even exceeded¡ªthanks to a bountiful harvest that year. However, the reduction in the country¡¯s foreign exchange expenditures was hardly noticeable, in fact, it even increased slightly.
The problem, needless to say, was clear. Grain smuggled internationally back to the country was entering the food market under the guise of being produced by state farms.
Due to the trade barriers, such an import-export process meant that the officials in charge profited immensely, far more than what they would earn from honestly managing the farms.
Driven by greed, such corrupt practices only continued to grow. Nearly all projects associated with the farms unfolded with rming speed.
The most egregious was a farm named Talos; from initiation to bountiful harvest, it took less than half a year to develop fifty thousand hectares ofnd and achieve a grand yield of a thousand catties per mu in the same year.
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Greed is the devil. In pursuit of greater profits, officials involved became so careless with data falsification that they weren¡¯t even professional about it.
It seems they believed that as long as the money was in ce, the people above would turn a blind eye along with them.
Needless to say, these reports full of holes and treating the higher-ups as fools were naturally exposed by the French government.
Napoleon IV had always deeply detested such actions that undermined the country¡¯s foundation.
The state farms, created at great expense, were intended to achieve self-sufficiency in food production and reduce foreign exchange outflows to bnce the trade deficit.
Now they had unexpectedly be a means for bureaucrats to line their pockets, which infuriated Napoleon IV so much that he personally made his way to Algeria.
No matter the deception, they couldn¡¯t out of thin air produce so much work overnight.
Then, one after another, projects like the Sherif River Dam that had inted their progress fell apart under Napoleon IV¡¯s scrutiny.
As one lie after another was uncovered, even Napoleon IV felt like breaking down.
That he had managed to hold back and not immediately arrest those bureaucrats was a sign of great restraint; one should not even think about seeing him in good spirits.
...
Chapter 838 - 101, They Are All Smart People
Dismissing officials is easy with a single decree, but the trouble lies in the aftermath of their removal.
It has been proven that the farm projects led by bureaucrats have failed.
To solve the issue, what is required are loyal, incorruptible, capable officials who do not seek glory or profit and are willing to endure hardships in the colonies.
Such bureaucrats may exist, but they are certainly a rarity, treasures wherever they might be, without any to spare for the colonies.
Prime Minister Terence Burkin proposed, "Your Majesty, dismissing them now is pointless. The most important thing at the moment is to ensure these projects are realized.
I suggest a grace period to mandate thepletion of tasks, dealing only with those who fail to meet the deadline."
A grace period was necessary, as the French government simply could not find that many recement officials overnight.
The most crucial aspect was that even after these people were removed, the money would not return. No bureaucrat would be foolish enough to keep all their assets in their own name.
Moreover, embezzling public funds wasn¡¯t the act of just one or two individuals; it involved people at all levels, making it impossible to investigate thoroughly.
After calming down, Napoleon IV asked, "With a grace period, will they be able toplete the tasks?"
At this point, it wasmon knowledge that the funds allocated by the government for the projects had been embezzled. The primary officials responsible might have taken the lion¡¯s share, but that was not everything.
The biggest issue withpleting the initial ns was funding. The government would not allocate more money, so the gap had to be filled by the responsible parties themselves.
Napoleon IV did not believe these bureaucrats would be noble enough to pay out of their own pockets to close the gap, even if it meant cutting their own flesh for the sake of their positions.
It could not be expected that these individuals would manage to reim the money from those who divided it among themselves.
Prime Minister Terence Burkin exined, "Complete fulfillment is naturally impossible, but there is hope for achieving half of it.
The government can apply pressure and severely punish those officials who cannot produce results."
Typical bureaucratic solution, naturally unsatisfactory for Napoleon IV, but with no alternative, it was the best option at hand.
Dealing with these bureaucrats required a slow boil, as pushing them too hard could cause severe disruptions.
¡
The infighting within the French government was not a matter of pride, and those in the know distinctly opted to handle it with discretion.
Had it not been for intelligence reports, Franz would have been unaware that France nearly faced another revolution.
By then, however, it was toote, having missed the best window for intervention.
Otherwise, if they had managed to detain Napoleon IV in Algeria, the mighty French Empire would have indeed fallen.
To detain the Emperor was easy, but taking control of the French government was difficult; the Paris Government would not sit idly by, and not everyone could instigate a coup.
Given the integrity of the bureaucrats, the possibility of simply proiming the Crown Prince as the sessor was higher, since a young emperor is easier to control. Napoleon IV¡¯s son, still nursing, was definitely the ideal choice.
However, a young ruler couldn¡¯tmand the respect necessary. Domestic Orleans and Bourbon Dynasties wouldn¡¯t ept it, and colonial bureaucrats, backed into a corner, would only have one path to follow.
Throw the Italians into the mix for good measure, and the situation would beplete chaos.
There was no choice; it was a symptom of the Monarch¡¯s lost authority. The Paris Revolution shook the foundation of Napoleon IV¡¯s rule, and the burning of the Pce of Versailles further tarnished his reputation.
Seeing one leaf fall and knowing that autumn ising, if the French colonial system is rotting away, what is the state of the Austrian Colonial System?
No one can answer that question. Perhaps the colonized regions in Austro-Africa, with strict government control, might fare better.
As for the distant Southeast Asia and America, that would depend on the integrity of the bureaucrats, though Franz held little hope.
Putting down the secret document in his hand, Franz sighed. Even if there were problems, they were not his to handle at present.
These were the challenges he had prepared as a final test for his sons; if he offered the solutions now, what purpose would they serve?
Realigning his thoughts, Franz¡¯s attention returned to domestic matters. Austria faced simr difficulties with itsrge-scale farm n as France did.
Only it wasn¡¯t farms but businesses and factories seized in purges that had to be converted to cash, which couldn¡¯t be done immediately, leaving the government to operate them temporarily.
Undoubtedly, this was going to be a losing business. While businesses and factories could be directly taken over, client orders andworks of rtionships could not be inherited.
```
The government-appointed temporary management team¡¯s primary role was to stabilize morale and ensure smooth production.
As for sales, they were still exploring options, and the results were naturally quite average.
Unless it was one of the few enterprises with its own saleswork that could ensure profitability, mostpanies had umted arge stock of unsold goods, either already suffering losses or teetering on the brink of loss.
In Vienna Pce, Franz asked, "How far has the asset liquidation progressed?"
If you can¡¯t make a profit running the business, then the only option is to have a fire sale. Since the judgment took effect, the Vienna Government had begun handling the matter.
Prime Minister Carl candidly replied, "Financial assets and bonds have all been sold off, and therger mining and industrial enterprises have mostly been sold as well.
To avoid impacting the domestic market, we n to temporarily hold on to real estate properties such asnd and buildings, and decideter on whether to sell them based on the circumstances."
The real challenge now lies with the small factories; there are myriad of them, and their operations depend entirely on the personal connections of the owners, making it difficult to find suitable buyers.
Furthermore, we¡¯ve discovered some assets of implicated individuals abroad; the Foreign Ministry is currently negotiating with the concerned countries over this issue."
The answer seemed light, but behind ity much helplessness. Often the assets were of high quality, but due to the businesses operating at a loss, they still had to be painfully sold off.
The biggest problem with small mining and industrial enterprises that couldn¡¯t be sold wasn¡¯t that they weren¡¯t profitable, but rather that their internal management was too chaotic, with many of the procedures illegal, or the businesses outright operating as illicit underground factories.
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For the government, these were toxic assets; holding onto them only increased expenditures and had no value, requiring disposal.
Franz nodded, "Sell what can be sold, and for those that can¡¯t find buyers, just process them through bankruptcy.
The French have sounded the rm for us; blind project initiation with no operational capabilities only breeds parasites."
"Yes, Your Majesty!" replied Prime Minister Carl.
After a pause, Franz continued, "The French farm project has temporarily failed, so how far has the grain self-sufficiency n of the United Kingdom progressed?"
Austria cannot afford not to care; it remains the world¡¯s leading agricultural exporter and must be vignt against potentialpetitors.
If possible, Franz wouldn¡¯t mind sabotaging the ns of Ennd and France to ensure Austria¡¯s pricing power in the international agricultural export market.
However, this was impossible. The entry threshold for grain production was too low, and its importance too high; the more Austria tried to sabotage, the more Ennd and France would be driven to promote it.
Minister of Agriculture Hols answered, "The British approach differs from the French; they adopt a policy of subsidizing farmers through the government, using economic means to encourage private cultivation.
However, this policy recently encountered problems when the domestic agricultural association protested to the government, demanding equal treatment from the British Government.
If the London Government chooses topromise, it will mean a reduction of 7.8 million British Pounds in government revenue and an additional expenditure of 12 million British Pounds."
The result would be a shortfall of nearly 20 million British Pounds, well beyond the financial means of the British Government.
But the British agricultural association is powerful, and from the current situation, it seems that the London Government won¡¯t be able to hold out for long.
Either they will have to scrap the subsidy n or lower the subsidy amount, extending it to include domestic farmers."
This is a dilemma; scrapping the subsidy n equates to failure in achieving grain self-sufficiency.
A standardized subsidy for all would put the government finances under strain; after all, the direct fiscal ie of the British Government is just over 80 million British Pounds, amounting to a nearly one-fourth reduction at once. Explore more adventures at empire
Franz shook his head, "You¡¯re too optimistic; the British Government isn¡¯t foolish. The seemingly difficult choice can actually be adjusted.
For instance: revising the subsidy n to only provide certain years of subsidies for newly opened farms will significantly reduce government expenditure.
This expense can be recovered through taxes on agricultural trade and processing, meaning there may be losses in the first year or two, but a bnced budget is achievable thereafter."
Such strategies have be all toomon inter times. A single agriculture subsidy not only stimtes grain production but also promotes the development of domestic agricultural processing, increases employment opportunities, and is a win-win for many aspects.
Overall, the grain nting subsidy policy of the United Kingdom is much more reliable than the French Government¡¯s direct involvement in farming.
Of course, this doesn¡¯t mean the French Government is foolish. France is a major grain producer, and the French Agricultural Association is far more powerful than its British counterpart.
If the Paris Government were to only give subsidies to the colonial farms for grain cultivation, French farmers would surely revolt. A universal subsidy is beyond the financial ability of the government.
The farming ss is thergest base of the Bonaparte Dynasty; Napoleon IV would naturally notmit such a foolish act as digging his own grave.
In this context, state-owned farms be the best and only choice for the French government.
```
Chapter 839 - 102, Secret Pact Between Russia and Oman
Kabul, ever since the delegates from Britain and Russia arrived, there has been a daily air of gunpowder here.
Just now, the Russian Delegation openly gave an anti-British speech, winning waves of apuse from the citizens of Kabul.
Byparison, the British delegation was much more low-key. As the head of the delegation, Walters was well aware of how unwee they were.
In the short span of two weeks, they had been subjected to three terrorist attacks and had been surrounded twice; had it not been for the Afghan Government¡¯s concern for their safety and the dispatch of troops for protection, it was likely that the British delegation would have been annihted.
Although he was here to stir trouble, Walters had no intention of risking his life. After experiencing the enthusiasm of the Afghan people, he started to keep a low profile.
A young officer, filled with righteous indignation said, "Mr. Walters, the Russians are once again giving an anti-British speech. This is a provocation against Britannia, and we must show them some color!"
Laying a hand on the young officer¡¯s shoulder, Walters spoke earnestly, "Henry, be calm.
This is Afghanistan, and any overreaction on our part will y into the Russians¡¯ schemes.
Do not forget our mission here, we should be trying to gain favor until the Afghan Government makes a clear stand.
War is thest resort, if it were just about starting a war, it could be done at any time without all this trouble, couldn¡¯t it?"
He spoke sincerely, life was his own after all. In someone else¡¯s territory, if one didn¡¯t keep a low profile, death would be meaningless.
In fact, the British Government had tried many times to win over Afghanistan, but due to hatred and issues of credibility, they had never achieved sess.
Of course, there were also the contributions of the colonists. Repeated probes had made the Afghan Government very wary of them.
As the Russians shifted their strategic focus southward, Afghanistan¡¯s strategic position became increasingly significant.
This attempt at forming an alliance was also a final ultimatum. What seemed like consultative negotiations were actually forcing Afghanistan to reconsider its allegiances.
The young officer Henry shook his head, "I hope your n works, but I¡¯m not optimistic.
The anti-British sentiment among the Afghan people is too strong. Even if the government is willing topromise, a treaty would not be very effective."
In this age of survival of the fittest, having a strong fist was paramount. Although the British delegation seemed at a disadvantage, they in fact held the initiative in the actual negotiations.
In the end, it was Britannia¡¯s strength that was significant; British-India was right next door to Afghanistan, while the Russians were separated by Persia and the Central Asian Khanate.
Walters confidently said, "Rest assured, the conditions we are proposing aren¡¯t excessive this time. Asking for troop deployment rights is simply to help them fend off Russian invasion; the Afghan Government knows how to choose."
¡
Within the Pce, General Stoletov had just concluded exchanging treaties with King Amir of Afghanistan, totaling only eleven articles.
Yet this eleven-article document ced Afghanistan under the protection of the Russian Empire.
The main contents were: the Russian Empire supported the rule of Amir, would help the Afghan Government defeat internal and external enemies, was responsible for mediating rtions between Afghanistan and third countries, and guaranteed the security of Afghanistan¡¯s territorial sovereignty.
There were no excessive demands, just that Afghanistan should stand with the Russian Empire when it mattered most.
In contrast to the British¡¯s request for troops, this protection treaty clearly provided more reassurance to King Amir.
Bearing witness to this history was the Austrian Envoy to Persia, Redmond. For a small country like Afghanistan, with no significant interests involved, it wasn¡¯t worth the Austrian Government¡¯s attention, and naturally, they didn¡¯t send an envoy.
Whenever there were issues needing to be dealt with, they had the nearby Persian Ambassador take care of them. This was characteristic of the era. Compared to randomly appointing a merchant as an envoy, this was already quite proper.
In a sense, the stance of Envoy Redmond also influenced the judgment of Amir.
As for the scandals of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, except for the high echelons of the governments of both countries, neither of their poptions knew, and the outside world knew even less.
For such an isted country as Afghanistan, the Russian-Austrian was the epitome of close allies, a friendship that began with the anti-French wars and had stood the test of time.
By clinging to Russia¡¯s coattails, it was essentially like holding onto the coattails of the Russian-Austrian Alliance. Though individually they might not match the British, a joint effort would definitely not fall short.
Envoy Redmond disingenuously said, "Congrattions to you both, for turning a new page in the history of Central Asia. I trust that with the help of the Russian Empire, Afghanistan will soon grow strong.
To celebrate this great moment, the Austrian Empire is willing to sponsor the Afghan Government with ten thousand rifles and a quantity of ammunition, free of charge."
There was nothing surprising about it; Austrian equipment managed to defeat manypetitors and be the mainstream of the international arms market fornd forces precisely through trial usage.
Usually, they first sponsored a batch of decent-performing dmissioned rifles. Once people used them and were satisfied, they would slowly push the sale of matching weapons and equipment. Even if the sales were unsessful, they could still sell ammunition.
In recent years, it has be even more intense, with the business expanding to military ships. As the arms race continues, such acts of giving will keep on increasing.
Upon hearing this good news, King Amir eximed joyfully, "I thank Your country for its generosity; this is the best gift I have received!"
It was a sincere statement. In the isted Afghanistan, getting weapons required multiple handovers, and by the time they arrived, even the cheapest weapons would cost a fortune.
The asymmetry of information led to different valuations of the weapons and equipment.
In Austria, where there wasrge-scale industrial production of rifles, the average cost of each rifle was less than 1 Divine Shield, and the retail price wouldn¡¯t exceed 3 Divine Shields.
But in Afghanistan, the prices of these rifles were multiplied several times over, and purchases had to be made through preorders.
Redmond smiled and said, "Don¡¯t mention it, we¡¯re all friends here! Austria has always been generous to its friends."
Seeing that General Stoletov looked somewhat ufortable, Envoy Redmond did not pursue the topic further.
Afghanistan was under Russian influence, and Austria¡¯s arms trading there was clearly overreaching.
However, in order to disy the unbreakable Russian-Austrian Alliance, General Stoletov¡¯s discontent shed by quickly, and he deliberately pretended not to care.
Subsequently, the three of them enjoyed pleasant conversation and had dinner together before going their separate ways.
...
Late at night, upon returning to his residence, Redmond was struck by a headache. Instigating an Anglo-Afghan war was not an easy task.
The key decision for this war was not in Afghanistan, but in the British Government. No matter how much he encouraged King Amir, they would never provoke the British on their own initiative.
The only way for an Anglo-Afghan war to erupt was for the British Government to send troops to attack.
Redmond was aware of his limitations. Making decisions for the British Government was beyond his capacity.
Whether or not to have the British mission assassinated was a question worth considering.
It wasn¡¯t that he had a moral aversion to assassination; the issue was that Austria did not have sufficient power there, and the Afghan Government had dispatched troops to protect the mission.
Ordinary assassins couldn¡¯t even get close, and hasty action could lead to uncertain oues. Should any trace be left behind, it would be quite troublesome if someone used it as leverage against them.
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The orders from home were very clear: they could not take action without finding a scapegoat. Getting burnt themselves was out of the question.
Redmond had already done quite a bit to provoke the British, such as encouraging the younger members of the Russian Delegation to deliver anti-British speeches.
But the British held back and didn¡¯t show their hand, and surely he couldn¡¯t incite the Russians to kill the British mission, could he?
Everyone was not a fool. Anti-British speeches could be framed as swaying public opinion, to assist in the negotiations, but assassinating the British mission would mean instigating a war.
This major responsibility was too heavy for anyone to bear.
A young man suggested, "Your Excellency, how about we bribe the local religious groups? They despise the British the most, and have already attacked the British mission before, but¡"
When Envoy Redmond heard about the local anti-British groups, he perked up immediately and asked anxiously, "But what?"
The young man answered, "But they reject all Western powers, including us."
Redmond¡¯s concerns dissolved. Rejecting Western powers was not an issue at all, for Austria had no intentions of expanding in Afghanistan.
In a sense, religious extremists were perfect; they were the ones who acted without regard for consequences, daring to do anything.
After a pause, Redmond slowly said, "Send someone to contact them secretly. It can¡¯t be anyone from the mission, and our identity cannot be exposed.
If they are willing to take action, the price is up to them, whether it¡¯s money or weapons.
Money can be up to fifty thousand Divine Shields. For weapons and equipment, up to five thousand quick-firing rifles can be agreed to right away."
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A higher offer was not out of reach, but too high a price might raise suspicions.
However, Redmond was yet to realize that this price was already conspicuous enough.
The money was one thing, but the guns were the key. No power within Afghanistan was willing to part with so much military hardware simply to pay for an assassination.
...
Chapter 840 - 103: Assassination
After the secret treaty with Russia had been signed, King Amir only rxed temporarily; in truth, he distrusted all Western countries and had formed an alliance with the Russians purely out ofpulsion.
As the power struggle in Central Asia began between Britain and Russia, Afghanistan, being a small nation, simplycked the strength to remain neutral and had to make a choice.
To speak frankly, neither Britain nor Russia was a good choice, as both were eyeing Afghanistan¡¯s territory.
The Russians¡¯ friendliness was merely because their reach did not extend so far yet; by aligning with Afghanistan, they could not only create problems for the British but most importantly, increase the sess rate of their southern strategy.
It was precisely because they could not reach that King Amir could confidently and boldly ally with the Russians. If Russia were really his neighbor, King Amir would not dare to sign the treaty.
This wasn¡¯t without basis; looking at the many neighbors of the Russian Empire, other than powerful Austria, which one hadn¡¯t been invaded by the Russians?
This alone was sufficient to illustrate the issue. Therefore, while drawing closer to the Russians, King Amir also did not relinquish efforts to ease rtions with the British.
Even though King Amir knew that the British were constantly eyeing Afghanistan, there was no alternative. To survive, small nations¡¯ politicians cannot hold grudges.
...
Kingly and righteous, King Amir rejected the proposal, "Mr. Walters, your country¡¯s demands are too excessive. We can defend our own security; we do not need your troops stationed here."
"There is no sovereign nation in the world that can tolerate foreign troops on its soil."
After days of probing, Walters had clearly understood that this was a red line for the Afghan Government, leaving no room for negotiation.
"Your Majesty, if your country does not agree to our troops¡¯ stationing, then allow us a passage to move north to aid the Bha Khan State, which is being invaded by the Russians."
Passage was more eptable than stationing troops, but King Amir doubted the British¡¯s intentions, their credibility being no better than toilet paper.
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, King Amir once again refused, "If your country wants to help the Bha Khan State, there are still two other routes avable. Why must it pass through the Afghan region?
Keep in mind that our transportation is very poor and the local poption is very hostile towards your country; it is very easy for idents to ur if your troops pass through."
No matter if the British had any schemes, since alliance lines had been drawn, allowing British Army passage would definitely be uneptable to the Russians.
Trying to stay neutral in such situations often leads to the quickest downfall, a simple truth that King Amir well understood, decisively choosing to divert the problem elsewhere.
As long as he could get rid of these British gue-bringers, King Amir did not care through which country the British ultimately sought passage.
Walters felt a sinking feeling in his heart; he knew this excuse was not perfect. There were three routes altogether to send reinforcements to the Bha Khan State.
Given the options, the British Government had no need to insist on passage through Afghanistan where anti-British sentiment was strong; it was merely asking for trouble.
Knowing was one thing, but it could certainly not be admitted aloud. Walters, with his strong mental resilience, responded without a change in expression, "It¡¯s certainly due to the friendship between Britain and Afghanistan.
Although there have been some unpleasant incidents between our two countries in the past, that is all in the past. The London Government now wishes to mend the rtionship anew.
Taking a route through your country could be an opportunity to break the ice between our countries. If this issue is resolved, there could even be the potential for our two countries to be true allies in the future."
Within a short span of time, Walters had invented a seemingly reasonable excuse, impressing even himself with his quick wit.
However, his final promise was a bit frightening; Britannia nominally had few allies, and one probably couldn¡¯t find any true allies by looking through the history books.
Anyone who believed that must have water on the brain. King Amir was not so foolish; hearing this exnation, hepletely despaired of the British.
He did not respond, merely staring at Walters up and down with undisguised disdain.
Failing to deceive King Amir did not surprise Walters at all. A king who had emerged from political strife wouldn¡¯t be easily fooled by a few words; that would beughable.
After locking eyes for two minutes, Walters slowly began to interrogate, "Has your country signed a secret treaty with the Russians?"
Caught off guard, King Amir¡¯s face drastically changed, but then he quickly regained hisposure.
The knowledge of the Russian-Austrian secret treaty was limited to very few, making the possibility of a leak almost none. Thus, Walters¡¯s question was a probe.
King Amir hastily denied, "Of course not, how could we possibly have dealings with those wicked Russians?"
King Amir was no qualified actor, the panic evident in his expression divulged much.
Having discerned the truth, Walters knew his mission to win over Afghanistan had failed. Without lingering, he exchanged a few more words and then took his leave.
As the carriage slowly left the Pce, the disgruntled Walters closed his eyes, deeply contemting how to thwart the Russo-Afghan secret treaty.
Suddenly, the carriage stopped. Relying on his many experiences entering and leaving the Pce, Walters knew it wasn¡¯t possible they had returned to his residence so soon, and immediately asked, "What happened?"
Before the guards could answer, a series of earth-shattering explosions erupted, flipping the carriage over; Walters lost hisst thread of consciousness.
The guard who had narrowly survived the attack finally realized¡ªit was another assassination.
Unlike the previous assassination attempts, this one was clearly well-prepared, seamlessly coordinated from the initial blocking to the subsequent suicide attack.
The assassin?
If the one who charged with a bomb counts, then he is now nothing more than scattered, mangled flesh.
Without advanced forensic technology, who knows who the real culprit is?
Even if by some fluke the assassin¡¯s identity is deduced, it would be of no use, as the dead cannot speak.
Upon receiving the news, King Amir immediately fainted; he simply could not withstand the shock.
At this moment, Redmond was already on his way back, having facilitated the Russia-Afghan alliance. His official mission waspleted, and the rest was no longer rted to Austria.
...
Inside the government building in Calcutta, Governor Lytton had just walked into his office when he received this ambiguous news.
From the perspective of the Governor of India, this assassination came at a very opportune time, providing Britannia with a pretext to invade Afghanistan.
Unfortunately, Britannia was currently engaged in an arms race with France and Austria, making it an inopportune time to provoke a war.
With a bang, hot coffee sttered around. Although Walters was the one he had sent to stir up trouble, as an envoy, he also represented Britannia¡¯s dignity.
Now that he had been in, Lytton found it difficult to contain his emotions and immediately eximed angrily, "This is a provocation against Britannia. I demand that the Afghan Government hand over the murderer within a week, or face the consequences!"
As the Governor of India, Lytton¡¯s powers were immense, including the authority to initiate wars.
In fact, the territory of British-India today wasrgely expanded by the colonial governors themselves. If everything had to wait for the decisions of the London Government, nothing would ever get done.
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The bigger picture?
One should not concern themselves with matters beyond their station. Thinking about the national agenda is the job of the Prime Minister and the Cab; the Governor of India only needed to consider the "bigger picture of the Indian region."
After a pause, Governor Lytton ordered again, "Command all troops to prepare for battle. The humiliation inflicted upon Britannia can only be cleansed with blood!"
What the truth was no longer mattered; Governor Lytton was convinced the Afghan Government was responsible.
...
London, by the time news of the assassination arrived, it was already evening.
Receiving this unfavorable news, Prime Minister dstone could no longer think of rest. By all that is holy, he really had not intended to stir up trouble in Central Asia at this time.
He didn¡¯t even know about the mission to Afghanistan, including sending the envoy.
It wasn¡¯t that Prime Minister dstone neglected his duties; rather, such minor matters simply didn¡¯t require his attention.
Sending an envoy was trivial; if it weren¡¯t for Walters being assassinated, resulting in a p to Britannia¡¯s face, no one would even bother to report it to him now.
Prime Minister dstone asked, "Has the murderer been found?"
Who the murderer was, Prime Minister dstone had no interest in knowing. As a qualified politician, his primary concern was what Britannia could gain from this incident.
Asking about the assant was more of a formality. Typically, whoever would maximize Britannia¡¯s interests would eventually be med as the true perpetrator.
Foreign Minister George shook his head, "It¡¯s suspected to involve a local religious extremist organization, but it¡¯s hard to determine who exactly did it due to the scant clues left at the scene."
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Non-answers which suffice, as only extremist groups, or simr, would send suicide bombers strapped with explosives.
Whether to seize the opportunity to invade Afghanistan presented dstone with his greatest dilemma presently.
The arms race had just begun, and moving against Afghanistan now would undoubtedly increase the financial strain on the government.
Yet to forego this opportunity was hard to swallow. After all, such apelling justification for war was hard to find, and missing it would mean missing it forever.
The assassination of the envoy touched on a baseline jointly maintained by the powers, and using it as a pretext for exploitation left little room for international criticism.
Even if the Russians wanted to intervene, it would only be ndestinely; they could not overtly take the lead.
Chapter 841 - 104: A Pen, A Cup of Coffee...
Late into the night, within the office building of The Times, Editor-in-Chief Kangles put down his work and stretched wearily.
It couldn¡¯t be helped, to ensure the timeliness of news, overtime was the norm in the newspaper industry.
By the time news collected from various ces was organized, typeset, and verified, it was alreadyte at night. After overnight printing, it was almost dawn.
Generally, the time news editors finished work was when ordinary people started their day.
Kangles had wed his way up in this industry for more than a decade, from a basic proofreader to a news editor.
Time spared no one; the long-term reversal of day and night sessfully made Kangles part of the balding ranks.
The most critical issue was that his body was struggling to keep up; after working just two or three hours, he felt tired.
He made himself a strong cup of coffee and was about to enjoy it when a familiar voice sounded.
"Mr. Kangles, we¡¯ve just received some big news."
Looking at the young man with a face full of joy, Kangles seemed to see his younger self, full of youthful vigor.
"Out with it, Rodman. What have you found?"
Frankly speaking, Kangles did not like big news at this time. Today¡¯syout work had beenpleted, and they were in the middle of the final check before sending it to print.
Receiving big news now would mean all the previous work had been for nothing, and everything had to be redone.
The Times was already Great Britain¡¯s top newspaper, and increasing sales was extremely difficult, unless there was particrly big news that could boost sales.
Everyone¡¯s ie was tied to the newspaper¡¯s sales; without an increase in sales, receiving big news wouldn¡¯t raise anyone¡¯s ie.
Rodman happily said, "There¡¯s big trouble in Central Asia. Our mission sent to Afghanistan was attacked by locals, resulting in three staff members killed, including Captain Walters, and two injured."
Upon hearing this news, Kangles¡¯s face changed dramatically; this was not just any big news, it could even spark a war.
Kangles asked anxiously, "Where did this newse from, has its authenticity been confirmed?"
The Times was not a street tabloid that could publish anything; such political news had to be verified to avoid damaging the newspaper¡¯s credibility.
Rodman confidently said, "Rest assured, Mr. Kangles, the news came from the telegraph office.
Just now, Foreign Minister Sir George even went to the Prime Minister¡¯s residence overnight, which corresponds with this news."
The Times had be a leader in the newspaper industry for good reason, they were top-ss in terms of intelligence.
Although they hadn¡¯t gone as far as eavesdropping on Cab meetings, the whereabouts of the government elite were well known to them.
The telegraph office, a critical battleground for news media, had long been infiltrated; unless for particrly sensitive news that needed to be kept secret, there were essentially no secrets from them.
Without any hesitation, Kangles made a decisive call, "Everyone stop what you¡¯re doing, we need to redo theyout for tomorrow morning¡¯s paper."
He paused, looked at the clock and it was already three-thirty in the morning; there was no time left to change the edition.
Kangles immediately decided, "Never mind, no need to change the edition. We¡¯ll do a special issue on this news, starting right now with the assignments:
Tom, you¡¯re responsible for writing Walters¡¯s biography, you can glorify it a bit;
Allen, you¡¯re responsible for writing the assassination details, make sure it¡¯s emotive;
Michael, you¡¯re in charge of writing on international rtions..."
As a news editor, Kangles had significant authority. This had to do with The Times¡¯ audience, which mainly consisted of society¡¯s elites who were concerned with current events.
These customers had deep pockets and didn¡¯t mind subscribing to an extra newspaper; what mattered more to them was the reading experience and whether the news content interested them.
In this regard, The Times did exceptionally well.
They were not the only ones who received the news about Walters¡¯s assassination; if it was merely a simple introduction, there was no way to stand out from manypetitors.
Kangles, seasoned by years in the field, naturally understood this and suddenly decided to do a special issue; their readers loved the inside stories of such events.
...
Every yer has its own game. Big newspapers could directly get news from the telegraph office, and small newspapers had their own ways to gather information.
It so happened that the British Empire Times, lurking in the back alleys, also received the news, but Editor Endry, also a news editor, didn¡¯t have time to verify its authenticity.
Looking at the article brought by his subordinate, Endry immediately rejected it, "All the content at the front is void, everyone make an effort to produce as much new content as possible.
Remember our core, we must highlight novelty, the content needs to bepelling."
The young man said with difficulty, "But Mr. Editor, we only know about Walters¡¯s assassination, we have no idea about the specifics!"
The question came from the intern Karina, who was favored by Empire Times of Great Britain to reduce operational costs by recruiting neers.
Of course, since they¡¯re neers, there are various issues. Due to the sry, they generally don¡¯t stay for more than a few months before resigning.
But this is not a problem, for street papers like Empire Times of Great Britain, whether they can survive for a few months is a question in itself.
Endry, the owner and editor-in-chief, frowned but, considering it wasn¡¯t the time to lose his temper, patiently exined: "If you don¡¯t know, just make something up!
Don¡¯t forget, your job title is editor, and the core of your job is in the word ¡¯edit¡¯.
If you knew everything, what would we need you for?
Use exaggeration to focus on portraying the bravery of our fallen heroes, who chose death over betraying the interests of Britannia, and highlight the enemy¡¯s ruthlessness and wickedness..."
The truth?
What is that, can you eat it?
For an obscure paper with no reputation like Empire Times of Great Britain, the priority is to attract public attention and increase sales at all costs.
Reputation, credibility, these journalistic luxuries are not something they can afford to expect.
"Dong dong dong..."
The knocking interrupted everyone¡¯s work, Endry¡¯s brow furrowed, and as the neer, Karina was the first to get up and open the door.
"Sir, it¡¯s sote, who are you looking for?"
The man in gray spoke slowly: "Is Mr. Endry here? I have a business deal to discuss with him."
When he heard that business hade to his door, the displeasure Endry felt from being disturbed instantly vanished.
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You see, a street paper like Empire Times of Great Britain didn¡¯t have much advertising revenue; it relied almost entirely on the small profits from selling newspapers.
The biggest extra ie came from these under-the-table deals. For Endry, as long as there was money, there was no news he wouldn¡¯t dare publish.
This was evident from the various aliases he used: one day it was Empire Times of Great Britain, the next it could be Empire Times of Ennd, and the day after could be something else...
Karina was the first to respond: "Here!"
Before the voice settled, Endry greeted the visitor with a full belly of smiles: "Old friend, long time no see, pleasee in."
"Karina, make us two cups of our best coffee."
...
The two men had only worked together; there was no personal rtionship between them, and Endry didn¡¯t even know the name of the man in gray.
But this did not affect their coboration, as Endry always prided himself on the bottom line of a journalist, always after money, never inquiring about the identity of his employer.
This was why, despite publishing numerous secret news stories over the years, he had not been silenced.
The man in gray took out an article with a check attached and slowly said, "Publish the content on this as soon as possible, and these fifty British Pounds are yours."
Endry didn¡¯t respond hastily but read it carefully instead. Like any industry, the street paper business had its rules, and different news messages had different prices.
Generally speaking, the more sensitive the content, the higher the price, and of course, the greater the risk involved.
Conversely, ordinary content was nearly the same as advertising. A street paper with only a few thousand copies in cirction like Empire Times of Great Britain didn¡¯t make much from ads.
After a moment, Endry answered with a furrowed brow: "The content is not sensitive so it can be published, but isn¡¯t this title a little excessive?
¡¯The Prelude to Russians Invading India,¡¯ just from a single assassination case, with no substantial evidence, you¡¯re stretching it too far, it seems too much.
If we publish this, it will affect our newspaper¡¯s reputation, and it must be modified, for instance to: ¡¯Beware of the Russian Invasion of India,¡¯ or ¡¯Russian Conspiracy.¡¯
After all, the result is the same, the suspicion of Walters¡¯s assassination will point to the Russians."
Ignoring Endry¡¯s request, the man in gray simply countered with a cold: "55 British Pounds!"
Although Endry was very upset by the man¡¯s indifferent attitude, he couldn¡¯t afford to show arrogance in the face of a cash cow.
In those days, the purchasing power of the British Pound was strong enough¡ªone Pound could buy 100 pounds of ck bread in London (about 45 kilograms).
55 Pounds, that was the equivalent of two months of newspaper operation profits for Endry, enough to make him lower his standards.
After hesitating for a while, Endry tentatively countered: "60 Pounds, I must be responsible for the newspaper."
The man in gray smiled faintly and briskly took out 10 Pounds to hand over. Without waiting for Endry to object further, he turned and left.
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...
Chapter 842 - 105: Proclaiming Without Fighting
```
The messy news reports, while stirring up patriotic sentiment among the popce, also affected the British Government.
The first to be impacted was the Minister of Police, as James Meld looked at the crowd outside demanding the government reveal the truth, he waspletely dumbfounded.
Aftering to his senses, James Meld immediately ordered, "Quickly dispatch someone to exin that the assassination of Walters urred in the Afghan Region, which falls outside the jurisdiction of the police department.
If they want to know the truth about the assassination, tell them to inquire at the Foreign Office."
Even if the Police Department was incrediblypetent, it was only responsible for domestic security issues. An assassination that took ce abroad had nothing to do with them, and James Meld had no intention of shouldering this unwarranted disaster.
...
The Police Department was unwilling to wade into these murky waters, and neither was the Foreign Office. Sir George, who was out of luck, was blocked as soon as he stepped out the door.
A journalist began to inquire, "Respected Sir George, we need to know the truth. We can¡¯t let a hero¡¯s blood be shed in vain."
There was nothing wrong with that, as Walters had been portrayed as a hero by the media overnight, maintaining Britannia¡¯s interests in the face of threats and temptations presented by the enemy.
The assassination seemed unrted to threats or temptations, but that was not a problem. The editors in the entertainment news sections had supplemented the story in the shortest amount of time.
If there had been more time, it¡¯s estimated that these people would also have concocted a female lead and added a romantic love story.
The question came from a reporter of the London Daily, a rtively impartial medium for political news, with the only difference being that no absurd plots were added.
Faced with a group of journalists and in order to maintain his good image, Foreign Minister George had no choice but to reluctantly stand up.
"Sir, the truth of the event is still under investigation, and the Foreign Office has not received any relevant news. In fact, we have not yet established diplomatic rtions with Afghanistan and do not have an embassy there.
This time, Walters¡¯ visit to Afghanistan wasmissioned by the Governor of India. For detailed content, you can go to the Colonial Department.
We will closely monitor the progress of the case and will announce the results once they are avable."
Although George was stating facts, since Britannia had not established diplomatic rtions with Afghanistan, and Walters was not an employee of the Foreign Office, the Foreign Office could do nothing but pay attention, but this answer did not satisfy the journalists; it was too bureaucratic.
A journalist challenged, "Sir, don¡¯t you think this is just passing the buck?
The Police Department says they can¡¯t manage it because the assassination urred overseas, and it¡¯s beyond their jurisdiction, so we were referred to the Foreign Office.
We believe that exnation since the Police Department¡¯s authority only extends within the country, as explicitly stated byw.
And now you are using the excuse of not having diplomatic rtions and being appointed by the Governor of India to direct us to the Colonial Department for the truth, which also seems reasonable.
But do you know that we had already asked the Colonial Department earlier when we passed by, and an official there said that foreign-rted incidents are the responsibility of the Foreign Office.
So, who should be responsible for the assassination in the end? Who should deliver the truth to the people who wish to know?"
The Walters assassination case was tooplicated, involving the Foreign Office, the Colonial Department, and the Police Department, all of whom had reasons to shirk responsibility.
Now that the journalists had cornered him, aside from cursing his colleagues internally, Sir George could only take his bad luck on the chin.
After some thought, Sir George seriously responded, "Sir, the question you have raised is very valuable.
However, we must also consider the uniqueness of Walters¡¯ assassination case. Britannia is a country ofws, with clear definitions of the powers of various departments.
We have no prior experience in dealing with simr incidents. Now that we are faced with a problem, it is inevitable that we will be a little flustered.
The incident urred thousands of miles away in Central Asia, and none of us knows the specific circumstances. In fact, up to now, the government has only received a telegram from India.
Please give us some time to send someone to investigate. If you are worried about people shirking responsibility, I will propose that each department forms a Joint Investigation Team."
...
After much effort, Sir George finally shook off the journalists. As for the Joint Investigation Team, it was a joke.
By the time the team was assembled and departed from the United Kingdom to reach Central Asia, it would be at least two monthster.
After such a long time, what would there be to investigate? The mastermind behind the scenes would have long cleaned up, leaving the case unsolved.
...
With the principle of ¡¯shared pain is lessened pain,¡¯ Sir George did not choose to bear the pressure alone but resolutely decided to share it with everyone.
"The Walters assassination appears to be the work of a Religious Extremist Organization on the surface, but we are all ignorant of whether there is a hidden hand behind the scenes.
There are too many suspects. Theoretically, the Russians have the greatest suspicion, as assassinating Walters could cut off Afghanistan¡¯s potential alliance with us.
However, such extreme measures could lead to the outbreak of war. Currently, the Russians have no reach over the Afghan Region, and provoking a war would not benefit them.
Next is Austria, as the Austrian diplomat to Persia had recently visited Afghanistan, mainly to facilitate an alliance between Russia and Afghanistan.
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The Austrian diplomat had just left when the assassination urred, which seemed a bit too coincidental. The problem is, orchestrating this assassination doesn¡¯t benefit Austria at all.
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Once a war breaks out, Austria simply doesn¡¯t have the capability to stop us from upying the Afghan Region. The only value it might have is to disrupt the arms race.
From this perspective alone, the French seem more suspect than Austria. After all, the French government¡¯s financial resources are the weakest, and they are under the greatest pressure.
Of course, other countries also have significant motives for dark deeds to provoke confrontation amongst the great powers.
We cannot exclude the possibility that there is no mastermind behind the scenes, and the act was carried out by a local religious extremist organization in Afghanistan. After all, Walters had already faced several assassination attempts before.
We have too little information in our hands to pinpoint the enemy¡¯s identity. The public wants the truth, but the investigation can hardly proceed.
Sentiment in the Afghan Region is strongly anti-British, and if we send someone to investigate, the safety of the members of the investigation team can hardly be guaranteed.
How can we make the Afghan Government investigate and give us an answer in the end?"
Sir Georgeid out all the possibilities, not to catch the true culprit, but more to have everyone choose a "culprit."
Britannia¡¯s pursuit of self-interest dictates that the most advantageous party is the real mastermind.
Colonial Minister Primrose scoffed, "Sir, we really have no choice, do we?"
It¡¯s a multiple-choice question alright, just one where the answer has already been announced.
It¡¯s not as if picking any enemy will earn the public¡¯s approval. Reporters are hounding the government for the truth, and if there isn¡¯t the hand of the opposition party behind it, no one would believe it.
The real heavyweights that can convince others are just Russia, France and Austria, along with the weakling Afghanistan.
The Royal Navy is out of the question, and if the me is ced on one of the big powers, it¡¯s all about bickering, and there¡¯s no way to give the domestic public the exnation they want.
For dstone¡¯s Cab, that is merely asking for trouble.
Minister of the Navy, Sir Astley Cooper Key, warned, "This is the enemy¡¯s conspiracy. They want to provoke a war in Central Asia and ruin our ns to drag France and Austria down."
Opposition from the Minister of the Navy is inevitable. Once war breaks out, the government¡¯s investment in the arms race will decrease.
The end result is likely to be apromise with France and Austria, calling an end to the arms race.
Finance Minister George Childs said, "It¡¯s not frightening if our n is disrupted; the trouble is that even if we want to stop, France and Austria might not appreciate it.
If a second Afghan war breaks out and France and Austria, not content to sit idly by, encourage Russia to confront us in Central Asia while continuing the arms race...
Our pressure will mount!"
It¡¯s more than just great pressure; it¡¯s a relentless pursuit. Both fronts are crucial, and a problem on either side could destabilize Britannia¡¯s position as the dominant power.
Foreign Minister George stated, "It¡¯s not a matter of if, but when. Whether the French will support Russian expansion in Central Asia is uncertain, but Austria will certainly support it.
If possible, the Foreign Department wishes to pause this arms race before the outbreak of a second Afghan war."
Minister of the Navy Sir Astley Cooper Key immediately opposed, "That¡¯s impossible! We may be able to stop, but France and Austria won¡¯t.
If your Excellency doesn¡¯t want to see the title of the world¡¯s leading naval power change hands after the war, don¡¯t make such jokes."
Internationalpetition is never merciful; it¡¯s always "kick them when they¡¯re down," no exception.
To say that the France-Austrian Navy surpassing Britannia is one thing, but even parity would be enough to shake their position as the maritime sovereign.
In the end, there are three countries capable of contending for maritime supremacy, and any two engaged in conflict would benefit the onlooking fisherman.
Once the Royal Navy loses its absolute dominant position, all it would have left is a deterrent effect, and it would be impossible to provoke a mutually destructive war.
In fact, since ten years ago, the deterrence of the Royal Navy has been on the decline. Faced with the catching up of France and Austria¡¯s navies, the British Government has no good solutions.
Seeing the argument escte, Prime Minister dstone gestured to stop it: "Enough, now is not the time to argue. The situation may seem against us, but it¡¯s actually not that bad.
The Afghan Region is our target to capture; this assassination has merely brought forward our timeline for action and doesn¡¯t affect our determined strategy.
As for the naval arms race, unless France and Austria are willing to cease together, we will certainly have to keep pace.
What everyone is worried about is the financial problem, but that¡¯s not without a solution.
Launching a war is to seek justice for Britannia; when to start and how far to go is all up to us.
We can even dere war on Afghanistan to give an ount to our domestic public, not deploying troops for the time being until we are ready for war, and thenunch an attack."
...
Chapter 843 - 106, Prologue
On December 21, 1887, British Prime Minister dstone publicly dered war on Afghanistan in response to inquiries from Parliament, thus igniting the Second Anglo-Afghan War.
At that time, the Great Britain Empire could bully a small nation without the need for parliamentary authorization. In fact, had it not been for the uproar caused by the Walters assassination case, Afghanistan would not even have qualified to be formally dered war upon.
Like most native tribes of the era, the Afghan Government was never recognized by the European world.
In the eyes of most Europeans, the Country of Afghanistan was little different from a native tribe. Even though the British Army had been defeated in the previous Afghan war, it did not change outsiders¡¯ perceptions.
Because the Indian Colonial Army could not represent Britannia¡¯s truebat strength, and it was the East India Company, not the entire Great Britain Empire, that fought Afghanistan.
This was evident from the deration of war against Afghanistan, which was made even though there was suspicion that Afghanistan might have been wronged. The British Government dered war anyway, toozy even to go through the motions of an investigation.
From the moment the war with Afghanistan was dered, Franz happily retired from active duty to be a joyful onlooker.
However, he waited and waited, but the expected drama did not unfold. The British Government¡¯s derations were thunderous, but no actual action was taken.
They had promised to send troops after Christmas, but by February the war had still not begun, and it seemed it would be the next Christmas by the time it did.
By this time, if Franz did not realize that the British were again ying at dering war without fighting, he would have served many years as Emperor in vain.
¡
Franz asked, "How are the Russians prepared?"
Foreign Minister Weisenberg replied, "The Tsarist Government has already assembled two infantry divisions and one cavalry division, as well as arge supply of strategic materials in the Central Asia region.
They are just waiting for the ice and snow to melt and the domestic roads to clear beforeunching an attack on the Central Asia region."
The British were inactive, but that didn¡¯t mean the Russians were as well. Compared to the cunning British, it was somewhat easier to cheat the Russians.
Perhaps due to a gic legacy, Russians have always had an irresistible allure tond, especially since they once upied Central Asia.
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Seeing a novice brother in danger and spurred on by Austria, the Tsarist Government decided to take action after weighing the risks and finding none.
Prime Minister Carl said, "The British Government has dered war on Afghanistan without engaging in battle, it seems they have realized the danger. Now it depends on whether they are willing to give up.
The Russians have only regained a modicum of strength and can, at most, swallow up one or two Central Asian khanates. They cannot possibly manage to sweep across Central Asia and head south to the Indian Ocean in one go.
The British Government now has two options: either stop the arms race and concentrate on eliminating Afghanistan, fighting the Russians in Central Asia, or give up half of Central Asia to the Russians and go all out in the arms race.
Whatever choice they make, the British stand a great chance of seeding. Of course, this does not exclude the possibility of the London Government being confused and starting both the arms race and the Central Asian campaign at the same time."
From Austria¡¯s perspective, it was naturally preferable for Britain to sh with the Russians in Central Asia. No matter who wins or loses, Austria will benefit.
Alliances mattered little; if the British couldpletely defeat the Russians, Franz would not mind awarding them medals weighing a hundred tons each, certainly made of pure gold.
The reverse is also true; as long as the Russians could move south to India, Franz would not mind supporting them wholeheartedly¡ªof course, going so far as to bankrupt themselves over it would be too much, as their rtionship was not that serious.
Compared to that, an arms race seemed pointless. Instead of wasting moneypeting with the British, it was better to put that money into domestic development.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "Starting both an arms race and a Central Asian campaign, the British would not be so unwise.
The British Government must be very conflicted right now, not sure which to focus on, especially since they are contending with three great powers.
We should perhaps help them by controlling the intensity of the arms race, so the British can confidently advance north and gamble against the Russians.
I believe the French will agree with us on this matter.
Napoleon IV is busy consolidating his power, and participating in the arms race is like pushing the unwilling. If it can be ended early, he will have no reason to refuse."
Prime Minister Carl asked, "What about the Russians? We promised to restrain the British, and giving up now might be hard to justify."
The Russians and Austrians do not breach contracts without cause, and few Russians would stoop to such measures, let alone reputation-conscious Austria.
Austria has navigated through Europe for hundreds of years relying on diplomacy. Especially in the period after the anti-French wars and before the Austrian revival, it maintained its status as a major power solely through diplomacy.
After so many years of effort, the international credibility of the Austrian Government had be extremely valuable.
Unless they were certain they could destroy the Russians and eliminate the threat on the Eastern Front, the Austrian Government would not easily break a contract.
Finance Minister Mark replied, "That¡¯s an easy problem to solve. Just let the Russians know that we¡¯ve lent them the funds intended for shipbuilding, making it impossible for us to continue the arms race."
Everyone was immediately enlightened by this idea; although somewhat underhanded, it was indeed an excellent solution.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s resources were limited. If the war in Central Asia could be resolved quickly, it would be one thing; but if it dragged on, the Russians would undoubtedly need to borrow money from Austria.
At that point, if the Austrian financial sector didn¡¯t support the Russians, the Vienna Government, for the sake of bteral friendship, could lend them the shipbuilding funds for war¡ªa perfect n.
Seeing everyone had unified their stance, Franz smiled slightly, "Then it¡¯s settled; the Finance Minister will give the Russians an exnation.
The Foreign Ministry will secretly contact the French to provoke a major conflict in Central Asia to weaken Britain and Russia as much as possible."
...
While Austria was taking action, the British were not idle either. Forced into a corner, fighting against three major powers, the British Government was under immense pressure.
The enemy of my enemy is my friend; this doesn¡¯t always apply in international struggles, but it can work in certain individual events.
The maritime civilization endowed the British with a crisis awareness; upon realizing they were confronting Russia, France, and Austria simultaneously, the British Government started seeking solutions.
Russia and Austria had been allies for many years, so gaining Austria¡¯s support was not feasible; the British Government then set their sights on France.
On March 1, 1888, the British Foreign Minister George visited Paris. The London Government held very high expectations, and Sir George even publicly stated that this was a groundbreaking trip for Anglo-French rtions.
As for the unexpected guest, Napoleon IV himself was not weing. The reason¡ªjust take a look at the nearby Pce of Versailles.
Due to the damages from the Paris Revolution, to this day, the Pce of Versailles had only been restored to seventy percent; the remaining areas were still under construction.
And the British were exactly the culprits who triggered the Paris Revolution. Even after the revolution was suppressed, many leaders of the Revolutionary Party were sent out by the British.
National hatred and personal grievances came together; naturally, Napoleon IV had no fondness for the British, to be precise, no fondness for the malign influences of both Britain and Austria.
At the routine wee banquet, Napoleon IV absented himself without any reason. This was perhaps the first time since the era of Napoleon III that a French emperor had shown such disregard towards the British.
Apart from deteriorating diplomatic rtions, the bnce of power between the two nations had also shifted.
As the world¡¯s foremostnd power and second naval power, France no longer recognized British hegemony.
Especially among the younger French generation, including Napoleon IV himself, there was no awe for the British, only a spirited eagerness to challenge.
This situation precisely proved the saying: The world¡¯s superpower has the most enemies.
...
At the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV, with a grim face, asked, "The British havee knocking, what do you think they want from us?"
As displeased as they were with the British, diplomatic activities still had to proceed normally. Whether or not they could negotiate a result ultimately depended on interests, not personal feelings.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets said, "Your Majesty, the British are desperate.
The Russians in Central Asia are raring for a fight, and a major conflict is imminent, with Austria¡¯s shadow looming behind.
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If the situation spirals out of control, it could lead to Russia and Austria jointly expanding into India.
If no one can restrain Austria, the British will have to face Russia and Austria alone. Even if they win in the end, the losses will be severe, possibly even resulting in the loss of India."
The struggle for colonies isn¡¯t just about the apparent victories or defeats; the issue of governing the colonies must also be considered.
Especially in densely popted areas like India, once nationalist ideas are introduced, the cost of governance can be unimaginably high.
There¡¯s no morality in the great powers¡¯ games; actions detrimental to others but not beneficial to oneself aremon.
Prime Minister Terence Burke said cynically, "That¡¯s just a problem for the British. Even if Russia and Austria united, they couldn¡¯t swallow India.
The British have been operating in the Indian region for many years; even if it bes untenable, they could still instigate independence there.
The Austrians probably don¡¯t harbor such illusions, but it¡¯s hard to say for the Russians¡ªthey have the n for Russian expansion Eastward.
India would likely be easier to manage than a Far Eastern Empire. Given the Tsarist Government¡¯s greed, they wouldn¡¯t pass up any opportunity.
Due to the Russian-Austrian Alliance, Austria, even if not directly involved, won¡¯t stop the Russians from expanding into India.
This is also our opportunity to watch from the sidelines, perhaps even reap some benefits.
What we need to do now is to weigh the offerings from all sides and choose to join the side that maximizes our interests."
Terence Burke¡¯s view was representative of the mainstream in the French Government. They despised the British but wouldn¡¯t let that get in the way of their interests.
As long as the British offer was high enough, anything was possible.
After hesitating for a while, Napoleon IV nodded, indicating his agreement with this view.
Despite the slight worry in his brow, it was evident he was not so willing. Unfortunately, between nations, interests alwayse first.
...
Chapter 844 - 107, England and France Treaty
In the Paris Embassy of Britain, Foreign Minister George and Envoy Roberto Fernandes sat facing each other, the atmosphere in the room extremely oppressive.
From their expressions, it was evident that the just-concluded weing banquet was not so pleasant.
Napoleon IV had not only been absent himself, but he had also announced a sudden government meeting during the banquet, prompting a collective departure of the French top officials.
With influential figures gone, only a few staff members from the Minister of Foreign Affairs and a bunch of nobility with empty titles remained to entertain Sir George.
The fundamental principle of equivalent treatment had been abandoned, and this was no longer just a matter of intimidation, it entirely disregarded George, giving no regard for the face of the Great Britain Empire.
Being treated coldly in diplomacy was not umon. Rtions between Ennd and France had always been poor, and even ruder incidents had urred, but what worried George was the mission.
"Your Excellency Envoy, you have been stationed in Paris for a long time and understand the French government well. What do you think would be the cost to persuade the French to support us?"
George¡¯s trip to Paris had been very rushed, and without knowing what France wanted, he could only adapt to the situation as it unfolded.
After a brief thought, Roberto Fernandes said, "Sir, the French have arge appetite, and mere benefits might not satisfy them.
If the situation isn¡¯t particrly critical, I suggest it¡¯s enough just to stabilize the French government, as the cost of winning them over is too great. Enjoy more content from empire
In fact, the French government is currently busy sorting out internal affairs, and in the short term, it does not have the capacity to interfere in international matters."
It ismonce for nations to take advantage of others¡¯ misfortunes; now that Britain needed France, the French government would naturally not be polite.
Unmoved, George asked, "What do the French most want now?"
In diplomatic engagements, even eloquent speeches cannot outweigh interests.
George did not believe he could persuade the French by merely sweet-talking them; to win over the French government, he would have to present tangible benefits.
Envoy Roberto Fernandes answered, "The strategic goals of the French have hardly changed. They have always aimed for supremacy in Europe. After the Great Revolution, they toned down a bit, but now there¡¯s a trend of resurgence.
The radical groups in France want to expand to Central Europe and seize European supremacy; capitalists seek to take over Belgium and the Rhinnd region to resolve the cost issues of industrial raw materials.
These interest demands are opposed by the domestic Aristocratic Conservative Faction, who fear that moving into Central Europe will trigger a new anti-French war.
Currently, it is precisely these conservatives who hold significant power, opposing expansion in Europe and advocating for easing rtions with European countries, using the development of colonies as a way to solve the shortage of domestic industrial raw materials.
Lately, the French government has been very lively. After ending his trip to Algeria, Napoleon IV returned to Paris and immediately ordered the recement of a batch of local bureaucrats.
To fill the vacant positions, fierce battles erupted among the various factions within the French government, with high officials even resorting to physical fights.
Napoleon IV is currently busy bncing the various forces, and unless we can offer conditions no French interest group can refuse, we won¡¯t be able to win over the French in the short term."
Even though George had been aware of theplex internal situation in France, he had not imagined that the French government was in such disarray.
During intense political struggles, there is no need to ask why. "If you support it, I oppose it," and vice versa.
Everyone opposes for the sake of opposing. Perhaps nothing will be aplished, but it¡¯s enough to thwart the opponent¡¯s ns.
Even over trivial matters, people can squabble endlessly, let alone over issues involving major international alignments.
If he were to try and persuade these people one by one, George had no doubt that he¡¯d retire before he could convince this group.
"Belgium and the German Federation are our potential allies. Supporting the French in their expansion into Central Europe means giving up these allies.
Moreover, given the current strength of the French, expanding into Central Europe at this time might not even be sessful.
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With Austria¡¯s influence, it¡¯s entirely possible to form a new Anti-French Alliance. It¡¯s uncertain about other countries, but direct victims like Belgium and the German Federation would surely align with them right away.
No matter who ultimately prevails, Europe will face a scenario of one power dominating, and we will be put in a passive position."
There¡¯s no way around it; supporting the French in their expansion into Central Europe would not only cost Britain its international reputation but also mean giving up their leverage in the Central European Region, making it difficult to intervene in European affairs in the future.
If it were just these issues, it would still be negotiable. After all, the international reputation of the British isn¡¯t great, and it can¡¯t fall much further.
The key issue was the loss of support, as Belgium and the German Federation would definitely drag Austria into the mire, ultimately leading to France vs. an Austria-led Anti-French Alliance.
With Ennd and Russia restraining each other, the oue of the France-Austria war became uncontroble.
Unless both sides were mutually wounded, the victor would be the hegemon of Europe, and an hegemon hostile toward Britain at that.
Envoy Roberto Fernandes nodded, "Of course, maintaining a bnce of power in Europe is our national policy."
If we cannot start from a strategic perspective, then we must approach from an economic one, though the repercussions would be severe.
For instance, ¡¯Unterally abolishing the high tariffs against the French.¡¯
Upon hearing this suggestion, George¡¯s face immediately fell. It was not just that the repercussions would be severe¡ªit was practically lethal.
The high tariffs against France were a retaliatory measure for the French pulling out of the free trade system.
Moreover, the tariffs between Ennd and France were almost equal now. If Britannia abolished them unterally, it would mean that French goods could freely enter the British market, while British goods entering the French market would have to pay high tariffs.
Under such conditions, if George dared agree, the domestic capitalists would surely tear him apart.
"Your Excellency, that joke is not the least bit funny. Do you realize what it would mean if we gave up the tariffs unterally?"
Envoy Roberto Fernandes nodded, "Of course, it would mean turning Britain into an economic colony of the French.
That¡¯s why I was against wooing the French from the start. We currently have too few chips to bargain with, and the French¡¯s appetite is too big; it¡¯s simply not possible toe to an agreement."
Actually, we¡¯re all aware that the possibility of Austria intervening directly in Central Asia is virtually nil, with the Persian Empire lying in between.
Whether or not the French are restrained doesn¡¯t matter. As long as there are no problems with the French, even without doing anything, the Austrian Government must always be on guard.
The pressing matter is to find a way to end the arms race, not to waste time on an unattainable goal."
The risks and rewards are directly proportional; letting the French tie down Austria guarantees nothing, and it could ignite a war between the two nations at any time.
If even the appearance fee isn¡¯t sufficient, how can you expect the French government to willingly take the risk?
After a pause, George slowly said, "What if we formed an alliance with the French?
We can¡¯t support the French expanding into Central Europe, but that doesn¡¯t mean we can¡¯t tacitly allow the French to expand into Central Europe.
Since Austria has to bear the brunt, the French won¡¯t deploy troops rashly without full assurance.
Britain needs time; as long as we deal with the issue in Central Asia first, whether to honor this alliance in the end will still be in our hands."
After pondering for a while, Roberto Fernandes said gravely, "Sir, is this the final decision at home?
You must know, doing this would destroy all we have built in France over the years."
Pro-British doesn¡¯t mean unconditionally pro-British; the vast majority of the Pro-British Faction would still prioritize their country¡¯s interests.
The shorting of the Franc in recent years had seriously offended the French, resulting in a drastic reduction in the number of Pro-British members within the French government.
Another move now, and the Pro-British Faction would probably vanishpletely from the French government, leaving behind nothing but naked hatred.
In the eyes of most, a traitor is more detestable than an enemy. The line between the Pro-British and Anti-British factions is indeed very thin.
George, unmoved, said, "This is the necessary price to pay. If possible, I wouldn¡¯t wish to be so extreme, but for the sake of Britain¡¯s interests, there is no other way.
Ourborious efforts, aren¡¯t they all for this day?
Starting now, the embassy needs to mobilize all our connections to facilitate this alliance."
...
Chapter 845 - 108, The Era of Two Alliances Confrontation
```
Forming an alliance is not something you can simply decide on a whim; it requires careful consideration of the pros and cons, especially when the potential ally is the British.
Ennd and France have allied before, and based on past experiences, the oues have always been less than satisfactory.
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Napoleon IV was not beguiled by the British¡¯s honeyed words. No matter how extravagant the promises, they had to be grounded in reality to count.
As long as Ennd and France formed an alliance, Britannia would support France¡¯s expansion into Central Europe. Such a tempting pie in the sky, Napoleon IV did not believe would just randomly fall on his head without reason.
Simrly, because the pie was drawn too big, Napoleon IV could hardly bring himself to discard it.
Prime Minister Terence Burkin said, "Your Majesty, the British proposal seems to be in our favor but is actually fraught with malicious intent.
On the surface, they support our expansion into the Central European Region, but in reality, they want us to restrain Austria for them.
From the current international situation, once we expand into Central Europe, we will face the united hostility of European countries, or even provoke a new European war."
That was the truth; the Anti-French Alliance existed in name only because it was predicated on France not posing a threat to everyone.
Once they showed their fangs, making European countries feel threatened, this nominal alliance would quickly be a real one.
To count on the British to challenge the European Continent with France was less reliable than taking on Europe all by ourselves; at least then there would be no worry of being stabbed in the back by an ally. Readtest chapters at empire
Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz said, "Prime Minister, every issue has two sides. It is true that Ennd harbors ill intentions, but if we use them well, we can also seek great benefits for France.
Although there are many European countries, most are minor and few are worthy of our attention.
Besides giving high priority to the three major powers, Russia, Austria, and Britain, thebined strength of Spain, the Nordic Federation, and the German Federation is hardly half of that.
Spain, being our ally, will not hinder our eastward expansion; the Nordic Federation is far away in the Baltic Sea and has no conflicting interests, making them a potential ally we could win over.
The British can use this to their advantage to bind Austria, but why can¡¯t we use them to restrain the Russians?
If Britain and Russia genuinely sh in Central Asia, Austria alone would bepletely powerless to prevent our annexation of territories west of the Rhine River.
At worst, we could establish the Rhine as a boundary with Austria, and given the Habsburg dynasty¡¯s tendencies, they are unlikely to engage in a bitter struggle with us.
By taking the Rhinnd and Belgium, we would havepensated for one of our most critical resource shortages."
Ambition is, of course, present. It¡¯s just that the War Party in France has not been fortunate with timing and has never had an opportunity to demonstrate their capabilities.
After a long wait, they finally see a turn of events. To the French military, this is not about Britain and Russia restraining each other but rather about creating an opportunity for a decisive battle between France and Austria.
With the Habsburg dynasty as an old nemesis, France¡¯s hegemony over Europe could never be fully legitimate without a war to prove superiority.
Of course, now is not the time to talk about this. It would be bad to scare His Majesty the Emperor, as Austria still looks formidable and is good at rallying allies.
Immediate battle, although the military is confident, many in the government remain skeptical.
Luskinia Hafiz, politically savvy as he was, did not mention the decisive Franco-Austrian battle to reduce resistance.
He even switched the concept, transforming the Franco-Austrian battle into a campaign to divide German territories with Austria. This not only downyed the risks but also gained the support of domestic capitalists.
Economic Minister Elsa objected, "No, now is not the time to move eastward. Ourrge-scale farming project is underway, and a war would disrupt it, nullifying all our previous investments.
The German Federation is not as weak as imagined; they have deployed seventy thousand troops in the Rhinnd region and fifty thousand in Belgium, totaling one hundred and twenty thousand troops.
If the war drags on for a month or two, Austrian reinforcements will arrive. Everyone has seen the Prusso-Russian War; times have changed. Now, when two major countries go to war, they typically engage with armies numbering in the millions.
Once war breaks out, it will be impossible to determine a winner in a short time. Austria can share the burden with a bunch of allies, but we can only fight alone, and the British are unreliable.
Hoping for the Austrian Government topromise is wishful thinking. If they passively watch us annex the territories west of the Rhine River, what im could the Habsburg dynasty have to rule the Germany Region?"
The concerns of the Economic Minister reflected the reasons for everyone¡¯s hesitation. Relying on Austria¡¯spromise was inherently unreliable.
When facing any single enemy, everyone is confident in France, but the problem is that the enemy likes to gang up!
Nowadays, European nations are quite capable of warfare; even tiny Belgium can muster an army of over a hundred thousand.
Larger entities like North Germany, if they managed their internal affairs well, could muster a million troops.
Austria goes without saying, easily several millions. If other countries joined the fray, France would be facing astronomical numbers of enemies.
Even if the French Army is capable inbat, they cannot withstand being outnumbered by multitudes of adversaries.
Moreover, the French Army is not that formidable; its performance in overseas colonies has caused many in the government to doubt itsbat effectiveness.
Victory in one-on-onebat is meaningless; once a European war erupts, they will face at least twice as many enemies, if not three or four times as many.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets interrupted, "Gentlemen, you¡¯re getting ahead of yourselves. It¡¯s as if you¡¯re suggesting that if we allied with the British, we would certainly have to wage a European war.
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In fact, these are two separate issues. What we¡¯re discussing now is merely whether to form an alliance with the British, whereas the expansion into Central Europe is a matter for the future.
Personally, I am in favor of forging an alliance with the British. France needs more allies to break free from istion.
Perhaps the intentions of the British are dubious; they may seek an alliance with us at this time just to counter the pressure Russia and Austria exert in Central Asia.
But beyond the British, we have no better choices.
We don¡¯t expect the British to truly support our expansion into Central Europe: as long as they don¡¯t join the Anti-French Alliance as we advance eastward, that would suffice.
Besides, allying with the British doesn¡¯t necessarily mean we have to coordinate with them.
Austria has no interests in Central Asia; their involvement is purely because of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, so they are unlikely to wage war against the British for the sake of the Russians.
If the British want us to contain Austria, then we¡¯ll just make a symbolic gesture. After all, the Austrians also wish to provoke a war between Britain and Russia, so we can certainly coborate."
Reality is harsh, but we must confront it. France is indeed powerful, and so powerful that it has no friends.
The promises of the British may not be fulfilled, but with them as an ally, the diplomatic environment for the French government will significantly improve.
Essentially, both parties are taking what they need; as long as nobody holds the other back, that alone justifies this alliance.
¡
Vienna Pce; ever since he received the news that Britain and France intended to form an alliance, Franz was not taking it well.
It seems like Europe is forming two major opposing blocs; in reality, however, geography dictates that Russia can hide in the rear, while Austria must bear the pressure of two great powers alone.
The threat onnd is not yet clear, with the French Army being the main force to be reckoned with and the British negligible.
The sea is a different matter. As the Austrian Navy is close to possessing a strength that threatens the Royal Navy, it finds itself having to tread carefully again now that Britain and France are forming an alliance.
This means that in overseaspetition, Austria will once again be at a disadvantage, unable topete with Britain and France.
But Franz thought even further. As France and Austria continued to grow stronger, the British were beginning to feel the pressure.
Under these circumstances, it¡¯s not out of the question that the British were scheming to provoke a war between France and Austria, hoping to weaken both adversaries through conflict.
Moreover, the rivalry and mutual restraint between Britain and Russia could provide the opportunity for France and Austria to fall out, couldn¡¯t it?
Despite the severity of the Britain-Russia conflict, even if the two countries truly went to war, if the situation in Europe became uncontroble, they might still join forces.
The British could instigate a war between France and Austria, and when both are weakened, they could then bring in the Russians to interfere, preventing either side from winning decisively.
If Franz were in the British position, he would make the same moves. Otherwise, how could Britannia find a chance to interfere in the European Continent once France and Austria continue to grow?
Spection is just that: spection. Before anything happens, Franz dares not jump to conclusions.
The French are not fools; confronting Austria with a Fisherman at the side doesn¡¯t serve their interests.
It¡¯s the same with Austria; unless they¡¯ve lost their minds, the Vienna Government would not foolishly attack the French.
¡
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "After numerous verifications, the Foreign Ministry has confirmed that Britain and France are engaged in negotiations to form an alliance.
The specifics of the negotiations are unknown, but one can be sure that they include elements targeting us.
The Foreign Ministry has made several attempts to disrupt the British-French alliance to little effect. We even proposed re-establishing the Tripartite Alliance, only to be rejected by both Britain and France."
If we can¡¯t disrupt it, we think about ways to join and then fracture the alliance from within. This tried-and-true diplomatic strategy is no longer effective here.
However, this also corroborates the fact that the British-French alliance is aimed at Austria.
Prime Minister Carl: "Since we can¡¯t prevent the British and French alliance, the importance of the Russian-Austrian Alliance has greatly increased.
From now on, not only do the Russians need us, but we also need the Russians.
In the uing wars in Central Asia, we will now be forced to vigorously support the Tsarist Government.
The four great powers of Europe have now divided into two major alliances in opposition to each other. I fear that for a long time toe, international affairs will remain turbulent.
If hostilities escte and a spark ignites, it might even trigger a new round of wars on the European Continent. From now on, it is necessary for us to take precautions."
There¡¯s no alternative; international affairs are not subject to one¡¯s will. Even though Franz has always tried to avoid it, we¡¯ve still ended up with two major alliances facing off against each other.
In a sense, this oue isn¡¯t too bad; two against two is better than one against three.
Now that Britain and France have formed an alliance, the first to be impacted will be the Russians. The deterioration of rtions between Britain and Russia will further solidify the Russian-Austrian alliance, ensuring the security of Austria¡¯s eastern front.
Chapter 846 - 109, The Strategic Choice of Russians
St. Petersburg, ever since receiving news of Ennd and France¡¯s preparation to form an alliance, Alexander III became restless.
Originally, he had hoped to woo the French, tobine the power of the French-Russian-Austrian alliance to strike at the British. He had not expected the situation to reverse so quickly.
Filled with anticipation, Alexander III asked, "Is the news confirmed?"
Deep inside, he desperately hoped it was only a rumor.
Once Ennd and France formed an alliance, the Austrian Navy would be powerless to contend against their united forces, and the Vienna Government would not be able to stand up to these two countries in naval matters.
The ongoing militarypetition among Ennd, France, and Austria was about to end.
The Vienna Government¡¯s previous promise to use the arms race to contain the British would naturally turn into nothing more than a pipe dream.
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Though from the start, Austria had never intended to keep its promise and had prepared excuses, the Russians were unaware.
After all, the Vienna Government had a sufficiently good reputation; it had never broken a promise over the many years, and Alexander III had never harbored any doubts.
With the end of the arms race, the Russian Empire would have to face a Britannia of great financial and military power.
Because of the Anglo-French alliance, Austria would be tied down by France, leaving the Russian Empire to confront the British alone.
Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes replied, "The news has been verified. British Foreign Minister George arrived in Paris over half a month ago; the two countries are currently negotiating the alliance.
The Foreign Office has already ordered the Paris Embassy to closely monitor the negotiation process and report back any news immediately."
To stop, interfere, sabotage?
Such options were non-existent; Ennd and France were among the most powerful countries in the world and could not care less about the Russians¡¯ stance.
Knowing it to be impossible, the Russians naturally would not humiliate themselves. Apart from paying close attention, there wasn¡¯t much the Tsarist Government could do.
"Sigh!"
After sighing, Alexander III slowly asked, "We can no longer prevent the Anglo-French alliance, and we have lost the best opportunity for battle. Do you think we should still proceed with the Central Asia campaign?"
Essentially, starting the Central Asian war at this time, aside from rescuing the ally Afghanistan, was more about seizing an easy opportunity.
ording to the n, the Tsarist Government intended to reim the Central Asian region during the arms race of Ennd, France, and Austria, pushing the border into Afghanistan.
There were no ns to advance south into India, not because the Tsarist Governmentcked ambition towards India, but because the Russian Empire currently did not possess the strength to conquer India.
Army Minister Padro Wald stated, "Of course we must continue! Even if Ennd and France form an alliance, the French will not send troops to help the British in war.
As long as we are quick enough, if we conquer the Bha Khan State before the British destroy Afghanistan, we will have the initiative in the war.
If we miss this opportunity and allow the British to eliminate Afghanistan, the cost we would have to pay in the future to take Central Asia will be far greater.
Moreover, we must also consider the international impact. We just formed an alliance with Afghanistan, and to then betray them¡ªwhat would our allies think?"
When ites to confronting the British Army, the Russian military is still confident.
Times have changed. Although the Russian Empire suffered heavy losses in the two Prusso-Russian wars, the Russians have also forged an elite force.
What¡¯s most critical is that the British Government would find it difficult to decide¡ªwhether tomit a million-strong main force to contest Central Asia with the Russian Empire.
Merely the Indian Colonial Army, that would be simply asking to be thrashed by the Russian Army. Such an unchallenging, favorable battle is something the Russian military has always favored.
Alexander III nodded; the international reputation of the Russian Empire was already poor, and he did not want to bear the ignominy of betraying an ally unless absolutely necessary.
Although inter years the Russians often betrayed their allies, at this time, the Tsarist Government really seldom betrayed them, at least not in the recent decades.
Of course, the main factor was that the gains from betraying an ally were too little, and the costs too high¡ªit simply wasn¡¯t worth it overall.
This time was no exception; betraying Afghanistan would be easy, but the thoughts of Austria could not be ignored.
Recall that in years past, Alexander II fought the Prussians for their Danish ally.
Despite the heavy losses, it earned the Tsarist Government a reputation andid a solid foundation for the continuation of the Russian-Austrian Alliance¡ªat least that¡¯s how the Tsarist Government saw it.
After all, by the early 1890s, the Russian-Austrian Alliance could no longer bring Austria much benefit; instead, the Tsarist Government reaped significant advantages from it.
Seeing the Tsar inclined to action, Alisher Gurov, the anti-war Finance Minister hastily objected, "Marquis, you¡¯re viewing the issue too narrowly. Explore stories on My Virtual Library Empire
The Central Asian region is vast, and the three Khanates all bear grudges against us; none are likely to surrender.
Even if our troops were making smooth progress on the battlefield, it would be impossible to pacify Central Asia in just a few months.
But the Country of Afghanistan is different. The British need only two battalions to make the Afghan Government capitte.
Everyone knows the terrain of the Afghan Region. If the British gain control of Afghanistan before us, the subsequent war will be difficult to fight.
If we cannot end the war in a short time, it will eventually turn into a prolonged war of attrition. The British have India at their back, with plenty of manpower and financial resources to sustain the fight.
In recent years, the finances of the Empire have improved, but this is only temporary.
An agricultural crisis is approaching, and ording to the data collected, the Ministry of Finance estimates that the ie from grain exports will decrease by 11% this year, and even more so next year.
Without the burden of an arms race, the British, financially, are beyond the Empire¡¯spetition. Insisting on going through with this endless war will only result in a mountain of debt.
In view of the currentplex international situation, the Finance Ministry suggests resolving the conflicts in Central Asia through diplomatic means and striving to maintain the status quo."
There is no other way; the three Khanates of Central Asia were once dependent on the Tsarist Government. It¡¯s just that the Russians¡¯ appetite was toorge, wanting to swallow them up. During the First Prusso-Russian War, they were swayed by the British.
Some things cannot be undone. Once they became traitors, they could only brace themselves for a fight to the death against the Russians.
This means that it is unlikely the Central Asian Region could be taken in one battle. With the British supporting them from behind, it is very likely that the war will continue.
Byparison, the Afghan Government is not favoured by many. What can a semi-ve, semi-feudal agricultural country do against the British?
Using John Bull¡¯s usual tactics ofbining diplomacy and military, the likelihood of forcing the Afghan Government topromise is very high.
There have been too many simr sessful cases.
In fact, the Afghan Government in the original timeline also chose topromise, but the British were too greedy and aimed to swallow them in one gulp.
Unsurprisingly, the British Army easily defeated the Afghan Government. Then they unexpectedly discovered that Afghanistan without a government was even more frightening.
This was something that was personally verified by the U.S. and the Soviet inter eras. Defeating Afghanistan is simple; the trouble lies in ruling the Afghan Region.
This has not yet been verified, and all we can see now is the power of the Afghan Government. Two regr regiments of the British Army are already more than enough.
As for military issues, they are minor. As long as there is money, the Tsarist Government has nothing to fear.
If you flip through history books, you will find that finances are the biggest weakness of the Russian Empire. Except for one particr period, the Russian Government has never been without financial troubles.
Because agricultural tax could be paid in kind, grain exports became the Tsarist Government¡¯s most important source of ie, ounting for more than half of the total export trade.
This agricultural crisis is a sh between the top three economic powers, and Russia, as Europe¡¯srgest primary grain exporter, ispletely an innocent victim.
A reduction in ie from grain exports does not mean a decrease in the total amount of grain exported, but rather a fall in international grain prices.
In any case, the British grain self-sufficiency n and the Frenchrge farm n have had some sess.
Although the total amount of grain imported by both countries each year has only decreased by a negligible one or two percent, the impact on the international grain trade market is still substantial.
With the market being oversupplied, the price of grains naturally plummets. When grain prices fall, the Tsarist Government¡¯s wallet also inevitably suffers.
Without money, you cannot wage war. In this context, the Finance Minister, in charge of the government¡¯s purse strings, has reluctantly be the leader of the Russian Government¡¯s anti-war faction.
Minister of Army Padro Wald, unmoved, stated, "If the government finances deteriorate, it is all the more reason to pursue this war.
If our ns proceed smoothly, and we first seize Central Asia, then India in the future, all problems will be solved.
Embarking on this war, the temporary issue of insufficient government funds can be addressed by the Ministry of Finance.
If we don¡¯t engage in this war, we will never escape the financial predicament."
He wasn¡¯t wrong¡ªthe wealth plundered by the British from India every year exceeds the Tsarist Government¡¯s fiscal revenue.
If India were truly taken, the financial difficulties faced by the Tsarist Government could indeed be resolved.
Perhaps after the setbacks encountered in the westward push, no one wanted to repeat the experience, so most of the Russian military supported the move southwards to India.
This perspective also had considerable support within the Tsarist Government.
After all, executing a strategy to move south and seize India meant facing only the British as the enemy; whereas, moving westward to Europe meant facing all European countries as opponents.
Even with a loss to the British, the consequences would be limited.
No matter how much the British excelled, they could not possibly march from Central Asia all the way to Siberia; they had plenty of chances for aeback.
The scenario would be different with a westward move towards Europe; a miscalction could lead to a beating from all European nations, which could be far more severe.
At best, it would result in a devastating loss and a debilitating setback; at worst, it could even lead to the outright fall of the nation.
In this respect, the Prusso-Russian War was meaningful for the European world. It woke up the greedy pr bear and made an outstanding contribution to the peace and stability of the European world.
¡
Chapter 847 - 110: Limited War Liability
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The two major camps in Europe are opposed, but the most concerned are not the four countries involved. Whether it be Russia-Austria or Ennd and France, each has its own advantages, sufficient for self-defense.
The real misfortune, however, falls on small nations caught between the two major alliances. For now, the contradictions between the two camps have not intensified, and everyone can still barely manage.
Once the contradictions escte, everyone will be forced to take sides. In fact, geopolitical politics have already determined the direction of alignment for these countries; they simply do not have the luxury to choose for themselves.
Countries in Western Europe can only support Ennd and France, those in Eastern Europe, Northern Europe, and Southern Europe must support Russian-Austria, and Central European countries have the toughest time, not knowing which side to choose at all.
Neutrality?
There is no problem for now, but once the two alliances sh, these neutral countries will be the first victims.
No matter which side they lean towards, they will be harshly struck by the other. Especially nations like Belgium, whose terrible strategic position determines that they cannot stay out of harm¡¯s way.
Of course, this is the worst oue. For the short term, there is no sign that the two major alliances are heading towards war.
Leopold II, who had a strong sense of potential trouble, could not sit idly by any longer. Originally, Anglo-Austria were both quasi-allies of Belgium, united in resisting the French¡¯s expansion into Central Europe.
But now fundamental changes have urred; Ennd and France have formed an alliance. Does the British¡¯s initial promise to protect Belgium¡¯s security still hold?
Foreign Minister Jul said cautiously, "Your Majesty, Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry has sent a note, inviting us and Switzend, the North German Confederation, and Spain to conclude a treaty to maintain peace and stability in Europe."
A nce at the map shows that the aforementioned countries are all in close proximity to France. By excluding France, such a treaty clearly targets no one else.
This can be seen as a counter to the Anglo-French alliance, with Austria ready to prove through action that they can contain France even without British involvement.
Leopold II asked doubtfully, "Did the Austrians only invite these four countries, without extending invitations to anyone else?"
Theoretically, the aforementioned four countries all face the threat from France directly, and the pain they bear makes them the most likely to align with Austria.
However, "anti-French" has always been a joint issue among European nations, not the problem of a single country. The sudden shift left Leopold II finding it hard to ept.
Foreign Minister Jul replied affirmatively, "Austria indeed only invited the four of us. It is said that the Vienna Government is concerned that other countries, without dire incentives, may not have a firm stance to contain France and could be bought over by the French, disrupting the alliance from within.
Perhaps in the eyes of the Vienna Government, to contain French expansionism, the cooperation of these five nations is already sufficient."
This is also the view of most, for France, though strong, does not have a qualitative gap with Austria, and with the addition of Switzend, Belgium, Italy, and Germany, the Anti-French Alliance is secure.
Compared to a divided alliance, a smaller coalition withmon interests and capable of mutual cooperation is more reliable.
Prime Minister August sighed and said, "If that¡¯s the case, then we have major troubleing our way.
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Without the joint participation of all European countries to share the burden, it¡¯s unlikely that pro-France Spain will join, especially since the likelihood of France expanding westward is almost nil and their pressure is not great.
The position of Switzend is practically unimportant due to geographical reasons. If they insist on neutrality, Austria will most likely not force them.
When ites to choosing between France and Austria, the North German Confederation will surely support Austria, even if an Anglo-French alliance exists, their lean will be more towards Austria.
Due to the power dynamics, the North German Confederation still has the power to stay neutral for the time being.
As long as the two great alliances don¡¯t wage war, they can act as a buffer between France and Austria, without having to take a clear stand.
What seems like a tentative invitation is actually forcing us to take sides. Between Russian-Austria and Ennd-France, we must choose a side."
The most tragic fate would be that of Belgium¡¯s, as others might be able to avoid the situation, but unfortunate Belgium cannot.
Continue reading at My Virtual Library Empire
There is no choice; France¡¯s ambition towards Belgium always needs to be contained.
Originally, this task was undertaken by the Anglo-Austrian two countries. Now that the British have allied with the French, the only one left to continue containing French ambition is Austria.
If we reject Austria now, then in the future when faced with a French invasion, Belgium will have to fight alone.
As for the British, confidence in them iscking. Even if the London Government were willing to intervene with troops, Belgium would be long gone before the British Army couldplete its expansion.
After much hesitation, Leopold II slowly said, "Have the Foreign Ministry negotiate with Austria, we can sign the conditions for mutual defense against the French, but the prerequisite is that it must be kept strictly confidential.
Austria may not care about offending the French, but we don¡¯t have the capacity to stir up trouble. Remember to stipte in the treaty that Austria must provide us with security protection.
At the same time, send people to strengthen our rtionship with the North German Confederation, Switzend, the Nethends, and other countries; their stance at crucial moments is also very important."
Belgium leaning towards Austria is driven by necessity; their ambitious enemy now is France, not Austria, hundreds of miles away.
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Joining forces with Ennd and France would be like negotiating with a tiger for its skin. An ally¡¯s status bes worthless in the face of interests. One misstep, and you could be skinned alive and swallowed whole.
Choosing to sign a secret agreement was actually Leopold II¡¯s strategy to hedge his risks.
The best-case scenario is to deceive everyone; if that¡¯s impossible, then dying exposure by even a day means putting off risk for another day.
...
Compared with Belgium, the North German Confederation was bustling¡ªopposition and support were plenty and varied.
The n was supposed to be kept secret, but before any consensus could be reached, the news was already flying everywhere.
Unsurprisingly, when the matter wasid out on the table, it signified that Austria¡¯s attempt to persuade others had failed.
Under the pressure of Ennd and France, Spain and Switzend each declined the Vienna Government¡¯s proposal, while Belgium was only making ndestine contact; publicly, the Belgian government did not dare take sides.
...
When the news of failure arrived, Franz was not surprised. No one is a fool; Austria orchestrating an Anti-French Alliance was essentially recruiting cannon fodder, which no clever person would be fooled by.
As the French economy recovered, the pro-war faction¡¯s voices grew louder.
The military, led by the nobility, sought military honors, while capitalists wanted to resolve coal supply issues¡ªall of these could potentially be solved through war.
Otherwise, the United Kingdom wouldn¡¯t have thrown out bait that the French government was willing to ept, abandoning centuries of animosity between the two countries for an alliance.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg presented a document and said, "Your Majesty, this is the preliminary result of negotiations with the Belgian government. Currently, the biggest issue is the distribution of rights and obligations.
The Belgian government, using theirck of strength as an excuse, is only willing to assume partial wartime responsibilities.
Limited to: they will only send troops when the French invade Central Europe.
If we were to break out in war with the French in the Italian Area, Belgium only agrees to provide material support, maintaining neutrality publicly."Limited wartime responsibilities are essentially equivalent to not assuming any wartime responsibilities at all.
Just by looking at the map of Europe, one can see that the best route for the French to invade Central Europe is through Belgium.
If the enemy is at the door, even without a mutual defense treaty, Belgium would have to bite the bullet and face them.
It might seem like Austria is getting the short end of the stick, but actually, this is a rtively fair treaty.
Given Belgium¡¯s size, if France and Austria were to start a war in the Italian Area, their participation would make little difference.
A mere detachment from the French could defeat them; and in the end, Austria would still have to send troops to rescue them.
The biggest value of pulling in Belgium is not expecting them to muster a formidable fighting force or y a significant role.
It¡¯s that after the Austrian army gains the upper hand on the battlefield, they could use Belgium as a springboard to march forth, seizing strategic initiative.
Without much hesitation, Franz made a decision, "Agree to their demands, but add a requirement for passage rights.
If we were to break out in a war with France and needed a throughway, as allies, they must grant passage and help maintain our logistics.
In return, they¡¯ll get a share of the spoils after the war, and all disputed territories between France and Belgium could belong to them."
Writing an unfunded check is easy, especially since the promises involve French territory; if Belgium is hungry for it, let them have it.
Not just Belgium¡ªFranz wouldn¡¯t mind any ally getting a piece of France on victory.
When dealing with an enemy, of course, a thorough weakening is required. The Franco-Prussian war of the original timeline did not end perfectly because it failed to significantly weaken France.
Whether it was indemnities or territorial losses, they only caused pain but were not lethal.
If the Kingdom of Prussia had been more diplomatically flexible at the time and managed to coax Spain, Belgium, Switzend, and Italy, rallying everyone to share the spoils, perhaps the oue would have been very different.
Once all the neighbors had benefited, everyone would be on the same front. As victors, no one would want to see their enemy recover.
By then, it would be a collective effort to suppress France. The Paris Government, powerful as it might be, couldn¡¯t withstand the care of so many enemies converging upon them.
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Chapter 848 - 111: Sneak Through Chen Cang
The chaotic international situation did not affect the outbreak of the war in Central Asia. As the arms race ended, the British also let loose.
On March 26, 1888, with an order from Governor Lytton, two India Colonial Divisionsunched an attack on the Afghan Region, marking the beginning of the Great Central Asian War.
In the Vienna Pce, upon receiving the news of the war in Afghanistan, Franz once again became an onlooker.
There was no need to worry, one could tell by the way the British fought that the bureaucrats in London didn¡¯t take Afghanistan seriously at all.
The two India Colonial Divisions, seemingly imposing, were actually a rabble.
In terms of realbat power, they probably weren¡¯t even a match for two main battalions of the British Army. Such troops could barely maintain peace; on the battlefield, they could onlypete with the enemy in who was worse.
Franz asked, "Have the weapons and equipment to aid the Afghans been delivered?"
If they wanted to bleed the British through the Afghanistan war, weapons and equipment were indispensable.
Without international support, the Afghans, armed only with swords and spears, no matter how brave, wouldn¡¯tst long.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "The first batch of materials has already been secretly transported there, and by time calctions, the Afghan Government should have already distributed them.
Our intelligencework in the Afghan Region is imperfect. After the outbreak of the war, we werepletely in the dark about the situation there."
This was an inevitable result. It wouldn¡¯t matter if you turned every Afghan into an intelligence agent; information just couldn¡¯t get out.
The diplomatic skills of the British were not to be underestimated; the neighbors of Afghanistan had already set up blockades, and the only means of external contact left was through smuggling.
As it turned out, smuggling channels were also unsuitable for transmitting intelligence.
Both Persia and the Central Asian Khanate were destitute; most of their regions had neither railways nor telegraphs.
Before the outbreak of the war, the Vienna Government received messages from Afghanistan with more than a week¡¯s dy. After the outbreak of the war, it was needless to say.
Hearing this bad news, Franz furrowed his brows, "That is to say, we have lost contact with the Afghan Government.
The air-drop of supplies that was originally nned is now impossible due to the loss of a target."
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
Weisenberg answered.
"From the current situation, to reestablish contact with the Afghan Government, we can only hope for the Russians.
They have been operating there for a long time and should have hidden channels of message transmission. It¡¯s just temporarily disrupted due to the war.
The Tsarist Government is trying to restore it, and it may be back in operation after a while."
"Hoping for the Russians," "restoration after a while," such answers made Franz dismiss the idea of air-dropping supplies.
Though Afghanistan is a small country, its territory is not small at all, with much of it being mountainous.
If there is no signal to receive below, who knows where to coordinate, how are the airship troops to air-drop supplies?
It surely can¡¯t be just thrown randomly, into dense forests or rivers andkes at worst, it¡¯s just losing a batch of supplies.
If luck runs out and it happens to fall on the British Army, taking on the role of the transport corps, that would be really awkward.
After pondering for a moment, Franz made a decision, "Well, with such events, we can only consider the Afghan Government unlucky.
Didn¡¯t they send a liaison officer? Let them figure out a way to establish contact with their government, we are powerless now."
Anxious?
Nonexistent, even if the Afghan Government falls, the Russians will fill in.
Moreover, even if the British win, what can they do?
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upying and full of guerris and religious zealots is not a good thing. The high cost of rule will eventually make the British face reality.
Army Minister Fev suggested, "Your Majesty, our troops stationed in the colonies have not had their weapons and equipment updated for many years.
In view of the current severe international situation, we must prepare in advance. The Army Department rmends a major rearmament, starting with increasing the defense capabilities of the colonies."
Fev¡¯s words reminded Franz, although at this time the colonial armies of various countries were all second or third-rate troops, recruiting the worst soldiers, using the most outdated weapons, and conducting the simplest training, Austria was an exception.
The Colonial army was only slightly behind in terms of weaponry equipped, but in other respects, they conformed to the standards of the domestic main forces.
In previous years, the Vienna Government had even deployed the main forces for rotatingbat drills.
However, as time went on and the enemies in the colonies were eradicated, this n forbat training was forcibly terminated.
In ordinary times, maintaining the current state of the colonial troops wasn¡¯t an issue.
A slight disadvantage in equipment was trivial, as all colonial armies wereparing shorings, and it was sufficient to be stronger than one¡¯s peers.
Now with the shift in international rtions, no one could guarantee when an idental discharge might ur.
In this context, strengthening the colonies had be particrly important.
Especially in the Austro-Africa region, should a war erupt in Europe, it wasn¡¯t expected that they would seize the entire African continent at once, but capturing strategic locations like Egypt, Cape of Good Hope, and Djibouti was essential.
This had been the core of Austria¡¯s national policy from the outset, securing these strategic locations not only connected the homnd with Africa but also forced Ennd and France to travel tens of thousands of miles extra to reach the Indian Ocean.
What used to be covered in two voyages could now only be covered in one, not only doubling the transportation costs but also halving the enemy¡¯s maritime transport capabilities.
"We must not only refit but also increase the weapon supplies in the colonies. Take Austro-Africa as an example; the region should store enough arms to equip one million people for a year ofbat.
Once a war in Europe breaks out, the colonies must be prepared to capture the entire African Continent using their own strength."
It wasn¡¯t that Franz was overly ambitious, but that Austro-Africa had already possessed such capabilities.
Up to this day, the total poption in Austro-Africa had reached over twenty million, several times more than thebined immigrants of the otherrge colonial empires.
Once the great war erupted, it was inevitable to attack on all fronts. Even if the Vienna Government didn¡¯t issue themand, the local military nobility would form their troops and engage.
The bellicose nature had been ingrained in everyone¡¯s marrow since the establishment of Austro-Africa.
If not for restrictions and the intentional suppression by the Vienna Government, they would have already caused friction in Africa.
It was foolish not to utilize the favorable conditions; capturing the entire African Continent aside, just securing a few strategic locations would ensure Austria¡¯s victory.
Prime Minister Carl questioned, "Your Majesty, isn¡¯t this too much? Our several key colonies have very strong military forces and are fundamentally unshakable by surrounding nations.
Even if a war in Europe breaks out, the strength of Austro-Africa is sufficient to handle any enemy. Shipping so many weapons and equipment to the colonies now could easily trigger tensions in the international situation."
A year¡¯s worth of weapons and equipment for one million people is no trivial matter, amounting to millions of tons.
Transporting such a massive amount of materials without secrecy was nearly impossible. Nowadays, who doesn¡¯t ce a few spies in the other side?
Important military intelligence couldn¡¯t be obtained, but such boatloads of arms, who could they possibly deceive?
Franz nodded his head, acknowledging the issue. It wasn¡¯t just about the transportation, even the organization of production could attract the attention of the European world.
"Then let¡¯s do it in batches, start by increasing supply under the pretext of refitting, then each month when we replenish materials, add a little more. After many times, it¡¯ll be less conspicuous.
This war in Central Asia is a perfect cover. Command the state-owned arms factories to double their production capacity starting now, and announce externally that it¡¯s an order from the Russians.
Do not disclose specific figures. With arms factories scattered throughout the country, ordinary people won¡¯t take notice."
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That¡¯s the advantage of state-owned enterprises: the government can control production capacity without revealing any information to the outside world.
How many weapons and ammunitions were produced and exported, as long as the Vienna Government keeps silent, nobody really knows.
Even if someone investigates, they would need to inspect all the arms factories to get the urate data, investigating just one or two factories¡¯ data would be meaningless.
It¡¯s not Franz boasting, but the actual number of arms factories in Austria, and how many enterprises had military production capacity, was truly impossible for the outside world to know.
The reason is simple, there are too many rted enterprises. Many machine factories could immediately turn into arms factories just by modifying some production equipment.
Anyway, since production is streamlined, there¡¯s no need for a single enterprise to produce all the parts; producing a fraction is sufficient.
When all the manufacturedponents are assembled together, a weapon is born.
The current arms factories simply have a moreprehensive industrial chain and don¡¯t need to purchaseponents elsewhere.
Being able to produce all parts from start to finish gives an enterprise a natural advantage during assembly, and the quality is rtively more assured.
However, during the war years, these are minor issues. Often, quantity matters more than quality, as long as it functions, minor ws are negligible.
Chapter 849 - 112
As Austria augmented the storage of weapons and equipment, it also increased the investment in the development of new equipment.
For example, tanks as slow as tortoises, airnes with only about three hundred kilometers range, and the big, clumsy artillery all needed improvements.
In fact, as technology continually advanced, the factors that determined the victory of wars increasingly leaned toward weapons, equipment, and logistics.
Preparing for war wasn¡¯t just about stockpiling weapons and ammunition; other strategic materials also needed to be ounted for.
This involved a wide range of materials that were universally used by both the military and civilians, and production was not limited to state-owned enterprises, as the vast majority came from privatepanies.
To avoid arousing external suspicions and exposing the government¡¯s strategic ns, increasing material reserves was out of the question.
However, concerns about this issue should belonged to the enemy.
After all, Austria had aplete industrial chain and was self-sufficient in raw materials. Should war break out, they could elerate production much faster than theirpetitors.
Despite preparations, no one knew when the war would actually start.
The Vienna Government began preparing for war, essentially based on an analysis of changes in international situations, sensing that a war might break out on the European Continent.
From the current situation, whoever fired the first shot would push the fence-sitting countries of Central Europe to the opposing side.
Don¡¯t be fooled by Belgium¡¯s current affinity for Austria, countries like the Nethends and Switzend were also showing goodwill towards Austria, all under the aggressive premise set by the French government.
In the Napoleon III Era, he still wanted to annex Belgium and interfered in Belgian internal affairs multiple times, putting the two on opposing sides.
During World War I, Belgium, however, leaned towards the Allied Powers, driven by necessity rather than the sophisticated diplomatic techniques of Ennd and France as outsiders imed.
If the German Empire hadn¡¯t passed through Belgium to attack France, why would they have joined the war? Wasn¡¯t neutrality better?
The Belgians weren¡¯t fools; a tiny nation joining the World War was akin to being cannon fodder and hardly reaped any significant benefits.
Perhaps one Belgium might seem insignificant, but what if the North German Confederation was added?
Franz knew all too well what the small Sub-States of the Germany Region were made of.
Just look at the historic Prussia-Austria War to know the truth, the supposed united front against Prussia ended up with just Austria and Prussia facing off in the end.
What should have been an evenly matched fight, due to the cking of these Sub-States, resulted in Austria being at an absolute disadvantage in terms of forces during the battle.
Getting them to fight desperately was only possible if the enemy was at their door. Otherwise, these fellows could only be pulled out to shout slogans and bolster morale.
...
Since the copse of the Anti-French Alliance Austria was tampering with, the atmosphere within the French government had changed. Suddenly, everyone realized that the ominous cloud hanging over the head of France had disappeared.
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This sudden change made many ufortable. With capital stirring behind the scenes, the voice of the War Party became increasingly prominent.
External changes also influenced Napoleon IV¡¯s judgment.
"It seems that Austria isn¡¯t that formidable, without the support of the British, the Vienna Government can¡¯t draw out an Anti-French," he said.
A change in perception naturally impacted political decisions. Napoleon IV was no longer as focused on matters concerning Austria.
Pce of Versailles
After briefly reviewing the documents in hand, Napoleon IV uncertainly asked, "Are you ready to restart the international coal price negotiations?"
To hinder France¡¯s economic development, the Anglo-Austrian two countries had initiated the International Coal Export Alliance, controlling international coal trade prices.
As a result, the price of coal imported by France was at least fifty percent higher than that of the Anglo-Austrian two countries.
With energy prices high, industrial production costs naturally increased. This directly caused many French industrial andmercial products to lose theirpetitive edge internationally.
To break down the International Coal Export Alliance, the French government and the businessmunity tried everything possible, used every means, yet still failed to achieve their goal.
Even as the International Coal Export Alliance frequently overstepped in directing French industrial andmercial businesses, due to their control over France¡¯s energy lifeline.
Every situation has its dual aspects. Compelled by the high energy prices, France was the first to promote energy conservation.
French steam engines and boilers of the same capacity typically consumed a few percentage points less coal, and some exceptional models could even save twenty to thirty percent.
Not only were their coal consumption rates low, but the French also developed several coal substitutes, such as charcoal.
In most sectors, French boilers and steam engines could burn charcoal, and some equipment could even directly burn firewood.
Of course, ck technology isn¡¯t omnipotent; substitutes were always just that, substitutes, and never quite reached the quality of the original products.
This led to French industrial andmercial products inevitably having ws in quality and only being usable in a makeshift manner.
The most typical example was steel; the overall quality of French steel was the poorest, even worse than that of the Russians.
Economic Minister Elsa said righteously, "Your Majesty, please rest assured. For the healthy development of the domestic economy, the Economic Department will spare no effort to drive down the prices of international coal trading."
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Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets echoed, "The Foreign Department will fully support the actions of the Economic Department. We have already started lobbying the British."
From the current situation, the UK Coal Export Association has shown signs ofpromise. As long as the British give in, we can force Belgium and the German Federation topromise."
The conflict was merely over interests; if the initial purpose of establishing the International Coal Export Alliance was to suppress the French economy, it now boiled down purely to interests.
In a sense, coal is also a staple product. No matter how hard the French try to find alternatives, they still need to import arge amount.
Under such circumstances, suppliers naturally want to raise prices to seek exorbitant profits.
Getting the British to give in is very simple, which is to spend money. As long as we canpensate them in other areas for the reduced earnings in the coal export sector, the issue can be easily resolved.
As for the coal suppliers in Belgium and the North German Confederation, it¡¯s just their bad luck, who asked their countries to be weak?
Napoleon IV fell into deep contemtion, seeming only a negotiation over coal prices, but in reality, this was also a test of the internationalmunity.
If the n seeded and did not cause violent international bacsh, the French government would not need to be so cautious in the future.
"Since you all are prepared, let¡¯s restart the negotiations! But be cautious about the methods used; do not stir up major chaos."
Clearly, Napoleon IV was not so confident in his bureaucrats.
This was rted to the political system of France; the Economic Department was definitely the most heavily influenced by capital among government departments, with officials¡¯ achievements closely tied to capital from the beginning.
If they were not forewarned, these fellows might act on the will of capital and could even provoke a war.
France was not yet prepared for war, nor was Napoleon IV delusional, not thinking that France¡¯s current strength could challenge the world.
...
At the headquarters of the London UK Coal Association, a group of capitalist magnates were engaged in a fierce argument.
An excited, pot-bellied old man eximed, "Gentlemen, the opportunity to get rich has arrived.
The French propose that if we break away from the International Coal Export Alliance and lower coal prices by one fifth, they will reduce tariffs on certain goods.
This reduction is not for all enterprises, but limited to our Coal Association members¡¯ industries, so let¡¯s all cheer!"
The apuse started, and many were immersed in the joy of bing wealthy. Being able to ship goods to the French market with lower tariffs than nationalpetitors meant an unmistakable advantage.
Where there¡¯s victory, there¡¯s also defeat; not everyone could gain benefits.
Small mine owners were the biggest victims; they had limited capital and no capacity to enter multiple industries. Instead, selling coal at high prices maximized their profits.
With tariff reductions, they had no goods to sell. Instead, it was the consortiums that reaped rich rewards and were able to gain even greater benefits.
As a representative of small mine owners in the association, Mikhailovich immediately opposed, "No! The French are Britain¡¯s greatest enemies, any rxation in the suppression of France is a crime against Britain.
The government, those fools, naively aligned with the French. Should we alsopromise with the French for minimal benefits?"
The old manughed, "Mikhailovich, don¡¯t forget we are capitalists, and there¡¯s no reason not to make money thates our way. Suppressing France is the government¡¯s business.
Your worry is merely about personal loss. In fact, there¡¯s no need to fret. Even if you have no other industries, we can still coborate!
I believe nobody here would mind offering you help to fill your industry gaps.
If that really won¡¯t do, you can still choose to sell the coal mines. Rest assured, we will offer a good price.
Above all, we won¡¯t let you suffer losses."
Mikhailovich¡¯s expression changed drastically; this was desperation at its finest. Before, although the profits from the mines were decent, the mine owners only had inferior mines which the consortia didn¡¯t even consider valuable.
Now it was different. Controlling the mines meant controlling coal exports, holding these shares to negotiate tariffs with the French, and pushing other industrial andmercial products out there.
To say that the Britishck a market was an impossibility. No industrial powerhouse ever had enough market.
The UK consortium had long been coveting the French market, but the French government, knowing they were outmatched, had resorted to tariff barriers.
Now that they¡¯d finally breached a gap, everyone naturally wanted to rush in.
As for the subsequent effects caused by the drop in coal export prices, what did that have to do with them? As long as they could make money, who cared about what would happen in the future?
Chapter 850 - 113: The Combat Power of Russian Bureaucrats
While the French were making their subtle moves, the Russians also initiated the Great War in Central Asia.
Frankly speaking, March and April were not the best times for an offensive, but there was no choice, the Tsarist Government was racing against time.
Austria had lost contact with the Afghan Government, and the situation of the Tsarist Government was not much better; despite having operated for a longer period, the Russian bureaucracy was not taking their duties seriously!
The war had only just erupted whenmunication was lost on both sides. High-ranking officials of the Tsarist Government thought that no news was definitely bad news.
In order to gain the initiative in the war, the Russian military was forced tounch an offensive ahead of schedule.
Everything has two sides, and with the ice and snow melting at this time, the logistics pressure on the Russian Army was immense, but the Central Asian Khanate was not faring much better.
Although there was less logistics pressure on domestic operations, the outbreak of the war at this time affected the spring plowing.
For agricultural countries, this was undoubtedly a fatal blow. Although the Central Asian Countries did not rely solely on agriculture, with pastoralism also being a significant industry, the impact was still substantial.
With no alternative, as the Russian Army advanced, the able-bodied men were forced to enlist, significantly reducing thebor force in agriculture and pastoralism, leading to an inevitable decrease in production.
In the short term, it might not seem apparent, but it indeed affected the war potential of the Central Asian Khanates. In a sense, the Russians had already secured a victory in advance.
But none of this was in General Oks¡¯ consideration; from start to finish, he never regarded the Central Asian Countries as his adversaries.
To initiate an attack was to aim for a swift and decisive victory, so as to quickly push the front line to the Afghan Region and engage in a decisive battle with the British.
In this context, the long-term strategic advantage over the Central Asian Countries naturally seemed meaningless.
"Send a telegram to urge the domestic front to speed up. If this continues, we can only suspend the offensive in at most half a month."
With the outbreak of war, the disarray of the Russian military¡¯s logistics management gradually came to light.
As the highestmander in the Central Asian Region, General Oks had to coordinate with domestic officials for logistics supplies.
In peacetime, this wasn¡¯t a problem, with the government centrally managing strategic materials to effectively bnce the military.
In times of war, this was no longer appropriate. If the bureaucracy of the Tsarist Government were efficient, the problem would not be severe, perhaps just a dy of a day or two.
For a great power, sacrificing a bit of efficiency was not uneptable.
Unfortunately, the bureaucracy of the Tsarist Government was constantly deteriorating. The reformists who promoted national progress during the reign of Alexander II had now be a corrupt and conservative faction.
Alexander III was not a decisively ruthless ruler, and the systems of the Russian Empire were imperfect, inevitably leading to some deficiencies in the bureaucratic ss.
The middle-aged military officer in charge of logistics replied, "Commander, we have already sent five urgent telegrams. Apart from the first two, which received replies, the rest have gone unanswered. If nothing unexpected urs, thistest telegram will likely meet the same fate. Perhaps these telegrams never even reach the hands of the logistics minister."
Intercepting telegrams from the front line would be impossible in other countries, but it was all toomon in the Russian Empire.
Slow transport of logistics supplies did not necessarily mean ack of transport capacity in the Russian Empire; more likely, the transport meant for military use was upied by others.
The intensity of the war in Central Asia was not great, and the front line had a stockpile of materials like food and tents.
The real need for transport from the homnd consisted mainly of ammunition, medical supplies, and other military necessities not suitable for long-term storage.
The demand for transport capacity wasn¡¯t excessive; the muddy roads might cause dys, but supplies were still manageable.
Beforeunching the attack, the Russian military had already ounted for these factors. If logistical support had been initially deemed insufficient, General Oks would not haveunched an offensive so early.
Upon hearing this news, General Oks¡¯ expression darkened ominously. He was no stranger to warfare nor to being sabotaged, but he had never encountered such betrayal.
Perhaps it was a matter of luck; Oks had missed the first Prusso-Russian war.
During the second Prusso-Russian war, the unit he served in advanced along the Russian-Austrian border, and logistic materials were procured locally; at worst, a corrupt quartermaster would cause a dy of a day or two.
The third Near East war didn¡¯t even require mentioning; Austria supplied the logistics, and receiving them was all that was necessary, so he never worried.
But his good fortune finally ran out. In the Central Asian conflict where logistics were entirely dependent on the homnd, General Oks finally experienced the extent of the bureaucrats¡¯ abilities.
"Why wasn¡¯t such an important matter reported in advance?"
The bureaucratic efficiency at home was formidable, but the military bureaucracy at the front wasn¡¯t far behind. That the logistics department failed to reply three times ¡ª such an important issue was concealed from him, themanding officer, was absurd.
The middle-aged officer who was questioned replied nervously, "We thought it was just due to the logistics department being busy with official duties and momentarily forgetting to respond; we did not expect..."
Without waiting for the middle-aged officer to finish exining, General Oks burst out angrily, tossing the cup in front of him towards him.
"You thought, everything is what you thought¡ªwhat is the point of having me as themander?
Do you think that just because you are assigned to the logistics department, I have no authority over you?
Or perhaps, you believe that the militaryw of the Russian Empire is not strict, and you want to try it out?"
A series of questions terrified the middle-aged military officer, who for a moment didn¡¯t know how to respond.
To be frank, they were caught between the logistics department and the frontlinemand, bearing the brunt of displeasure from both sides.
With procurement managed by the logistics department and promotions controlled by the homnd, they could not afford to offend the higher-ups in the rear, especially since they were also under themand of the frontline headquarters.
To junior and middle-ranking officers, the logistics department might wield significant power as a lucrative posting, but to General Oks, themander, they were merely a subordinate department of the overall headquarters.
Although General Oks might not have the power to decide their promotions, he certainly had the power to decide their fates.
The corruption of the Russian Empire was notorious, especially among those managing logistics¡ªa hotbed of corruption.
If no one pursued it, there would be no issue. But if someone lifted the lid, ountability would have to be pursued.
This was a battlefield, and General Oks could execute any bureaucrat involved with the evidence of corruption in military supplies.
"Commander, I... I..."
Before the middle-aged officer could exin, Oks waved his hand and said, "That¡¯s enough, Kratzwali. I know you all have your difficulties, and you can¡¯t make decisions for the homnd.
But remember, we are now on the battlefield, and no matter who it is or what it is, everything must give way to war. I believe you understand what I mean.
I don¡¯t care by what means you use, you must ensure the supply of logistics materials for me. If anyone drags their feet, I will have their head.
You can take this message to those masters back home. If there¡¯s ever a shortage of supplies on the battlefield, or if there¡¯s an issue with the supplies, I¡¯ll go back and take it up with His Majesty the Tsarist.
I trust His Majesty the Tsarist will surely be perspicacious enough to root out the ones in the government who collude with the British and purposely dy the progress of the war,"
Killing people doesn¡¯t solve problems, and Kratzwali isn¡¯t someone who creates problems.
General Oks isn¡¯t an idealist; he didn¡¯t wish to purge the Tsarist Government of vermin. He just needed those people not to cause trouble for him.
Bureaucrats like Kratzwali are far too numerous in the Russian Empire. Kill one, and another will appear. They are impossible to exterminatepletely.
Even killing might provoke revenge from the logistics department, intentionally causing trouble for him.
This had precedents, and General Oks had no desire to test it. After making his point, he promptly chose to leave well enough alone.
As for reiming the authority to allocate logistics materials, with the military itself responsible for coordinating the supply of materials, it was but a fantasy.
Having control over both the troops and the grain, unless it was the Tsarist himself leading the army, allowing anyone else to rise to that level would cause unrest at home.
The most basic checks and bnces are universal. To try to break the rules is to court taboo. General Oks, being politically astute, naturally would not jump into such a pit.
General Oks¡¯ "warning" to Kratzwali appeared in thetter¡¯s eyes as a more terrifying blow than that from a demon.
Once a charge such as "colluding with the British" was validated, every single person in the logistics department would definitely be collectively picking up theirst meal.
It wouldn¡¯t just be one¡¯s own downfall; even the families backing them would be doomed.
No matter whether they were nobility or not, since the reforms of Alexander II, the Russian Empire hasn¡¯t had a tradition of sparing the nobility.
Embezzlement and bribery in ordinary times,mitting minor faults didn¡¯t matter, as everyone did the same, and thew does not punish the masses.
But colluding with the British, that¡¯s treason. And the Tsarist Government was never lenient towards traitors.
Seeing General Oks¡¯ gaze turn to him, Kratzwali hurriedly assured, "Commander, please rest assured. I will urge the homnd to expedite the delivery of the materials."
...
In the Russian Military Logistics Headquarters in St. Petersburg, Minister Argent on duty was idly passing the time by reading the newspaper.
Suddenly, a middle-aged man burst in with an urgent telegram in hand.
Argent disapprovingly said, "What¡¯s the matter, Paser?"
Paser responded with a wry smile, "Minister, it can¡¯t wait any longer. If we dy further, there will be serious trouble.
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This is a telegram from the frontlines. General Oks warned us if the logistics materials are not delivered on time, he will use us of colluding with the British to His Majesty the Tsarist."
Argent¡¯s face went pale as he cursed, "This is an outrage. How can the Logistics Department be threatened by him?
Paser, you¡¯re overreacting. If General Oks wants to make usations, then let him go ahead.
Such an absurd charge, would His Majesty the Tsarist even believe it? Order the transport teams to find an excuse to dy, and let¡¯s see what he can do!"
Being threatened was one thing, but Argent feared the precedent it would set. If he yielded to General Oks¡¯ threat, and other Russian Army generals started doing the same in the future, wouldn¡¯t the Logistics Department be at their mercy?
Paser shook his head, "Minister, I¡¯m afraid that won¡¯t work. If General Oks has dared to threaten us, he might have some evidence in hand.
ording to the telegram from Kratzwali, the matter of loaning military trains to capitalists for transporting their goods has been exposed.
If General Oks lifts the lid on this and asserts that we have colluded with the British to intentionally dy the transport of strategic materials, there will definitely be a thorough investigation at home.
What might happen then is hard to predict," Paser borated.
After hearing this exnation, Argent immediately realized the severity of the issue. Enjoy new chapters from My Virtual Library Empire
If it¡¯s proven that the Logistics Department intentionally dyed the transport of strategic materials, whether or not they colluded with the British would not require evidence; it would be up to the Tsarist to decide.
Considering the importance of this war, Argent had reason to believe that Alexander III would use their heads to deter the bureaucrats at home.
Simr incidents had urred during the Prusso-Russian War. Back then, the high-ranking officials of the logistics department were used by Alexander II as target practice.
Those who forget past mistakes are doomed to repeat them. With such an example, the bureaucrats of the Logistics Department knew better what not to do.
Having realized the situation, Argent decisively ordered, "No more words needed, then. Begin organizing transport immediately and deliver the materials to the front as soon as possible. Don¡¯t give General Oks any reason toin."
In essence, as long as the logistics materials arrived at the front lines on time, the issue of loaning military trains to capitalists to haul goods was an issue of no consequence.
Even if someone exposed it, the Logistics Department would be well equipped to handle it, and it would not draw the attention of the Tsarist Government.
On the other hand, the consequences would be severe.
Paser hesitated, "Minister, it¡¯s not that we don¡¯t want to be quick, but the military trains have all been loaned out.
If we go back on our word now, we¡¯d be offending too many people. You know those capitalists aren¡¯t without backing; they¡¯re connected to too many powerful figures."
This was a practical concern; average capitalists, regardless of their wealth, would not have the audacity to borrow military trains to transport goods during war.
Russian bureaucrats weren¡¯t known for their integrity; simply confiscating their goods without recognition was child¡¯s y.
If crossed, some patrons might be severe enough to p them with the charge of misappropriating military trains, leading directly to their family¡¯s eradication.
The ones bold enough to bribe the Logistics Department and borrow military trains for their goods stood on the shoulders of giants who could weather such risks.
Having regained hisposure, Argent coldly said, "Just send them a message then. If they need someone to me, let them me General Oks!
Don¡¯t be afraid of offending people; this sort of thing should not be exposed to light anyway. If it reallyes to light, we may go down, but they won¡¯t fare any better," Argent concluded.
...
Chapter 851 - 114: The Mistaken Truck
The upper echelons may not care, but that doesn¡¯t mean the people at the bottom feel the same. Being in a high position and part of the elite, Argent was virtually untouchable, even if he offended people.
The junior staff, however, couldn¡¯t afford such liberties. Don¡¯t assume that it¡¯s only the top brass who are involved in taking bribes and benefits. In fact, most of the gray market transactions are handled by those lower down the chain.
As the Logistic Minister, Argent wouldn¡¯t stoop so low as to personally step in for a matter as trivial as the freight for a few train carriages.
After all, if the underling profited from a kickback, the boss wouldn¡¯t be left out. The deal continued because everyone was in the same boat.
...
Lately, Brittany McLean¡¯s state of mind was on edge since a shipment headed for Moscow was unloaded in Samara.
Alright, he acknowledged that military supplies destined for the front lines were critical, and the railway had been requisitioned by the military well in advance. But surely that couldn¡¯t stop everyone from making money, right?
Time is money, and money is life. Although the Russian Empire¡¯smerce primarily relied on backing, Brittany wasn¡¯t without his own support.
However, business is business. Now that the goods were unloaded, if no new train carriages were arranged to transport them and he failed to deliver on time, he would have to pay a penalty for breach of contract.
"Director Vickhill, I need a reasonable exnation as to why my goods were unloaded?"
"Do you realize how much money we lose for each day of dy?"
"Who is going to cover these losses?"
"Don¡¯t forget, you¡¯ve already been paid. Breaking the deal suddenly now, do you think I, Brittany, am easy to bully?"
"Or do you think that since Marquis Kristanval has stepped down, his influence has waned, and you can manipte as you please?"
Watching an infuriated Brittany, Director Vickhill felt helpless.
Suddenly breaching the contract was not his desire, but he had no choice; a strict order had been issued from above to ensure the supply of front-line materials, and failing to meet this task could result not only in losing his position but possibly his life.
"Mr. Brittany, I am really sorry. A strict order has been issued from above to ensure timely supply to the front lines, and currently, all vehicles have been dispatched there.
Your cargo can wait another half month. By then, I will make sure to prioritize your train carriages."
This exnation clearly did not satisfy Brittany. It was bad enough dealing with dys and penalties.
Though Samara was a transportation hub, that didn¡¯t necessarily mean that there were enough storage facilities locally, nor that all supplies could be stored.
If left outdoors for half a month and if God was not merciful, this batch of agricultural products might end up as fertilizer.
Even if the weather remained fine every day, half a month was enough for potatoes and corn to sprout, leaving him no choice but to sell them cheaply to the working ss.
"Director Vickhill, are you joking? You know what this shipment is. If it could wait half a month, why would I evene to you?
Anyway, you decide, but if you think Marquis Kristanval is easy to bully, just leave it as it is!"
Brittany was not looking for an exnation but a solution to his problem. He knew well the nature of the Russian bureaucracy ¨C to get things done, one had to either spend money or use connections to pressurize.
The money had been spent; Brittany wasn¡¯t foolish enough to pay again and break the unwritten codes. It was time to leverage his connections.
Vickhill¡¯s face changed drastically. Even though he knew Brittany was merely bluffing, the likelihood of Marquis Kristanval getting involved in such matters at this time was extremely low. Explore new worlds at My Virtual Library Empire
But not getting involved now didn¡¯t mean there would be no future repercussions, especially since it involved meddling with someone else¡¯s finances.
Marquis Kristanval may have retired, but as a former Finance Minister, hiswork within the government was nothing to scoff at.
Perhaps the top officials could withstand the pressure, but Vickhill, a mere director, could not afford the turmoil.
"Mr. Brittany, to be honest, it wouldn¡¯t matter who intervened."
General Oks issued a warning to the logistics department that if they could not ensure the timely arrival of logistical materials, he would report to His Majesty the Tsarist about our misappropriation of military trains.
Once the matter was exposed, not even the logistics department, including you merchants, or even Marquis Kristanval, could escape.
"Money or life, which is more important? You weigh it yourself! For the sake of Marquis Kristanval, we can refund the shipping costs.
"But once this money is taken back, everyone will go their separate ways, and the logistics department will never cooperate with you again."
When it finally came to a head, it was Brittany¡¯s turn to have a headache. The issue now was no longer that Vickhill took the money and did nothing, but that he dared not do anything.
Knowing Vickhill, the bloodsucker, money was his life. As long as enough money was provided, he could do anything.
She had initially thought he merely wanted to take advantage by escting the price to extort money, but the issue had now involved high-level political conflicts.
If the money was indeed taken back, both sides would tear apart their faces. "Themon man does not fight the official," which applies everywhere, and even with support, Brittany still felt weak.
After hesitating for a moment, Brittany slowly said, "Mr. Vickhill, can¡¯t we think of a solution? To ensure the material transportation to the front lines, we can afford a few extra train cars.
"If we need to hurry, you could recruit moreborers and utilize more livestock; it could definitely be done.
"You know this batch of goods cannot be dyed. To tell you the truth, agricultural products are only on the surface, there is also a part¡"
The higher the value of the goods, the more troublesome it bes, and Vickhill was troubled too. If it were only agricultural products, even if some were spoiled, the loss would be limited.
"But there was also a batch of special ¡¯medicine,¡¯ which was a different matter altogether. This kind of trade was clearly not something Brittany could handle on her own; behind her, there definitely was a group of bigwigs waiting for their share of the spoils.
Disrupting these people¡¯s money-making would surely bring about retaliation, and Vickhill, as the person involved, could likely be a scapegoat.
After hesitating for a moment, Vickhill, frowning, said, "Alright, Brittany. Stop thinking about the military trains.
"The military is watching closely now, and if something unexpected happens, we are all done for, including the people behind you.
"If you really are in a rush, I could allocate some civilianborers and carts for you, but the rest is up to you to manage.
"By the way, we recently imported a batch ofrge trucks from Austria; if you want, I can lend them to you.
"However, these costs must be calcted separately, since you did not inform beforehand, and the shipping costs for special medicine and agricultural products are different."
Knowing that this was the bottom line, Brittany did not continue to harbor hopes for the military trains. She did not want to get involved in the struggle between the logistics department and the military¡ªnot if it meant riskingplete destruction.
"That will do, but you must help coordinate the local authorities to help repair the roads, otherwise the trucks won¡¯t run."
Vickhill nodded, "Don¡¯t worry, the roads have been repaired already. As long as you don¡¯t take shortcuts, most of the road sections are passable for vehicles."
Being mostly passable meant that some sections were not. However, this was not a concern for Vickhill; being able to transport even part of the way was enough.
If vehicles could not pass, then switch to carts; if carts failed, then rely on humanbor; after all, the logistics system of the Russian Empire was built this way.
Indeed, if it weren¡¯t for the high-ranking officials from the Tsarist Government who observed the military value of trucks during a visit to Austria, the logistics department would never have made the purchase.
It wasn¡¯t that these trucks were not useful, but rather they were unsuited for the Russian Empire.
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Not to mention the poor infrastructure, what was more troublesome was the difficulty in maintaining them afterward. Importing spare parts was one thing, even hiring mechanics required outsourcing.
If these challenges were surmountable, then the harsh winter was truly lethal.
At temperatures of a few degrees below zero, external heating might manage to ignite the engine; at minus thirty or forty degrees, instion was necessary to prevent the engine from freezing up and potentially bing inoperative.
Given this performance, these were still anti-freeze vehicles specially produced for Russians by Austria; if it were ordinary trucks, they would simply fail in the Russian winter.
...
Chapter 854 - 117: Counterproductive
Theplex international situation did not affect Austria¡¯s Near East development n. After all, one must be strong to seize the opportunities that knock on the door.
The Near East development n had beenunched in 1884, and four years had already passed.
Four years is but a minor episode for a country; however, for a region, it can bring about revolutionary changes.
Compared to the destion that had prevailed just after the war four years earlier, the Near East had now transformed into a massive construction site.
Railroads progressed like winding dragons; towns sprang up from the ground; while old cities were still being demolished, new cities were already being built.
In just four short years, Austria had migrated over three million people to the Near East, gaining control over most of the region.
"The progress of the Near East development n is still too slow. With the current pace, it might not bepleted even in another ten years.
The international situation is increasingly tense, and the possibility of war breaking out in Europe is growing. We do not have enough time to wait. The government must find ways to elerate development in the Near East," Franz said.
To outsiders, the Near East was advancing at an astonishing rate, but to Franz, it still seemed too slow.
Four years had passed, and the Near East was still a massive construction site. Aside from establishing a batch of small towns, bigger projects were still underway.
The original n was toplete the redevelopment of the Near East within ten years, but reality showed Franz that it was simply unachievable.
Prime Minister Carl eximed in shock, "Your Majesty, our progress in the Near East is already very fast. Hastening blindly will lead to a series of problems."
It¡¯s not that progress can¡¯t be elerated, but achieving faster results withoutpromising construction quality is already quite difficult.
After all, engineering machinery was scarce those days, and everything depended on manualbor. The constraint on quicklypleting the Near East development n was not ack of effort by the Austrian government, but rather that the productive forces could not keep up.
Franz was not an engineering mechanic. He could not be of help on this issue. Even if he could draw the schematics of future equipment, those would only show the external design, not knowing anything about the internals.
Creating engineering equipment based merely on external designs was simply unrealistic. Much foundational scientific knowledge was involved in the internals of many mechanical devices, and they could not be manufactured without this knowledge.
Franz shook his head, "International situations change rapidly, and time waits for no one. If the Near East development n cannot bepleted quickly, then we should prioritize projects, ensuring that critical projects like roads, bridges, and stations are prioritized; dying new urban construction projects is eptable."
Franz admitted that he was impatient, but his intuition told him that the day when Europe¡¯s situation would spiral out of control was not far off.
Without expanding the railroadwork before war broke out andying the foundation for connectivity with Africa, he felt uneasy.
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Prime Minister Carl reminded him, "Your Majesty, after we issued our warning, the French have already made concessions, and negotiations with France, Belgium, and Germany are now underway.
Considering the current situation in Europe, the French are still not prepared for war, and the likelihood of a European war breaking out is still very small.
The Near East development n is a cohesive whole, with each projectplementing the others.
Slowing down urban construction along the way and blindly speeding up railroad construction will result in severe operational deficits for a long time toe, which is economically very unsound."
A European war is unlikely to break out soon; this is not just the personal opinion of Prime Minister Carl. Most people within the Austrian government, and even 99% of Europeans, hold this view.
The friction between France, Belgium, and Germany was just a minor tiff, with the French¡¯s actions at most constituting political ckmail under military threat.
The greatest risk of war stemmed from the opposition between two major alliances. However, at present, tensions between these alliances were limited to deteriorating rtions between Britain and Russia, while France and Austria were just engaging in typical power struggles.
Franz shook his head, "Let there be losses. We never expected to make money from the Near East¡¯s railways. Completing the project sooner just means greater losses.
For the sake of gaining strategic initiative, we can afford this price."
Economic calctions, however important, cannot outweigh national strategic security. The railway spanning the Near East meant that Austria had gained a strategic advantage over France.
Of course, this was based on the ongoing nature of a European war. If the oue was decided at the start, this n would also lose its importance.
Sometimes Franz wondered whether to follow Prussia¡¯s example and strike first, catching the French off guard.
But considering Britain and Russia, Franz decisively abandoned this tempting n. The benefits of sess were limited, while failure meant losing everything.
Not initiating a war did not mean Franz did nothing. The French dared to impose harsh terms on Prussia and Germany precisely because Austria had allowed it.
Although it seemed the French had gained an advantage, they had also pushed themselves into opposition with other European countries.
On the surface, everyone appeared passive and did nothing, but subconsciously, the "French threat theory" was emerging in many people¡¯s minds.
Do not expect everyone to be rational; driven by this "subconscious fear," if a war between France and Austria were to break out, people would naturally tend to side with Austria.
...
On November 24, 1888, after a series of negotiations, France, Belgium, and Germany signed the "Coal Export Agreement" in Paris.
Unsurprisingly, the French government emerged victorious, as the treaty stipted that Belgium and Germany would export fifty million tons of coal to France at a fixed price over the next five years, including no less than eight million tons of high-quality coking coal.
The term "fixed price" summed up the distress of Belgium and Germany, and although the treaty did not explicitly exin, everyone knew it was an extremely low price.
Specifically, less than a month after the signing of the treaty, the domestic retail price of coal in France had fallen by nearly one-fifth.
With coal prices dropping, the biggest beneficiary was the steel industry. In thest month of 1888, French steel production had increased by 18%pared to the same period the previous year.
This was just a beginning. Affected by the drop in energy prices, French industry began to experience a second spring.
Capitalists who benefited did not forget to sing praises for the government. Overnight, Napoleon IV became the greatest monarch of France.
Everyone loves to hear good things. Watching the fanciful praise on the newspapers, Napoleon IV also enjoyed himself.
Soon Napoleon IV could no longer be pleased. Having tasted the sweet benefits, the capitalists were not satisfied, they wanted even more.
"Fixed price coal," no matter how cheap, is still not as beneficial as possessing it directly, and, moreover, it was not easy to purchase.
The French government¡¯s pressure was nothing more than forcing Belgium and Germany to reduce the taxes on coal exported to France. Coal miningpanies still needed to make a profit.
Even if the government had signed the treaty, capitalists could simply ignore it. Manypanies, after the signing, had even raised the factory price for the French.
Some nationalist capitalists outright refused to sell coal to the French as a protest against the unequal treaty.
The governments of Belgium and Germany, too, had their principles. They had already pushed their limits by reducing taxes; forcing enterprises to lower the export prices was simply impossible.
After the treaty was signed, the quantity of coal France imported from Belgium and Germany did not increase but decreased. "Fixed price coal" indeed existed, but was just out of reach.
From the decline in domestic coal prices in France, one can see that the price of imported coal was only on par with international market prices. Coal miningpanies in Belgium and Germany were unwilling to sell below market price.
The government had indeed reduced taxes, but thepanies were unwilling to lower their prices. Every capitalist wanted to earn more, didn¡¯t they?
The main contradiction now was not between countries, but between capitalists.
Using conventional methods, French capitalists naturally could not cope with the coal barons of Belgium and Germany and could only turn to the government for help.
...
At the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV frowned and asked, "What do you think about the proposal from the Steel Association?"
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets said, "Your Majesty, we have just signed a treaty with Belgium and Germany. Viting it so soon would be indefensible in the internationalmunity.
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From the current situation, it seems unlikely that the governments of Belgium and Germany will make further concessions. Forcing them into a trade could backfire."
In fact, from the beginning, Karl Chardlets had opposed overly pressuring Belgium and Germany, advocating for price pressure through unified procurement contracts.
However, domestic capitalists did not cooperate. Everyone was used to freedom; how could they hand over purchasing rights to the government?
As it turned out, coercion indeed did not solve the problem. Although the three governments reached an agreement, domesticpanies from the other countries still resisted.
While the situation of exorbitantly priced coal no longer existed, purchasing cheap coal below the international average price remained impossible.
Manypanies in Belgium and Germany refused to export coal to France, not because the capitalists were overly patriotic but because they were driven by domestic nationalism.
Nationalism had risen, and now doing business with the French meant bearing thebel of a traitor.
It wasn¡¯t only coal miningpanies¡ªmanypanies in Belgium and Germany stopped cooperating with the French, and a society-wide boycott of French goods ensued.
This was why French capitalists were eager to seek government help.
If they didn¡¯t suppress the anti-French wave in the two countries, France, which already had limited international markets, would lose even more.
Economic Minister Elsa said, "Government interference might indeed bring uncertain risks, but the situation is already out of control.
If the government does not intervene, we won¡¯t only be unable to acquire cheap coal, but we will also lose our market in Belgium and Germany.
Various signs indicate that behind this, there is Britain and Austro-Hungarian capital stirring things up. The leadingpanies that have resisted exporting coal to us have stakes held by Britain and Austria."
...
Chapter 855 - 118, Intensifying
University of Berlin, since the failure of the Prusso-Russian war, had be the cradle of German nationalism, with various radical ideas emerging incessantly.
Due to the war¡¯s failure, the Kingdom of Prussia had rued enormous debts. To repay these debts, the Prussian Government had long been so pressured that it could barely breathe, let alone have funds to develop its economy.
The public faced tremendous pressure in life, and high levels of dissatisfaction with society naturally exacerbated the spread of ideas.
After joining the German Federation, Prussia received economic aid from the Central Government, and its domestic economy saw a slight improvement.
However, all this had now ended. With the signing of the coal export treaty with France, the era when the German Federation relied on high-priced coal for huge profits was over, and the Central Government¡¯s fiscal revenue had significantly reduced.
Without this ie, and with the sub-states unwilling to pay taxes to the Central Government, the Central Government itself fell into a situation where its outgoings exceeded its ie and naturally had no capacity to help the Kingdom of Prussia.
Against this backdrop, other than the coal-rich Rhinnd region, the Kingdom of Prussia reacted most vehemently.
From the beginning, the Prussian Government was firmly against the negotiations with France, but they had little influence in the Federation.
Being able to enter the Imperial Parliament was the result of years of diplomatic efforts; they simply had no decision-making power.
Unable to oppose the greater force, the Berlin Government could only passively ept. The government epted the reality, but the public could not endure it any longer.
Like all regions of the German Federation, anti-French demonstrations of varying scales erupted.
At the University of Berlin, a group of young students was having a heated discussion, obviously nning an action against the French.
...
A young student stepped onto the tform, "Fellow students, the current protests are utterly ineffective; the French can¡¯t even see them, and our weak government dares not confront the French.
If we want to change this, we must take more proactive measures to let those damned French know that we are not to be trifled with."
Anti-French protests were effective, with domestic papers and magazines halting entertainment news to support the patriotic movements organized by students.
Workers, the middle ss, capitalists, and even government officials all joined in the demonstrations.
In some small sub-states, the monarchs themselves came out to join the crowds at the protests.
The influence was substantial enough, but sadly, the effects were minimal as the French chose not to make concessions, and the German Federal Government did not dare to break the treaty.
"Fritz, what is a more proactive action?
Is it to block the French Embassy?
It¡¯s futile; the decaying Central Government has already sent troops to blockade the embassy area, and we can¡¯t even get in!
Petitioning the government is even more useless.
The Berlin Government has always opposedpromises with the French; in fact, apart from Hanover, all the sub-states do not support makingpromises with the French."
Of course, as the government of a sub-state, it was natural to oppose such unpopr actions.
Apart from Hanover, which as the Central Government couldn¡¯t avoid involvement, everyone else kept as far as possible.
From the fact that the Imperial Parliament did not veto the treaty, it was clear thatpromise was themon desire of many sub-states, but only Hanover ended up bearing the brunt.
Even Wilhelm II, who had just ascended to the throne, righteously issued a condemnation letter that brutally criticized both the French and the Central Government.
Under the system of the German Federation, the Central Government really couldn¡¯t do much against the monarchs of the sub-states; once scolded, that was that.
Prussia had previously cooperated with the Central Government to receive economic aid. That was also the condition under which Prussia agreed with Hanover to establish the bicameral Empire.
Now that the promised aid was gone, Wilhelm II not turning hostile but merely issuing a few mild rebukes was already very courteous.
Fritz shook his head, "Of course not. The Central Government is too weak, Hanover coborates with Ennd and France to betray the Empire¡¯s interests, and this is not something a petition can resolve.
To change the current situation, the best way is to let the French see our determination and force them to concede.
Although we have called on the public to boycott French goods before, that still isn¡¯t enough. To make the French concede, we need to do more.
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I have roughly calcted that the annual import and export trade volume between the German Federation and France is about 67 million Divine Shield, with coal exports alone ounting for a quarter.
If the French want to plunder our cheap coal, then let them not buy a single piece. The coal exported by the British alone is not enough for the French. As long as we can cut off the trade between the two countries, we need not fear that the French won¡¯t make concessions."
This was a fact; once the German Federation stopped exporting coal to France, the French would indeed struggle to find sufficient substitutes in the short term.
Now, the main coal-producing countries in Europe are the United Kingdom, Germany, Russia, and Austria, with Russians charging exorbitant prices for the coal they export, while Austria rarely exports its coal.
Although the British export arge amount of coal, the sudden increase in market demand cannot be met overnight.
An expanded version of France consumes an astronomical amount of coal every day. Once there is a supply shortage, France¡¯s economy would immediately face problems.
However, the unfortunate ones aren¡¯t just the French economy, the German Federation also wouldn¡¯t fare well.
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If trade between the two countries were cut off, the German Federation would also suffer severe losses, and countless businesses would go bankrupt, potentially leaving millions unemployed.
Hearing this radical n, the rational Hans eximed, "Fritz, your n is too crazy. If you do this, the French will go mad!"
For nationalists, losses are minor issues.
After all, those who can afford to attend university mostlye from better-off families and have not yet been battered by society; they are not aware of how devastating economic losses can be. They mainly focus on the reaction of the French.
Although everyone shouts slogans loudly, being unafraid of the French is merely talk. If the French actually attacked, everyone would be panic-stricken.
Fritz said coldly, "How can we protect national sovereignty without taking risks?
Even if the French reallye to fight, what can they really do?
His Majesty Franz has already publicly promised to protect our safety, and everyone is very clear about his credibility.
Collecting the power of all the countries in the Germany region, we are not afraid of the French, we are even stronger than them.
What we are afraid of is only the decayed Central Government; they worry that a war would lead to the unification of the Germany region, causing them to lose their power."
Watching the excited crowd, Hans fell into self-doubt. It seemed that a war might not be as frightening as assumed.
Although the French are powerful, the German Federation + Austria is not weak. The difference in military strength is unknown until they actually fight.
But fundamentally, Germany and Austriabined look very promising. With a poption twice that of France, an economy 2.7 timesrger, and heavy industry four times that of France...
In fact, the steel production of the North German Confederation alone is on par with France, especially in terms of steel output, which is even higher than France¡¯s.
Ignoring other factors and looking purely at these numbers, there really is no reason to be afraid.
Even if the French Army¡¯sbat power is outstanding, we can ovee them with sheer numbers. The Prusso-Russian war has proven that no matter how high the quality, it can be overwhelmed by quantity.
Throughout the entire discussion, Franz¡¯s opinion, as the person involved, was assumed by everyone, tacitly believing he would fight for the unification of the Germany region.
...
Cutting off trade between the two countries is easier said than done; at least the students from the University of Berlin are not yet capable of achieving this.
A massive campaign of solidarity began in Prussia and spread throughout the Germany region.
As the number of participants grew, it could no longer be kept secret. The news of the student solidarity quickly reached the desks of the leaders of the states.
Upon receiving this news, Wilhelm II, located at the epicenter of the storm, waspletely baffled by the trouble that had arisen.
Making choices is difficult; the young and bold students are willing to gamble, but that doesn¡¯t mean the rulers are willing to bet all they have.
Having personally experienced the failure of the Prusso-Russian war, Wilhelm II did not possess the arrogance to dismiss everything as in the original timeline, and the Kingdom of Prussia was not the gloriously powerful Second Empire.
Forcing the French topromise without triggering a war would naturally be the best option.
But what if the situation spiraled out of control?
Once a war broke out, as a part of the German Federation, the Kingdom of Prussia couldn¡¯t possibly remain uninvolved.
If the war were lost, the already unstable Hohenzollern Dynasty would be directly annihted; even if the war were won, it would be like making a bridal dress for someone else.
If it weren¡¯t for being sure that Austria was not prepared for war, Wilhelm II might even suspect that this was a plot by the Habsburg Dynasty.
Of course, Wilhelm II had another choice, which was to immediately stop the student solidarity, avoiding a nationwide anti-French movement.
However, this would affect the monarch¡¯s prestige and might even be seen as betrayal by nationalists, weakening his own foundation of rule.
Equally lost in confusion was George I. As the Central Government of the German Federation, they faced nearly all the criticism."
Sometimes George I really wanted to act recklessly; winning would make him the Imperial Emperor, losing would leave him a King of the state, spared from enduring so much frustration.
Chapter 856 - 119, Deception and Trickery
As time passed, the rising anti-France movement in the Germany Region gradually spread to the Austrian Region.
Although the voices calling for a break in France-Austria trade were not loud, the calls for people to boycott French goods were incessant.
As a result, the total import and export trade between France and Austria in the first quarter of 1889 decreased sharply by 36.8%pared to the same periodst year, and goods with Frenchbels were almost unseen on the market.
Not only Austria was affected, with the push of interests, the anti-France wave gradually spread throughout the European world.
Even in Britain, which had just formed an alliance with France, a movement to boycott French goods erupted. Capital only cares about profits, not international rtions.
Competitors are enemies, when French goods were boycotted, their own goods could be sold a bit more. Why pass up an opportunity to make money?
Seeing the European world take practical actions to support Prussia and Germany, the French government, at the center of the storm, also panicked.
Was it not just about being strong over the weak? That¡¯s what the powers all did, why did it not work when it came to them?
When Napoleon IV received the news of the boycott by the European world, he waspletely dumbfounded; he could not understand why this was happening.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets, "Your Majesty, the sudden outbreak of the boycott against us in Europe must be manipted by someone.
It could never be Prussia and Germany; if they had this influence, they would have acted long ago, and would not need topromise with us.
To be able to influence the public opinion of various countries in Europe against us at the same time, only the Anglo-Austrian two countries have the capability.
This is probably just a start. If not handled properly, more targeted actions against us will follow."
The truth has already be irrelevant; anyway, this me must be ced. Otherwise, it would indicate the ipetence of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs in failing to take timely action to contain the spread of the anti-French movement.
Economic Minister Elsa, "No matter who the enemy is, the current situation cannot continue.
Every day we dy now inflicts substantial harm on the domestic economy."
France¡¯s withdrawal from the free trade system did not mean that it no longer depended on the international market. On the contrary, the French economy was still inextricably linked to the international market.
As long as France still needed to import industrial raw materials, it had to export industrial andmercial products in exchange for foreign currency to bnce import and export trade.
Being boycotted by the European world, France¡¯s foreign export volume plummeted, severely affecting the survival of domestic exportpanies.
Napoleon IV was troubled. Now, two optionsy before them: either to endure and wait for the news to fade before dealing with it, or to give up the aggressive terms and calm this storm.
Of course, there was a third option, which was to simply go to war.
Without a doubt, the third option was impossible. If the European world had not responded collectively, Napoleon IV might have taken a risk once more, but now, it was better not to!
Since the rise of nationalism, public opinion was not easy to provoke. Going against European public opinion, who knew whether it could trigger a new round of anti-French wars?
On this issue, the French public had set an example. During the period of the Polish Revolution, they had spontaneously organized a volunteer army, and had it not been for the countries along the way denying passage, they might have actually gone.
Putting oneself in others¡¯ shoes, Napoleon IV could not ignore this risk. Most critically, their British ally was not being supportive, not helping but instead joining in the turmoil.
However, it seemed that the British could not be med for this. The rtionships between Prussia, Germany, and Britain had always been good, almost reaching the stage of bing allies, begrudgingly considered almost like a junior partner.
Even now, as the British needed French support, they couldn¡¯t easily abandon their nurtured pawns.
Not directly stepping out and opposing the French government outright was already giving face.
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Prime Minister Terence Burkin urged, "From all the current signs, the Austrian Government must have made a move, and the British are probably also pushing behind the scenes."
From the beginning, the London Government has been opposed to our use of extreme measures against the Beide Countries. If the situation esctes, it will be hard for us to garner support.
Now that we have tested the limits of various nations already, it is time to hold back while we¡¯re ahead!
Let¡¯s cool down for a while, and after things settle down, we will find the right moment to act."
Cowardice?
The answer is: No!
The international situation seems to be a standoff between two major alliances, but there is still a gap from an actual confrontation, as even Britain and Russia, who have the worst rtions, have not genuinely started fighting.
This means, if France rashly makes a move against the Beide Countries, it will provoke the intervention of a tripartite alliance.
Even if the British could abide by the treaty and save face for their allies, faced with possible joint intervention from Russia and Austria, the French government does not have the power to oppose the two empires.
After hesitating for a moment, Napoleon IV nodded helplessly, "Indeed, we should ease off. Protest to the Austrian Government and strongly condemn their nefarious actions against France.
The British are about to upy the Afghan Region, aren¡¯t they? Let them press on; also, secretly send someone to contact the Russians, telling them we are currently not opposed to their entry into the Indian Ocean."
Europe is really too small to amodate four major powers. The contradictions between Russia and Austria are significant, not to mention between Ennd and France.
If there is an opportunity to eliminate each other, no one would hesitate. Allies are only temporary, but conflicts have persisted for centuries.
Austria wants to trigger a war in Central Asia to weaken Britain and Russia, and isn¡¯t France doing the same?
Otherwise, on what basis would Napoleon IV have epted, if not for the British¡¯s empty promises?
As for the Central Europe issue, it canpletely be addressed after Britain and Russia have started fighting. Without the disruption of these two powers, wouldn¡¯t France dominate Europe?
...
The Vienna Pce received the protest letter from the French government, and Franz silently took the me.
An exnation was not possible. Taking the me to gain the support of the people in the Germany Region, Franz truly found no reason to refuse.
Although this incident was not his doing. Austria did not have the capacity to influence the media across so many countries in such a short time.
But since the French insisted that Austria was responsible, Franz was willing to take this me, thus confirming their usations.
The European governments secretly encouraging the anti-French movements are probably thanking Austria¡¯s fearless spirit for taking all of France¡¯s hatred onto itself alone.
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As to whether anyone woulde forward to im responsibility, that waspletely overthinking it. Who else would dare to take on such a task that profoundly offends the French, apart from Austria which had interests to do so?
Did they really think France was an easy target, to be squeezed however they wanted? If it had been a smaller country, the Paris Government wouldn¡¯t have protested but would have taken direct action instead.
Since there is a cause, as long as the French do not face national extinction or territorial loss, merely beating up someone and demanding a war indemnity wouldn¡¯t provoke a mass brawl among European countries.
Putting aside the documents in his hand, Franz smiled and said, "Since the French havee to us, we must not disappoint their good intentions.
Launch a media campaign in the Germany Region to let everyone know the efforts we have made to protect the interests of our Germanpatriots."
...
Chapter 857 - 120, The Art of Politics
Without any surprises, after Austria took the me, the rtionship between France and Austria deteriorated rapidly, with their foreign ministries engaging in daily verbal disputes.
For a time, Europe was clouded with suspicion, with Britain and Russia locking horns over Central Asia, while France and Austria were entangled over Central Europe.
Roughly rounding up, it was almost equivalent to: the Anglo-French Alliance and the Russian-Austrian Alliance facing each other.
This was clearly the prelude to the outbreak of a war in Europe.
The most anxious were Prussia and Germany, which had been forced to choose sides due to the aggressive stance of France.
It seemed that Austria had intervened to break their encirclement, but in reality, it also pushed them to the opposing side of France.
Originally, there was still hope for France, Belgium, and Germany to reach an agreement on the coal export issue and avoid escting conflicts. Unfortunately, Austria¡¯s meddling left no possibility for easing tensions.
Due to interests, French capitalists would not tolerate their government making concessions; nationalism was already on the rise in Prussia and Germany, which now also could not afford to yield.
The issue had be a vicious circle, and no matter what solutions were proposed, they could not satisfy all parties. The contradictions were temporarily suppressed, merely umting strength for an eventual outbreak.
...
In the Afghan Region, the sweeping British Army finally encountered trouble.
At some point, Afghan Guerris had emerged, continuously attacking the supply lines of the British Army.
Especially over thest month, not only were the logistical transport teams attacked, but the main forces were also struck numerous times.
The loss from a single attack wasn¡¯t great, but the number of attacksunched by Afghans was high!
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The situation had gotten to the point where the British Army dared not move independently; any unit with fewer than apany would be ambushed upon departure.
You wouldn¡¯t realize the severity until you crunched the numbers. Justst month, under the attacks of the Afghan Guerris, there were 112 British soldiers killed and 313 wounded.
And that was just the casualties among British-born soldiers; losses among Indian soldiers were not even included yet.
If summed up, in just thest month, the British Army suffered the loss equivalent to an entire regiment.
These casualty figures were in no way inferior to the losses during a decisive battle with the Afghan government forces; the daily loss exceeded that of the battles.
Seeing the casualty numbers increasing day by day, General Patrick nearly copsed. He had no idea how to report this to London.
Kabul, British Army Headquarters
A middle-aged officer, his arm wrapped in a bandage, indignantly proposed, "Commander, the guerri activities have be rampant, and we must take the initiative to strike."
Without doubt, this officer was one of the unlucky yet lucky ones, having been wounded in a guerri attack.
Generally, high-ranking officers like him were well-protected and beyond the reach of guerris.
Unfortunately, Colonel Macau was unlucky; an Afghan-made artillery shell had hit his temporarymand post, and a shrapnel shard struck his arm.
Compared to several officers who died on the spot, he was undoubtedly lucky to be the only survivor.
General Patrick nodded slowly and said, "Colonel Macau, calm down. Everyone knows the importance of eradicating the guerris.
However, we haveunched dozens of proactive strikes without achieving the anticipated results.
The enemy simply won¡¯t give us a decisive battle. Every time we start a suppression operation, those guys head into the mountains.
When we retreat, they stick to us like a rash, and as soon as we turn our backs, they¡¯re on the run again.
If we don¡¯t find the guerris¡¯ weak spot, no matter how many times we attack, it will all be in vain.
ording to the news from Central Asia, our allies, the Central Asian Khanates, are unlikely to hold out much longer, and by the end of the year, we may be neighbors with the Russians.
Before then, we must eradicate these pests hiding underground; otherwise, if they join forces, we¡¯ll be in serious trouble."
In fact, Patrick had more to say, for the troubles in the Afghan Region weren¡¯t just the guerris.
The bigger issue was actually the religious zealots. These were the main assants, founded on local religions, and they particrly enjoyed attacking solitary British soldiers.
The neer Britons had not yet fully grasped theplexities here, attributing most of their troubles to the guerris.
Of course, this wasn¡¯t entirely wrong, as they were all part of one entity¡ªthe Afghan Resistance Organization.
Their nominal leader was King Amir, although the unfortunate king hid in the deep mountains and forests, not daring to show his face.
Another officer proposed, "I think we should first capture the King of Afghanistan. Without Amir as a leader, these resistance organizations will be nothing but scattered sand."
Colonel Macau wasn¡¯t buying it, "Forget it, Herds. The Afghan people loathe us deeply, we have no foundation there at all.
Who knows where the hole of Amir, that rat, is located. We can¡¯t possibly trek over mountains and valleys to wage war everywhere, can we?
Besides, the Afghan Resistance Organization is already disorganized; with or without Amir as a leader, it doesn¡¯t make much difference.
This can be seen by their attacks on us. There are many, but the number of people they deploy each time is limited.
Since defeating the Afghan government forces, when has anyone encountered resistance armed groups exceeding three thousand in number?
They are all just scattered soldiers, easily defeated on the open battlefield, only capable of taking pot-shots from behind."
This is precisely the difficulty, although the resistance organizations are a ragtag bunch, this bunch is slippery and cunning!
Herds sneered, "So what? Even these rats need to eat. At worst, we implement a dra blockade to trap them to death in the mountains.
If pushed to extremity, we can even set fires to burn through the forests.
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If that¡¯s not enough, we impose heavy taxes on the local popce, depriving them of supplies to support the guerris.
We can also employ collective punishment. Anyone colluding with guerris will result in the execution of all residents within a five-mile radius.
I refuse to believe, after we¡¯ve annihted all Afghanistan, there will still be gueri squads we can¡¯t eradicate."
It sounded quite good, but putting it into practice was never that simple.
A dra-style blockade, as you can tell, requires a massive deployment of troops.
Afghanistan isn¡¯t small and it¡¯s covered with dense forests; it¡¯s not something a few infantry divisions could blockade.
Setting fires may seem easy, but not all forests can be ignited with a single spark, and a lot of fuel would be needed to start the fires.
As for heavy taxation, that¡¯s even more unlikely. That would require establishing a local government first. Expecting British soldiers to collect taxes would probably drive the local people to join the guerris.
The only truly intimidating measure seems to be collective punishment, but that too isn¡¯t simple to implement and could easily lead to more people joining the guerris.
Seeing no one object, after weighing the pros and cons, General Patrick slowly said, "If no one has a better idea, then we might as well give it a try!
I will seek reinforcements from home, but we all must be on the same page. We¡¯re only dealing with Afghan guerris, not something the lords in London would take seriously."
Shifting me is a traditional skill all bureaucrats master without a teacher. Since the Afghan guerris don¡¯t carry enough weight, the me had to be shifted onto the Russians.
After a bit of artistic modification, the achievements of the Afghan guerris in attacking the British Army fell on the Russian Army.
...
The Russians, on whom the scapegoat had abruptly fallen, must have had mixed feelings, but the London Government was enraged.
If the Russians were making covert moves, it might have been overlooked, but such an outright attack on the British Army was a vition of the rules of the game.
Upon receiving the news, Prime Minister dstone immediately roared, "The Russians are provoking Britain; we must retaliate."
With no doubt cast on the authenticity of the front-line battle reports, was Prime Minister dstone a fool?
The answer is: No!
Feigning ignorance is a politician¡¯s basic skill. Well aware that the Russians couldn¡¯t possibly fly to Afghanistan, Prime Minister dstone still had to bite the bullet and ept it.
Otherwise, the losses of the British forces at the front could not be exined to the public. Although the military bore the main responsibility, the Cab couldn¡¯t escape me either.
The proud British public could tolerate the loss of hundreds of thousands in a war against the great powers but could not bear being defeated by a native guerri force that killed a thousand.
This me had to beid on the Russians, to minimize political fallout and, incidentally, to ensure that the Parliament would willingly allocate funds and dispatch reinforcements to the Afghan region.
As for wronging the Russians, that wasn¡¯t an issue at all. In Central Asia, Britain and Russia were destined to be enemies; how much worse could their rtions get from a little more estrangement?
...
Chapter 858 - 121: Terrible Teammate Comes Online
Both were med for the failures, so they might as well be called the "me Alliance." However, there are differences even among those who take the me.
Austria jumped willingly to take the me.
French Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Austria is spreading rumors, denigrating the national image of France, and iming economic damages.
Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry: That¡¯s not the case, we were simply stating the facts to help the people of Europe understand the truth.
...
The situation with the Tsarist Government was different; they were med without even leaving home, as if the me fell from the sky.
When the Vienna Government takes the me, it was a mutual agreement, a necessity between France and Austria, turning their quarrel into a mere political game.
The me thrown by the British was different, deploying troops to attack British forces in Afghanistan, which was no different from dering war.
Although not afraid of going to war with the British, in the absence of any benefit, the Russians naturally were unwilling to take this unjust me for their adversary.
St. Petersburg
Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes: "Your Majesty, the situation has been rified. After the British forces upied the Afghan Region, they faced fierce resistance from the locals, resulting in heavy losses for their troops.
The British Government has ndered us by iming that our troops secretly attacked the British forces in Afghanistan, just to avoid taking responsibility for their heavy front-line losses and to appease their domestic public."
What does a war with Ennd mean?
Looking at the map, it¡¯s clear that it¡¯s really no big deal; apart from the possibility of war breaking out in the Central Asian region, the two sides cannot reach each other in other areas.
In theory, the Royal Navy could indeed blockade the coastline of the Russian Empire, but in practice, it¡¯s utterly unfeasible.
Russia¡¯s shipbuilding industry is underdeveloped, and domestic long-distance shippingpanies are rare. The overseas trade shipping business is mostly undertaken by international shippingpanies.
Including Britain¡¯s shippingpanies, they all share arge slice of the pie. The Royal Navy enforcing an embargo won¡¯t surely detain their own ships, right?
To put it bluntly, Russia¡¯s main seaports are concentrated in the Baltic Sea and the ck Sea, and even if the Royal Navy blocks them, they could still pretend to trade with the Nordic Federation or Austria.
In those days, without satellite monitoring, who would know the true origins and destinations of these ships? Detaining ships randomly would surely provoke an international dispute.
Hearing this answer, Army Minister Ivanov furiously said, "Your Majesty, the British keep testing the limits of the Empire, and we can no longer tolerate this.
We must respond with the strongest measures and hit them hard. Let the whole world know that the great Russian Empire is not to be trificked with!"
"Firmness" is not without reason. In fact, since Marshal Ivanov became the Army Minister, the Russian military has be rtively conservative.
If it weren¡¯t for the British Government¡¯s me-shifting, which exposed the weakbat capability of the British forces, Marshal Ivanov would absolutely not advocate for war now.
Alexander III hesitated; a Tsar who dared not wage war was not a qualified Tsar.
Being peace-loving was just a matter of interest. Now that the British had exposed their weakness, it would be utterly irrational not to take the opportunity to kick them while they¡¯re down!
But are the British really that weak?
Alexander III was very skeptical; he knew very well that the Indian Colonial Army did not represent the truebat strength of the British Army.
The troops attacking Afghanistan this time consisted mostly of the Indian Colonial Army, with less than one fifth of the total forcesing from the maind.
Seeing Alexander III wavering, Ivanov continued to persuade, "Your Majesty, the British have long been hollow inside.
After so many years, they haven¡¯t made any progress. Thebat strength of the British forces probably isn¡¯t even up to the level during the first Near Eastern War.
The Afghan war is a testament, and the earlier South African war also serves as proof.
At that time, the British sent their main forces, yet they couldn¡¯t even defeat a hastily assembled militia from Austria. Thebat strength of the British forces can be imagined.
Now is the best opportunity. The three Khanates of Central Asia have already been crippled, and it won¡¯t be long before our troops reach Afghanistan.
Even though the British have preemptively upied the Afghan Region, their foundation there is unstable, and there are guerris causing trouble.
We canpletely take advantage of their vulnerability and take over the Afghan Region toy the groundwork for advancing south into India."
The survival of the fittest was the essence of the era, and the Tsarist Government¡¯s initial goal was simply to take control of the Central Asia region.
As for the Afghan Region, since it had fallen into British hands, the military had abandoned hope and was preparing to wait for the next opportunity.
However, ns never keep up with changes, and when they discovered that the British forces upying the Afghan Region were weak and couldn¡¯t even handle the Afghan Guerris, Marshal Ivanov immediately changed his mind.
"Heaven¡¯s gifts not seized invite Heaven¡¯s wrath."
To miss such an opportunity was akin to a crime. As the leader of the military, how could he turn away such low-hanging fruit and instead seek out tough opponents?
Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes added, "We recently had a secret contact with the French. The Paris Government doesn¡¯t oppose our entry into the Indian Ocean.
If we were to fall out with the British now, the French wouldn¡¯t send troops to interfere, and Austria would support us.
All diplomatic obstacles have been cleared. The remaining issues are military ones. As long as the military is confident of victory, we can implement the southern strategy."
Upon hearing the news, Alexander III was startled, "The French turned their allies over so quickly?"
He then realized that it seemed the French Government didn¡¯t wish to betray their allies, but currently, they couldn¡¯t give any help to the British either.
Due to issues in Central Europe, France and Austria were having disputes. At this time, to send troops to help the British would just be giving Austria an opportunity, right?
"Are there any financial issues?"
Traditionally, almost every time before a war would break out, the Finance Ministry would conventionally object.
It wasn¡¯t that the Finance Ministercked a bigger picture, mainly the Tsarist Government was poor. If they didn¡¯t take precautions, what would happen if the war ran out of money halfway through?
No one wanted to be the scapegoat. Hence, the Russian Finance Minister had always been the leader of the anti-war faction. As long as he mentioned financial difficulties beforehand, if funds ran out in the middle of the war, it wouldn¡¯t be the fault of the Finance Ministry.
Each time the Finance Ministry opposed, and it was rare to encounter a case when they didn¡¯t, which is why Alexander III was surprised.
Finance Minister Alisher Gurov answered with a smile, "There are indeed some financial difficulties, but with the effort of various colleagues, we have raised a war fund.
Justst month, we signed a loan contract with the Austrian National Bank for 50 million divine shield; additionally, we reached an agreement with the French finance group. We¡¯ve issued bonds worth 270 million Francs secured against industrial raw materials.
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As long as our total forces do not exceed half a million men and the war does notst over a year, our finances will be sustainable."
(1 pound = 2 divine shields = 25 Francs)
In fact, it¡¯s not only the military that coveted India; the Finance Ministry¡¯s desire for India was second to none.
Because of profits from war trophies sold after the third Near East War and substantial funds obtained from helping Austria settle immigrants, the Tsarist Government had offset nearly thirty percent of its debt.
Combined with the debts steadily repaid over recent years, the Tsarist Government¡¯s total debt had decreased by nearly forty percent.
Apart from reduced debt pressure, Russia¡¯s economy had also developed to some extent in recent years. Although the pace was still snail-like, it was, at least, progressing.
With both internally umted and externally borrowed funds, the war expenses for several hundred thousand troops for one year were secured.
Alexander III eximed in surprise, "The French agreed to issue bonds for us?"
No wonder he was astonished, for due to Russia¡¯s reputation, its government bonds could only be sold domestically and were unsble even in allied Austria.
Regardless of the rtionship or high interest rates, financial institutions that had suffered losses were unwilling to take a second chance.
In contrast, French financial regtion was much looser. Bonds represent risk investments; in case of defaults, the buyer bears the responsibility alone; the issuing agency doesn¡¯t need to bear any joint liability.
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Capitalists, after all, are swayed by sufficient profits, which naturally attract participants. What surprised Alexander III was that the French Government hadn¡¯t intervened.
It¡¯s important to know that Ennd and France were allies. For the French to issue bonds for Russians at this time was outright like stabbing their ally.
Finance Minister Alisher Gurov nodded his head, "Yes, the French Government has not interfered!
However, the interest and fees are very high, and the bond amount can¡¯t be toorge. It can only be carried out in the mode of private enterprise fundraising."
For the Tsarist Government, the process is not important; the result is what matters. As long as the funds could be secured, there was no substantial difference between corporate and government bonds.
...
Chapter 859 - 122, Smashing the Pot
France and Russia had their secret contacts, and Ennd and Austria also never ceased their connections. It was just that everyone tacitly understood and pretended not to see.
If things were taken too seriously, one would end up with no friends at all.
The international rtions of thete 19th century had be a tangled mess. France and Austria were opposed on Central European issues but agreed on Central Asian ones.
Although their motives differed, both aimed to incite an Anglo-Russian war to weaken their rival¡¯s power.
Conversely, Britain and Russia were nearly the same. They were on the verge of conflict in Central Asia, and their positions on Central European issues were nearly identical, aiming to have France and Austria fight each other and prevent either from bing dominant.
...
London
Despite knowing that France and Russia had long been flirting behind the scenes, the news of the French issuing bonds for the Russians still caused strong dissatisfaction within the British Government.
Prime Minister dstone, frowning, asked, "Issuing bonds for the Russians at this time, what are the French trying to do?"
The timing was too sensitive¡ªearlier orter would have been fine, but they chose the moment when Ennd and Russia were falling out, making the intended challenge all too obvious.
Foreign Minister George exined, "The French are retaliating. We had promised to support their expansion of influence in Central Europe, but when they sought coal interests in Prussia and Germany, the government opted for neutrality."
Was it truly just "neutrality"?
The answer was: no!
If the British Government hadn¡¯t fanned the mes; hadn¡¯t secretly held back the French; the European anti-French wave wouldn¡¯t have erupted so easily.
Perhaps in the eyes of the British Government, not directly opposing was already the greatest support France could receive.
Secretly encouraging Prussia and Germany and sending ambiguous warnings to the French government, these actions of pulling the rug out from under someone were just professional habits, nothing too serious at all.
For the French government to react fiercely to such allies would have been the real issue.
After all, it was a mutual exploitation, with neither party truly regarding the other as an ally¡ªit was no surprise for some secret undermining to take ce.
In fact, from the very beginning, the British had dug a pit. Supporting French "expansion of influence" did not equate to supporting territorial expansion, as these were two entirely different concepts. Continue reading on NovelBin.C?m
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Perhaps during negotiations, to cheat someone, diplomats might speak ambiguously or make oral promises. But nothing in writing ever supported the French territorial expansion into Central Europe.
The French Empire had already grown very powerful, and if allowed to expand further, filling itsst shoring, a new surge in strength was inevitable.
A mere Channel separates Ennd and France; if France were to continue to grow stronger, Britannia would truly lose sleep over it.
Prime Minister dstone rubbed his forehead. This exnation left him speechless, as from Britannia¡¯s perspective, there was no problem in hindering the French.
Ennd and France, ancient enemies for centuries, could not be resolved by a mere treaty. Containing the growth of France had always been the British Government¡¯s primary task.
Although Austria and Russia were also enemies, due to the distance, the British Government did not feel it as acutely.
If the Tsarist Government wasn¡¯t eyeing the Central Asian region, threatening India¡¯s safety, the two would not have confronted each other directly.
After hesitating for a while, Prime Minister dstone made his request, "Find a way to give the French something to do.
They must not be left idle to hinder us, and at the same time, they must keep Austria in check."
To meet these two criteria, only letting France and Austria scrap with each other would do. Sowing discord, a trick the British excelled at all along.
Given the current rtionship between France and Austria, there seemed to be no need to continue sowing discord, simply intensifying the conflict would suffice.
After plotting for a while, Foreign Minister George nodded, "No problem, the Foreign Office will find them something to do promptly.
However, doing so willpletely push Prussia and Germany to Austria¡¯s side. Given Habsburg¡¯s ability to rally allies, the French will likely suffer a disadvantage."
It was over Prussia and Germany that France and Austria had started fighting, and once the conflict escted, those two at the center of the storm would not be able to disengage.
Even due to the French government¡¯sck of discretion, their international reputation took yet another hit, and as their neighbors, it was impossible not to worry.
Against such a backdrop, once European tensions rose, even if Austria did not act, European countries would push Austria to counterbnce the French.
Without war breaking out, a bickering France and Austria would put the isted French government at a disadvantage.
As for if a war truly broke out, George could not predict the oue. After all, the French¡¯s reputation was formidable, and Austria¡¯s strength was robust with many potential allies.
Prime Minister dstone scoffed, "How will they know our importance if they don¡¯t suffer a little?
Having just entered into an alliance, they hurriedly reached for Central Europe, not even knowing to pick a good opportunity.
The French have had it too easy these past years, to the point where they¡¯ve be forgetful of their ce, and arrogant to an unconquerable degree."
...
Compared to the British Government, in fact, Franz was even more tense about France and Russia drawing closer.
Geography dictated this; Austria was sandwiched between France and Russia. Should these two draw closer, Austria faced too great a strategic danger.
Yet with some historical experience as a lesson, Franz chose to bide his time in silence, acting as though he knew nothing.
He had not stopped the loans to Russia as revenge against the Tsarist Government for ying both sides. He also suppressed voices within the government advocating against Russia.
"Let Russia¡¯s affairs be over for now. Regardless of what the Tsarist Government has done, we will act as if nothing has happened.
"The Ministry of Foreign Affairs can express dissatisfaction as appropriate, but all other issues should be discussed only after the outbreak of the war between Britain and Russia."
"There will definitely be a reckoning after the fall, but the premise must be that it happens after the fall."
"If Austria acts up now and causes trouble for the Russians, how can the Tsarist Government have the confidence topete with the British over the Afghan Region?"
"If the Russians lose the war, they will surely suffer heavy losses, and they may even squander the national fortune they have amassed in recent years all at once."
"Don¡¯t be fooled by the current apparent strength of the Russian Empire; remember, the Empire has been seriously damaged in the previous wars."
"The loss of millions of young and strong workers cannot be reced overnight."
"Justpare the poption growth rate of the Russian Empire over thest thirty years to understand the extent of the damage caused by the wars."
"Especially after the Second Prusso-Russian War, the poption of the Russian Empire declined for many years in a row, and it has only just managed to stop decreasing."
"Under these circumstances, if Russia sends another one or two million troops to Central Asia and then happens to lose the war, the ruling foundation of the Tsarist Government will be shaken."
"Of course, if they win the war, all these problems will be negligible. Victory can suppress all dissent, and with the Afghan Region secured, the Tsarist Government will unite to strive for India."
"The problem is, it¡¯s easy to take over Afghanistan, but not so simple to assimte the Afghan Region."
"Unless they follow Austria¡¯s policy of native relocation and move the locals away."
"Otherwise, with guerris wreaking havoc inside and the British covetously watching from outside, the Russians will never have peace."
"All Austria needs to do is give them a little push at the right time. Though it¡¯s a bit despicable to undermine an ally like this, it was the Russians who first cozied up to the French."
"¡"
Minister of Agriculture Hols reminded, "Your Majesty, ording to data collected by the Ministry of Agriculture, the grain self-sufficiency ns of both Ennd and France have achieved phased results."
"Especially the French with theirrge farm project, which has developed rapidly in French African territories after the French government reced a batch of colonial officials."
"If nothing goes wrong, France¡¯s grain shortfall this year will be reduced to within 1.8 million tons, and it won¡¯t be long before they achieve grain self-sufficiency."
"However, it is said that the operating costs of the farms established by the French in Africa are high, and only a few can break even, with most relying on financial allocations."
This result did not surprise Franz.
"The main reason for the grain shortage in France is the Italian Area; the grain supply in their maind is actually sufficient."
"To reduce foreign exchange expenditure, in recent years, farms have been established in ces like Egypt, Algeria, Moro, and Tunisia to bridge the grain gap¡ªit is only a matter of time."
"As for the high operating costs of the farms, that was to be expected. The areas in French Africa suitable for agriculture are limited."
"Many ces are already owned, and the owners can¡¯t all be driven out, right? Many localndowners have long be French colonists."
"Besides seizing some of the indigenousnds, most of the farms were directly established by the French government, and many are in areas with less than optimal natural conditions¡ªthey are just barely passable."
"If the irrigation facilities are perfected, the subsequent problems should be minor. However, all of this requires time, and won¡¯t be settled shortly."
"In the short term, these farms depend on the weather for grain production, and thus yields can¡¯t be very high. Coupled with the management by the bureaucrats, which adds a significant additional cost, operating at a loss is the norm."
Franz nodded, "The timing is about right, the promotion of potash fertilizers also needs time, there¡¯s no need to keep hiding it."
"Introducing fertilizers at this time, Austria certainly won¡¯t lose the most."
"Affected by the decline in international grain prices, Austria has been reducing its main crop nting area in recent years."
"Apart from meeting domestic consumption, it has scarcely exported anymore. Domestic grain-processing industries have begun to import grain from Russia heavily."
"In some sense, the rebound in the Russian economy under the backdrop of falling international grain prices was caused by Austria¡¯s policy of reducing grain production."
"However, these good days are about to be gone forever. No matter how much Austria reduces its capacity, its agricultural volume remains."
"Even with the current potash fertilizers, which are not as effective as those of the future, increasing grain production by only five percent is enough to feed six or seven million people."
"The extra yield definitely needs to be absorbed by the market."
"With Ennd and France practicing self-sufficiency, the international grain market is not growing but rather shrinking."
"Any domestic grain surplus will definitely be prioritized for Austria¡¯s own use, and it will be much harder for the Russians to find buyers."
"The reality is likely to be even worse; with potash fertilizers unable to be kept secret, European countries will start to emte the practice."
"As grain production capacity increases across various countries, the international grain market will shrink dramatically, and prices will continue to fall."
"In some ways, this is akin to smashing your own pot. Austria can find ways to increase grain consumption and get through the agricultural crisis, but the Russians will be out of luck."
"Just as the war between Britain and Russia ends, an agricultural crisis erupts, dooming the Tsarist Government to tighten its belt for many years toe."
"Franz can swear to God that the tactic of inflicting a thousand damages on the enemy at the cost of a hundred to oneself was never originally intended against an ally."
"It was nned to start smashing the pot as soon as Ennd and France achieved grain self-sufficiency, dragging everyone into an era of grain costpetition."
"s, ns cannot keep up with changes, and it was only at the time of implementation that it suddenly became clear that, it seems, the Russian Empire is the biggest victim."
"There¡¯s no other reason; Ennd, France, and Austria are industrial nations with supporting industrial chains, only the Tsarist Government is heavily dependent on agriculture."
Chapter 860 - 123, the Envoy Incident Erupts
Inside the Prime Minister¡¯s office on Downing Street, the atmosphere was especially eerie.
Prime Minister dstone roared, "What is the Police Department for? How could something like this happen?"
There was no way around it, just a few hours ago, Russian Envoy Whight-Nichs was attacked on his way to the UK Foreign Office and had since met his God.
It goes without saying that even if Britain and Russia had not officially gone to war, at most the British government could only expel the Russian envoy and had to ensure his personal safety before he left.
ording to the rules of the game, every government had an obligation to guarantee the personal safety of foreign envoys. With the ident of the Russian envoy, the British government could hardly shirk its responsibility.
Minister of Police Rogers replied bitterly, "It was aplete ident. Envoy Whight was on his way to the Foreign Office when he encountered a protesting crowd.
A journalist among the people approached for an interview, and Envoy Whight¡¯s response was somewhat excessive, which sparked dissatisfaction among the people, leading to a conflict."
Although the police apanying him tried to block the crowd, someone unknown started throwing misceneous objects at Envoy Whight. A stone happened to hit Whight¡¯s head, and he died on the spot after failed resuscitation efforts.
An exnation is a disguise; the incident happened, and the police¡¯s failure in security was a fact. No matter how it was exined, it couldn¡¯t be whitewashed.
The conflict appeared idental, but was everything really just a coincidence?
Prime Minister dstone was deeply skeptical and said mockingly, "All just coincidental idents, and the Police Department isn¡¯t at fault at all.
Then tell me, how did these flying stonese to be on London¡¯s busiest street?"
An idental encounter and anguage conflict are understandable, given that the positions of both parties differ.
However, the flying stone presents a problem. On London¡¯s busiest streets, if there were stones on the ground, sanitation workers would have cleaned them up long ago.
Bringing something like bread to a protest could be understood, but who would bring a stone just for the sake of it?
Even if the asional person has a strange habit, it¡¯s improbable that a whole group does. There was only one fatal stone, but many were thrown at Envoy Whight.
Minister of Police Rogers exined, "ording to the suspects that the police arrested, these stones were intended for smashing ss.
We have confirmed that the protest crowd was headed towards the Russian Embassy. Recently, it¡¯s the third time the embassy¡¯s ss has been smashed by the public.
After synthesizing all the information, we determined that this was an idental event, mainly because the Russians went too far.
ording to personnel at the scene, when the journalist asked about the Russian Army¡¯s sneak attack on our Afghan garrison, Envoy Whight publicly taunted: ¡¯Even if it was us, what can you do about it?¡¯
That statement triggered the public¡¯s anger, leading to what happened afterwards.
The incident was so sudden that the police responsible for Envoy Whight¡¯s safety simply couldn¡¯t disperse the crowd in time."
Sidestepping the main issue and creatively interpreting events equates to a final answer.
It¡¯s not that Rogers was irresponsible; these kinds of situations are impossible to investigate deeply, and the best course of action is to close the case as soon as possible.
The longer the issue drags on, the greater the trouble it causes. Regardless of the government¡¯s stance, in the hearts of many, the person who killed Envoy Whight is a British hero.
Prime Minister dstone held back his words, for how could the public understand what those who nned these actions knew all too well.
The Russian Army¡¯s sneak attack on the British garrison in Afghanistan was a fabrication, and the wrongfully used Russians naturally couldn¡¯t acknowledge it.
Russian Envoy Whight in London was a straightforward man. Scolded by journalists, it would also be normal for him to utter some harsh words in heat.
Sensing the tense atmosphere, Foreign Minister George interjected, "The situation has reached this point; how Envoy Whight died is no longer important.
No matter what answer we provide, the Russians will not ept it, and we must prepare for the worst."
The death of an envoy, without anypensation of benefits, no nation would ept such a dubious exnation.
Undoubtedly, the rtionship between Ennd and Russia had broken down, and the British Government was now unable to offerpensation to the enemy.
"Ah!"
Prime Minister dstone sighed deeply.
Initially, the me was put on the Russians merely to quell the adverse effects of a frontline defeat and avoid a political crisis.
Due to geographical reasons, it was impossible for Britain to attack the Russians, and civilian uproar made no difference.
Although the parliamentarians often had flights of fancy, they were lucid about one thing: theirck of confidence in the British Army.
They wouldn¡¯t instigate a war, and the Tsarist Government wasn¡¯t prepared for prolonged conflict. The possibility of a war erupting over a verbal dispute was virtually nil; there was truly no need to worry about the situation spiraling out of control.
ording to the original n, rtions between Ennd and Russia were merely to continue deteriorating, with diplomatic wrangling taking its slow course.
But ns never keep up with changes. The Russian Envoy was killed in broad daylight, forcing both the British and Russian Governments into a corner.
The British Government could not provide a response that would satisfy the Russians due to political factors; they couldn¡¯t even hand over the murderer.
From the moment the London police ssified the incident as an ident, it was apparent that those fellows weren¡¯t really trying, influenced as they were by public opinion.
The British Government had its difficulties, but wasn¡¯t the Russian Government in the same boat?
With the British Army¡¯s defeats in the Afghan Region, the War Party within the Tsarist Government saw their power swell quickly.
Now, with this incident urring, if a satisfactory response was not obtained, no one but God could prevent war from breaking out.
After hesitating for a moment, Prime Minister dstone said slowly, "Order the Governor of India to prepare for war with utmost effort, and we must also start preparing domestically.
"Just the Indian Colony is no match for the Russians; once war breaks out, we need to send troops to reinforce the Afghan Region in the shortest time possible.
"The UK Foreign Office must continue diplomatic efforts; if possible, this war should be avoided."
Having just gained a foothold in the Afghan Region, for the British Government, it was most important to swiftly clear up the local conflicts and to re-establish social order. To go to war with the Russians at this point would be purely a loss.
Even if they won the war, they wouldn¡¯t have the strength to enter Central Asia; if they lost, not only would they have to give up Afghanistan, which they¡¯d just secured, but the Indian Colony would be under constant threat from the Russians.
...
Despite the British Government¡¯s efforts to suppress the news, the murder of the Russian Envoy spread like wildfire.
By the time the news reached the Vienna Pce the following afternoon, Franz¡¯s first thought upon hearing the news was ¡ª impossible.
"An Envoy of a nation killed in broad daylight" ¡ª was this some kind of international joke?
Defined by the British as "an ident," such an exnation needed to be believed to be effective.
Whether it was a stone thrown by mistake or any other reason, from the beginning, the "Envoy Case" was tied to conspiracy.
As to who the mastermind behind the scenes might be, that was a difficult question to answer. It wasn¡¯t that it was hard to guess, rather there were simply too many suspects.
The mastermind could be an enemy of the British, possibly an enemy of the Russians, or it might even be the War Parties of both Britain and Russia.
If one were to delve deeper, it would be revealed that both Britain and Russia were champions of attracting hatred; theirbined enemies roughly equated to the whole world.
One doesn¡¯t benefit the more enemies they have, and for Franz, vignce was necessary against such hidden peers.
"Analyzing the current international situation, who do you think is most likely behind this?" Your journey continues with NovelBin.C?m
No sooner had Franz finished speaking than he felt he had asked a foolish question. If suspicion was to be allocated, Austria certainly topped the list.
The Vienna Government had done quite a lot in an effort to provoke a war between Ennd and Russia. Some of those activities could not even be kept secret.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg replied, "Suspicion-wise, we and the French are the most likely culprits. After excluding ourselves, the French would be the most likely suspects.
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"However, this conclusion isn¡¯t very reasonable. There are many ways to provoke a war between Ennd and Russia; normally, the French Government would not resort to harming an Envoy of a country."
Deep down, Franz felt somewhat embarrassed. It was better not to dwell on the past... Let the ignominious history fade into the annals of time.
However, Weisenberg¡¯s ratiocination was correct. In normal circumstances, politicians would not opt for extreme measures.
After all, that was a high-risk endeavor; if the news leaked, it could result in a significant scandal. Offending both Ennd and Russia was a guaranteed disaster.
Even if action was necessary, the preferred choice would be to use a cat¡¯s paw. Only the scapegoat could be caught in the crosshairs of an investigation.
Franz shook his head: "Forget it, let¡¯s leave this problem for the British and Russian Governments to worry about.
"Regardless of who the mastermind is, in the short term, it is to our advantage.
"With such an incident urring at this juncture, war between Britain and Russia is almost inevitable.
"From now on, we need not get involved. We¡¯ll leave the stage to Ennd and Russia and simply watch their performance."
The more critical the moment, the less one should stick their neck out. What if Austria were mistaken as the mastermind by Ennd and Russia? That would be a real injustice.
Such matters only be more tainted the more one tries to clean them. Once involved, there was no washing it off.
Chapter 861 - 124: Countdown to War
St. Petersburg, upon receiving the news of Envoy Whight¡¯s assassination in London, Alexander III exploded with anger.
If not for thest shred of reason that remained, restraining him from killing the British Ambassador in retaliation, the greatest political scandal of the century would have ensued.
"This is the British exnation, they clearly think we are fools!"
Having said that, Alexander III tore up the document, proving with his actions that he was indeed furious.
There was no way he could not be angry. ording to the British, the main responsibilityy with Envoy Whight for his unguardedments, which enraged the British public and caused the ident.
The dead cannot speak, and all the parties involved were controlled by the British; the truth of the matter was therefore impossible to discern.
No matter whether others believed it or not, Alexander III certainly did not. Envoy Whight was personally appointed by him; he may have had many ws, but he was definitely not a fool.
Had he been sent to some minor countries, perhaps then he could have indeed been arrogant. But as the Ambassador to the Britain, where would Whight get the audacity to act arrogantly?
Especially iming that the Russian Army hadunched a surprise attack on the British forces in Afghanistan, which was utter nonsense.
Not to mention that the incident was aplete fabrication, even if it had truly happened, the overseas Envoy could not possibly admit to it while the Tsarist Government firmly denied any such event.
Marshal Ivanov, the Army Minister, advised, "Your Majesty, please calm your anger. There is no need to damage your health over these damned British.
When the Central Asian war ends, we can slowly settle our scores with them."
Having be the leader of the War Party, Marshal Ivanov still did not change his consistently prudent style.
Retaliation against the British was necessary, but it would have to wait until after the conflict.
A premature falling out with the British, apart from being a waste of breath, would not have any practical impact and might even increase the difficulty of the war.
The governmental systems of Britain and Russia were different; the Tsarist Government controlled all state power and could prepare the nation for war at any given moment, but the British Government had to be constrained by the Parliament.
Before a war began, the government could not bypass Parliament and directly order national mobilization. Even just preparation for war could only be conducted on a small scale.
Not to take advantage of the present superiority would be foolish.
After a pause, Alexander III nodded, "If the British want war, then we shall oblige them.
The Foreign Ministry must secure the cooperation of France and Austria, and, working with the Finance Ministry, raise as much funding as possible. This war won¡¯t end quickly."
Having made a decision, Alexander III still felt uncertain. Having learned from the lessons of the Prusso-Russian War, he was reluctant to engage in warfare with any great power.
Yet the tide of events was not something that could be swayed by individual will. The repeated provocations by the British had touched upon the bottom line of the Russian Empire.
...
On the Afghanistan battlefield, the outside world¡¯s turmoil had not yet reached, and General Patrick was unaware that his telegram shirking responsibility could be yet another turning point in the rtions between Britain and Russia.
At the moment, General Patrick was still troubled by the steadily increasing number of casualties.
Particrly since two nights ago, when the headquarters of The Seventh Indian Colonial Division suffered an attack by guerris and then a mutiny ensued.
"Hurst, where is that idiot? Why didn¡¯t hee to the meeting?"
The meeting was intended for ountability, and the fact that the person involved hadn¡¯t shown up made it understandable for General Patrick to fly into a rage.
An aide close by replied, "Commander, sir, Major General Hurst was attacked by a bomb on his way to the headquarters and is currently being rescued."
This response made Patrick¡¯s heart sink halfway.
In the mutiny two days ago, many of The Seventh Colonial Division¡¯s high-ranking officers had met their maker. If Major General Hurst, the divisionmander, met God as well, matters would be dire.
Usually, dead men need not be held ountable. Dying on the way to the meeting from an attack was considered dying in the line of duty.
If all the officers who could have been held ountable were dead, and the subordinate officers weren¡¯t qualified to bear the responsibility, then the me would fall on Patrick, the overallmander.
It is worth noting that it had been many years since Britannia lost an officer of Major General¡¯s rank in foreign warfare.
Even though officers of the India Colonial Division were a notch below regr forces, a Major General was still a Major General.
With the person in question¡¯s fate unknown, General Patrick no longer had the heart to continue the ountability session.
"Understood, read the casualty report for the Seventh Division."
The young officer behind him holding the documents immediately replied, "Yes!"
"After the outbreak in the camp, the Seventh Division suffered 786 killed, 565 wounded, and 1,218 missing on the spot, including 76 officers killed and 94 wounded.
Additionally, 7 supply depots were burned down by fierce fires, and there was an explosion in an ammunition depot..." Discover stories at NovelBin.C?m
As he listened to the casualty report, General Patrick¡¯s heart bled as if it were dripping blood. They hadn¡¯t even encountered the shadow of the enemy, and they¡¯d lost the strength of a battalion just like that.
It was one thing to suffer losses in defeat, after all, it was a colonial division, and the soldiers that died could be recruited again¡ªIndia was never short of people.
The loss of officers was a different matter altogether; the higher echelons of the Seventh Indian Colonial Division had been practically wiped out. It¡¯s important to remember that the mid and high-ranking officers of the colonial divisions were British. If they were lost on the battlefield, they couldn¡¯t be immediately reced.
Once this report reached home, it would be another deadly stain on General Patrick¡¯s military career.
As for the missing soldiers, since they were Indians, the colonialnds were plentiful, and such cannon fodder was not valuable; Patrick dismissed them outright.
"You all heard it¡ªthe incident with the Seventh Division is a warning bell for all of us.
You¡¯re all well aware of the caliber of the troops youmand. Watch your units, I don¡¯t want a simr incident happening again.
With the Seventh Division having suffered heavy losses, they must withdraw and rest. During the uing encirclement battles, you will be tasked with detaching troops to fill these gaps."
Upon hearing the order to redistribute troops, everyone¡¯s expression immediately tensed.
The Afghan region is vast. In the nned encirclement, each unit¡¯s defensive area isrge, with an inevitable shortage of troops. Dividing further will only increase everyone¡¯s pressure.
An older officer spoke up to persuade, "Commander Sir, our Eleventh Division¡¯s defensive area exceeds one hundred Londons. If we divide our forces further, I fear we will struggle toplete the task of containing the guerri forces.
As far as I know, not only is the Eleventh Division¡¯s arearge, but the situations facing all the units are simr.
The war has raged on for so long, and none of us have had a chance to rest. Morale has dropped to the lowest point since the beginning of hostilities.
Now it¡¯s not suitable to continue pursuing the guerris into the mountains. It would be better to pull the troops back to rest for a while, and after reinforcements have arrived, we can proceed with the encirclement."
The facts were right there before them. These units hadn¡¯t properly rested since the outbreak of the war.
The mutiny in the Seventh Indian Colonial Division and the constant fighting had contributed to the decline in morale and the heightened tension among the soldiers.
"Commander Sir, Major General Winston is right; the troops do indeed need to rest. If we keep fighting like this, mutiny will break out in our forces."
"Commander Sir, the troops really need to rest..."
...
Just as General Patrick had said, only he knew the true mettle of the troops hemanded. But it was precisely because they knew all too well that they had no confidence in dividing their forces.
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Words of persuasion came up in ones and twos, pulling Patrick back to reality¡ªhis forces were indeed exhausted.
One must remember that these were not elite troops capable of continuousbat for several months. That they had been able to do so was already beyond their normal capacity.
No, using "continuousbat" might be a bit of an exaggeration. However, on average, they did have abat mission every ten days to half a month, usually involving the encirclement of guerri forces.
To elite units, this might not differ much from a field trip. But for the Indian Colonial Divisions, it was pushing the limits.
Yet, giving up like this was something General Patrick found hard to ept. They had finally managed to encircle the main force of the guerris, and backing off now would mean all previous efforts were in vain.
Without making a move now, fearing there would be no next opportunity.
The London Government was already very dissatisfied with the British Army¡¯s poor performance on the battlefield. If they couldn¡¯t achieve results, changingmanders would be just a matter of time.
Patrick did not want to return in disgrace; he now had to deliver a passable report to prove his capability to the home front.
"Reinforcements will arrive next week. You have all worked hard for so long¡ªI believe none of you want to return without aplishment!
Just hold on for one more week, and others wille to relieve you. Put in the effort, and I believe you can ovee the difficulties..."
Upon receiving the good news of iing reinforcements, the crowd reluctantly epted the oue. After all, you can¡¯t twist the arm that¡¯s stronger than yours. You can¡¯t disobey orders on the battlefield!
Chapter 862 - 125: Building Momentum
The British Army continues to fight hard on the Afghan battlefield, while on the Central Asian battlefield, the oue has been decided, with the Russians proving themselves to still be that awe-inspiring steamroller of Europe.
Of course, this victory is touted by the Tsarist Government, and the rest of the world remains in the dark about the actual situation.
What can be confirmed is that the Russian Army did indeed defeat the main forces of the three Central Asian countries and has taken the initiative on the battlefield, as for whether they will be engulfed in a sea of people¡¯s war, that is something only the Russians would know.
Though Franz followed the situation in Central Asia, he didn¡¯t send people to collect intelligence on the ground; most of the information in the hands of the Vienna Government came from Britain and Russia themselves.
This point in time was too sensitive; if Austria got too involved, it could easily be mistaken by both Britain and Russia as having ambitions in Central Asia.
"How far have the Russians gotten with their war preparations, and when can theyunch an attack on the Afghan region?"
In fact, the Tsarist Government had started preparing for war as early as a year ago. However, at that time, the goal was only to capture parts of Central Asia.
Afghanistan wasn¡¯t even in the Tsarist Government¡¯s ns; at most, it aimed to support a regime filled with guilt to act as a buffer between Britain and Russia.
As the progress on the battlefield went smoothly and with the British Army¡¯s poor performance, the Russians¡¯ expectations kept on rising, and now they want to swallow the Afghan region.
Under these circumstances, the original war preparations naturally became insufficient. Approximately three months ago, Alexander III issued a national war readiness order.
But "national war readiness" is not the same as "national mobilization." The geography of the Afghan region limits the troops both sides can deploy; as long as there is sufficient material, a mere few hundred thousand soldiers wouldn¡¯t require the Russians to mobilize the entire country.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "This is just a local war, theoretically speaking, after such a long time, the Russians should havepleted their war preparations.
However, analyzing the Russian Empire¡¯s military movement, material flow, and railway transport, it seems that they still need some time to coordinate."
War is a true test of a government¡¯s organizational ability, and Franz held no confidence in the Russian bureaucracy¡ªinherent chaos was inevitable.
Preparing for war is not just about producing materials; what¡¯s crucial is getting those supplies into the hands of the soldiers at the front to be effectively utilized.
The First World War in the original timeline was a crowning achievement of Russian bureaucratic inefficiency, with soldiers on the front lines starving while food rotted in warehouses at the rear.
Simr incidents urred during the two Prusso-Russian wars. In fact, in the First Prusso-Russian War, the Russian Army was also doomed by domestic bureaucracy.
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"By the way, British media published news yesterday of Russian troopsmitting massacres in Central Asia,plete with photos.
If the news is true, then the situation in Central Asia isn¡¯t as peaceful as the Tsarist Government ims."
Hearing the news of the "massacre," Franz¡¯s brows furrowed. Since thete 19th century, reports of massacres had be rare worldwide.
However, given the Russian Army¡¯s manner, a few massacres wouldn¡¯t be surprising. After all, the Central Asian Khanates were still branded as traitors, and the Russians were certainly out for revenge against traitors.
If this news weren¡¯t released by the British, then the credibility would be even higher.
There¡¯s no helping it; the integrity of the British is truly low. Even with pictures as proof, they could also be falsified.
It¡¯s just a matter of changing uniforms; as long as there are political needs, Franz believes John Bull would be up to the task.
Although massacring the natives wasn¡¯t a big deal in those days, it did still significantly harm a country¡¯s international image.
At this critical juncture, where a war between Ennd and Russia could break out at any moment, the side with the better international image would find it easier to gain the support of international public opinion during the war.
After pondering for a moment, Franz seriously said, "Send someone to verify the truth of the news as quickly as possible; prepare the propaganda department for opinion guidance work, and ensure the massacre doesn¡¯t affect us."
Russia and Austria are allies, and if the Russian massacre were confirmed, Austria would also be scolded by public opinion.
It¡¯s one thing to be criticized internationally¡ªFranz, even if he wanted to, couldn¡¯t reach that far.
But domestic public opinion must be controlled; under no circumstances should public opinion be allowed to hijack government decision-making.
From beginning to end, Franz¡¯s focus was on Austria itself. As for the troubles of the Russians, could those be considered real troubles?
If it were at all feasible, he would be keen to support the Central Asian peoples¡¯ anti-invasion war.
...
St. Petersburg
"The British smear our international image extensively, what do you think we should do in response?"
One could tell from his tone that Alexander III did not take this seriously.
Being scolded was just part of the routine; after all, the Russian Empire also had a tradition of being scolded internationally, and life had continued just the same despite hundreds of years of European criticism.
In Alexander III¡¯s view, whether the Russian Army had massacred in Central Asia was not essentially important.
The Russian Empire¡¯s image in the European world was that of barbarians, not something that could be reversed with just a few words.
Barbarians massacring was entirely normal. If the Russian Army had notmitted any offenses in Central Asia, that would have been strange.
Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes replied, "Your Majesty, the massacre that the British speak of took ce in Central Asia, and the dead were all native heathens. The European world will not pay too much attention.
If we try to rify directly, we will fall into the British trap. No matter how much evidence we present, there will be people who are predisposed to believe that the massacre is true.
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Instead, we should do the opposite. If the British use us of massacres in Central Asia, we can also expose their atrocities in the Afghan Region and in India...
If we still cannot withstand the pressure, then we should dredge up past affairs and drag all the colonial empires into the mire to dissipate the international opinion¡¯s pressure."
Perhaps other countries could use the Russians of massacring, but the British had no right to do so. The things they had done in the Afghan Region were no better than massacring.
In fact, in this era ofparative degradation, no one was cleaner than the other. Every colonial empire was built on mountains of corpses and seas of blood, without exception.
In recent years, there had been little news of massacres, but that did not mean they had not urred.
Only that everyone had learned to be more subtle and handle things quietly. The impact of a massacre was too detrimental; although they might have been less frequent, colonial killings still happened often.
Alexander III nodded. There was no need for exnations; his own people knew their own affairs. How the Russian Army¡¯s discipline was, everybody was crystal clear about it.
Perhaps they did not resort to massacring at every turn, but massacres happening were nothing out of the ordinary, and moreover, this was tacitly permitted by the Tsarist government.
From the moment the three Central Asian Khanates stabbed Russia in the back, the Tsarist government had resolved to retaliate. The Russian Army on the frontline was simply carrying out this will.
"The problem of public opinion is a minor one; it won¡¯t affect the uing war. The key is the situation in Central Asia.
Marshal Ivanov, how much longer does the military need to clear the area and initiate the next operational n?"
Although not particrly focused on details, Alexander III still recognized the instability of the situation in Central Asia.
The Russian Army on the frontline was not madmen; they would resort to extreme measures only when social order copsed.
Under normal circumstances, they would at most rob wealth and women. Without adequate benefits, one would have to be full and idle to engage in massacring.
Marshal Ivanov, having kept his head down in silence trying to minimize his presence, realized he could not avoid speaking and stiffly replied, "Your Majesty, given the current situation, I cannot provide an exact timeframe.
Central Asia is too vast. After defeating the enemy¡¯s main forces, numerous scattered soldiers and bandits are rampaging across thend, causing havoc. We find it difficult to locate their hideouts for the time being.
The Army Department ns to first clear some areas, creating a safe corridor to the Afghan Region. After seizing control of the Afghan Region, we can then turn back to deal with them."
This was indeed the fact. Central Asia was too vast, spanning several million square kilometers, a region that hundreds of thousands of Russian soldiers simply could not fully cover.
Truly clearing the area would take years, something the Russian Empire sorelycked at the moment.
The British already controlled the Afghan Region, and although resistance organizations still existed, no one could guarantee how long they could persist.
Once the British eradicated the guerris and secured their foothold, taking Afghanistan from their hands would be difficult.
After some thought, Alexander III spoke slowly, "Let¡¯s do it that way! However, the military must speed up the process, so as not to miss the opportunity for war."
...
Chapter 863 - 126, Conspiracy Theory
1889 was a very special year that kept the spectators fully entertained.
From the initial Central Asian war, Afghanistan war, to the eruption of the envoy incident, followed by the magnificent feud between Ennd and Austria.
However, this was just the beginning. It was supposed to be a sh between Ennd and Russia, but the British, who didn¡¯t y by the rules, were the first to deploy the tactic of dragging others into the mud.
From the second half of the year onward, the dark histories of the major European colonial empires kept being exposed.
Austria was no exception, leaving Franz, who just wanted to enjoy the spectacle, unable to do so in peace.
At this point, if he didn¡¯t realize this was a British conspiracy, then he would have been emperor in vain all these years.
Incidents like the "Central Asian Massacre" and the "Dark Histories of Various Nations" were fabricated to deflect international public opinion.
The Russian envoy was killed in broad daylight in London, and with such a major incident urring, the British Government simply couldn¡¯t provide a clear exnation.
The internationalmunity didn¡¯t ept the British¡¯s exnations, with nations urging the British Government to solve the case promptly and bring a satisfactory conclusion to the envoy incident.
In recent years, the British Government had drawn a lot of enmity, and thebined pressure from other nations was aimed not only at punishing such rule-breaking behavior but also at seizing the opportunity for their own advantages.
With solid reasons and the backing of other European nations, the British would struggle to find an excuse for retaliation afterward.
Of course, retaliation was a secondary concern. Russia and Austria, leading the charge, were not afraid of retaliation at all.
Other countries were just joining in on the situation, aiming mainly to assert their presence on the international stage.
For smaller nations, being forgotten internationally due to prolonged inactivity could also be disastrous.
The London Government neither wanted to investigate the "Envoy Incident" nor had the ability to proceed with it. In this context, of course, they had to find a way to divert public attention.
Then the "Russian Massacre in Central Asia" came into focus, and after some hyping up, everyone¡¯s attention shifted to the dark histories of the major colonial empires.
As one of the victims, Franz was now busy with damage control and had no time to hold a grudge against the British.
There was no choice, as ording to the British media, Austria was the biggest ve trading syndicate in human history, even eclipsing Portugal and Ennd in infamy.
Franzpletely rejected the British narrative.
What a joke, if Austria had be a ve trading syndicate, wouldn¡¯t he, the Emperor, have be the greatest ve trader?
On this issue, Franz was willing to swear to God that he had never engaged in the ve trade.
The Austrian Government also had never engaged in the ve trade and was even one of the first nations tobat it.
From the initiation of their colonial empire, the Austrian Government never reaped even the slightest profit from the ve trade; their hands were clean.
Vienna Pce
Looking at the news criticizing Austria for engaging in the ve trade, Franz, frowning, asked, "With continuous public doubts, what ns does the ministry of propaganda have?"
As the mouth was on others¡¯ faces and they were adamant, Austria couldn¡¯t shut them up.
With international forces manipting behind the scenes, even the usual influence of gold had be ineffective. Even if it were possible to buy them off, the prices demanded by these newspapers were too high; Austria was not a sucker willing to pay any price.
Propagation Minister Louis von Lavalier: "Given the currentplex international situation, aside from passive rification, the best course of action is to shift the responsibility elsewhere.
As early as thirty years ago, we abolished very and banned any ve trade activities, which is a widely known fact.
Years ago, the American countries experienced a severebor shortage, which constrained their economic development. To help the economic growth of the American countries, we transported excessbor from Austro-Africa.
It was itself a mutually beneficial arrangement. To ensure a normal life for the immigrants, we even provided them with subsidies.
The immigrants were free people before arriving in America, and the signed contracts guaranteed their status as free citizens. How they ended up as ves afterwards is a question for the concerned nation."
Although the justification seemed strained, Franz chose to believe it.
Over the years, Austria has sessively transported tens of millions of immigrants to America and Persia¡ªwas it really just to help the economies of American countries develop? If you don¡¯t believe it, there are contracts to prove it.
This precious historical material is all on file with the Vienna Government. It was at the request of various governments that Austria agreed to export its surplusbor force.
Out of a desire to help everyone prosper together, the Vienna Government not only spent money but also lost tens of millions of Divine Shields in the process of exportingbor.
The incidents that followed were entirely due to the capitalists, who were too greedy and turned a group of freedmen into ves.
When ites to assigning me, that lies with the imperfectws of the involved countries. Otherwise, the ensuing mess wouldn¡¯t have happened, and it has absolutely nothing to do with Austria.
Those who use Austria of being ve traders are a bunch of people with ulterior motives. Who has ever seen a ve trader who pays out of pocket to give money to ves?
After pondering for a moment, Franz shook his head, "This still isn¡¯t enough. While we clear our own name, we also need negative examples for contrast.
"There are no short of European countries that have engaged in the ve trade. Try to steer the conversation towards them, especially the British, who need to be taken good care of."
"They are the biggest ve and drug traders in human history,mitting an affront to human civilization. We must expose the British conspiracy and let more people understand the truth."
You trick me, I trick you. This is how the great powers interact with each other. If the British dare to fan the mes everywhere, Franz doesn¡¯t mind putting them on the grill.
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In the face of all the dark histories, Austria is just a little brother. Especially under the contrast of its peers, it¡¯s hardly worth mentioning.
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
After responding, Louis von Lavalier, the Minister of Propaganda, started to feel a headache.
Exposing the British¡¯s dark history is easy, given that they are fraught with issues and simply cannote clean.
But to utilize it in conspiracy theories, that requires meticulous study. It¡¯s not because there are too few conspiracies, but rather because there are too many by the British, far beyond the imagination of ordinary people.
One could refer to the countless ns formted by the Austrian General Staff, replete with ingenious ideas; some are conservative enough to wait it out indefinitely, while others are radical enough to immediately put them in charge of the game.
Noticing the worries of the Minister of Propaganda, Franz added, "Focus the conspiracy theories on drugs.
"The British peddle opium everywhere not only for huge profits but also with the intention to poison the whole world through opium, weaken the strength of other countries, and prepare for their domination of the world.
"The propaganda department can get a group of experts and schrs to denounce the sinister intentions of the British, calling for the whole world to ban the use of opium together.
"The Foreign Ministry can coordinate with you, and when necessary, the government can convene a global anti-drug conference in its name."
Franz had long wanted to tackle the issue of drug control. Unfortunately, prior to this, people had not realized the dangers of opium, and many viewed it as a panacea.
Therefore, Austria could only proceed with drug control behind closed doors, while internationally, opium continued to flood the markets, even bing equivalent to hard currency in certain regions.
As science and technology advanced, more and more people became aware of the dangers of opium, and the social call to ban its cirction grew louder.
The basic conditions for calling for a global anti-drug effort were reluctantly in ce. With the British presenting an opportunity at this moment, Franz saw no reason not to strike at this source of their wealth.
Not all countries need to participate; just a few major powers will suffice to form internationalw.
Even if we couldn¡¯t eradicate opium, at least we could cause great difort to the British and damage their international image.
Louis von Lavalier reminded, "Your Majesty, the British themselves also consume opium, with substantial cirction both domestically and in their colonies. using them of using opium to weaken the strength of other countries might be a bit far-fetched."
One must admit the opium traders are formidable: while they exploit the entire world internationally, they do not forget to dupe their ownpatriots back home.
After all, their goal is to make money, and whose money it is makes no difference.
Franz cracked a slight smile, "No matter. Just announce this crime to the internationalmunity. When in Britannia, switch to a different narrative: ¡¯Capitalists attempt to use opium to control Britannia.¡¯
"Emphasize the addiction of consuming opium, how once one is addicted, they can¡¯t ever leave it and end up being manipted by the capitalists behind the scenes."
Nonsense doesn¡¯t matter, as there will always be people who believe it. Even if opium traders haven¡¯t dared to do this, who can guarantee they haven¡¯t thought about it?
"The British Government¡¯s bill to ban opium has never passed, there is only an ineffectual ¡¯Pharmacy Drug Act.¡¯
Chapter 865 - 128: Anti-Drug Campaign
The public outcry was mounting, and Franz naturally would not pass up this opportunity to boost his reputation;batting the drug trade was undoubtedly a positive initiative.
Others feared retaliation from opium traders and had to watch their words, but he, the Emperor, was not afraid!
On June 26, 1889, Franz issued the "Deration of War Against Drugs," calling for all countries around the world to act together to ban the drug trade.
The opium trade, being the main target of criticism, saw Franz making no amodations for the United Kingdom, directly demanding that the British Government take responsibility for the proliferation of opium.
On the same day, Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry also sent diplomatic notes to countries around the world, inviting them to attend an international conference on drug prohibition to be held in Vienna a yearter.
Given the lengthy interval, that was unavoidable.
In those days,munication was inconvenient; news took months to spread all over the world, and waiting for representatives from various countries to arrive in Vienna would not be enough without a year¡¯s time.
The main purpose of convening the International Conference on Drug Prohibition was to increase the pressure on the British Government; naturally, the more delegates present, the better.
Franz always liked to n before acting and, having decided to tackle the British opium trade, naturally aimed to achieve results.
Not necessarily seeking the British Government¡¯spliance, but at least aiming to explicitly ban opium sales in internationalw, confining its use to the medical field rather than as freely avable health products.
Franz¡¯s personal endorsement naturally greatly encouraged those opposed to the opium trade. Following the issuance of the deration, Franz became a leader of the international anti-drug movement.
No one contested his position; opium traders were not to be trifled with. Over the past century, countless enlightened individuals opposing the opium trade had died under their des.
Finally emerging as one who could withstand the pushback from opium traders, everyone naturally pushed him to the forefront.
This was especially true for countries severely afflicted by the opium scourge; the impact was even more significant.
After so many years, a figure finally emerged who couldpete with the British in the arena, carrying the banner of the anti-smoking campaign.
...
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Since His Majesty issued the deration, we have already garnered support from Russia, Greece, Montenegro, Switzend, France, Spain, the Nordic Federation, and some sub-states in the Germany Region.
The situation is about what we expected. If nothing unexpected happens, after the news spreads, a few countries outside Europe will likely support us as well.
The opium trade harms everyone, and the remaining countries that have not publicly stated their position are mainly afraid of British retaliation. They are mostly hopeful that the anti-smoking campaign will seed.
Once the international conference convenes, passing aw prohibiting the cirction of opium shouldn¡¯t be an issue."
The British, through the opium trade, plundered the wealth of countries worldwide, severely harming everyone¡¯s interests.
No one lifted the lid, due primarily to wariness of British retaliation, but also because domestic interest groups profited from the opium trade.
With the efforts of these interest groups, opposing voices were suppressed. However, everything dissipated with Franz¡¯s deration.
Enlightened individuals who opposed the rampant opium came forward, exposing the dangers of opium, and the cover could no longer be held down.
Interest groups might influence the government, but they could not make decisions for it. At critical moments, politicians naturally needed to kick aside these dirty bandages.
Apart from France, Spain, and the Nordic Federation, the openly supportive countries shared amon trait: they were heavily influenced by Austria andrgely unaffected by the British.
Even if it meant offending the British, it didn¡¯t matter; John Bull¡¯s tentacles couldn¡¯t reach that far, so there was no fear of retaliation.
Franz was not surprised to gain the support of Spain and the Nordic Federation, as the British, through the opium trade, had plundered their wealth, naturally spurring their opposition.
The French¡¯s behavior was quite peculiar. Don¡¯t forget, Ennd and France were allies, and the recent Franco-Austrian rtions were very poor; politically, the French government had absolutely no reason to support it.
However, it was all in vain, as the French government came out in support almost concurrently with the Russians, bing one of the first countries to make its position clear.
Without the support of the French government, Austria might not have been able to gain the support of so many European countries in such a short time.
"Has there been a problem with the rtionship between Ennd and France? Recently, why does the French government keep causing trouble for the British?"
It wasn¡¯t that Franz was being sensitive, from the beginning of the alliance, the French government had continuously caused trouble for the British, and of course, the British Government had also set many traps for the French.
Setting aside the mere paper agreement, the rtionship between Ennd and France seemed more like enemies than allies.
Minister Weisenberg exined, "Your Majesty, the rtionship between Ennd and France is extremelyplex and can be traced back to the Middle Ages.
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Throughout these long years, Ennd and France were adversaries for most of the time, and even now, with the alliance formed, there¡¯s a fundamentalck of trust between the two countries.
From the intelligence we¡¯ve gathered, the alliance between Ennd and France appears more like a farce; neither government has ever considered the other an ally.
Whenever there is a sh of interests, or once one party loses value, the alliance will immediately crumble."
This response was utterly exasperating, but thinking about the initial farce of the Anglo-French alliance, Franz understood it.
Two adversarial countries suddenly forming an alliance couldn¡¯t possibly be friends immediately; it would take some time for both sides to adjust their mindsets.
Now, if you randomly stop someone on the streets of Paris and ask them who France¡¯s greatest enemy is, there¡¯s a ny-nine percent chance the answer would be the British.
To delve into the reasons, aside from the hatred between Ennd and France, the main issue is that the Russian-Austrian Alliance isn¡¯t putting enough pressure on them.
After all, the Russian-Austrian Alliance has been in ce for many years, and for most of the past decades, Russia and Austria were mostly acting independently, except when they joined forces to defeat the Ottoman Empire.
Especially now, with the Russians shifting their strategic focus to the south and Austria maintaining restraint on European issues, France doesn¡¯t feel any pressure.
Without the pressure of survival, why should they lower themselves and kowtow to the British?
The alliance is purely out of interest, its greatest value being the enhancement of political influence, rather than a genuine joint military action against Russia and Austria.
From this aspect, it is not surprising that the French government jumped out to support the anti-drug campaign. Even issuing bonds for the Russians, which essentially aids the enemy, so merely expressing their opinion is no big deal!
Franz nodded in acknowledgement, not dwelling further on this matter. The worse the rtionship between Ennd and France, the more advantageous it was for Austria; he had no reason to worry about his enemies.
After pausing for a moment, Franz continued, "How far has the Agriculture Department gotten with the promotion of potash fertilizer, and by how much can our domestic grain output be expected to increase this year?"
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Minister of Agriculture Hols replied, "The promotion of potash fertilizer has been rtively smooth. Most of the domestic farms have adopted it, and many have already conducted trials.
Once the autumn harvest is over and everyone sees the results, we can fully roll it out.
A significant increase in grain production is expected to begin from next year; this year¡¯s increase will be slight."
This was an inevitable result, as even the best products, without trial, would leave everyone uneasy.
Especially in matters that affect a family¡¯s ie, people are even less likely to be careless; without seeing the results, no one is willing to take a risk.
The fact that people were willing to allocate a plot ofnd for trial use of potash fertilizer proved that the Department of Agriculture had done amendable job. Once the results were out, there would be no need for governmental promotion; the public would do it themselves.
This was also a blessing; if the grain production had skyrocketed this year, the Russians would have been crying their eyes out.
Who knows if the Tsarist Government, after suffering heavy agricultural losses, would still have the courage to continue waging war against the British.
If the fire were suddenly extinguished, wouldn¡¯t Austria¡¯s previous investments have been in vain?
Chapter 866 - 129: Final Preparations
Afghanistan battlefield, General Patrick finally received the long-awaited reinforcements. However, before he could breathe a sigh of relief, he received devastating news¡ªThe Russians wereing.
On September 11, 1889, the Russian Army had conquered the Mare region, now less than a hundred kilometers from Afghanistan.
The three Khanates of Central Asia, once highly regarded by Britain, had alreadypletely copsed under the Russian assault, and their governments had fled to the Afghan Region.
After nearly a year of harsh fighting, General Patrick had to admit that the Indian Colonial Army was not cut out for war.
Under equal strength, the regr army had actually been beaten by guerri forces, aughingstock if word got out, and it had now truly happened.
Patrick had be the Expeditionary Force Commander because of his political acumen. He understood very clearly just how tense the rtionship between Ennd and Russia was.
Thinking of the impending war between Ennd and Russia, and then looking at the reinforcements sent by his homnd, Patrick felt an urge to cry.
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Up till now, the British Army had assembled 30 infantry divisions, two cavalry divisions, and eight artillery brigades in the Afghan Region, a formidable force indeed.
However, the story changed instantly because these units were prefixed.
Only two of the thirty infantry divisions were sent from the homnd; the rest were the Indian Colonial Army. The cavalry divisions and artillery brigades were the cream of the homnd¡ªtechnical units that the Indians were not suited to handle.
Yet sending so many cavalry units into Afghanistan made one dizzy with incredulity. If it were not for his self-control, General Patrick really wanted to send a message cursing those lords back home for having water on the brain.
Anyone with a slight knowledge of Afghan terrain would know that the most suitable units for this area were mountain infantry divisions, and the British Army had no special formations of this type.
As for the cavalry units, apart from serving as messengers, they could only add to the logistical strain of the troops.
The guerri groups were in the mountains, only asionallying out to cause trouble, andrge cavalry units had no role to y here.
It wasn¡¯t entirely useless; if the British Army could miraculously defeat the Russians, the cavalry would be the main force during the counterattack in Central Asia.
Regrettably, General Patrick did not actually need the government of the three Khanates of Central Asia, which had fled here with an army of fifty to sixty thousand.
These steppe nations were naturally born cavalry as soon as they mounted horses.
Frankly, the rapid downfall of the three Khanates of Central Asia, aside from the corruption within their own governments, wasrgely due to poor support from the British Government.
Bureaucratism was to me, with supplied weapons and equipment beingughable, some firearms even dated back to thest century, more valuable as collector¡¯s items than practical weaponry.
Patrick knew this, but there wererge amounts of vested interests hidden within, so he prudently chose to pretend he hadn¡¯t noticed.
Not to mention the Khanates, in fact, the weaponry of the Indian Colonial Army had always been rubbish,gging behind Europe by over 30 years.
Even the main forces from the homnd, their weaponry did not match the world-ss standards.
It wasn¡¯t that Britain¡¯s military technology wascking; the key issue was that the Army was unpopr at home, always treated as the stepchild, with very limited funding going into weapon research and development annually.
Being able to barely keep up with the world-ss standards was the result of Britain¡¯s solid industrial base; expecting to reach the forefront of the era, the government¡¯s funding was simply not enough.
"Send a cable to the homnd, tell London we need reinforcements, arge number of reinforcements!
We need at least another twenty infantry divisions from the homnd to hold the Afghan Region, and they must be principal forces from the homnd; the Indian Colonial Army simply won¡¯t do."
The young officer nearby anxiously advised, "Commander, twenty infantry divisions¡ªisn¡¯t that somewhat excessive? The homnd might not agree."
To military powers like Austria-France, twenty infantry divisions were nothing to mention; under sufficient resources, they could be assembled in at most ten to fifteen days.
But for Britain, the situation was absolutely critical. Put it this way, even if youbined the entire British Army before thetest expansion and doubled it, they might not gather that many.
Even after a round of expansions due to the tension in Central Asia, the British Army still had less than 300,000 men, with only seventeen infantry divisions in total.
Asking outright for twenty principal infantry divisions was clearly pushing for a package deal of the British Army, coercing the British Government to continue expanding the Army.
General Patrick shook his head, "Mal, put away your little thoughts; don¡¯t forget who our enemy is this time! Facing the Russians, are twenty infantry divisions a lot?
If it reallyes to a fight, you will see life is cheap on the battlefield. The Prusso-Russian war is the perfect example, with casualties on both sides reaching up to millions.
This time in the Central Asian war, although it might not be as insane as the Prusso-Russian war, filling it with hundreds of thousands of lives won¡¯t be easy to end."
Watching the stunned young officer, General Patrick could only silentlyment that the younger generation of Britannia was indeed too fragile, unable to withstand even the slightest disturbance.
Not to mention the entire Central Asian Battlefield, the total casualties in the Afghanistan war alone had exceeded one million, but since most of those who died were Afghanistan, the impact was not deeply felt by everyone.
The next enemy would be the Russians, and relying solely on the Indian colonial army clearly wouldn¡¯t suffice; the main force of the British Army had to take charge, otherwise a total copse could easily ur.
Based on the experience from the First Near East War, even if the fodder was sufficient, the British Army had to prepare for heavy losses.
...
The British Army panicked, but in truth, the frontline Russian Army was not faring much better.
Although they seemed to have achieved aprehensive victory in the Central Asian conflict, failing to capture the government of the three Khanates of Central Asia in one go meant that the region would not be at peace.
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If the Afghanistan guerris operated in the mountains, then those in the Central Asian regions were mostly bandits on horseback, many organized by tribes and directly fighting against the Russian Army.
General Oks was fully aware that the fierce resistance of the local people in Central Asian wasrgely provoked by the Russian Army.
If it weren¡¯t for the frequent looting by the Russian Army, the local resistance would not have been so intense. But there was no help for it, as General Oks¡¯s position was determined by where he stood, despite knowing better.
The Russian soldiers hardly received any military pay, their main ie depended on the booty from the battlefield, without looting, who would continue to risk their lives?
Besides, the logistics of the Russian Army were very poor. Even when supplies were abundant, they could barely manage to provide enough food, not to mention any quality.
Having eaten military rations year after year, the soldiers had long grown weary of the taste, and any hindrance to improving their living conditions at this time would lead to serious trouble.
In this context, General Oks could only turn a blind eye to the robberies happening under hismand and suppress the resistance movements with the most brutal measures.
Since upying the Central Asian region, the Russian Army had to execute hundreds of resistance fighters daily, maintaining social order through the most stringentws of association.
It might as well be said that there was no "order," because these orders only applied to the locals, the Russian soldiers were not obliged to follow them.
To ensure the smooth transportation of logistics, General Oks even cleared out a no-man¡¯snd, and the residents within thirty kilometers were all forcibly removed.
As a trade-off, General Oks also earned the infamous title of "Butcher General," terrifying children in Central Asia into silence.
Putting down the document in his hands, General Oks slowly said, "Once the cleaning is done, send a telegram back home! As soon as the supplies are in ce, we canunch an attack on the Afghan Region."
From his tone, it was clear that General Oks felt quite helpless. If given a choice, he definitely would not have taken the position ofmander this time.
He might appear powerful, but the situation was fraught with crisis. To win this war, General Oks had made too many enemies.
If the victories continued, then naturally there would be no problem; no matter how many enemies he made, military achievements could suppress everything, potentially making him the next Marshal Ivanov.
But once a change urred at the front, the situation would be entirely different. The principle of people pushing down a failing fence applied here too; Oks could only afford to win, not lose.
ording to the original n, he should have stopped after capturing the Central Asian region and returned to St. Petersburg to receive his reward.
Unfortunately, reality was cruel, and the shifting international situation had ignited the Tsarist Government¡¯s ambition to seize India.
Now, what General Oks had to do wasplete the first step of the n¡ªcapturing the Afghan Region toy the foundation for the future conquest of India.
The middle-aged officer seemed unaware of General Oks¡¯s poor mood, and joyfully responded, "Yes, Commander Your Excellency!"
Everyone¡¯s position was different, so the scenery they saw was also different.
For General Oks, being in the war until now meant a marshal¡¯s title was inevitable, and seizing the opportunity to withdraw was the best choice.
But for most of the Russian Army officers, continuing the war was preferable, pinching the soft Persimmons here was far stronger thanpeting for dominance in Europe.
The Indian Colonial Army was not valued highly, but since they bore the brand of Britain, if one were not careful, they could bepletely treated as the main force of the British Army.
The enemy they faced was the colonial army in terms ofbat strength, yet they could obtain the military honors of a regr army. Anyone who had connections was trying every means to infiltrate the frontline troops.
As the frontlinemander, General Oks had recently sold many favors.
...
Chapter 867 - 130: The Outbreak of the Anglo-Russian War
London
Having finally summoned the courage to make a resolution to engage inbat with the Russians, the British Government was utterly confounded by General Patrick¡¯s urgent request for reinforcements.
Putting down the telegram in his hand, Prime Minister dstone asked with confusion, "Don¡¯t we already have four hundred thousand troops at the front? Why do we still need reinforcements?"
It was not that Prime Minister dstone was prone to overreacting, but rather that Britannia had never before engaged in such arge-scale strategic deployment.
Even before the war had erupted, over four hundred thousand troops were already amassed at the front. If another twenty infantry divisions were added, the total force would nearly reach seven hundred thousand.
Such massive involvement in a partial war waspletely beyond Prime Minister dstone¡¯sprehension.
Army Minister Rosario said, "Your Excellency, the Army Department has thoroughly reviewed General Patrick¡¯s request for assistance and has basically ascertained that his demands are reasonable.
The Russians are advancing aggressively, and intelligence indicates they have already deployed five hundred thousand troops in the Central Asia region, with the possibility of further reinforcements.
Due to the proximity, the enemy can reinforce its troops much faster than us, and we must ensure that our front line is sufficiently manned.
Otherwise, in the event of an emergency, we can only hope for support from the Indian Governorate. Frankly speaking, the Indian Governoratecks the capacity to handle such emergencies.
Once wemence hostilities with the Russians, the Indian region will also be unstable, and maintaining stability there is the Governor of India¡¯s most crucial task.
If we are not prepared in advance, it would be irresponsible to suddenly withdraw too many forces from the Indian region to the front line once the war breaks out.
Furthermore, the Afghan region has always been unstable, and the locals have colluded with the Russians to resist our rule.
Due to the mountainous terrain of the Afghan region, the bases of the resistance organizations are located deep in the forests. Our forces in the region have conducted several encirclements but have neverpletely eradicated them.
Once the war with the Russians breaks out, these elements will again emerge to create havoc, and we must retain sufficient forces to address emergencies and prevent them from coborating internally and externally with the Russians.
¡
The reasons are plentiful, but they all boil down to one thing: we need to expand our forces quickly as the front line cannot wait much longer.
Although the army has always been treated like a stepchild, it still has aspirations. Such a rare opportunity for expansion is something that everyone is unwilling to give up.
Being a government official by profession, Rosario is naturally aware of theplexities involved, but as the Army Minister, his position has already determined his stance.
If he were to undermine the military at this stage, he would no longer need to continue working, as his subordinates would find countless ways to sabotaging him.
Finance Minister George Childs sneered, "Your Excellency, you should be aware of the situation in Afghanistan. To maintain a force of seven hundred thousand at the front, how many people does the Army Department n to use to ensure logistics support?
One million, two million, three million, or perhaps four million?"
This is the most realistic problem. Afghanistan is andlocked country, and while resources like food and fabric might be supplied by the Indian Governorate, weapons and ammunition must be transported from our homnd.
If we count all the personnel involved in production and transportation, it¡¯s impossible to sustain such arge-scale expedition without the services of several millions at the front line.
Army Minister Rosario shook his head, "Indeed, these issues exist, but we have no choice, do we?
The Russians will not care whether we face difficulties; as soon as they are ready, the Russian Army will attack.
For the safety of India, we must take the initiative to engage in battle. If we don¡¯t fight a defensive war in Afghanistan now, we will have to fight a Ganges defense war in the future.
As for the difficulties we currently face, they are not insurmountable; what we have in abundance isbor.
We can simply recruitborers directly from the Indian region. The most costly part of the human resources is merely the domestic production and transportation process¡ªa firm resolve will see us through.
Given the financial state of the Russian Empire, they cannot afford a prolonged struggle with us for the Afghan region.
If we defeat the Russians once or twice and make them realize the disparity in strength between our forces, it will be easier to handle subsequent issues."
Spending money; it¡¯s a necessary evil.
The Russian Empire is not weak, but their major problem lies in their finances. Opulent Britannia has no reason to overlook this ring weakness and not challenge their financial resources instead of engaging in major battles.
Going all-in to fight a major battle may seem impressive, but it is akin to dancing with one¡¯s head at one¡¯s waist; a defeat would jeopardize the nation¡¯s future.
Is an Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets without India still considered an Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets? It would probably take only three to five years before it would have to abdicate its position.
This is the greatest dilemma for everyone: deploying troops for reinforcement is too costly, and even wealthy Britannia would feel the financial pain; but not sending reinforcements also poses a risk of losing control at the front line, with the Russians potentially threatening the safety of India.
After hesitating for a moment, Prime Minister dstone slowly said, "Let us hold a collective vote to decide, and report the final resolution to Parliament for approval by both the Senate and the House of Representatives."
In unclear circumstances and unwilling to assume responsibility alone, a collective decision is undoubtedly the best choice.
Even if the resolution had certain issues, it was still a result of democracy, which could minimize the responsibility of everyone involved.
As for the cost, it naturally led to a slight decrease in efficiency. The Cab could make a decision immediately, but once it reached the Parliament for discussion, no one knew how much time it would take.
However, one thing was certain; as soon as the war between Ennd and Russia broke out, the efficiency of the British Parliament would be effectively increased.
...
In St. Petersburg, recently, there had been frequent reports of victories from the front lines, improving the mood of Alexander III.
Even for a Tsarist of a fighting nation, it was tough, as he had to constantly monitor the changes in the front-line battle situation.
If the front lines suffered a defeat, the Tsar had to deal with the aftermath immediately to prevent the situation from escting and affecting his prestige.
Alexander III asked, "The pathway to move south towards Afghanistan has been cleared, now it all depends on the logistics department. How much longer will it take for you to get the supplies to the front line?"
Minister of Logistics Agent hurriedly answered, "It will take no more than two more months for us to get all the nned strategic materials into the hands of the troops at the front."
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It was unknown when, but moving south towards India had be the most important national policy of the Tsarist Government, with all strategic ns revolving around this core.
In such critical times, Agent dared not cut corners. Even if dissatisfied with the Russian Army at the front, he would not dare to cause trouble here.
If a mishap urred on the battlefield, the Tsar would execute people, and even without the Tsar lifting a finger, the domestic interest groups would have him silenced forever.
Alexander III frowned slightly, then shook his head, "No, the pace is still too slow.
We are preparing, and the British are not idle. The British Parliament is discussing whether to send more troops to the Afghan region. Once the enemy¡¯s main reinforcements arrive, this war will be difficult to end quickly."
The British Parliament had no secrets; any valuable information that entered would appear in London newspapers in the shortest time.
Once it was published in the newspapers, even if the intelligence capability of the Tsarist Government was weak, they would receive this news.
In order to achieve a swift and decisive victory, and not get stuck in a stalemate like the Prusso-Russian War, Alexander III was naturally anxious. Experience tales at NovelBin.C?m
After wavering in his mind for a moment, Agent gritted his teeth and said, "Your Majesty, the attack could actually be moved up.
The troops at the front wouldn¡¯t consume all their materials in one day. Based on the current supplies reserved in the Central Asia region, they couldpletely support over forty days of continuousbat.
During this period, more supplies would continue to arrive. The actualbat time the front-line troops could support would be even longer.
As long as the front-line troops don¡¯t get overzealous, our logistics can keep up without problems."
Theoretically, there was nothing wrong with what Agent had said.
As long as part of the materials were reserved at the front and the logistics department transported supplies in batches without issues in coordination, there was no need to wait for all supplies to be in ce.
However, these were all theoretical. If it came to practical implementation, it would test the organizational capabilities of the Tsarist Government.
The military required a six-month reserve ofbat materials beforeunching aprehensive attack, aside from the need to rest troops after just having fought the Central Asia War, distrusting the domestic officials was an even greater reason.
If there was any mishap in the transport process¡ªmaterials being dyed or wrong delivery locations¡ªit could cost the lives of an entire troop.
Moreover, even if all responsible individuals were executed, it would still be of no value to the overall situation.
After pondering for a while, an interested Alexander III confirmed again, "Can the logistics department truly ensure the timely arrival of the materials?"
There was no guarantee, as everyone involved in logistics knew that too many unexpected situations could arise, especially forces of nature.
Agent stiffly replied, "The logistics department will try its utmost to ensure that most of the supplies arrive on time, but it is impossible to guarantee supplies to each troop.
Only if the military department informs us of their battle ns in advance, and the logistics department prepares in advance, it might be possible to keep up with the pace of the front-line troops."
After hearing this exnation, Alexander III was not worried but relieved. As long as the overall supply was sufficient, dys in individual troops¡¯ supplies were inevitable.
The battlefield was extremely dynamic; today, the troops might be in the east, and they might move to the west tomorrow, then change locations the day after tomorrow.
Without radiomunication, once the logistics transport convoy set off, keeping in touch could only be done by riding horses; coordination issues were normal.
After a pause, Alexander III gravely said, "I¡¯ll give you half a month more. Try to transport as many supplies as possible to the front line; we cannot miss this opportunity for battle."
Seeing the Tsar¡¯s resolute attitude, Marshal Ivanov hesitated. He always felt there was an issue, but couldn¡¯t pinpoint where the problemy.
...
Chapter 868 - 131, Sluggish
```
On September 21, 1889, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs delivered a deration of war to the British ambassador stationed in St. Petersburg, marking the second time that Britain and Russia had taken to the battlefield since the end of the first Near East War.
This time, there was ample notice. The Russian Army didn¡¯tunch an attack until the third day after dering war, fully in ordance with internationalw.
Of course, the Tsarist Government wasn¡¯t simply ying by the rules. Deep within the Afghan Region, the British had yet toy telegraph wires, and the fastest messages could take over a week to deliver.
London
Inside the UK Government Building, Prime Minister dstone, with a frown etched on his face, asked, "Wasn¡¯t it said that the Russians weren¡¯t ready for war? Why then has the war broken out prematurely?"
Britain wasn¡¯t an iron simpleton; while preparing for war, they hadn¡¯t forgotten to collect intelligence on the Russians¡¯ preparedness.
Just yesterday, someone had assured Prime Minister dstone with great conviction that the Russians needed at least another three months to be ready for war.
It was nowte September, and in less than three months, the Russian Empire would be covered in snow and ice. Generally speaking, the Tsarist Government wouldn¡¯t choose this time to start a war.
Eventually, the British Government concluded that the war would break out next March or April, and ordingly, defense preparations hadmenced on this timetable.
Foreign Minister George responded in a disheartened tone, "The Russians truly weren¡¯t ready for war. Our intelligence officers embedded in the Russian Empire had confirmed this on multiple asions.
The premature outbreak of war might be due to the Tsarist Government detecting our ns, thereby making the first move."
The intelligence was sound, and the judgment of the British Government logical, yet the Russians did not y by conventional wisdom.
With such an incident unfolding, those present couldn¡¯t escape responsibility, and naturally, Prime Minister dstone didn¡¯t delve deeper into it.
After pondering for a moment, Prime Minister dstone asked uncertainly, "Now that the Russians have initiated the war early, can our forces in the Afghan Region hold their ground?"
In recent decades, all of Britain¡¯s wars against the European powers had ended in failure, and even in battles against native Afghan fighters, they had suffered heavy losses.
Now that they were about to wage a war against the Russians, Prime Minister dstone found it hard to have confidence in an army with such a string of dismal achievements.
Defeating the Russians was certainly the best oue, but Prime Minister dstone didn¡¯t believe the front-line troops were that effective, otherwise, he wouldn¡¯t have requested additional reinforcements from the homnd.
At this moment, Prime Minister dstone couldn¡¯t help but feel relieved that he had previously thrown the question of reinforcements to Parliament.
Should the reinforcements arrive toote, contributing to heavy losses at the front, Parliament would also bear much of the responsibility.
Army Minister Rosario shook his head, "The Russians are aggressive and will not cease until they take the Afghan Region.
The Prusso-Russian War serves as a cautionary example. At their peak, the Russians mobilized armies of four to five million, with front-line forces maintained at two million.
Central Asia might not be like Eastern Europe; the Russians can¡¯t deploy millions of troops, but they could certainly muster three to five hundred thousand.
If the forces in the Afghan Region were our army elite, I could assure you we could hold the region, perhaps even have spare strength for a counter-offensive.
But the problem is, the majority of our troops in the Afghan Region are from the Indian Colonial Division, whosebat effectiveness is less than one-tenth of our main force."
Is it possible that the Russians wouldmit fewer than two hundred thousand troops?
Obviously not. In attacking the Central Asian Khanates, the Tsarist Government had already deployed well over six hundred thousand troops.
With the impending struggle against Britain over the Afghan Region, tomit merely a few tens or hundreds of thousands would imply the Tsarist Government has lost its mind.
Pausing briefly, Rosario continued, "War has erupted, and given theplex situation in the Afghan Region, the Army Department suggests an expansion of sixty infantry divisions, twenty artillery regiments, and two cavalry divisions¡"
Sir Astley Cooper Key, Minister of the Navy, didn¡¯t let Rosario finish before interjecting forcefully, "Are you joking, sir? The army only recently expanded by three infantry divisions, and total manpower has already reached a staggering three hundred thousand.
Continue your adventure at NovelBin.C?m
Following your Army Department¡¯s current n for expansion, our total forces would exceed one million.
As far as I¡¯m aware, the Afghan Region is mountainous, hardly suitable forrge-scale troop movements. The Russians will probablymit at most three to five hundred thousand troops, any more and their logistics alone would be their downfall."
```
"We have already gained the initiative; the troops at the front can build fortifications based on the terrain for defense, which really doesn¡¯t require a lot of manpower."
"One million ground forces, are you nning to fight from Central Asia all the way to Moscow?"
"I have to object, the military budget of the United Kingdom is not unlimited. If the Army gets more, the Navy will get less."
Because of the Afghan War, the British Government has halted the arms race, and the Navy has been dissatisfied for a long time.
Now the Army is waving the g of war to snatch resources, and Sir Astley Cooper Key simply cannot stand it anymore!
As for the needs of war, this is in itself a facy. Different strategies require very different levels of troop deployment."
Finance Minister George Childs: "The Sir speaks urately; the battlefield in Afghanistan doesn¡¯t need that many troops at all, and we are also not capable of supporting a million soldiers fighting in Afghanistan.
Land forces have never been our strong point; a decisive battle with the Russians in the Afghan Region is simply not realistic.
What we need is only to hold the Afghan Region and cut off the Russians¡¯ notion of moving south, not to engage in a decisive battle with the Russians in Central Asia.
Even simple defense, the Indian Colonial Army is also sufficient for use. We can have as many troops of this kind as we want, and it doesn¡¯t matter even if the casualties are great, nor will there be any trouble, and the cost is much lower."
The request was very big to begin with, and Rosario did not expect the government to agree. Being opposed was expected.
"The two of you probably haven¡¯t grasped the severity of the issue. War is not a game, and the enemy will not move ording to our n, which is proven by the Russians instigating the war ahead of time.
The troops at the front can¡¯t possibly fight indefinitely; troops need to be rotated and replenished; we must have sufficient reserve forces."
The Army Department calcted based on a 3:3:4 ratio, with three hundred thousand at the front, another three hundred thousand stationed in the Indian region ready for reinforcement and rotation at any moment, and four hundred thousand in reserve domestically for emergency situations.
Looking at the casualties of the Prusso-Russian War, such military resource allocation is actually very modest, and we still need supplementing from the Indian Colonial Army.
Expanding the army is not something that can be aplished overnight, yet the situation on the battlefield is constantly changing. We must consider the worst-case scenario.
..."
Minister of the Navy Sir Astley Cooper Key: "Ridiculous, the Army is preparing for failure from the get-go, could it be..."
Seeing the argument escte, Prime Minister dstone intervened: "Enough! The Russians have already attacked, if you keep arguing, prepare to collect corpses for the troops at the front!
Order the Governor of India to raise another five hundred thousand troops, and give Governor Lytton the authority to deploy troops to the Afghanistan battlefield as the situation at the front changes.
Additionally, withdraw seven infantry divisions from the home country, and call up one infantry division from Canada, Australia, and New Zend each, to reinforce the Afghan Region immediately.
The Army must start expanding immediately, first expand with four hundred thousand troops, andter, if necessary, we¡¯ll discuss the situation as it unfolds."
Prime Minister dstone originally intended to reinforce the front line with twenty infantry divisions in one go, but there were not enough forces domestically.
To continue sending reinforcements from home, they would have to wait until the expansion wasplete. For now, they could only have the Indian Colonial Army hold the line.
@@novelbin@@
The n for expansion was cut in half, Rosario had nned to ask for more, but after a nce at everyone¡¯s expressions, he decisively chose to give up.
Being able to have everyone agree on the army¡¯s expansion was very difficult already. If he pushed too hard, these gents might think the Army was too expensive and decide to fight the Russians with cheap colonial forces.
Don¡¯t look at how Rosario went to great lengths to belittle thebat effectiveness of the colonial army; in fact, there are several capable units within the British colonial system.
The colonial forces might not be as strong as the main British force because of their poor equipment. If they were equipped the same, it¡¯s still an unknown whether they would be stronger or weaker.
The British Government doesn¡¯t heavily use these cost-effective and powerful troops not because they don¡¯t want to, but mainly because of concerns over loyalty.
Arrogant and fierce soldiers aren¡¯t a joke; these powerful individuals do not have temperaments as manageable as the Indian Colonial Army. One wrong move could lead to chaos.
Everyone understands the danger of raising a tiger, risking it bing a menace. With so many colonies, Britain has never had a case of a local power growing toorge, and it¡¯s this caution that has prevented it.
...
Chapter 869 - 132: The Most Incorruptible Department
Vienna Pce had been tense until the news of the outbreak of the war between Ennd and Russia reached them, which considerably rxed Franz.
After many years as Emperor, always being extremely cautious, his aim was to avoid the kind of potential sieges that had urred in the original timeline.
The national policy of Austria was also established around this center. It began by inciting division in the United States on the other side of the ocean, followed by extinguishing the budding state of Italy.
Then, they effectively dismantled the once mighty Prussia, concurrently weakening the Russian Empire, until the outbreak of the war between Ennd and Russia, which finally freed Austria from the threat of encirclement.
Although the policy of the British Government was "there are only eternal interests, no eternal enemies", it did not mean that nations that were at each other¡¯s throats could immediately be allies.
Governments can be shameless, but the public may not ept such a drastic turn. Even if the interest groups suppressed public opinion, cooperation from the Russians was necessary.
If the Russians won this war, venturing south toward India would be the future national policy of the Tsarist Government, and no one could stop it.
Unless the British were willing to retreat, the two nations could only continue to sh fiercely.
If the Russians lost the war, an impossible scenario, Franz had already decided to support the Tsarist Government to continue fighting.
If it came to it, Austria would provide funds and materials towards the end, and the Russians would provide troops to continue draining the British.
If one year was not enough then two years, if two years didn¡¯t suffice then three or five years, and the war would not stop until there was a bloodbath.
By the time the war ended, both Britain and Russia would likely be exhausted. For a long while into the future, they would be unable to interfere in European affairs.
¡
Franz said, "Sell our newly equipped mortars to the Russians, the Afghan Region is mostly mountainous, and they need a lightweight cannon."
The Great Britain Empire had deep reserves and had not suffered any devastating defeats. To ensure both ended up weakened, Franz needed to enhance the capability of the Russians.
Franz had originally nned to give the Russians the Maxim machine guns as well, but thinking of the Tsarist Government¡¯s poor logistics, he decided not to add to their troubles.
More advanced technologies were naturally reserved for Austria¡¯s enemies and could not be revealed yet.
The only exception was the mortar, a weapon of low technical content that had been developed by the Russians in the original timeline; on the battlefield, they even adapted retired naval cannons on site.
Army Minister Fev, somewhat embarrassed, reminded him, "Your Majesty, the Russians introduced a mortar production line three years ago and already have several divisions equipped with it."
The Russian-Austrian Alliance wasn¡¯t just a simple alliance¡ªit started straying during the first Near East war, and since then, Russian armaments began to be Austriacized.
After a prolonged period of adaptation, the Russians also became wise, procuring any weapon the Austrian army equipped inrge scale.
Weapons like mortars, with low technical content, simple operation, and wide utility had not been regarded as confidential military equipment; the military had long equipped them.
In fact, any universally employed weapon could hardly be kept confidential.
After all, weapons and equipment also required time to be integrated to perform effectively, not something that could be handed to soldiers and utilized in battle immediately.
The Maxim machine gun had not been immediately issued; that was because the Austrian army had already been equipped with Gatlings, and a simr weapons upgrade required little time for adaptation.
In reality, Austria¡¯s truly confidential weapons and equipment were airnes, tanks, and armored vehicles, though it is fair to say that even the airnes had not been kept confidential.
It wasn¡¯t forck of trying, but it was simply impossible. Tanks and armored vehicles could be developed in secrecy in some discreet corner, but airne test flights had to take to the skies.
An airne test flight might cover a distance of several hundred miles, and thinking it wouldn¡¯t be seen across such distances was fanciful.
Instead of making futile attempts to arouse curiosity, it was better to disy them openly, even charge admission.
Since what was public were only the first-generation models, any major industrial nation could manufacture them. If they hadn¡¯t delved deeper, it was because they hadn¡¯t recognized the true value of airnes.
As for tanks and armored vehicles, those were the real deals intended forb product, outwardlybeled as automotive research centers.
Purely private ventures with no links to military manufacturing. Even the funding for research came directly out of Franz¡¯s own pocket, never involving the military budget.
It wasn¡¯t just the public that was unaware, even the upper echelons of the Austrian Government were oblivious to it, and within the military, only a few participants knew of it.
¡
Franz asked in surprise, "The Russians ce such great emphasis on arming?"
@@novelbin@@
In his subconscious, the Tsarist Government did not prioritize the upgrading and recement of military equipment.
Due to financial constraints, the Russian military also showed ack of enthusiasm in this regard unless switching was unavoidable; they typically preferred to cut costs.
In thest twenty years, Russian army had not hesitated in acquiring second-hand equipment from Austria, especially during the Prusso-Russian War, when the Russians literally cleared out stock.
The intention was to reduce expenses, after all, second-hand weapons equipment was substantially cheaper, typically costing only one-third to one-fourth of the price of new equipment, with some weapons even avable at a tenth of the cost.
Though slightly outdated, as long as they were well-maintained, they could still be used for many more years and were ideal for a cash-strapped military.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, who was the most familiar with the Russian Empire, exined, "Your Majesty, the Tsarist Government¡¯sck of funds is not contradictory to the introduction of weapons production lines.
In fact, each military procurement contract we signed with the Russians included massive kickbacks.
To prevent the Tsarist Government from discovering this, the bureaucrats in charge of procurement even demanded that all contracts and even the taxes on the transactions be paid in ordance with the trading price.
The kickbacks returned to them were also not given in cash but were carried out through covert profit transfers.
Thanks to these secretive bribery tactics, the International Procurement Department of the Russian military became the most incorruptible department within the Tsarist Government, even creating a ten-year record of no one being held ountable for corruption or bribery."
After hearing this exnation, Franz rolled his eyes. As expected, the Tsarist government was still the same Tsarist government he knew, and its bureaucrats were just as unabashed in making money as ever.
This change was merely a result of their prolonged contact with Austria¡ªlearning the money-making skills from Austrian bureaucrats, which allowed them to progress beyond their domestic peers, knowing to act discreetly.
One could imagine how terrifyingly effective the evolved Russian bureaucrats would be.
Given the Tsarist government¡¯s monitoring capability, the Russian Army¡¯s international procurement department likely made money through under-the-table benefits, something that mostly went undetected, otherwise, it couldn¡¯t have be the cleanest department within the Russian Government.
Even due to the iplete legal system, many obscure methods of making money probably didn¡¯t even constitute crimes in the Russian Empire.
Despite their money-grabbing, these bureaucrats did y a role, at least in driving the upgrade of military equipment for the Russian Army.
Wrong, they actually contributed to the modernization of military equipment for the Austrian army.
Due to their industrial technology, the weapon production costs in Russia had always been exceptionally high, not only was there a high rate of defects, but the performance of the products was also unstable.
Whether it was the bureaucrats in state-owned military factories or capitalists in private military enterprises, all pursued maximizing profits.
Purchasing production lines was just for show, to pass inspections¡ªa way to snatch orders from the government. Stay updated via NovelBin.C?m
Organizing their own production was too costly. To cut costs and decrease ident risks, everyone tacitly chose to smuggle.
Don¡¯t think that just because there were problems with Russian military equipment, no one would be held ountable. Compared to other countries, the Russian Army could withstand more, but there was still ountability for excessive failure rates.
Indeed, during the Prusso-Russian war, many capitalists lost their heads. Most of the state-owned military enterprises in the hands of the Tsarist Government were confiscated from those times.
Initially, everyone followed the rules, importing only new equipment. Later, for greater profit, they tacitly chose to substitute it with cheaper second-hand equipment.
It was simply rebranded¡ªit wasn¡¯t second-hand, it was all genuine Russian Empire products.
It might look somewhat old, but that was because the armory took its responsibility seriously, testing each weapon hundreds of times for quality.
If not satisfied, there was always the option of brand-new equipment straight from the factory, though these were not performance-tested and quality could not be guaranteed.
The choice was clear, and after trials, everyone knew which to choose. Even knowing there were issues, in view of the Ruble, it was all fine.
To meet client needs, the Austrian military even moved forward the timelines for weapon modernization to ensure that by the time it reached the Russian Army, it didn¡¯t appear too outdated.
In fact, even selling at a discounted international trade price was enough to cover the costs of weapons production, and they even made a profit on some weapons.
In a way, this was also a win-win situation. The Austrian military saved on defense spending, the Russian Army ensured the quality of weapons, and Russian bureaucrats and capitalists made money.
If such a thing had happened in Austria, Franz would certainly haveunched a crackdown, but since it was in the Russian Empire, he chose to turn a blind eye.
After all, these maniptions by the Russian bureaucrats also benefited Austria. In case Russia and Austria fell out one day, the Russian military-industrialplex would immediately unravel.
¡
On the Afghanistan battlefield, a week had passed since the outbreak of war, and the Tsarist government¡¯s expected surprise attack had naturally failed.
The British generals were no ordinary folk; they had built defenses early along the border, and their scouts were everywhere, giving the Russian Army no opportunity.
Yet, the decision of the war still depended on strength, and after a week ofbat, Andehui was already on the brink of copse.
This wasn¡¯t the core area defended by the British forces; strategically, the best attack route for the Russian Army was along the Hari River towards Herat and then upriver into the heart of Afghanistan.
However, General Oks was no ordinary man; Herat was naturally within the scope of attack, but he chose to focus on breaking through at Andehui.
In the Russian Army¡¯s temporary headquarters, General Oks asked with concern, "Has contact been made with the Afghan Resistance Organization?"
No doubt, in his strategic n, the Afghan Resistance Organization was also a significant force.
In his view, being able to render thousands of British soldiers helpless, their strength was definitely not weak, and it would be a pity not to utilize them.
The young officer in charge ofmunication, Colonel Roznitsa, replied helplessly, "Commander, we have made contact.
However, the number of resistance organizations in Afghanistan was unexpectedlyrge; just those we made contact with number twenty-seven groups.
ording to the intelligence we gathered, there are at least a hundred such organizations in the Afghan region, possibly even more than two hundred.
They are nominally under the leadership of King Amir, but in reality, these organizations have long been acting on their own and are not bound to each other.
Because of religious reasons, the rtionships between these resistance organizations are also not very harmonious, making it nearly impossible to integrate them."
The figures "one hundred" and "two hundred"pletely shattered General Oks¡¯s expectations. ording to his estimation, there were at most two or three Afghan resistance groups.
Having too many groups would lead to fragmented power, making it difficult for them to coordinate with each other and unable to exert their maximumbat strength.
The reality, however, was quite the contrary; the Afghan Resistance Organizations were disorganized, each acting independently, yet they still managed to exhaust the British.
"If they were integrated, wouldn¡¯t they be able to¡"
This enticing thought had just arisen when General Oks snuffed it out. The Russian Army¡¯s purpose ining here was not to bring warmth to the Afghan people.
Essentially, both Britain and Russia were aggressors. It just so happened that the British upied Afghanistan now, and the Russian Army naturally didn¡¯t mind raising the g of liberating Afghanistan.
Once the British were driven away, the Russian Army would also upy the Afghan Region¡ªthis was a national policy already decided by the Tsarist Government.
In this context, the Afghan Resistance Organizations could only be used as cannon fodder and would need to be cleared away in the future. Bolstering their strength was just creating trouble for themselves.
Chapter 132 The Most Incorruptible Department
Vienna Pce had been tense until the news of the outbreak of the war between Ennd and Russia reached them, which considerably rxed Franz.
After many years as Emperor, always being extremely cautious, his aim was to avoid the kind of potential sieges that had urred in the original timeline.
The national policy of Austria was also established around this center. It began by inciting division in the United States on the other side of the ocean, followed by extinguishing the budding state of Italy.
Then, they effectively dismantled the once mighty Prussia, concurrently weakening the Russian Empire, until the outbreak of the war between Ennd and Russia, which finally freed Austria from the threat of encirclement.
Although the policy of the British Government was "there are only eternal interests, no eternal enemies", it did not mean that nations that were at each other''s throats could immediately be allies.
Governments can be shameless, but the public may not ept such a drastic turn. Even if the interest groups suppressed public opinion, cooperation from the Russians was necessary.
If the Russians won this war, venturing south toward India would be the future national policy of the Tsarist Government, and no one could stop it.
Unless the British were willing to retreat, the two nations could only continue to sh fiercely.
If the Russians lost the war, an impossible scenario, Franz had already decided to support the Tsarist Government to continue fighting.
If it came to it, Austria would provide funds and materials towards the end, and the Russians would provide troops to continue draining the British.
If one year was not enough then two years, if two years didn''t suffice then three or five years, and the war would not stop until there was a bloodbath.
By the time the war ended, both Britain and Russia would likely be exhausted. For a long while into the future, they would be unable to interfere in European affairs.
¡
Franz said, "Sell our newly equipped mortars to the Russians, the Afghan Region is mostly mountainous, and they need a lightweight cannon."
The Great Britain Empire had deep reserves and had not suffered any devastating defeats. To ensure both ended up weakened, Franz needed to enhance the capability of the Russians.
Franz had originally nned to give the Russians the Maxim machine guns as well, but thinking of the Tsarist Government''s poor logistics, he decided not to add to their troubles.
More advanced technologies were naturally reserved for Austria''s enemies and could not be revealed yet.
The only exception was the mortar, a weapon of low technical content that had been developed by the Russians in the original timeline; on the battlefield, they even adapted retired naval cannons on site.
Army Minister Fev, somewhat embarrassed, reminded him, "Your Majesty, the Russians introduced a mortar production line three years ago and already have several divisions equipped with it."
The Russian-Austrian Alliance wasn''t just a simple alliance¡ªit started straying during the first Near East war, and since then, Russian armaments began to be Austriacized.
After a prolonged period of adaptation, the Russians also became wise, procuring any weapon the Austrian army equipped inrge scale.
Weapons like mortars, with low technical content, simple operation, and wide utility had not been regarded as confidential military equipment; the military had long equipped them.
In fact, any universally employed weapon could hardly be kept confidential.
After all, weapons and equipment also required time to be integrated to perform effectively, not something that could be handed to soldiers and utilized in battle immediately.
The Maxim machine gun had not been immediately issued; that was because the Austrian army had already been equipped with Gatlings, and a simr weapons upgrade required little time for adaptation.
In reality, Austria''s truly confidential weapons and equipment were airnes, tanks, and armored vehicles, though it is fair to say that even the airnes had not been kept confidential.
It wasn''t forck of trying, but it was simply impossible. Tanks and armored vehicles could be developed in secrecy in some discreet corner, but airne test flights had to take to the skies.
An airne test flight might cover a distance of several hundred miles, and thinking it wouldn''t be seen across such distances was fanciful.
Instead of making futile attempts to arouse curiosity, it was better to disy them openly, even charge admission.
Since what was public were only the first-generation models, any major industrial nation could manufacture them. If they hadn''t delved deeper, it was because they hadn''t recognized the true value of airnes.
As for tanks and armored vehicles, those were the real deals intended forb product, outwardlybeled as automotive research centers.
Purely private ventures with no links to military manufacturing. Even the funding for research came directly out of Franz''s own pocket, never involving the military budget.
It wasn''t just the public that was unaware, even the upper echelons of the Austrian Government were oblivious to it, and within the military, only a few participants knew of it.
¡
Franz asked in surprise, "The Russians ce such great emphasis on arming?"
In his subconscious, the Tsarist Government did not prioritize the upgrading and recement of military equipment.
Due to financial constraints, the Russian military also showed ack of enthusiasm in this regard unless switching was unavoidable; they typically preferred to cut costs.
In thest twenty years, Russian army had not hesitated in acquiring second-hand equipment from Austria, especially during the Prusso-Russian War, when the Russians literally cleared out stock.
The intention was to reduce expenses, after all, second-hand weapons equipment was substantially cheaper, typically costing only one-third to one-fourth of the price of new equipment, with some weapons even avable at a tenth of the cost.
Though slightly outdated, as long as they were well-maintained, they could still be used for many more years and were ideal for a cash-strapped military.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, who was the most familiar with the Russian Empire, exined, "Your Majesty, the Tsarist Government''sck of funds is not contradictory to the introduction of weapons production lines.
In fact, each military procurement contract we signed with the Russians included massive kickbacks.
To prevent the Tsarist Government from discovering this, the bureaucrats in charge of procurement even demanded that all contracts and even the taxes on the transactions be paid in ordance with the trading price.
The kickbacks returned to them were also not given in cash but were carried out through covert profit transfers.
Thanks to these secretive bribery tactics, the International Procurement Department of the Russian military became the most incorruptible department within the Tsarist Government, even creating a ten-year record of no one being held ountable for corruption or bribery."
After hearing this exnation, Franz rolled his eyes. As expected, the Tsarist government was still the same Tsarist government he knew, and its bureaucrats were just as unabashed in making money as ever.
This change was merely a result of their prolonged contact with Austria¡ªlearning the money-making skills from Austrian bureaucrats, which allowed them to progress beyond their domestic peers, knowing to act discreetly.
One could imagine how terrifyingly effective the evolved Russian bureaucrats would be.
Given the Tsarist government''s monitoring capability, the Russian Army''s international procurement department likely made money through under-the-table benefits, something that mostly went undetected, otherwise, it couldn''t have be the cleanest department within the Russian Government.
Even due to the iplete legal system, many obscure methods of making money probably didn''t even constitute crimes in the Russian Empire.
Despite their money-grabbing, these bureaucrats did y a role, at least in driving the upgrade of military equipment for the Russian Army.
Wrong, they actually contributed to the modernization of military equipment for the Austrian army.
Due to their industrial technology, the weapon production costs in Russia had always been exceptionally high, not only was there a high rate of defects, but the performance of the products was also unstable.
Whether it was the bureaucrats in state-owned military factories or capitalists in private military enterprises, all pursued maximizing profits.
Purchasing production lines was just for show, to pass inspections¡ªa way to snatch orders from the government. Stay updated via My Virtual Library Empire
Organizing their own production was too costly. To cut costs and decrease ident risks, everyone tacitly chose to smuggle.
Don''t think that just because there were problems with Russian military equipment, no one would be held ountable. Compared to other countries, the Russian Army could withstand more, but there was still ountability for excessive failure rates.
Indeed, during the Prusso-Russian war, many capitalists lost their heads. Most of the state-owned military enterprises in the hands of the Tsarist Government were confiscated from those times.
Initially, everyone followed the rules, importing only new equipment. Later, for greater profit, they tacitly chose to substitute it with cheaper second-hand equipment.
It was simply rebranded¡ªit wasn''t second-hand, it was all genuine Russian Empire products.
It might look somewhat old, but that was because the armory took its responsibility seriously, testing each weapon hundreds of times for quality.
If not satisfied, there was always the option of brand-new equipment straight from the factory, though these were not performance-tested and quality could not be guaranteed.
The choice was clear, and after trials, everyone knew which to choose. Even knowing there were issues, in view of the Ruble, it was all fine.
To meet client needs, the Austrian military even moved forward the timelines for weapon modernization to ensure that by the time it reached the Russian Army, it didn''t appear too outdated.
In fact, even selling at a discounted international trade price was enough to cover the costs of weapons production, and they even made a profit on some weapons.
In a way, this was also a win-win situation. The Austrian military saved on defense spending, the Russian Army ensured the quality of weapons, and Russian bureaucrats and capitalists made money.
If such a thing had happened in Austria, Franz would certainly haveunched a crackdown, but since it was in the Russian Empire, he chose to turn a blind eye.
After all, these maniptions by the Russian bureaucrats also benefited Austria. In case Russia and Austria fell out one day, the Russian military-industrialplex would immediately unravel.
¡
On the Afghanistan battlefield, a week had passed since the outbreak of war, and the Tsarist government''s expected surprise attack had naturally failed.
The British generals were no ordinary folk; they had built defenses early along the border, and their scouts were everywhere, giving the Russian Army no opportunity.
Yet, the decision of the war still depended on strength, and after a week ofbat, Andehui was already on the brink of copse.
This wasn''t the core area defended by the British forces; strategically, the best attack route for the Russian Army was along the Hari River towards Herat and then upriver into the heart of Afghanistan.
However, General Oks was no ordinary man; Herat was naturally within the scope of attack, but he chose to focus on breaking through at Andehui.
In the Russian Army''s temporary headquarters, General Oks asked with concern, "Has contact been made with the Afghan Resistance Organization?"
No doubt, in his strategic n, the Afghan Resistance Organization was also a significant force.
In his view, being able to render thousands of British soldiers helpless, their strength was definitely not weak, and it would be a pity not to utilize them.
The young officer in charge ofmunication, Colonel Roznitsa, replied helplessly, "Commander, we have made contact.
However, the number of resistance organizations in Afghanistan was unexpectedlyrge; just those we made contact with number twenty-seven groups.
ording to the intelligence we gathered, there are at least a hundred such organizations in the Afghan region, possibly even more than two hundred.
They are nominally under the leadership of King Amir, but in reality, these organizations have long been acting on their own and are not bound to each other.
Because of religious reasons, the rtionships between these resistance organizations are also not very harmonious, making it nearly impossible to integrate them."@@novelbin@@
The figures "one hundred" and "two hundred"pletely shattered General Oks''s expectations. ording to his estimation, there were at most two or three Afghan resistance groups.
Having too many groups would lead to fragmented power, making it difficult for them to coordinate with each other and unable to exert their maximumbat strength.
The reality, however, was quite the contrary; the Afghan Resistance Organizations were disorganized, each acting independently, yet they still managed to exhaust the British.
"If they were integrated, wouldn''t they be able to¡"
This enticing thought had just arisen when General Oks snuffed it out. The Russian Army''s purpose ining here was not to bring warmth to the Afghan people.
Essentially, both Britain and Russia were aggressors. It just so happened that the British upied Afghanistan now, and the Russian Army naturally didn''t mind raising the g of liberating Afghanistan.
Once the British were driven away, the Russian Army would also upy the Afghan Region¡ªthis was a national policy already decided by the Tsarist Government.
In this context, the Afghan Resistance Organizations could only be used as cannon fodder and would need to be cleared away in the future. Bolstering their strength was just creating trouble for themselves.
Chapter 870 - 133: The Fall of Andehui
They abandoned the n to integrate the Afghan Resistance Organization, but support that needed to be given was still provided; the Russian Army now needed these people to cause trouble for the British.
As for potential future troubles, that was a matter for after victory in the war; it couldn¡¯t be concerned with in the short term.
Moreover, with so many factions within the Afghan Resistance Organization, there would always be a few turncoats; by inducing defection and making offers, the matter would be settled. In his heart, General Oks deeply despised the British.
With the support of the Russians, the Afghan Resistance Organization became even more active.
Today they would destroy roads, tomorrow they would blow up bridges, asionally take potshots, and attack a convoy, making life terribly difficult for the British Army.
In Andehui, Colonel Macau, who was defending the city, now only wanted to cry. The Russians overlooked the strategic locations and chose to break through here, which was beyond hisprehension.
Inside the Ninth Indian Colonial Division Command, a haggard Colonel Macau asked, "When will the reinforcements arrive?"
Before the young officer could reply, the boom of cannon fire sounded again¡ªthe Russian Army had started another assault on the city.
Hearing the artillery, Colonel Macau¡¯s face instantly darkened. The defense of Andehui had only begun two days ago, yet the Ninth Division had already lost over a thousand men.
Colonel Macau didn¡¯t care about the loss of soldiers; as a pure Englishman, he never considered Indian soldiers as his own. No matter how heavy the losses, it didn¡¯t pain his heart.
But the problem was that the morale of the troops was priceless. If it were the main British Army units, they could persist despite losing twenty to thirty percent of their forces.
Unfortunately, this was the Indian Colonial Division; with just a few hundred casualties, there was already instability among the troops.
If it wasn¡¯t for the defense provided by the city¡¯s fortifications, which gave everyone a sense of security, and the effectiveness of the Supervisory Team, the troops would have already copsed.
Sensing the brigademander¡¯s displeasure, the young officer anxiously answered, "Sir, themunications soldiers we dispatched for help should reach Mazar-i-Sharif by this afternoon.
In theory, the reinforcements could arrive in five days at the earliest.
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However, the headquarters are in Kabul, and without orders from the headquarters, the Fifth Division stationed in Mazar-i-Sharif might not deploy.
If the Fifth Division does not move out, we can only wait for orders from headquarters. Themunications soldiers sent to headquarters will take a week to reach Kabul; reinforcements may take half a month to arrive."
Without considering other factors, purely from a military standpoint, starting the war early had its value for the Tsarist Government.
Before the war broke out, the British Army in the Afghan Region had been preupied with eradicating guerris; the forces guarding the front line were severely insufficient.
Even the headquarters was in Kabul, so in the face of emergencies, it was impossible to coordinate joint operations among the frontline British Army.
ording to the British Army¡¯s ns, the war would erupt next spring. With such a long preparation period, temporary telegraph and telephone lines would have beenid out, and the headquarters, even if situated in the rear, could coordinatemand.
Regrettably, the situation changed faster than the n, and now the British Army units could onlymunicate through the running ofmunications soldiers.
As for carrier pigeons, that only existed in novels. Not to mention the dangers the pigeons might encounter on their way or whether they would even find the ce; the key issue was that the British Army did not equip themselves with such a thing.
Colonel Macau abandoned thest bit of false hope in his heart; it wasn¡¯t about waiting for half a month, the Ninth Division might not even be able to hold out for five days.
Besides, these were all theoretical numbers. Only if the call for help was immediately answered by deploying reinforcement could the troops possibly arrive in five days.
In reality, that was impossible. ording to practice, faced with such situations, the first reaction would be to verify the uracy of the message and then to discuss it in a meeting.
When a decision could be made depended on themander¡¯s responsibility. If they encountered someone who was timid and afraid, without orders from headquarters, they simply would not deploy troops.
After hesitating for a moment, Colonel Macau slowly said, "Order the troops to hold until nightfall, then retreat to the secondary defense line."
Colonel Macau had to be grateful that he was cautious enough to have arranged several defense lines; now he could retreat step by step to buy time.
Unfortunately, the enemy was too numerous; no amount of preparation could withstand their absolute strength.
Even a retreat was impossible. The Indian soldiers could still fight to some extent when defending the city, but if they left to fight the enemy in open battle, it was likely that a single Russian charge would disperse the Ninth Division.
Whether for the greater war effort or for himself, Colonel Macau must continue to hold on. Even if he ultimately couldn¡¯t keep Andehui, he had to gain time for the main forces.
As for the Ninth Division, it was meant to be cannon fodder; naturally, it had to y the role of cannon fodder. The time for sacrifice hade.
In this regard, General Patrick¡¯s decision to split the main forces and designate them as the Supervisory Team was undeniably correct.
If it weren¡¯t for a main battalion of the British Army backing him up, Colonel Macau wouldn¡¯t have been able to make the Indians fight desperately.
...
At the British Army headquarters in Kabul, General Patrick was in a very bad mood. The war between Ennd and Russia had broken out, and he, the Commander, was thest to know.
Whether it was the frontline troops or the London Government thousands of miles away, they had all received the news before him.
Brigadier General Howell suggested, "Commander, the Russians areing on strong. I fear the troops we have deployed on the front lines are not enough. We should send reinforcements to the front!"
Even without receiving specific battle reports from the front, everyone could guess with their feet that the situation would not be optimistic.
Brigadier General Lawrence, sitting opposite, objected, "It¡¯s not that simple. The battle situation is unclear right now, we have no idea where the enemy¡¯s main direction of attack is. We can¡¯t just send reinforcements in every direction, can we?
We don¡¯t have that many troops at our disposal, and the reinforcements promised from the homnd haven¡¯t even set out. It will be two months before they arrive.
The reinforcements from the Indian region havee, but the elite units from the Indian Colony have all been brought over by us. The current reinforcements are mostly newly formed units, and theirbat effectiveness is not to be relied upon.
Besides, the operation to eradicate the guerris has reached a critical moment. The frequency of shes with the enemy has increased significantly recently. If we pull out now, all our efforts will have been in vain.
If we miss this opportunity, we will have to face the double threat of the Russians and Afghan Guerris going forward, and the future war will only be more disadvantageous for us."
Because of the anti-guerri operations, nearly half of the British troops in the Afghan Region were burrowed into the mountain ravines. Apart from a few strategic locations, the frontline was understaffed elsewhere.
Such deployment of forces couldn¡¯t be considered wrong, after all, the Afghan Guerris also posed a great threat to the British Army. During their most rampant period, they could cause hundreds of casualties to the British every day. Not eradicating them was not an option.
It only could be said the British Army was unlucky, encountering a Russian offensive while engaged in counter-guerri operations, leaving them stretched from both ends.
Howell shook his head, "We can¡¯t worry about that now. The guerris can only give us a hard time, but the Russians are capable of taking the Afghan Region from our hands.
Dividing the forces to reinforce is not the best choice, but right now, we have no choice. Once the Russianse in, it will be hard to drive them out again.
I propose we leave a division¡¯s troops to watch the guerris and prevent them from causing significant chaos, and the rest of the troops should reinforce the front immediately."
Due to the uncertainty of the enemy¡¯s main direction of attack, I believe we can set up several forwardmand posts to coordinate the troops on the front line. It would be best if we personally went down to the troops."
Withmunication still unresolved, having the Command at Kabul is inopportune. By the time we get a message and go to the front, it¡¯ll be toote even to collect the corpses."
...
The two deputies were at loggerheads, making General Patrick¡¯s headache worse. What they said all made sense and only made the issue moreplicated.
Deep down, he still hoped to eradicate the guerris first and then have a final battle with the Russians. Unfortunately, reality left him no choice, the threat of the guerris was great, but he had to ensure that the front line did not copse first.
After much consideration, General Patrick made a decision, "Howell is right, having the Command at Kabul is just for show, it¡¯spletely ineffective.
Starting now, we will set up three forwardmands on the left, center, and right, with each of us serving as Commanders.
The Left Army will consist of the first, third, fourth, and sixth infantry divisions, the fifth, sixth, and seventh artillery battalions, and a cavalry division. I will personally takemand and reinforce the Herat Region."
The Central Army will consist of the..."
ns cannot keep up with changes. Just as the British Army gave up on suppressing the guerris and sent troops to reinforce the front, the battlefield of Andehui also reached a critical moment.
After struggling to hold on for a week, the defense of Andehui by the Ninth Infantry Division still copsed. The reinforcements from the fifth division, which Colonel Macau had hoped for, never appeared from beginning to end.
It wasn¡¯t that themander of the fifth divisioncked a big-picture perspective, but that the Russians had already appeared in the Mazar-i-Sharif area, andbat was imminent.
In the face of unclear prospects, how could the fifth division dare to divert troops to reinforce Andehui?
With thest line of defense breached, the Russian Army had already overrun all the defensive fortifications of Andehui, leaving only urbanbat as an option.
Colonel Macau had not gone mad to expect the demoralized Indian Colonial Division to engage in street fighting with the Russians.
Looking at the few hundred people who had gathered around him, Colonel Macau knew the situation was over and, with no choice left, he ordered resignedly, "Retreat!"
...
Chapter 871 - 134: Strategic Analysis
With the end of the siege of Andkhui, the Russian Army finally gained a foothold in the Afghan Region and achieved a temporary lead.
By the time the news reached Vienna, half a month had passed. Franz, who had been closely following the Afghan War, was now studying a map of Central Asia.
He acknowledged that the scenery of Andkhui was quite nice, with each valley a scenic spot, snow-capped mountains above, green fields below, waterfalls in the distance, and fruit trees upon closer inspection.
But the Russians, having traveled thousands of miles to fight there, couldn¡¯t possibly have done it just to see the scenery in Andkhui, right?
Besides the nice scenery, the local natural conditions were also rtively favorable, making it one of the more affluent areas in the Afghan Region.
As for strategic value, frankly, Franz didn¡¯t think it was all that important.
Strategically, from the Russians¡¯ perspective, capturing the region of Herat to the west or the Wakhan Corridor to the east would have been more valuable than the Andkhui region.
Especially the Wakhan Corridor, which led directly to British-India.
As a qualified spectator, the most important quality is curiosity, and Franz was no exception.
If his limited military knowledge couldn¡¯t discern the true intentions of the Russians, then he would ask those who might, considering that Austria was supporting a whole group of staff officers, it could be like a temporary assessment.
In the Vienna Pce, Franz had called an impromptu meeting with several up-anders from the Austrian General Staff.
"The war between Ennd and Russia has been ongoing for almost a month now. The Russians, who took the initiative, didn¡¯t amassrge forces to take the strategic locations of Herat and the Wakhan Corridor but instead captured Andkhui. What do you think are the true aims of the Russianmanders?"
This was a question without an answer, testing their imagination. Whether it was a rational analysis or abination of guesses and hunches was eptable.
In Franz¡¯s view, this question was better suited for someone who was considerably lucky.
After all, the final oue might differ significantly from the Russianmanders¡¯ original n. No matter how rational the analysis, it couldn¡¯t ount for the ever-changing nature of the battlefield.
For soldiers, luck is also extremely important. Although it smacks of superstition, sometimes you just have to believe in it.
For every general who has achieved great sess and left a piled heap of bones in his wake, besides personal abilities, luck also ys a significant role.
Those with bad luck are often felled mid-journey, as one would know from a flip through the records of Austrian military academies.
Each year¡¯s top military academy students are certainly notcking in abilities, but still, only a few manage to make a name for themselves.
The rest are just unlucky: for example, getting killed on the battlefield, injured during training and discharged, ormitting a mistake just when they¡¯re up for promotion...
"Your Majesty, Andkhui may just be a feint by the Russian Army, intended to mislead the British.
The direction of the Russian offensive might be uncertain, but their ultimate strategic objective is clear: everything revolves around seizing the Afghan Region.
I think the Russians will likely target Herat next; the British have deployed heavy forces there, and a direct assault would be very costly.
Perhaps the Russianmanders want to break the norm and choose an unexpected route of attack, like a wide nking maneuver reminiscent of what the Mongols did in the past.
Force their way through Persia, insert themselves behind Herat, cut off the retreat of the defending forces, and then encircle them for a siege."
Colonel Dank¡¯s n might or might not be feasible, Franz could not draw a conclusion without detailed local information, but firstly, the creativity of the idea was certainlymendable.
Throughout history, countless ssic battles relied on imaginative ideas that ordinary people could not fathom,bined with the most important element¡ªluck.
Replicating this kind of sess was almost impossible. The same was true for the strategy ofrge encirclement and nking maneuvers; the Mongols seeded, but that didn¡¯t mean the Russians could mimic them.
If the Persian people decided to be stubborn and not cooperate with the Russians¡¯ movements, intercepting the Russian Army from passing through, there would be quite a spectacle to witness.
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Without anyment, Franz simply smiled at Colonel Dank and then turned to an attendant beside him to give an order, "Record this first. Does anyone have a different opinion?"
As the department with thergest imaginations in Austria, agreement was never expected. As soon as Franz finished speaking, another officer began to speak.
"Your Majesty, I think the Russianmanders are simply aiming to upy Andehui, with no other purpose.
From a geographical analysis of Afghanistan, the areas with rtively better natural conditions and more fertilend are only Andehui and Herat. Other areas areparatively barren.
Now that they are flying the g of liberating the Afghan Region, the Russians¡¯ rtionship with the Afghan people is still somewhat amicable. Once they have upied these two regions, they could obtain some food locally for supplies.
The logistics system of the Russian Army is inplete disarray. As a frontlinemander, they must be aware of the nature of the bureaucrats back home.
This war was alsounched ahead of schedule, and the frontline troops do not have sufficient logistical materials. If the advance on the battlefield is too rapid, logistics could fail at any time.
If I were a Russianmander, the first thing to consider would be how to resolve the logistical issues, at least ensuring that frontline troops don¡¯t go hungry, rather than how to achieve victory.
The British Army has deployed heavy forces in the Herat region, leaving only Andehui for the Russians to capture with rtive ease. By upying the area, they could at least solve the food problem for tens of thousands of Russian soldiers.
In this regard, the strategic significance of the Russians taking Andehui is not much less than taking the Wakhan Corridor."
Although it was difficult to ept, Franz still thought it was indeed possible. After all, Russian bureaucrats were a kind of magical creature, having sabotaged the frontlinebat troops countless times already.
Ennd and Russia were both major powers, and the Afghan Region held significant strategic importance for both countries, which guaranteed that the war would not end in a short period.
Not figuring out how to feed the troops first, in the event of an emergency, could mean total disaster.
Perhaps to the average person, the Andehui region at most resolves the food issue for tens of thousands of Russian troops, but Franz did not see it that way.
In a critical moment, this region could save the lives of the Russian soldiers. After all, if you run out of food, you can always plunder it from the locals.
Completely solving the food issue was impossible, but getting rations for a month or two was still hopeful.
With a shortage of strategic materials, just stop the attack, build defensive fortifications to reduce consumption. As long as no one starves, all other problems are negotiable.
As for the problem of offending the Afghan people, in such a situation, probably no Russianmander would care anymore.
...
One astonishing spection after another refreshed Franz¡¯s perspective. If he did not know these were just wild guesses, he might have even suspected that the Russianmanders were military geniuses of their time, with so many intricacies involved in capturing Andehui.
Chapter 872 - 135: The Underestimated Napoleon IV
No matter what the Russians¡¯ true motives were, the impact of the Andehui defense battle was terrifying.
A bunch of experts who were not even as good as Franz kept popping out to instruct the world, as if the war would reach India by tomorrow.
The advent of the telegraph had brought the world closer, and the pessimistic European public opinion simrly affected the UK, putting significant pressure on the British Government at once.
"What has happened on the front lines, why was Andehui lost, what was Patrick doing?"
Three consecutive "whys" were enough to prove that Prime Minister dstone was in a very bad mood.
Afghanistan is not small in size, and Andehui is not a core strategic location; just losing the tens of thousands of square kilometers surrounding Andehui was negligible in the grand scheme of the battlefield.
Simrly, losing cities andnd just after the war started, as opposed to after prolonged fierce battles, are entirely different things.
Andehui was lost just after the beginning of the fight, leading to external public opinion questioning the British Army¡¯s strength, and the Opposition party took this opportunity to put Prime Minister dstone in an even more embarrassing situation.
Army Minister Rosario replied angrily, "It¡¯s all because the Russians are too despicable; theyunched a sneak attack without waiting for the deration of war to reach the front lines.
Our troops in the Afghan Region were busy exterminating partisans, and since Andehui¡¯s strategic value was not high, the forces deployed there were limited, giving the Russians an opportunity to exploit."
"But everyone can rest assured, General Patrick has already abandoned the previous n to encircle the partisans and has sent troops to reinforce the front lines.
If nothing unexpected has happened, the situation at the front should have stabilized now. It¡¯s just a matter of waiting for our reinforcements to arrive, and then we canunch a counterattack."
The more they heard from Patrick¡¯s exnation, the more uneasy everyone felt.
Giving up the encirclement of partisans also meant that the surrounded partisans coulde down from the mountains. With Russian troops fiercely attacking from outside and partisans wreaking havoc inside, how could anyone feel at ease?
Reinforcements arriving and then counterattacking might be used to cheat themon people, but the people present didn¡¯t have such strong confidence in their own army.
Suspicions aside, Prime Minister dstone still did not pour cold water on the issue. Since the war had broken out, they must fight on.
"The situation on the battlefield changes very rapidly, the Army Department must take responsibility. The war has been underway for nearly a month; why haven¡¯t the reinforcements set out yet?"
Facing the Prime Minister¡¯s reproach, Rosario replied reluctantly, "Your Excellency Prime Minister, there is a lot of preparation to be done before we can safely send troops on such a long voyage.
Most of the soldiers have never been to sea; the Antic hasrge waves, and without proper training, there would be significant nonbat attrition.
If possible, it would be best to transport the troops via the Suez Canal, which not only shortens the time but also provides calmer waters."
Helplessly, even as a maritime nation, not every Briton can withstand sea-sickness, and most of thend forces have never left the British Isles.
The fastest journey from the British Isles to India takes two to three months, and without professional training, many wouldn¡¯t endure.
If you force untrainednd forces onto ships, the death rate would be shockingly high, and morale would be broken before they even reach the battlefield; how could they then fight a war?
Foreign Minister George shook his head, "The UK Foreign Office hasmunicated multiple times with France and Austria, but the results were not optimistic.
When the Suez Canal was opened, it was announced: ¡¯The Canal Company will maintain absolute neutrality during wartime, prohibiting any military vessels from belligerent countries from navigating the canal.¡¯
Not to mention during wartime, even in peacetime, British military ships cannot navigate through the Suez Canal and have to detour via the Cape of Good Hope.
The UK Foreign Office has made a lot of effort, but to no avail."
On this issue, the governments of France and Austria simply didn¡¯t intervene, leaving the problem to the Canal Company.
The Canal Company¡¯s initial funding came from the governments of France and Austria, theoretically belonging to the citizens of both countries, with many peculiar regtions stated since its inception.
For instance: shares could only circte within France and Austria; significant changes in thepany¡¯s operating philosophy required the consent of the people in France and Austria...
These uses directly blocked the British from having a hand in the canal; even with money, they couldn¡¯t buy shares.
The "absolute neutrality principle" is the core operating concept of the Canal Company; to get the Canal Company to make way, they first needed the consent of the citizens of France and Austria.
It is a task that¡¯s simply impossible toplete.
Anglo-Austrian rtions are okay among citizens, but the government rtionships are terrible; Ennd and France are politically allied, yet their public rtions are a mess.
One might say that the Suez Canal is Britain¡¯s eternal pain, as it has always been put in a passive position for not taking the canal seriously at the outset.
After a pause, Prime Minister dstone asked, "Can we persuade the French government to help, even at a certain cost?"
```
Rules are made by humans, and bypassing them is not impossible. Just because troop transports cannot sail through doesn¡¯t mean regr merchant ships can¡¯t either.
At worst, weapons and equipment can go around the Cape of Good Hope, and soldiers can remove their uniforms and board merchant ships as escorts in disguise.
However, this is only feasible for small units. For reinforcements numbering in the tens of thousands, it would be impossible without the cooperation of someone within the Canal Company.
Foreign Minister George frowned and replied, "This is going to be difficult, even if the French government is willing to help, it¡¯s hard to guarantee we won¡¯t be discovered.
Russia and Austria are allies, and if they detect something amiss, they are very likely to detain our soldiers.
The French can¡¯t be relied upon, and should the matter be exposed, the Paris Government will not support us."
There¡¯s no choice, Ennd and France have been undermining each other for centuries. Even though they are now allies, no one can guarantee the French won¡¯t deliberately trap them.
What if they strike a deal with us and then sell us out the next moment?
Eating up both previous and next patrons is just a characteristic of the times. If British soldiers get detained in the Suez Canal, the Afghanistan battlefield is doomed.
The alliance with France was not only to tie down Austria but more importantly to prevent an alliance between Russia, France, and Austria.
Though the chances of this happening are slim, the British Government cannot take the risk, as its policies are influenced not only by interests but also by animosities.
With a history of enmity, if the French government were to act rashly and join the Russian-Austrian Alliance, Britannia would be finished.
Just recalling how the French financial sector issued war bonds for the Russians is evidence enough of the unreliable nature of Anglo-French rtions.
After weighing the pros and cons, Army Minister Rosario made a decisive decision to give up before the Prime Minister could express his stance.
"The Afghanistan battlefield cannot afford any mishaps; the reinforcements will have to go around the Cape of Good Hope. It is simply too risky to ce our hopes in the French."
...
In the New Versailles Pce in Paris, watching the two annoying foes, Ennd and Russia, at each other¡¯s throats, Napoleon IV was in quite a good mood.
The French government had also put in much effort to provoke a war between Ennd and Russia, though much of it was covert and overlooked by many regarding the role of the French government.
The Anglo-French alliance and the issuing of war bonds for Russia were just parts of it.
Without the efforts of the French government, the British Government wouldn¡¯t have decided to send troops to Afghanistan so quickly, the Russians wouldn¡¯t have counter-mobilized in Central Asia, and the current war between Ennd and Russia would not have urred.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets said, "Your Majesty, both Britain and Russia are urging us to fulfill our duties as allies."
The French government ying a double agent with the British and having secret treaties with the Russians¡ªif that news were to leak, it would shock the world.
There were already signs, such as the French finance group issuing war bonds for the Russians, proving a connection between the two countries.
But the French government wasn¡¯t involved; it was the French finance group that handled the business. Capitalists doing outrageous things for profit isn¡¯t big news.
Napoleon IV sneered, "Tell the British, as long as Austria has no objections, we¡¯ll agree to their free navigation through the Suez Canal.
If necessary, we can also send troops to the Afghan Region.
Considering the differences in our logistical systems, we¡¯ll take care of our own logistics. To facilitate our resupply, let them provide us with a port in the Indian Ocean.
Tell the Russians we will block the Suez Canal, preventing the British navy from sailing through.
As for sending troops, let them first persuade the Vienna Government. If Austria deres war on Britain, we will immediately follow suit."
The British Government would wee French troops in Afghanistan, but providing the French with a port in the Indian region would be absolutely impossible.
It¡¯s easy to invite the divine but hard to send it away; once French influence is allowed in India, driving them out would be difficult.
Then, Britain¡¯spetitors in India wouldn¡¯t just be the Russian Empire but France and Russia, and possibly Austria too.
When ites to interests, nothing is impossible. Only if the British Government isn¡¯t out of its mind would it notmit such an act of self-destruction.
The reply to Russia was equally evasive, not allowing the British to use the Suez Canal for troop movements; it was mainly to give the Russians a greater advantage on the battlefield.
Only if the Russian Army upied the Afghan Region and threatened the security of India would the war between Ennd and Russia continue.
Hard-faced, Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets said, "Your Majesty, wouldn¡¯t that reply be somewhat inappropriate?"
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Chapter 873 - 136, The Plan of France
After a pause, Napoleon IV nodded. "Indeed, it is not very good, the reply was too direct, and our allies might feel uneasy," he said.
"Why don¡¯t you reorganize thenguage, talk more about the difficulties we face, and soothe their injured spirits?"
Karel Kadelitz was at a loss for words. No matter the response, it wouldn¡¯t change the fact that the French government was ying the fisherman.
Perhaps before the outbreak of the war between Ennd and Russia, the French government still had to consider their feelings, but now it was no longer necessary.
Even if Ennd and Russia had grievances, that would be a matter for after the war.
The current international situation was clear: Austria supported the Russians, and France¡¯s stance would directly affect the oue of this war.
If France remained neutral, or supported Britannia, then the war could continue; if France supported Russia, Britannia would not be able to contend with the three major powers at the same time.
How could one give up such an opportunity to demand concessions?
To stimte Ennd and Russia was actually to make them offer a more sincere price, after all, people don¡¯t always recognize their situation.
Prime Minister Terence Burke suggested, "Your Majesty, the war between Ennd and Russia has broken out and it seems it won¡¯t end any time soon; we should consider implementing the next strategy."
For the French Empire, extorting Ennd and Russia could only be considered a petty gain.
The greatest benefit the war between Ennd and Russia brought to France was the lifting of the shackles on them.
The only power left that could restrain France was Austria, but it was merely a check, not enough to frighten the French government.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets said, "We should still wait. The war between Ennd and Russia has only just begun, and neither side has truly gone all out yet.
If our actions are too bold and touch their sensitive nerves, it¡¯s very possible that Ennd and Russia will cease hostilities first.
Just like in the Near East war some years ago, Austria wanted to unify the Germany Region, and the countries involved in the conflict stopped fighting first, did they not?
If the Austrians had restrained their emotions and waited until the Near East war was nearing its end before dispatching troops, the oue might have been quite different."
The Vienna Government¡¯s attempt to unify the Germany Region during the first Near East war failed, provoking intervention from various European countries, and in the end, they only managed to annex South German.
In Karel Kadelitz¡¯s view, this was a ready-made negative example. If only they had waited a few more days and moved after the Russian Army had reached the gates of Constantinople, the result would have beenpletely different.
Economic Minister Elsa objected, "Austria¡¯s failure to unify the Germany Region was not only due to intervention from European countries, but primarily because of the fierce opposition from the Kingdom of Prussia.
The Vienna Government did not have the confidence to fight a civil war, so they could only watch the Germany Region split, and even if they waited until the end, it would be the same.
Our situation is different now, we just want Prussia and Germany to cede a few coal mines, it¡¯s not about annexing the two countries outright, and even if Ennd and Russia are dissatisfied, they would endure it for the time being.
The only power capable of intervening is Austria, neither Prussia nor Germany has the courage to go to war with us, and I do not think the Vienna Government will fight us over Prussia and Germany, as it is not in their interest.
Once we create a fait apli, the Austrians will most likely just rant, and the Foreign Ministry can step in to appease them.
In recent years, our economy has recovered quickly, but it is still somewhat difficult to surpass its peak period.
The main factor restricting our economic growth is the insufficient domestic supply and high prices of coal, which increase the cost of industrial production.
It may not be very intuitive to put it this way, so here¡¯s a simple example:
After the outbreak of the war between Ennd and Russia, the export trade of European countries has seen an increase, and justst month our total export trade volume increased by 0.7 percentage pointspared to the previous year, reaching the highest growth rate in eight years.
But the total export trade of other European countries all exceeded 1 percentage point, and Austria¡¯s export trade volume increased by at least 2 percentage points.
We¡¯ve fallen behind again. It¡¯s not that the domestic industrial sector isn¡¯t trying; in fact, when ites to making money, no one tries harder than the capitalists.
But there¡¯s a shortage of coal in the country, and although Prussia and Germany have excess capacity, they hoard it, forcing us to spend more money to buy it.
They are a bunch of vampires, perched atop the heads of French industry andmerce, devouring our wealth.
Every day we dy, France loses..." Discover hidden stories at NovelBin.C?m
The difficulty in annexing Prussia and Germany is too great, even annexing one would bring big trouble.
Despite not having been battered by society, the shadow of the anti-French war still lingers.
To reduce risk, the French government quietly lowered their goal, subdividing the n to annex the Prussia and Germany Region, preparing to first extort several mines from the two countries.
"Hoarding out of spection" was just an excuse Elsa found, in fact, the rise in coal prices was only normal business behavior.
Capitalists wanted to maximize their profits and would not pass up any opportunity. After the outbreak of the Ennd-Russia war, manymodity prices in Europe saw a slight increase.
However, French capitalists couldn¡¯t stand it, originally prepared to make a fortune from the war, only to suddenly find the energy prices had also risen.
Expected profits of ten million francs were now reduced to nine million due to the energy price hike, which meant a loss of one million francs.
The French capitalists were naturally unwilling to share profits with others. To maximize profits, they all began exerting their influence, urging the government to seize the coal mines of the Prussia and Germany Region.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets shook his head, "Don¡¯t forget those coal mines have owners. What if the Prussia and Germany government refuse our trade offers on the grounds of the sanctity of private property?
Going to war and seizing by force, are you sure they won¡¯t dare to go to war with us?
We might let Belgium be, but the German Federation is not weak. Once that bunch of Sub-States unites, even we can¡¯t take them down quickly.
If the war bes a stalemate, the Austrians will take the opportunity to plunder, and Britannia and Russia will add fuel to the mes.
If it were only Austria, we could cope, but the problem is they will incite the countries of Europe to turn against us.
Even if the Imperial Army is formidable, it cannot match up against a united Europe. Once the war starts, we won¡¯t be able to control the aftermath.
For safety¡¯s sake, we¡¯d better wait for Britain and Russia to really start fighting each other, forcing the countries of Europe to take sides.
Once the countries of Europe are split into two camps, we can then pressure the Prussia and Germany Region to concede. Even if the situation gets out of control, with the Alliance, we won¡¯t be fighting alone."
Failure leads to growth. As France¡¯s Foreign Minister, Karl Chardlets had a profound understanding of the root cause of France¡¯s defeat in the Anti-French War¡ªtoo few allies and too many enemies.
To avoid repeating mistakes, Karl Chardlets has always advocated stirring up the contradictions among European countries and dividing their rtionships.
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This Ennd-Russia war also owes much to his contribution.
Upon hearing the Foreign Minister¡¯s exnation, Napoleon IV¡¯s eager heart cooled down. Having outgrown his years of youthful ignorance, Napoleon IV learned to weigh pros and cons.
"Karl is right, now is not the best time. What¡¯s most important now is to continue promoting the progress of the Ennd-Russia war.
Only when they have both sustained heavy losses can our n to advance eastward proceed smoothly.
Let the Foreign Ministry stir up the Russians some more, tell the Tsarist Government that as long as they capture Herat, or the Wakhan Corridor, we will issue war bonds worth one billion francs for them."
Stirring the Russians was a necessity, as the British Government was too rational, and too difficult to cheat.
Once the British Army secures victory on the battlefield, driving out the Russians from the Afghan Region, the British Government will take the profits and withdraw.
The Tsarist Government would be different. Once they conquered the Afghan Region, the focus of the Russians¡¯ strategy would shift to India.
Nobody could stop the Russians¡¯ ambitions for India. On this issue, the British Government would notpromise, leaving both sides no choice but to sh to the end.
In this respect, France and Austria were in agreement, the Vienna Government was equallymitted to supporting the Tsarist Government all the way to India with financial and military aid.
As for the concern that the Russians might dominate the Indian region after capturing it, such worries were entirely superfluous.
The Great Britain Empire of those days was not to be trifled with, and once they fought for their lives, it was enough to make any country take notice.
Given the capabilities of the Russians, taking India from the British was not something that could be aplished overnight.
Prime Minister Terence Burke cautioned, "Your Majesty, the Ennd-Russia war has already broken out. As an ally of the British, issuing bonds for the Russians is no longer appropriate."
Even cheating an ally has its methods. It¡¯s all right to set traps in the dark, but open sabotage and backstabbing go against the rules of the game.
If word spreads, France¡¯s international reputation will be utterly ruined, and no country will dare to ally with us.
Napoleon IV smiled faintly, "No matter, we just need to change our approach, and the British will have no reason toin.
For instance, we issue one billion francs ofmercial bonds for Austria, and then the Austrians lend that money to the Tsarist Government."
...
Chapter 874 - 137: Mutual Scheming (Two in One)
The sunlightvished upon the earth, reflecting off the snow and emitting twinkling golden glows.
The ground nketed with snow, the frozen Neva River, they all testified to the arrival of winter, pairing perfectly with St. Petersburg and its snowyndscape.
In the past, with such fine weather, Alexander III would have certainly taken his family out to bask in the winter sun.
At this moment, within the Gatchina Pce, the upper echelons of the Tsarist Government were gathered, deliberating the nation¡¯s forting policies.
Foreign Minister Oscar Hemenes: "Last night, the French Ambassador revealed at the banquet that the French government is preparing to increase its support for us.
As long as our forces on the front capture Herat or the Wakhan Corridor, they will underwrite one billion francs of war bonds for us.
The intentions of the French are very clear, they want to use us to weaken the British. The Anglo-French Alliance is practically dead in name.
Before this, the Austrian Government also expressed a simr sentiment, it¡¯s just that the French are more anxious."
The British have done too much mischief; now, they have enemies all over the world. The current international situation is very favorable for us. It now depends on the military."
Turning an enemy into an ally would be considered a miracle in the history of diplomacy. However, given theplex rtionship between Ennd and France, such events are not unusual.
Ennd and France are archenemies; undermining the British requires no reason; if the French government were wholeheartedly helping the British, that would be the real issue.
Army Minister Ivanov: "The front lines are progressing very well. We¡¯ve pushed the frontline to the key western town of Herat in Afghanistan and the eastern transport hub of Kunduz.
Any breakthrough at these points, and we¡¯ll seize the initiative in the war. From the current situation, the chance of capturing Herat or the Wakhan Corridor before the British reinforcements arrive is very high.
The only issue testing us now is logistics. As the front moves forward, the supply of logistics is bing more sluggish.
If this situation does not change, it won¡¯t be long before our frontline troops have to stop and wait for supplies."
Pinning the me is something everyone can do, and after all, Ivanov was stating the facts.
The early sess of the Russian Army was built on sufficient supplies. With the pre-war reserves exhausted by the outbreak, they nowpletely rely on support from the rear.
Hearing that logistical supplies were falling behind, Alexander III¡¯s face immediately soured, his gaze, filled with a murderous intent, turned towards Minister of Logistics Agent, as if to say: You¡¯d better give me a reasonable exnation, or else...
The well-prepared Agent calmly exined: "The logistics supplies falling behind is not our fault.
The route in Central Asia is unstable, with frequent guerri sabotage severely affecting the logistics progress.
Also, the frequent redeployment of frontline troops often happens without prior notice to the logistics department, forcing our people to make wasted journeys, how could it not be slow?"
Ivanov snorted coldly: "If your logistics department can¡¯t handle it, then hand over the transportation of supplies to the Army Department and stop making so many lousy excuses.
Guerri attacks?
The military has already cleared the surrounding resistance organizations and has deployed heavy troops to protect the safety of the convoys.
Since the war began, the convoys have been attacked by guerris seventeen times, never exceeding five hundred people, and nine of those were provocations you started.
Even after moving the local residents thirty kilometers away to reduce conflicts, you still manage to take wrong turns.
As for not notifying you on time, that¡¯s nonsense.
The logistics department¡¯s major material movements require approval from St. Petersburg. The front linemanders only have the right to adjust supplies at or below the division level.
How can they notify you in advance when the situation on the battlefield is unpredictable, and we need to react spontaneously?"
The conflict between the military and the logistics department is actually an extension of the underlying conflict between the military and bureaucratic officials, essentially a struggle for a say.
Logistics is the government¡¯s best way to restrain the military. From the perspective of bureaucratic officials, sacrificing a bit of efficiency to limit the military¡¯s power is not worth mentioning at all.
Particrly after the invention of the telegraph, which sped up themunication process, many European countries enhanced their control over logistical supplies.
Don¡¯t mention this era, even during World War II, the logistical systems of nations were still in a mess.
It wasn¡¯t that they didn¡¯t know how to solve this, the problem was that once the government handed logistics over to the military, it would lose its leverage over the troops and a situation where the military grew too powerful could easily arise.
Although there were problems with everyone¡¯s logistical systems, this was after all an era ofparative ipetence, where being a little better than others meant sess.
Agent replied calmly, "Marshal, leave professional matters to the professionals.
I must be blunt, the situation would only worsen if the military managed logistics.
Don¡¯t forget that the Logistics Department not only distributes supplies but also, more importantly, gathers them, which involves manyplex issues.
Regarding the issue of untimely distribution, our Logistics Department is already trying to find a solution, and the situation will improve after a while."
Giving up the authority to allocate logistical supplies was absolutely out of the question. Without this power, the Logistics Department would really be a wet nurse, and one without a sry at that.
Besides the loss of power, more importantly, there was a loss of personal interests. The positions within the Logistics Department were lucrative posts, and it was only by controlling both the procurement and the distribution of supplies that people could make a fortune.
To dispel the military¡¯s intentions, Agent did not hesitate to directly threaten them. He made it clear to Marshal Ivanov that without the cooperation of the Logistics Department, the military simply couldn¡¯t gather the supplies they needed.
The squabble between his subordinates was something Alexander III pretended not to see.
A discord between those who managed the troops and those who managed the provisions was something he was pleased to observe; had the two been as close as brothers, Alexander III really would have lost sleep over it.
Seeing that the atmosphere was off, Finance Minister Alisher spoke up to mediate, "Enough, both of you. The Logistics Department will increase the authority of the front-line allocation officers, who will report directly to General Oks, to ensure timely distribution of supplies to the front.
In addition, we will increase the domestic transportation speed of supplies. If the quantity is insufficient, we can make purchases from Austria, but we must do everything we can to guarantee the supply for the frontline troops."
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The face of the financial backer cannot be ignored, whether it¡¯s the Logistics Department or the military, both rely on the Finance Ministry for funding.
Against such a backdrop, the Finance Minister also acted as a lubricant, mediating conflicts among departments. Though he didn¡¯t have the title of Prime Minister, he effectively exercised some of the Prime Minister¡¯s powers.
Marshal Ivanov harbored no illusions about actually obtaining logistics authority. If the military hadn¡¯t gotten it during the Prusso-Russian War, then it was even less likely now.
As long as the front-linemanders could have temporary authority to allocate supplies and ensure the support of their troops, he would be satisfied.
Marshal Ivanov epted the proposal, giving Agent no excuse to refuse, so he reluctantly agreed.
The chaos in allocating supplies wasn¡¯t a deliberate act of sabotage against the military. The fundamental reason for such issues was simply the overall insufficiency of supplies.
This involved deeper reasons, with too many interest groups entangled, leaving Agent no choice but to cover up the problem.
In the face of material scarcity, robbing Peter to pay Paul was unavoidable. Many errors in distributing supplies urred because front-line bureaucrats, driven to desperation, used distribution errors as an excuse to dy.
After all, the procedure for exchanging supplies wasplicated and time-consuming.
What should have been a three-month supply, might have been fudged tost only two months, with the remaining month¡¯s supplies saved¡ªor rather, owed. When they would be made up depended on the specific situation; as long as the maniption was not excessive, no major chaos would ensue.
What would the Russian Army do without sufficient supplies at the front?
This problem was one that our ancestors had already figured out a solution to: sending soldiers out to plunder was sufficient, after all, it was a Russian military tradition.
Of course, this carried risks. In the original timeline, during World War I, because the conflictsted so long and the Russian Army could find nowhere to plunder, this tactic eventually copsed and buried the Russian Empire.
After the brief interlude, Alexander IIImented with a smile, "The situation is bing increasingly interesting now. The Austrians support our deration of war against the British, and the French also support us in dering war against the British.
It¡¯s curious that France and Austria havee to think alike; I wouldn¡¯t believe there wasn¡¯t a conspiracy behind it if you told me so."
"What do you think are the true intentions of France and Austria? What sort of interests are significant enough for them to offer us such favorable terms?"
Suspicion is a ruler¡¯s instinct, and the tactics of France and Austria are not clever, their intention to provoke an Ennd-Russia war is all too apparent.
Knowing that a conspiracy lies beneath, the Russian Empire might have be a pawn, yet, for the sake of benefits, Alexander III still chose to fall into the trap.
There¡¯s no way around it; the current international situation is clear: the Russian Empire¡¯s path to the west has been blocked.
With lessons learned from the Prusso-Russian War, even the most zealous of the War Party does not believe that expansion into the European Continent is promising.
That leaves only the options to advance north, south, or east. Undoubtedly, heading north is futile¡ªbeyond the ice of the Arctic Ocean lies the tough nut of the Nordic Federation.
Heading east isn¡¯t an appealing choice either, given the extremely harsh climate. Just the journey from west to east takes a year, which is utterly unsuitable for the movement ofrge armies.
Advancing south became the only and best choice. Although it meanspeting with the British, what doesn¡¯t requirepetition these days?
Even if he was to be a pawn, Alexander III intended to be one that could leap off the chessboard at any time, rather than being ndly sacrificed.
Foreign Minister Oscar Hemenes: "Looking at the current international situation, our support from France and Austria in fighting a war against the British leads the Foreign Affairs Department to suggest there are three possibilities.
First, they want us to engage in a bloody conflict with the British, weakening our strength so France and Austria can sit back and profit from the war.
Considering the extent of their support, profiting from war can be ruled out; the funds they are providing aren¡¯t even enough to break even from trade.
Second, they intend to use our actions to seriously weaken Britannia and then divide it amongst themselves.
This possibility is even less likely. Although the French have repeatedly promised to choose the right time to go to war with the British, they are insisting that Austria dere war on Britain first.
We have probed, and the Vienna Government is not ready to fall out with the British, let alone go to war with them.
Third, France and Austria wish to use the Afghan war to tie both us and the British down, making it easier for them to take action on the European Continent.
As for what specific actions, it¡¯s still unclear. Based on their behavior, we can infer that the French government is more eager. In contrast, the Austrian Government is rtively lukewarm; they seem yet to decide.
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On this point, we can tentatively conclude that France and Austria have not reached an agreement, and their strategic goals might evene into conflict.
I personally think that France and Austria¡¯s target should be the Central European Region.
Austria wants to take the opportunity to unify the Germany Region, but they are not confident about managing it in the face of French obstruction, nor are they willing to pass up the chance.
The French aim to use this opportunity to expand into Central Europe, likely intending to annex Belgium and parts of the German Federation.
Primarily, it¡¯s the territories west of the Rhine River they are after, where the coal mines essential to the French can make up for their shortage of resources.
Of course, this is just spection; the French government¡¯s appetite might not be thatrge.
After all, the strength of the German Federation is not to be underestimated, and with Austria at its side, they would certainly intervene. Judging by strength, the odds for the French against the German-Austrian Army are not high.
Unless the French can achieve a swift victory, seizing the territories mentioned above before Austria sends in troops, creating a fait apli and using the formidable Rhine River as a natural barrier to stop the German-Austrian Army."
Strategic ns are not something to be hidden easily¡ªno evidence is needed, just motivation, and without a doubt, France and Austria both have the motive to expand into Central Europe.
While initiating war with the British, the Tsarist Government also hasn¡¯t neglected the European Continent.
In fact, without France and Austria checking each other on the European Continent, the Tsarist Government wouldn¡¯t dare to move southward fully.
Army Minister Ivanov shook his head: "I agree with Your Excellency¡¯s judgment, the third possibility is the most likely.
However, I have a different view regarding the specifics. It¡¯s true that France and Austria are interested in the Central Region, but the strength of the German Federation is not weak.
Austria could undertake the annexation of the German Federation through political means from within, which has some chance of sess.
If the French were tounch a direct attack on the German Federation, even if Austria didn¡¯t send troops to intervene, they would still lose a few teeth.
The French government couldn¡¯t possibly fail to see this; rather than take risks in an uncertain situation, it would be better for them to turn to a secondary option and annex Belgium instead."
Due to the Prusso-Russian War, the Tsarist Government upgraded its assessment of the fighting capabilities of the states within the German Confederation by a notch.
Purely on paper, the current strength of the German Federation is not weak at all.
Its military strength is almost on par with that of the former Prusso-Polish Federation, its economy ranks just behind the four powers of Ennd, France, Russia, and Austria, its heavy industry is on level terms with France, and it boasts a poption of more than twenty-five million.
Measuring others by his own standards, Marshal Ivanov did not believe the French would bite this hard bone, especially when there was a lion ready to hunt right behind it.
Compared to that, the difficulty of annexing Belgium was much lower. The Bi-Austrian secrecy was unknown to all; on the surface, annexing Belgium would only offend the British.
But as far as Anglo-French rtions are concerned, offense is offense. Since they¡¯ve even engaged in war bond issues with the Russians, what wouldn¡¯t the French dare to do?
Foreign Minister Oscar Hemenes shrugged, "Marshal, the French are not as rational as you. They pride themselves as the world¡¯s foremost army.
You haven¡¯t been to France, so you may not know, the French are particrly proud. Starting with Napoleon III, the French government has been promoting the invincibility of France.
Many French hold notions still rooted in the Napoleonic Era, viewing themselves as invincible. Even our past defeat of them in the Near East War has not changed this."
The Near East War can¡¯t be counted; Ennd, France, and Russia all see themselves as victors, with the only acknowledged loser being the Ottoman Empire, which has now faded from history.
Oscar Hemenes could use the Near East War to make a point, but Marshal Ivanov had no face to mention the Near East War.
Even though the Russian Army did win a strategic victory, tactically they suffered aplete mess. The so-called victory was nothing more than a heap of human lives.
The casualty ratio of the Russian Army was simply unbearable to look at. Often, Russian forces double in size would still get beaten down by the enemy.
In the eyes of a traditional soldier like Marshal Ivanov, that was not a victory for the Russian Army, but rather a shame.
Sensing the mood was off, Alexander III intervened, "Alright, the size of the French appetite is a minor issue.
As much as we don¡¯t want to acknowledge it, the bnce of power among the four major European powers has indeed been disrupted in recent years, and we are the weakest link.
The strengths of Ennd, France, and Austria all surpass ours, and our currentpetition with the British over the Afghan Region is also the result of support from France and Austria.
However, if France and Austria can incite a war between us and the British for their benefit, why can¡¯t we do the same?
The problem of Central Europe is the core conflict between France and Austria; whether it¡¯s Austria¡¯s ambition to unify the German Region or France¡¯s desire to move into Central Europe, as soon as one of them makes the first move, intense conflict will erupt.
Now, as we fight the British, France and Austria have no worries about their rear. If we give them a push from behind, the likelihood of war breaking out between them is very high.
By using the war to weaken both France and Austria, we may have the opportunity to re-establish our dominant position on the European Continent, or at least bring them back to the same starting line."
Betraying allies is something anyone can do; if France and Austria can use the Russian Empire as a pawn, Alexander III can also strike back.
Ennd and Russia have started fighting, and after the war both will certainly suffer heavy losses. Without depleting the strength of France and Austria, the gap in power between the four great powers will be irrevocably widened.
Foreign Minister Oscar Hemenes reminded, "Your Majesty, if a war breaks out between France and Austria, we lose external support.
Without the support of France and Austria, simply relying on our own strength, the Afghan battlefield will likely..."
Alexander III cut him off, "No worries, instigating a war between France and Austria is not something that happens overnight.
Even if we are to take action, it will be when the Afghanistan battlefield is nearly settled. Until then, we are good allies.
What we need to do now is to extract as many loans and supplies as possible from France and Austria. If they want us to risk our lives, they must offer us benefits."
Upon hearing this exnation, everyone breathed a sigh of relief. Provoking a war between France and Austria was no issue as long as it did not affect the situation in Afghanistan.
Chapter 875 - 138, Winter Offense and Guerrilla Squad
Afghanistan¡¯s winter was very cold, yet the piercing chill did not halt the march of war. It was hard to tell whether the British were too ipetent or the Russians too formidable.
In thest month of 1889, the Russian Army captured Mazar-i-Sharif, Kunduz, and Qah-e-Qaran one after another, and a fifth of the Afghan Region¡¯s territory changed hands.
Even the Wakhan Corridor and Herat, where the British Army had concentrated heavy forces, were on the brink of copse, at risk of being overrun at any moment.
Opening the window, a cold wind howled through. Gazing at the swirling snowkes, General Patrick shuddered.
The ghastly weather of minus ten degrees was just too unfriendly for the British Army; Britannia had never seen such cold days.
To say nothing of going out to battle, even while staying in a heatedmand post, General Patrick felt the wintry wind cut to the bone.
The bureaucrats back home misjudged the situation; the winter clothing they prepared was based on domestic temperatures and was utterly useless.
Luckily, the bureaucrats of the logistics department carried on their fine tradition and prepared winter clothing based on previous personnel numbers.
The dead and missing soldiers naturally did not need them, and the officers and men on assignment could wear twoyers of winter clothing.
Even so, with winter¡¯s arrival, the British Army was experiencing a sharp increase in nonbat casualties. In some areas, nonbat casualties even exceeded those wounded or killed in action against the Russian Army.
The front line setbacks were less about the prowess of the Russian Army than the grueling Afghan winter.
Especially for some soldiers from the tropical regions of India, Afghanistan¡¯s winter was a living hell.
Hands, feet, ears, face... there wasn¡¯t a single exposed part of the body that wasn¡¯t affected.
By contrast, the Russian Army was faring much better. Though they had nonbat casualties as well, they were few and far between.
Apart from certain areas, Afghanistan¡¯s winter was a warm winterpared to the Russian Empire.
The oue was predictable¡ªRussian soldiers thrived here, while the British Army¡¯s days dragged on interminably.
The thunder of cannon continued, and the battle for Herat began anew. General Patrick, who personally tookmand of the front lines, was now in a panic.
He finally understood why the Russians had dared to initiate war before the onset of winter.
"When can we expect reinforcements from home?"
Hoping for reinforcements from India was futile. The war had gone on for three months, and the Governor of India had already dispatched one hundred and fifty thousand troops to his aid.
The number seemed substantial, but unfortunately, theirbat effectiveness was deeply moving. Defending by fortifications was barely adequate, but joining an open field battle was tantamount to sending men to their deaths.
Furthermore, with the onset of winter, a significant number of the Indian soldiers ustomed to living in tropical regions suffered from frostbite, with nearly one-tenth losing theirbat capability.
Byparison, the native British soldiers from Britain fared much better, both inbat effectiveness and frost resistance.
The British Isles did experience winter, and although not as cold as this, they still endured days of sub-zero temperatures.
Under these circumstances, the general adaptability of British soldiers was much superior to that of Indian soldiers who had never seen a snowke.
The middle-aged officer behind him answered, "Barring any idents, the first batch of reinforcements from home will arrive in one and a half months."
It took only four and a half months from the outbreak ofbat to the arrival of reinforcements, which was an improvement for the Great Britain Empire.
ording to past practice, it was considered a mark of bureaucratic diligence to dispatch reinforcements within six months.
Of course, their efficiency this time was born of desperation. The enemy was the formidable Russians, targeting India, making it hard for the British Government not to panic.
Despite the efficiency not being low, General Patrick was still dissatisfied. The situation on the front lines was urgent, and the longer the dy, the harder the future battles would be.
"Send another message to hurry them along, and also inform them to prepare cold-weather gear; Afghanistan¡¯s winter is not easy to endure."
Although such statements might already be a bitte, General Patrick chose to issue the reminder.
Being the Expeditionary Force Commander was not easy; the casualties of the Indian Colonial Army were of no consequence, but if the main British force suffered heavy losses, General Patrick would be in big trouble.
There was no hope of immediate aid from home. Although they reported the situation encountered by the expeditionary force, it would take time for those lords back home to make decisions, then organize production and transportation. By then, winter would probably be nearly over.
Asking the reinforcements to prepare for the cold was essentially telling the officers and men to figure it out for themselves.
The British Army had to pass through many areas along the way and, in theory, they might be able to procure some cold-weather supplies.
After all, their lives were their own, and whether they wanted to spend money to increase their chances of survival on the battlefield¡ªthey could choose for themselves.
¡
Braving the cold wind, a convoy slowly left Jerman city. Judging from the direction the convoy was headed, it was reasonably certain it was bound for the Afghan Region.
"Pull yourselves together; we¡¯re about to enter the Afghan Region. It¡¯s not safe over there, and one slip could mean meeting God ahead of schedule."
The middle-aged officer¡¯s resounding voice traveled throughout the convoy, and everyone¡¯s expression turned grave.
The Afghan Region was unstable¡ª Russian troops blockaded from the outside, guerris rampaging within, and even seemingly honest and upright farmers might rise up and attack the convoy at any moment.
In less than a year, the British supply convoys were attacked 476 times, with 46 of them suffering heavy losses, and in five cases, the entire contingent was wiped out.
In total, 1371 escorting soldiers and 3476 civilian husbands were killed, and the lost supplies were beyond calction.
High risk also meant high rewards; although escorting supplies was dangerous, the gains were considerable.
In general, some material loss during transportation was eptable. This was where everyone made their money, and as long as losses didn¡¯t exceed the set limit, the higher-ups would not investigate.
If they encountered an attack by guerris, they could report the damages and make a good sum.
As long as they didn¡¯t go too far, the authorities would turn a blind eye. Of course, they had to give their due share of it.
If it weren¡¯t for the rampant guerris in the Afghan Region, transporting supplies was actually a cushy job.
There was plenty of room for profit-making and little danger. If the front lines were victorious, the convoy yed no small role; if the war was lost, it had nothing to do with them. Typically, it was the preferred assignment for officers seeking to embellish their record.
Unfortunately, the Afghan Region was the exception. Just from the casualty rate, the transport teams¡¯ losses were no smaller than those on the front lines.
Those with connections within the expeditionary force were in charge of transporting supplies within India, while those tasked with transport duties in the Afghan Region were the ones with insufficient clout.
A young officer responded, "Don¡¯t worry, Major. We have walked this route over a dozen times and encountered only one attack by disorganized civilians; the truly dangerous section lies ahead."
This was a fact; the deeper one ventured into Afghan territory, the more dangerous it became, a consensus among the British Army. Most attacks urred in ind areas, especially the mountainous and forested regions being the most perilous.
After a long period of attacks and counterattacks, the British Army had developed a set of strategies for dealing with guerri forces.
For example, in the event of an surprise attack, they would retaliate against the local popce, forcing them to take a stand against the guerris.
To establish their dominance, the British Army had frequently resorted to ughtering viges and towns. While fueling the hatred of the locals, they also instilled fear.
Human nature is the mostplex; not all Afghans were willing to face death unflinchingly, just as there were those who, for their own benefit, betrayed the guerris and sided with the British Army.
The more densely popted an area, the less conducive it was for guerris to hide. It was also more difficult for them to escape after an attack, which is why most assaults were moved to the outskirts of towns.
"Shut up, Will! Your so-called experience is worthless. To live long on the battlefield, the most important thing is to be cautious..."
The middle-aged officer hadn¡¯t finished speaking when a bullet whistled through the air and struck his right arm.
Immediately, a barrage of confused gunfire erupted, and everyone knew that the guerris had arrived. Amid the chaos, the civilian workers responsible for escorting the supplies were in disarray, and some of the horse-drawn carts had already bolted.
The escorting soldiers quickly grabbed their weapons to fight back, and the wounded middle-aged officer endured the pain to continuemanding the battle.
Seemingly realizing that the convoy was not an easy target, the guerris abandoned their ns for a continued assault after about a quarter of an hour and left behind several corpses as they made their escape.
Simr attacks were a nearly daily urrence in the Afghan Region. The guerris went out for ambushes as though it were routine business.
They didn¡¯t care about the disparity in strength between the two sides, attacking the British Army whenever they encountered them. Immediately after attacking, they would retreat without dy.
Seeing the guerris withdraw, the wounded middle-aged officer heaved a sigh of relief and hurriedly shouted to his subordinates, "Stop the pursuit, quickly count the casualties and continue marching."
Their mission was to transport supplies, not to chase down guerris. Obliterating the guerris would be an incidental military achievement, but should they lose the supplies in an attempt to exterminate the guerris, they would be facing a military tribunal.
There were plenty of cautionary tales in this regard. Some had fallen for diversionary tactics, chasing out after the guerris only to have their transport convoys ambushed; others pursued the guerris into the mountains, only to be pushed right back, meeting with dire oues...
There weren¡¯t many people in the transport convoy, just over eight hundred civilian workers aside from a battalion of guards, so counting the casualties was swift.
Momentster, Will¡¯s young officer approached and reported, "Major, we have suffered heavy losses.
A total of 184 casualties. Of those, 27 guards injured and 11 dead, 127 civilian workers injured and 19 dead, and 7 carts of supplies lost..."
The middle-aged officer waved his hand¡ªpossibly touching his wound, his face suddenly turned pale¡ªand instructed enduring the pain, "Send the order to continue marching.
We must reach the next outpost before dark; otherwise, it will be dangerouse nightfall."
This was the experience summarized by Colonel Jack; any convoy targeted by guerris would not be attacked just once.
Oftentimes, even if the guerris knew an attack could not seed, they would still initiate it. They were like sticky candy that, once attached, couldn¡¯t be shaken off.
Colonel Jack dared not linger even when faced with an attack by a lone guerri, let alone an assault by a group of dozens.
Seeing Colonel Jack¡¯s right arm injured, Will, concerned, asked, "Major, why don¡¯t you treat your wound first? If you dy, it could easily be infected."
Gunshot wounds were also fatal wounds back then. Even if the bullet only hit an arm, if not treated in time, the wound could be inmed, and the person could simrly lose their life.
Many soldiers who underwent amputation didn¡¯t necessarily lose their limbs to shrapnel. It could have been just a bullet scrape. Because the body couldn¡¯t fight off infection, the wound became inmed, and amputation became necessary.
Colonel Jack shook his head, "Treat what? We don¡¯t have military doctors here, and besides, we don¡¯t have time to dy.
Don¡¯t worry, I¡¯ve already bandaged it. It¡¯s winter now; it¡¯s not so easy to get an infection.
Take the wounded and set off immediately. Leave the fallen officers and soldiers for now, we¡¯ll retrieve their bodies when wee back."
Reality was that cruel, even mid-ranking officers had no guarantee of safety on the battlefield. Explore hidden tales at NovelBin.C?m
The British Army¡¯s medical hospitals were extremely limited, not luxurious enough to be equipped with medical personnel for the transport teams.
Even if there were medical personnel, Colonel Jack wouldn¡¯t dare to receive treatment at this time.
As themander of this transport convoy, Jack was very clear about what his men were made of.
Despite just having repelled an attack by the guerris, whether they could withstand another attack was still an unknown.
It wasn¡¯t that the troopsckedbat strength, but rather that their morale had been worn down.
Already feeling hard done by having to transport supplies in freezing conditions, if they lost their morale as well, the soldiers would desert.
There had been actual cases in the past where, due to the transport teams being attacked by guerris multiple times, the soldiers escorting the supplies couldn¡¯t bear the pressure and deserted.
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To reduce the risk of being attacked again, Colonel Jack had to hurry on his journey. So much so that there was no time to deal with the bodies of the fallen officers and soldiers.
Anyone with clear insight knew that ing back to deal with them" was just a stalling term. By the time they had escorted the supplies and returned, the bodies would long be unounted for.
But people are selfish. Apart from the issue of the mission, everyone deeply resisted the idea of spending the night in the wilderness. It¡¯s not that they couldn¡¯t endure hardships; it was genuinely dangerous.
As the convoy moved on, thend fell silent once more, with only the scattered corpses on the ground serving as proof that a battle had taken ce there.
The night fell, and the British Army¡¯s transport convoy finally arrived at Takar Town, ending their perilous journey for the time being.
In the wilderness, a few young men huddled by a campfire whispering to each other.
A middle-aged man with a beard spoke sharply, "I disagree with your n. It¡¯s not yet time for a decisive battle with the British. Attacking Takar Town now will only bring us unnecessary losses.
Russia is only our temporary ally. Don¡¯t you naively think that they¡¯re here to genuinely help us drive out the British?"
"He who takes the king¡¯s shilling sings the king¡¯s tune."
With the weapon aid from Russia, thebat power of the Afghan Guerris had significantly improved, as evidenced by the sess rate of their recent actions.
No matter the improvement, relying on a guerri force of only a few hundred to storm a town controlled by the British was still high pressure.
¡
Chapter 876 - 139: The British’s New Strategy
As the situation on the Afghanistan battlefield deteriorated continuously, the perspective of the upper echelons of the British Government was changing.
Army Minister Rosario, "The Russians on the Afghanistan battlefield are making rapid progress solely due to the support of France and Austria.
"Now, the enemy we are facing is not merely the Russian Empire, but a tripartite alliance where the Russians provide the troops and France and Austria provide the funding and materials. Stay connected via NovelBin.C?m
"Although Britannia is powerful, it does not possess the ability to confront the three major European powers simultaneously. To win this war, we have to cut off the support that France and Austria are providing to the Tsarist Government."
Every setback at the front had to be ounted for domestically. Moreover, Rosario was not merely making empty ims; the Russian victories indeed could not be separated from the support of France and Austria.
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Specifically, it was Austria¡¯s support; the French government was also supporting the Russians, but given the Anglo-French Alliance, their efforts were somewhat restricted.
For the Army Department, the goal of expanding the army was achieved, and now the most crucial task was finding a way to win the war.
Rosario was well aware of the British Army¡¯s capabilities and knew it could not reverse defeats in the short term. The optimal strategy for winning the war was to sever the external support of the Russians.
Without the financial and material aid from France and Austria, relying solely on their own capabilities, the Tsarist Government¡¯s finances would notst a year and a half.
Whether by defeating the Russians head-on or exhausting them, as long as the war was won, that was what mattered. Rosario was a pragmatist with no need for niceties.
Foreign Minister George exined, "The Foreign Office has already been working on this, but the results have not been optimistic.
"Now, France and Austria support the Russians mainly to exhaust our strength, so they can benefit as the opportunistic fishermen.
"The Foreign Office tried to stir up conflicts several times but was suppressed by the governments of the three countries. Cutting off the support from France and Austria to the Russians in the short term is extremely difficult."
The current passive situation was actually the long-term seque of British foreign policy. France and Austria bore grudges against Britannia, and supporting the Russians was everyone¡¯s means of retaliation.
Even without any benefits, France and Austria would still support the Russians. It¡¯s correct that nations converse through interests, but people hold grudges.
For example, under normal circumstances, Russian bonds have no market, but the French people still buy them.
Many buyers aren¡¯t solely specting. Much more, they want to retaliate against the British and vent their pent-up fury.
Just as the advertisements say, every Franc spent on bonds turns into a bullet fired at the British.
Austria is simr; in recent years, the Vienna Government has been suppressed by the British Government and has achieved almost nothing overseas; they¡¯ve been longing for revenge.
Beyond hatred, by using the Russians to deplete Britannia¡¯s strength, France and Austria can also gain significant benefits.
If the British are defeated and India bes a battlefield, then the once magnificent Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets will set.
The supremacy of the Royal Navy, which is inseparable from financial support, will not hold once India is ravaged, relying solely on the British Isles and other colonies to suppress France and Austria.
When hatred meets interest, it leads to the current situation. France and Austria are supporting the Russian attack on Afghanistan as a means to knock Britain off the world¡¯s dominant position.
Finance Minister George Childs shook his head, "The situation is not that serious; the French remain our allies, and an anti-British alliance will not emerge.
"One can see from the level of support; only a small faction within the French government supports the Russians, which does not represent the official stance of the French government."
"Austria is no fool either; if the Russians upy India, their pressure on the eastern front will increase. Their support for the Russians is definitely limited.
"If nothing unexpected urs, once the Russians win the Afghanistan war, Austrian support will cease."
If France, Austria, and Russia reallye together, any remaining fence-sitter states would obviously know whom to support; once the European Continent unites, Britannia¡¯s hegemony will end.
The core reason Britannia instigates rtionships among the European countries is to prevent the unification or alliance of the European Continent, which threatens their interests.
After centuries of effort by the British Government and historical issues, the European Continent has long been fraught with contradictions.
It¡¯s true that France and Austria support the Russians, but this does not interfere with thepetitive rtions between Russia, France, and Austria; the position of a European Continental hegemon prevents true cooperation among the three countries.
Looking purely from the potential for development, the Russian Empire far exceeded all other countries in Europe, even before Austria had annexed the Ottoman Empire, it could notpare with the Russians.
As long as it addressed its economic weaknesses, the Russian Empire would instantly be reborn from the ashes and be one of the strongest nations in the world.
From any perspective, there was no reason for France and Austria to continue to allow the Russians to grow stronger.
Especially for Austria, being a neighbor, from a geopolitical standpoint, the possibility of a conflict erupting between Russia and Austria was nearly a hundred percent.
Army Minister Rosario nodded, "Your analysis is urate; logically, that is indeed the case.
But we cannot possibly allow the Russians to win the war in Afghanistan now, not even in the short term, it¡¯s simply not politically permissible.
To win this war quickly, we must make France and Austria withdraw their support for the Tsarist Government.
Otherwise, even if reinforcements arrive and defeat the Russians, it would be useless. The Russians would continue to send more troops, just like in the Prusso-Russian War, as long as they have the financial and material resources, the Tsar has plenty of soldiers."
The Army Department suggests encouraging the French to expand into Central Europe, or to allow Austria to unify the Germany Region, intensifying the France-Austria conflict, and detonating war in Europe."
This is not the best method, but it is the most effective one. Merely stirring up rtionships between the countries wouldn¡¯t work, as the rulers are not fools and won¡¯t fall for simple provocations.
To make others fall for it, the best method is still interest. As long as the interests offered are substantial enough, a scheme bes an open plot, something too tempting to refuse despite known issues.
Foreign Minister George warned, "Allowing France and Austria¡¯s ambitions to run wild can indeed solve the current issues, but what about the consequences?
Once France and Austria have determined a winner and a loser, a new master of Europe will be born.
If the winner is France, it might still be possible to incite a new Anti-French War among the European countries; but if Austria wins this war, we do not have the capacity to stir up an Anti-Austrian War."
It¡¯s true that this world speaks with fists, but sometimes other factors must be considered. The countries of Europe aren¡¯t fools and won¡¯t be easily led by the nose.
French expansion into Central Europe would cause negative associations for everyone, but with the right guidance, to prevent the emergence of a second Napoleon, everyone would have a basis for cooperation.
It¡¯s different if Austria ims victory; the Holy Roman Empire already existed before, and now it¡¯s just reuniting, not invading.
As long as the Austrian Emperor does not annihte all, preserving the existence of the sub-states, others won¡¯t feel threatened for their lives.
For smaller nations, regardless of who bes the leader of Europe, it won¡¯t be them; as long as their own interests aren¡¯t harmed, they won¡¯t fight desperately.
Army Minister Rosario smiled, "Your Excellency worries too much. France and Austria are both major powers, it won¡¯t be so easy to determine a winner and a loser.
Once this war begins, it is doomed to be prolonged. Regardless of who wins or loses, both will be severely weakened in the end.
The winner might potentially be the leader of Europe, but the loser won¡¯t be destroyed. As long as we intervene timely, the defeated will still be among the major countries of Europe.
Driven by the power of hatred, the two countries would continue to oppose each other for a long time.
If France wins the war, the European territorial setup would be a Russian-Austrian Alliance against France; if Austria wins the war, it would be a French-Russian Alliance against Austria.
With hundreds of thousands or even millions of casualties, merely to gain the nominal title of leader of Europe, there wouldn¡¯t really be any winner.
Besides, don¡¯t you think that France and Austria are a bit too powerful? If this continues, I fear even the Royal Navy might..."
This is also why the governments of France and Austria exercise restraint; after all, it¡¯s easy to defeat an opponent, but hard to obliterate them.
Neither France nor Austria have the capability to absorb the other, even if they annihte a nation now, a new regime would still arise, and the confrontational situation between the two countries wouldn¡¯t improve.
Unless they resort to genocide, a permanent solution to the problem. Unfortunately, it is already the 19th century; it might work overseas, but on the European Continent, other countries will intervene.
Neither France nor Austria has the capability to single-handedly fight all rivals, so naturally, they must exercise restraint. Otherwise, it would only result in mutual destruction, to the benefit of the onlooking Fisherman.
Chapter 877 - 140: Diplomatic Relations that Cannot Withstand Tests
Internationally, the situation was constantly changing, and Franz was no longer paying much attention, as he was now focused on the list of price changes for the first quarter.
Logically, during times of war, the prices of essentials like food would inevitably increase, especially when the European Continent¡¯s leading original grain exporting country was embroiled in the conflict.
Due to the war, sincest year, the total amount of grain exported by the Russian Empire had drastically decreased, with the amount flowing into Austria reduced by one quarter.
Undoubtedly, this deficit had been offset by an increase in grain production in Austria itself.
Although potassium fertilizer had only just begun to be promotedst year, and it was not yet widely used by the general popce, Austria had state-owned farms!
In fact, the number of government-controlled state-owned farms had been continuously decreasing. Due to management costs, many small and medium-sized farms had been leased to individuals.
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No matter how much they were reduced, thend area upied by state-owned farms was still significant. Calcting only the European part, the area upied by state-owned farms was already less than five percent of the arablend area, but when including other regions, it was a different story.
For example, the Asia Minor Penins, apart from noble estates andnd granted for military services, the rest of the arablend essentially belonged to state-owned farms.
It was not Franz¡¯s preference to have so many state-owned farms; it was a necessity of reality. If the government did not arrange for people to take over, the farnd left by the Ottomans would have fallen into disuse.
Selling them to the private sector was out of the question, as it would weaken the allure ofnd granted for military services, shaking the foundation of Austria.
Apart from the initialnd redemption and the period when new colonies were being established, the best way for ordinary people to acquirend was throughnd granted for military services.
Don¡¯t ask why, for who would know there was another European war waiting, and preparations had to be made in advance.
If there were not enough rewards, why would soldiers risk their lives? Without stockpiling enoughnd, what would be used to reward soldiers after the war?
The European Continent was now densely popted, with hardly any unownednd left, and war spoils were not to be relied upon.
In this context, even though Franz knew that the operating costs of state-owned farms were high, he had no choice but to grit his teeth and ept it.
If the losses were truly unsustainable, the farms could still be contracted out to individuals for management. As long as thend remained state property, it would not affect its future use as rewards for individuals.
In fact, therge farm n by the French government was also inspired by Austria.
Seeing a bunch of farms in the hands of the Austrian Government, they followed suit. However, they were unaware that Austrian farms were also barely sustaining themselves.
Because they were supported by supplemental processing enterprises, from an external viewpoint, Austrian farms appeared to be operating well, annually turning in profits to the government.
Essentially, the profits were contributed by enterprises affiliated with the farms. Most of the farms themselves could only break even; direct profit-makers were a rare few.
Since they were not publicly tradedpanies, the financial statements of state enterprises were also confidential; only total profits were disclosed to the public, with the specific business structure and asset allocation remaining utterly unknown to the outside world.
For Napoleon IV, all these were encouraging data.
If someone suggested emting this model, then they might as well follow suit, as there was no reason why something the Austrian Government could manage couldn¡¯t be achieved by France.
How could the Emperor, cloistered deep within the royal court, possibly know if the lower bureaucrats didn¡¯t report the full details?
Especially after the trip to Algeria, Napoleon IV directly attributed all problems to ¡ª bureaucratic negligence and corruption.
Although the state-owned farms had substantialnd, the area cultivated for grains was not extensive, and their real significance was still their stimting effect.
The world nevercked for clever people; the government was promoting potassium fertilizer, and state-owned farms were using it on arge scale, naturally spurring some to take risks.
Especially government officials, who were the first to ept potassium fertilizer and use it on their ownnds.
As a result,st year, Austria¡¯s grain production capacity had increased substantially.
The final increase was not three percent as estimated by the department of agriculture, but six point seven percent.
Of course, this also included increased arablend area, bringing additional grain production capacity.
Do not underestimate this three point seven percent discrepancy; with Austria¡¯s base level of grain production capacity, it represented the annual food supply for several million people.
Together with the agricultural ns of Ennd and France, increased grain production in the colonies reduced the need for grain imports.
The end result was that the Russians reduced their grain exports, and international grain market prices did not increase but instead decreased.
If the drop in grain prices could be epted, then the decline in the prices of textiles, steel, and various othermodities was puzzling to Franz.
This was a time of war, with the major powers of Ennd and France engaged in fierce battles; how could strategicmodity prices possibly fall?
Holding the document in his hand, Franz asked incredulously, "Are you sure this price list isn¡¯t mistaken?"
Economy Minister Reinhardt said, "Your Majesty, we have confirmed this multiple times, and the statistics are indeed the average prices for the first quarter.
Not only have domestic prices not increased, but actually all of Europe is the same. Aside from a surge in prices at the beginning ofst year¡¯s war, the prices in the first quarter have returned to rational levels."
The Anglo-Russian War had less impact on the European economy than we had anticipated, especially in terms of demand for materials, which was much less than we had nned.
Setting aside the British, who could rely on domestic production, the Russians¡¯ import volume was insufficient. The economic department analyzed that there were mainly two reasons:
First, the Tsarist Government had prepared for the war in advance, and many materials were purchased before the war, which our export trade list fromst year can prove;
Second, the consumption of materials on the Afghanistan battlefield was much less than we had anticipated.
I consulted with the general staff, and they mentioned that the reduction in the Russian Army¡¯s material consumption was partly due to the terrain in Afghanistan, which was not favorable for the deployment of heavy weapons; another part was the ipetence of the British Army, which failed to engage in a battle of equals.
This answer left Franz speechless. When the intensity of the conflict is low, naturally, the consumption of materials is not high.
The highest consumption would have been for food, but the Russians did notck it and did not need to import it. The British could procure it from India, so there was no need to transport it from Europe.
Upon receiving the news of the outbreak of the Anglo-Russian War, capitalists all over Europe loosened their restraints and expanded capacity, hoping to earn a big score.
Unfortunately, as capacities increased, the strategic materials imported by the two belligerents fell short of expectations, leading to a tragedy.
In the era of free trade, whether it¡¯s goods, once the supply on the market exceeds demand, a slide in prices bes inevitable.
If it were not for the ongoing Anglo-Russian War, which kept the market¡¯s confidence from copsing, the situation would have been even more severe.
With a sigh, Franz said helplessly, "Given the timing, the next economic crisis is rapidly approaching.
The capitalists all fantasized that the Anglo-Russian War would be grander than the Prusso-Russian War, each rushing to profit from the war.
The current situation is quite clear; no matter how much the Anglo-Russian War esctes, it cannot involve battles featuring millions of troops.
If the current situation does not change, I fear this Anglo-Russian War will be the spark for overcapacity in European countries."
Each instance of overcapacity represents a capitalist¡¯s miscalction of market expectations. If one is smart, there is still a chance to cut losses now. If it continues until the end of the Anglo-Russian War, that could truly lead to disaster.
Franz knew this, yet he had no intention of interfering. It was a thankless task that, apart from attracting hatred and me, would bring no other benefits.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "Overcapacity is a minor issue, merely a reshuffling of the industry; biting the bullet would see us through.
The trouble is the recent continuous small actions by Ennd, France, and Russia. Especially the British, who keep creating friction between us and the French.
If it happened once or twice, so be it, but if it urs frequently, our rtionship with the French can hardly withstand such a test.
Especially recently, the British Government even hinted, albeit very subtly, that as long as we abandon our support for the Russians, they would support our unification of the Germany Region.
If things are as I suspect, the British probably made simr promises to the French, and possibly even more generous ones."
It¡¯s not just the rtionship between France and Austria at stake; the rtionships between any two countries could hardly endure prolonged agitation.
Knowing this to be British scheming, the contradictions between France and Austria are inherent and insoluble.
No matter how much the governments of France and Austria try to suppress it, resentment builds up. Over time, these contradictions are bound to erupt.
Prime Minister Carl shook his head, "The core of the problem isn¡¯t on our side; the key is what the French think.
If the French yield to temptation and ept the British proposal, then a war in Europe would be inevitable."
ording to the original n, proceeding methodically, the unification of the Germany Region by Austria was only a matter of time, and the Vienna Government could naturally resist the temptation to take risks.
But it was different for France; the strategy of Central Europe now concerned whether France could further progress.
If unable to expand into Central Europe, this period would mark the peak of the French era, and from here, they could only decline.
In fact, France had already begun to decline. Looking worldwide, the era when France had the highest international status and the strongestparative strength was between 1870 and 1881. Experience tales at NovelBin.C?m
With the gunshot of the Paris Revolution, France was once again severely weakened, and it was just now recovering.
Compared to Ennd and Austria, France had directly wasted eight years. If the energy issue continues unresolved, the future situation will worsen.
Under these circumstances, if the French Government refuses to fall without a fight, taking a risk is only a matter of time.
Franz frowned and slowly said, "We must consider this situation and elerate our preparations for war to avoid being caught off-guard.
Strengthen surveince of the French Government, and the moment we notice any sign of their war preparations, we must immediately report it."
Austria¡¯s preparation for war had already started, but to keep it secret, they had been very subtle in their actions.
After all, now was not the best time for a decisive battle, as Austria had not yet reached its limits, and its national strength was still rapidly growing.
Chapter 878 - 141: The Paris Stock Market Crash
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Falling prices do not equate to a decline in production costs for enterprises; on the contrary, due to increases inbor and industrial raw materials, many enterprises¡¯ production costs have not decreased but have risen instead.
The orders provided by Britain and Russia fell below market expectations, leading to a situation where supply exceeded demand in multiple industries. Against this backdrop, the days were naturally tough for the processing and manufacturing industry.
To survive, everyone had no choice but to engage in price wars. Thosepanies that reacted quickly fared better, at least making a fortune at the outset of the warst year.
There was a market pullback in the first quarter, but overall the profits were still decent. After entering the second quarter, however, it was tragic as a bunch of people, fantasizing about war fortunes, joined in, further intensifying marketpetition.
Exiting was impossible, as funds had already been tied up in machinery and factories; at this point, it was simply not feasible to find a buyer to take over.
Rtively speaking, British enterprises were the least affected, as the government prioritized domestic procurement, giving them an intrinsic advantage.
The most miserable among the major nations were undoubtedly the French industrial andmercial sectors. They couldn¡¯t snag orders from the British Government, and Russia¡¯s orders facedpetition from Austria.
The French government was willing to issue bonds to the Russians, which was essentially a bid topete for the market ¡ª after all, taking Francs naturally meant purchasing French goods.
Even so, French industry andmerce could only secure a portion of everyday goods orders, with the most profitable military industry sector being unable topete with Austria.
It wasn¡¯t forck of effort among French enterprises, nor was it preferential treatment by the Russians; the primary issue was the difference in military industrial systems. Enjoy new chapters from NovelBin.C?m
The Russian-Austrian weaponry hadpatible calibers, which made them directly usable, with convenient logistics maintenance.
If French products were purchased, not only would soldiers require retraining, but logistics supplies and maintenance would be a huge problem. The Tsarist Government had to consider practicality during times of war.
...
May 24, 1890, another day for listedpanies to publish financial reports, and the Paris Stock Exchange was packed with people.
The bustling crowd, all smiles andughter, indicated high spirits. They had been longing for the outbreak of war between Britain and Russia and now was the time to reap the benefits.
Since the start of the conflict, the average stock price on the Paris Stock Market had surged by an astonishing 23.7%, and the foreign trade enterprise sector had even seen its increase breach 57% at one point, with numerous stocks doubling in value.
Based on the lucrative returns from the Prusso-Russian war, expectations for the conflict between Britain and Russia were sky-high. The financial reports from thest quarter of the previous year had confirmed as much.
As for the drop in prices, sorry, but the French public didn¡¯t feel it. Due to tariff barriers, French prices were rtively less affected by the international market.
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In those days, the dissemination of news was slow, and capitalists were shrewd; export earnings falling short of expectations and severe product overstock were naturally secrets well kept.
If the news had leaked in advance, who would be their buyer? Market regtion was virtually non-existent at the time, and since sales issues emerged in the first quarter, everyone had been slowly offloading their shares.
Amid a continuous stream of positive news, ordinary investors remained blissfully unaware that a crisis was nearing.
Outside the exchange, a somewhat middle-aged, portly man was engrossed in a financial newspaper.
"Amexes, what are you reading there?"
The middle-aged man, Amexes, replied with a hint of regret, "The financial paper. The Hex Textile Factory is currently negotiating with the Russians; barring any surprises, that¡¯s another massive 30 million Franc order!
It¡¯s a shame that I was too cautious and pulled out half my investment in Hex after hearing about their serious product backlog and switched to Phaidon Machinery Factory. I missed out on this price surge."
The neer consoled, "It doesn¡¯t matter, Phaidon Machinery Factory is also doing well. With such a booming downstream market, how could the performance of upstream equipment manufacturers possibly be bad?"
That was the most prevailing wisdom ¡ª once an industry took off, all businesses along the supply chain stood to benefit.
Amexes shook his head, saying that upstream enterprises would indeed benefit, but the stock price increase would absolutely not be as significant as that of the actual businesses involved.
In times of war, industries connected to strategic materials were all expected to fare well, so how could there be arge-scale backlog of products?
Even if there was a backlog, it would have to be due to businesses hoarding goods! With this thought, Amexes cursed the family of the person spreading such rumors.
Looking at the beaming neer, Amexes tentatively asked, "Anthony, I remember you bought that stock too, so you must have made a decent profit this time."
Anthony smiled modestly, "I just happened to catch the wave, didn¡¯t buy much, just about twenty thousand shares.
But Amexes, you¡¯re too timid. In our business, mentality is key. One must analyze the overall market, and there¡¯s really no need to pay attention to rumors.
Capitalists aren¡¯t fools¡ªif there was a severe product backlog, they would have known toy off workers or cut back production, not like now where there are help-wanted signs on every corner!"
Hearing his friend¡¯s analysis, Amexes face turned even more sullen, as if he had lost a billion.
Judging the performance of a business from thebor market was the most rudimentary skill for a casual investor, something even stock market novices should understand.
Especially for manufacturing, when a business was on a hiring spree, it was undoubtedly the best of times for the market.
Seeming to realize he had gone too far, Anthony quickly added, "It¡¯s alright, Amexes. Now we just wait patiently for thepanies to publish their reports. We¡¯re all going to make a profit anyway; it¡¯s just a matter of how much.
Chances are, the machinery factories¡¯ performances will outshine, and stock price gains might even surpass those of the textile factories. You know, there have been quite a few new factories popping up recently, and they all need to purchase equipment."
No sooner had he spoken than someone else shouted, "This is impossible!"
"This can¡¯t be true; you must be fooling me, right?"
...
As one business after another revealed their financial reports, simr exmations became increasingly frequent.
Sensing something amiss, Amexes and Anthony, still at the periphery of the crowd, hurriedly squeezed their way into the exchange.
But it was toote. Investors who had received the reports, after the initial panic, had begun to dump their stocks.
The market was flooded with sell orders, with hardly any buy orders to be seen. All the investors on site knew the market was doomed.
Seeing the situation spin out of control, a group of policemen, who had prepared in advance, appeared at the scene, starting to maintain order.
By the close of the day, the Paris Stock Market had plummeted by 8.6%, with some stocks cut in half.
This was just the beginning. Thepanies that published their financial reports today were but a small number, with the rest ted to reveal theirs in the following week.
If the majority underperformed market expectations, that would be the real catastrophe. What was happening now was merely an appetizer.
But even this appetizer had wiped out half of the gains the Paris Stock Market had rued over the previous six months.
...
```
Chapter 879 - 142, Conspiracy
The turbulence in the stock market soon rippled through the entire society.
Before the curtains were fully drawn back, capitalists had created a false market boom to transfer their losses, but that was no longer needed now.
Once the thin veil was pierced,panies beganying off employees and reducing production. The economic crisis hadn¡¯t even started yet, but the wave of unemployment had already arrived.
The news that had been concealed was now open for all to see. It was only at this point that everyone realized the so-called good news waspletely fabricated.
The so-called purchase orders did indeed exist, but they were not signed by the Russian Government or the British Government; instead, they were signed by a series of newly established shellpanies.
Since they were shellpanies, they naturally didn¡¯t represent the government¡¯s stance. The so-called entrusted procurement was fake to the core.
Put bluntly, this game was not very clever. Perhaps in other countries, there might be government-entrustedpany procurement, but in the Russian Empire, it was utterly inconceivable.
The Tsarist Government had the most exasperating and resentful bureaucratic team. How could such tedious work possibly be outsourced?
The department known as the most incorruptible procurement office in the Russian Empire absolutely would not tolerate such middlemen milking profits and wasting the nation¡¯s wealth.
Before the crisis struck, the ability of the French finance group to unite numerous capitalists to act together and control mainstream opinion, artificially creating a market boom, all evidenced their immense power.
Phaidon Machinery Factory, as a rising star in French manufacturing, was established in 1867 and had now be the leading enterprise in French mechanical equipment.
Industrial technology requires time to mature. Having stood out from among manypetitors in just twenty years, Baron Friedrich, the founder, had rendered great service.
Sir Friedrich, who should have been basking in sess, was now puffing on a cigar, steadily exhaling swirls of smoke.
His secretary reported softly, "Your Excellency Baron, ording to thetest statistics, eighteenpanies including Sed Textile Factory, Aidolon Canned Food Factory, and Allensburg Spinning Mill, have requested to return their orders.
The total value of these returned products is approximately 30 million Francs, of which about 6.57 million Francs in final payments have not yet been received by us.
Furthermore, twenty-sevenpanies that have not yet received their machinery equipment have dered their orders void and will not be making any further payments.
We had already arranged the production of this machinery equipmentst year, and it¡¯s toote to stop production now.
If we cannot find new buyers, our preliminary estimate of our losses will be as high as 54 million Francs. The forfeiture of deposit can offset about 14 million Francs, so the final loss will be around 40 million Francs."
Birds of a feather flock together. As an aristocratic capitalist, Baron Friedrich had a rather ordinary rtionship with the domestic capital circle.
In this retreat strategy nned by the finance group, Baron Friedrich had been excluded and became one of the victims.
The Phaidon Machinery Factory, engaged in the manufacture of mechanical equipment¡ªan upstream industry¡ªhad its main markets domestically and virtually no international orders.
The aging Baron Friedrich,cking sensitivity to international market fluctuations, had no prior inkling that the Ennd and Russia war would lead to overproduction.
A momentarypse in judgment had brewed the present bitter oue. Thepany took a pile of orders, only to receive breach notifications before delivery waspleted.
After a brief pause, Baron Friedrich said sternly, "Tell them, returning goods is out of the question.
As long as there is no problem with the product quality, we do not provide a return service. They better hurry up and make the follow-up payments as well.
For the orders that are in breach, ording to the contract, we will pursue their liability for the breach.
Instruct them to suspend production of all orders temporarily. Send someone to contact the remaining customers to confirm that the orders can be delivered smoothly before continuing production.
As for orders confirmed to be in breach, immediately reallocate them to other orders if possible. If that¡¯s not feasible, then use the parts separately! Discover exclusive tales on NovelBin.C?m
Right now, we simply can¡¯t find buyers, we must cut our losses in time."
Mechanical equipment, unlike other products, incurs maintenance costs once produced. The longer it is held in inventory, the higher the cost to thepany.
From the current situation, Baron Friedrich did not believe that the market would warm up again anytime soon.
Prior to the emergence of the problem, it might have been overlooked due to the market¡¯s optimism; now that the problem had erupted, Baron Friedrich naturally perceived the deeper reasons behind it.
The Anglo-Russian War¡¯s material consumption did not meet expectations, but it merely detonated the focus of the conflict. Essentially, it was the cyclical phase of capitalist economic development that had arrived.
Based on past experience, overcapacity would not only be a problem for France, but the entire capitalist world would struggle to fend off the impact.
In these days, there were only a few countries qualified to experience an economic crisis. France, with its higher industrial production costs than those of the Anglo-Austrian two countries, was naturally at a disadvantage in internationalpetition.
Now faced with a crisis, the first to be unable to hold out were naturally French enterprises. The French finance group, set on making a fortune from the war, became the earliest victims.
However, these guys reacted very quickly. Before the crisis erupted, they started to shift risks, letting the shareholders bear the brunt.
The crisis erupted so swiftly not because the finance group had already filled its coffers, but mainly because there was little money left in the market.
In the era of the gold standard, constrained by gold reserve limits, the issuance of the franc was limited, and even less capital circted in the market.
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You need the leeks to grow before you can harvest them, the bullish trends earlier had already lured the retail investors in. Those who didn¡¯t escape were effectively trapped.
Now everyone ended up as stockholders because of stock spection, and if the harvest wasn¡¯t performed soon, it would be impossible once the news leaked.
Based on past experience, Baron Friedrich could assert that, barring any idents, this crisis wouldst for one to two years.
The market would need even longer to recover and warm up once the crisis was over.
In this rapidly changing era, no one knew when the mechanical equipment would need updating and recement.
Having a bunch of mechanical equipment on hand was simply asking for trouble. It not only posed the risk of aplete loss of capital but also consumed the precious cash flow of thepany.
It was akin to dismantling half-finished equipment, thepany¡¯s loss could be as high as fifty to sixty percent of the production cost, and continuing production might result in losses several times the production cost.
The secretary reminded him, "Baron, in the contracts we previously signed, there was an agreement for a partial refund if the product fails to satisfy.
If..."
Baron Friedrich interrupted him impatiently, "Don¡¯t fuss over that. If they¡¯re not happy, they can sue us in court.
At this point, are we afraid ofwsuits?"
All of a sudden, there were losses of tens of millions of francs, and Phaidon Machinery Factory, which was operating well, was directly dragged into the mire.
The banks¡¯ collection calls were almost driving Baron Friedrich to the brink. The telephone with the cord unplugged on his desk was the most telling evidence of his state.
"Thump, thump, thump," the sound of knocking rose. Baron Friedrich said coldly, "Come in!"
A middle-aged man spoke softly, "Baron, people from Paris Bank have arrived and are resting in the parlor."
As soon as he finished speaking, two middle-aged men in suits walked in.
The leader said, "I apologize, Baron Friedrich. Our visit this time is certainly presumptuous. It¡¯s mainly because..."
Baron Friedrich interrupted directly, "I understand why you¡¯re here. However, there is still a month left before the bank loan is due.
We can talk about any issues at that time, or you can contact our public rtions department. Please do not disturb my work right now.
Thank you!
Fick, please take the gentlemen to rest."
Upon hearing the words of Baron Friedrich, Fick, the middle-aged man, immediately gestured invitingly and said, "Gentlemen, please follow me."
The leading middle-aged man stood firm, "Baron Friedrich, you¡¯ve misunderstood. We¡¯re here today to solve your problems, not for early collection of the loan.
If it¡¯s convenient for you, please spare us half an hour. The following discussion needs to be confidential, and it would be best tomunicate privately."
Baron Friedrich was taken aback...
Chapter 880 - 143, Trouble Brewing
The office door closed once again, and everyone exited. Two bank representatives, one stayed inside the room while the other stood guard at the door, seemingly forbidding anyone else from approaching and eavesdropping.
Baron Friedrich¡¯s brow furrowed, clearly seeing this as a sign of distrust. However, considering the terrible situation he was in, he had no choice but to restrain his anger.
"Speak, what matter requires such secrecy? Let me be clear, if you¡¯re aiming to take over the machinery factory, you¡¯re wasting your time here.
The machinery factory is my child; no matter how destitute, I will not give it away. You, Paris Bank, do not have the right to take it from my hands!"
As Baron Friedrich spoke these words, he was full of confidence. Although the power of the Aristocratic Group had declined, they still wielded great influence over the French government.
Capitalists, despite their wealth, still did not have as much political clout as the Nobility.
Baron Friedrich, as one of the few sessful businessmen among the Nobility, had a powerfulwork of contacts. Once mobilized, even finance groups would find themselves in a headache.
Given this backdrop, many coveted the machinery factory, yet very few dared to take action.
The middle-aged man gave an embarrassed smile: "Your Excellency, Baron, you worry too much. How could we dare to covet what is yours?
In the past week, the stock market has fallen continuously, and the market has reached the brink of copse. I am here on behalf of Paris Bank to discuss with you how to weather this impending economic crisis."
There was no doubt that Paris Bank had also considered taking over the machinery factory but found it to be a tough bone to gnaw, the meat hidden within the crevices of the bone, difficult to gnaw without scraping one¡¯s teeth.
Baron Friedrich rolled his eyes: "Enough, the old man still knows himself. If the economic crisis were up to me, I wouldn¡¯t be worrying about money now."
Facing a massive wave of defaults, the machinery factorycked cash flow, a fact well known in the capital market.
It was impossible to hide, and Baron Friedrich had no intention of pretending to be well-off nor thought he could fool those bloodsucking vampires at the bank.
The middle-aged man¡¯s smile faded, and he spoke seriously: "Your Excellency, Baron, what I am about to discuss is of utmost importance. If you decide to listen, you must ensure that the contents of our conversation do not leak.
I can assure you, the following discussion will only benefit you and not harm you. Even the troubles you are facing now could be easily resolved."
It was a tant provocation, but seeing the chance to solve his financial dilemma, Baron Friedrich decided to keep listening.
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As for confidentiality, that would depend on the nature of the news. If the interest was significant enough, secrecy was a joke.
"Speak then, if it will benefit me, then you needn¡¯t worry about any leaks!"
The middle-aged man nodded and began slowly: "Your Excellency, Baron, you must have noticed. Currently, all European countries are experiencing varying degrees of overcapacity, with France suffering the greatest losses.
In the end, our industrial production costs are too high, unable topete with the Anglo-Austrian two countries.
To solve the problem of industrial raw materials, we have made many efforts, but to little avail.
Primarily because the energy issue has not been resolved, we are forced to purchase coal at exorbitant prices from the international market, often facing insufficient supply, which negatively impacts all industries.
To address this problem, we hope the domestic industrial andmercial sectors can unite, exerting joint pressure on the Central Government to implement the Central Europe strategy as soon as possible.
Once the energy issue is resolved, the domestic industrial andmercial sectors will immediately see a resurgence.
By then, Your Excellency¡¯s orders might be backlogged for years, and firms currently canceling contracts due to default will be pleading to pay off their bnces to you."
To carry out the Central Europe strategy, mere talk won¡¯t solve the problem; the French government will certainly need to expand its military preparations. The domestically unsold strategic materials will then be rapidly utilized.
If Austria intervenes and a great European war breaks out, the amount of strategic materials needed will be astronomical.
As an upstream machinery equipment manufacturing enterprise, Baron Friedrich¡¯s machinery factory would naturally be a beneficiary.
While the stakes were high, Baron Friedrich¡¯s brow remained tightly knit, and after a long silence, he finally spoke slowly: "You¡¯re ying with fire, and one mishap could ruin the French Empire!"
As great as the potential benefits were, the apanying risks were even greater. The French government¡¯s Central Europe strategy had been considered an idealistic strategy since its inception.
From the era of Napoleon III to the present, over thirty years had passed since the n was drafted, yet the French government had still not implemented it.
It wasn¡¯t forck of desire; in fact, sessive French governments have wanted to achieve this grand strategy. The crux of the matter was ack of strength.
Although France was powerful, it paled inparison to thebined might of the other European countries. A misstep could ignite a renewed anti-French war, a potentially fatal oue.
The middle-aged man shook his head: "Your Excellency, Baron, with high riskes high reward. If we¡¯re averse to taking risks, how can we hope to resolve the predicaments we currently face?
Moreover, now is the best opportunity to act. Britain and Russia are locked in battle in Central Asia, effectively containing each other. The only obstacle in our way at this moment is Austria.
If we miss this opportunity, once the British-Russian wares to an end, our chances will be gone forever.
Although our economy has appeared to recover well in recent years,pared to other European countries, our growth rate is near the bottom."
As time goes on, this situation will only get worse. If we take action now, we still have a chance of seeding, but the longer we wait, the lower our chances be.
In fact, we should have taken action during the Prusso-Russian War in 1880. Unfortunately, due to some people¡¯s hesitations, a golden opportunity was wasted.
Looking purely at theparison of strengths, 1880 was indeed the year with the highest sess rate for France to challenge the European order.
Then, with the sound of gunfire from the Paris Revolution, the economy of France suffered a severe blow and only now has it recovered.
Regrettably, that was not the end of the matter, but just the beginning of a disaster. With an economic crisis looming, if measures are not taken to ovee the crisis, the French economy will be hit hard again.
In the grand scheme of history, ten years is hardly worth mentioning. But for France, these wasted ten years were a decade of fallingpletely behind economically.
More than a decade ago, France¡¯s domestic economy had already surpassed that of The British Isles, but now it has been overtaken by the British again.
Compared with Austria, the gap in economic strength is even wider. If things go on like this, perhaps in the next decade, the difference between the two will no longer be counted in percentage points, but in multiples.
In those days, people greatly underestimated the importance of the economy, and the economic share in the calction of national power was minuscule.
Relying on the prestige left over from the Napoleonic Era and after years of government propaganda, in everyone¡¯s subconscious France is still the world¡¯s number one military power onnd and the second on sea, and ordinary citizens do not feel the pressure.
However, it¡¯s different for finance groups, they are the most sensitive to the economy. Economic prosperity means more money, and if the economy remains disadvantaged for a long time, the gap between their strength and that of the Anglo-Austrian capitalists will gradually widen.
Whether for long-term development or short-term interests, finance groups have the need to promote a Central European strategy.
Lobbying Baron Friedrich is mainly because the capital sees the value in hiswork of connections, which can influence government decisions to some extent.
These things cannot be bought with money alone. Even now, the spokespersons for the French finance group in politics do not carry much weight.
They might influence some minor decisions, but to promote a Central European strategy, they must seek the support of the nobility.
"Sigh!"
After sighing, Baron Friedrich closed his eyes, embroiled in an intense internal struggle.
The more he knew, the more troubled he became. The current state of France could not be hidden from these elites. The deeper his understanding, the harder it was for Baron Friedrich to make a decision.
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Seeing Baron Friedrich hesitate, the middle-aged man added, "As long as your Excellency is willing to push for a Central European strategy, whether it is sessful or not, the bank¡¯s loans can be postponed until next year.
If the Central European strategy passes in the government, we can also provide another loan to the machinery factory."
"The bank¡¯s loans," not just "Paris Bank¡¯s loans," Baron Friedrich understood the implication very clearly; it meant that several of France¡¯s major finance groups were jointly promoting this n.
Unlike the nobility, which is tied to France, if the Empire copses, everyone¡¯s good days are over.
The capitalists always have a lot of room to choose. Even if they lose the gamble, they can still withdraw and develop in other countries.
It¡¯s just that they would need to start from scratch, and the costs would be higher. Unless necessary, everyone would not easily give up on France.
Baron Friedrich said sarcastically, "You are very generous indeed! Alright, I know what to do now. I have another meeting to attend, so I won¡¯t keep you any longer."
Despite the rude treatment, the middle-aged man wasn¡¯t annoyed; knowing that the matter was settled, he left the office with a polite smile on his face.
All along, Baron Friedrich never asked for the middle-aged man¡¯s name or identity. Not because he was arrogant, but because there was really no need to care about a minor figure.
Making decisions for the government and pushing for a Central European strategy involves sensitive matters. Important figures would never expose themselves; those who came out to do theworking were all dispensable pawns.
If the n seeds, well and good, but if it fails and attracts the hostility of the French government, these pawns would be ready-made scapegoats.
After looking out the window for a long time, Baron Friedrich finally picked up the telephone line, took out the phone book, and began to make calls...
...
It was not only Baron Friedrich who was being lobbied; since the outbreak of the stock market crash, capitalists had begun to conspire behind the scenes.
It began with the industrial andmercial sectors, followed by members of parliament and government officials, setting the stage for a massive public rtions campaign.
Unbeknownst to all, public opinion in France also began to change. Experts and schrs attributed a series of problems, such as the stock market crash, the unemployment wave, and low worker benefits, to the maniption of coal prices by the Prussian and German nations.
In summary, the narrative became: The despicable Prussia and Germany, by raising the export price of coal, plundered the wealth of France.
Of course, some street tabloids also casually implicated John Bull, as Britannia was the world¡¯s number one coal-exporting country at the time.
These were minor issues, as the conflict between Ennd and France didn¡¯t start overnight, and it didn¡¯t matter to record one more grievance.
Under the principle of picking on the soft ones, experts and schrs swiftly chose to turn a blind eye, only demanding the government to take tough measures against Prussia and Germany to prevent national wealth from flowing out.
Chapter 881 - 144: Southward or Eastward?
With public opinion increasingly hostile towards the Prussia and Germany, massive civilian protests and demonstrations erupted.
From Paris to Rome, any French city with a poption over fifty thousand experienced protest activities.
A variety of slogans could be heard incessantly, against coal profiteering, unemployment, demands for higher wages and better treatment, demands for the government to further liberalize the right to vote... and so on, with social groups, relevant or not, alling forward.
For a moment, the whole of Europe heard the voices of the French people, although these voices were somewhat chaotic and confusing toprehend.
In the Pce of Versailles, hearing the heart-wrenching cries of the people outside, Napoleon IV was enraged.
Public opinion?
In those days without the inte, if no one were pulling the strings, relying on the natural spread of news, it could take three to five months to reach the entire country, let alone provoke simultaneous protests in all major cities.
"Have the police investigate and see who is behind this mischief!"
No emperor likes to be manipted, and Napoleon IV was no exception. Even if it was to implement the Central Europe strategy, it should be under his direction, not forced upon him by others.
Minister of Police Adonis nervously replied, "Your Majesty, arge number of people are involved this time, including capitalists, students, nobility, military personnel, and government officials.
ording to the intelligence held by the police, the action was first taken by the domesticmercial sector, after which it rapidly spread."
As for who the ultimate mastermind was, the police had no idea, but such surface-level information could still be traced.
Adonis had a sharp political mind, and from the outbreak of public opinion, he had been considering countermeasures, which now came readily to hand.
There is no ountability for what the masses do; this is the greatest characteristic of France. Even the participants of thest revolution, Napoleon IV couldn¡¯t settle ounts with everyone, not to mention now.
Knowing themercial sector was behind it was useless; without being able to pinpoint the initial culprits, Napoleon IV had no one to hold ountable.
mming the table fiercely, Napoleon IV said viciously, "Damn finance groups, don¡¯t think you can get away with this."
Since themercial sector was in charge, it naturally involved the finance groups putting forth effort;ying the me on them was without error.
In fact, the rtionship between the Bonaparte family and the French finance group had never been good, and conflicts were not umon due to interests.
Especially during the Paris Revolution, the finance groups¡¯ act of fanning the mes and looting amidst chaos further intensified their conflicts.
Although Napoleon IV hadpromised and conceded, the resentment in his heart had built up. To contain the expansion of the finance groups, Napoleon IV had spared no effort.
From a developmental perspective, this was an inevitable oue. With the finance group¡¯s power continually expanding and France¡¯s cake not getting bigger, the emerging forces were bound to collide with the established interest groups.
The Bonaparte family was able to restore power with the support of the peasant and nobility sses, and Napoleon IV had to represent the interests of these two sses.
The French finance group held strong finances and influence, but politically and militarily, they were weakpared to the nobility, which held political power and was clearly not their match.
If they wanted to continue to grow, they could only find ways to make the cake bigger.
Promoting the Central Europe strategy was the best way, not only resolving the shoring in domesticmercial development but also promoting the development of capitalist economy and further empowering the finance groups.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets reminded him, "Your Majesty, we can take our time investigating the mastermind behind the scenes.
Recently, European countries have been constantly inquiring about our Central Europe strategy, and the domestic turmoil has alerted all sides.
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Justst week, the Belgian government decided to expand another reserve force. Once the n ispleted, Belgium¡¯s total military strength will reach 154,000.
The German Federation also held a Sub-State conference, where George I proposed to emte Austria by implementing a universal reserve duty system and train another one and a half million reservists.
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Additionally, with the existing main force unchanged, they nned to add three hundred thousand reservists to the standing army; they are now busy discussing the troop distribution among each Sub-State.
If the Germans¡¯ n ispleted, their actual standing army will exceed five hundred thousand. Under extreme mobilization, thebined forces of Prussia and Germany will surpass two million."
Without a doubt, Prussia and Germany were frightened by France¡¯s internal turmoil and were making all efforts to expand their armaments.
If the two countries were toplete their ns and arm all their young and able-bodied citizens, whether France¡¯s Central Europe strategy could still be implemented would be a matter for debate.
"They openly want to tear up the arms agreement; are they not afraid of international sanctions?"
No sooner had he finished speaking than Napoleon IV realized hispse. With war on the horizon, who would care about such concerns?
Given Europe¡¯s cautious attitude towards France, most likely they would turn a blind eye to the armament actions of Prussia and Germany, and might even wee them.
This tant favoritism was extremely unfriendly to France.
After a pause, Napoleon IV slowly continued, "The Foreign Ministry must find a way to disrupt Prussia and Germany¡¯s armament actions, promising security guarantees if necessary."
Regardless of whether the Central Europe strategy was to be implemented, the French government had to thwart Prussia and Germany¡¯s armament ns, or else France would not threaten others but be threatened instead.
There was no choice, for they had numerous enemies! What if one day Austria convinced Prussia and Germany, and then pulled in Switzend and Spain to besiege France? What then?
It¡¯s not to say it¡¯s impossible, anti-French wars have happened in history. It¡¯s just as likely to ur now, after all those neighboring countries have been beaten down by them, with both conflicts of interest and bases for enmity in ce.
Karel Kadelitz replied with a wry smile, "The Foreign Ministry has already taken action, but Prussia and Germany simply don¡¯t trust us.
Moreover, with the Austrians causing trouble, Franz even sent an open letter to the governments of Prussia and Germany yesterday morning, highly praising their efforts to maintain European stability."
Causing chaos was what Franz did best. Encouraging Prussia and Germany to expand their military benefitted Austria in every way and harmed them in none.
Should a war erupt in Europe, Prussia and Germany, who would bear the brunt, were Austria¡¯s natural shields, whether they liked it or not, blocking the French¡¯s eastward advance.
If a European war did not break out now, Austria would win more time to till theirnds. After all, their te was big enough already, and once the Near East was developed, they could crush their enemies simply by theirprehensive national power.
Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz said, "If we can¡¯t dissuade Prussia and Germany from the idea of military expansion, we will have to initiate our Central Europe strategy ahead of time.
Otherwise, if we let themplete their militarization n, we will lose the initiative, and implementing the Central Europe strategy will then be difficult."
Prime Minister Terence Burkin shook his head, "The crux of the problem isn¡¯t Prussia and Germany. Their expansion ns may sound formidable, but in reality, they are impossible toplete.
The expansion n of Belgium, theoretically, is feasible, but can they afford such arge army?
Not to mention the German Federation, with its many Sub-States; not all have conflicts of interest with us.
If a war were to break out, just coordinating the armies of the various Sub-States would be a major problem.
Bear in mind, for the Rulers of the Sub-States, the Central Government in Hanover is an enemy too; no one is willing to easily hand over their troops.
What¡¯s truly troublesome is Austria. Once we implement the Central Europe strategy, Austria¡¯s chances of intervening are over ny percent.
Looking at the current international situation, I believe that if we want to implement the Central Europe strategy, we must deliver a heavy blow to Austria and render them incapable of interfering with our actions."
If France invaded Prussia and Germany, Austria¡¯s participation in the war is almost certain; yet, if a war broke out between France and Austria, Prussia and Germany are likely to remain neutral.
It¡¯s not about being shortsighted. If they help Austria defeat the French, the unification of the Germany Region bes a foregone conclusion, and this leaves Emperor George I in an embarrassing spot.
Such a self-harming, other-benefiting action is not something George I would do. If the Central Government takes the lead, the smaller Sub-States below are happy to be at ease. Being pro-Austria is motivated by self-interest, not the same as being willing to die for Austria.
Without the German Federation, Belgium is even less likely to get involved. Even with secret treaties, it¡¯s impossible; the Kingdom of Belgium has limited power and simply cannot stir things up.
Army Minister Luskinia Hafiz objected, "Prime Minister, that is the most ideal state, but itcks any practicality in reality.
The rtionship we¡¯ve maintained with Austria for so many years is not due to friendly ties between the two nations, nor is it because the conflicts of interest are minor, but because neither can do anything about the other.
This is determined by geography; the Alps are a natural boundary. Even if we could defeat the Austrians, we would still stop at Vo.
Austria is no small country; losing Lombardy and Venice wouldn¡¯t greatly affect them.
The Vienna Government would not simply admit defeat, and then we would have to face a continuous stream of Austrian troops, one million, two million, three million... dragging on the fight with us indefinitely.
If it were just Austria alone, we still have the confidence to win the final victory.
But the problem is that there are other countries on the European Continent, such as Spain, the German Federation, Belgium, Switzend, etc., that might all potentially sway toward Austria at the crucial moment.
Especially Britain and Russia. Despite their intense conflicts, the terrain in Afghanistan limits their engagement, which is hardly their best effort.
Unless we can ensure that Britain and Russia both suffer heavy losses and drag out the war in the Afghan Region until both nations are gravely weakened, there¡¯s a chance to avoid interference from Britain and Russia."
The ssic example of the Prusso-Russian war has made it clear to the European world that one should not start a war lightly with a major country, especially one with arge poption.
In the absence of a quick resolution, a war between two major countries is a suicidal battle, where the loser will certainly be devastated, but the winner will equally suffer severe losses.
From a purely military standpoint, if France and Austria were to go to war, it would be best to fight in the Central European Region, with the victor marching from Belgium all the way through.
If they were to fight in the Italian Area, at most there would be a partial victory. Both sides are protected by the Alps, and cannot prate into the core territories of the two countries.
In the face of Napoleon IV¡¯s expectant gaze, Karl Chardlets shook his head, "If war with Austria breaks out, before a victor is decided, the Foreign Ministry still has some confidence in maintaining the neutrality of European countries.
But once we gain the upper hand on the battlefield, European countries will inevitably get involved, and most will stand against us.
Even our ally, the British, will be no exception. To the British Government, anything that disrupts the bnce of Europe is not allowed to happen."
There was no way around it, the historical French Empire was simply too powerful, so much so that it had no friends.
All European countries have been exceedingly vignt against the Bonaparte Dynasty, and even after the Paris Revolution, with heavy losses for France, this perception has not changed.
¡
Chapter 882 - 145: Austria’s Preparation
Once themon folk started making a fuss, the whole world knew what the French wanted to do. The Beide Countries began to prepare for war, and their neighbors were not idle either.
Switzend called up fifty thousand militiamen for six months of military training; Spain expanded five infantry divisions and announced to the public that it was to suppress colonial rebellions.
The Austrian Government announced that this year¡¯s retired servicemen had their service extended by half a year and conducted anti-invasion drills nationwide.
Although it was not explicitly stated, everyone knew this was aimed at the French. The situation on the European Continent suddenly became tense, and the French government at the center of the storm became embarrassed.
Exnations?
The more they tried to rify, the murkier it got. Even though everyone knew that the French were most likely targeting the Beide Countries, they still remained vignt, fearing the French might catch them off guard with a sneak attack.
Influenced by the tense European situation, Austria¡¯s Foreign Ministry became a hive of activity. Various European nations dered their stances, hoping Austria could check France¡¯s ambitions.
To the routine diplomatic jargon, Franz always showed indifference. Flipping through the messages, he frowned and asked, "Is there anything of substance?
This kind of meaningless moral support can only be used to fool children. It¡¯s utterly meaningless to us."
There was no mention of specific support; everyone was in favor of Austria opposing the French. They would prefer a fierce, mutual destruction with the French, leaving everyone else at ease afterward.
The diplomatic notes naturally did not include thetter part, but Franz was also capable of reading between the lines, putting himself in the shoes of other European nations, he would do the same.
Meaningless support is still better than none. At least it demonstrates Austria is not unpopr and isted.
When necessary, it could be used to boost morale and add legitimacy to their cause, gaining an advantage in public opinion.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "There is! The Baden Duchy invited our troops to station there for a joint defense against the invasion of the French Army; Belgium proposed a military exercise among the three countries to deter the French ambitions."
Historically, inviting foreign troops to station within a country has always been a move fraught with immense political risk.
The action of Baden bypassing the Central Government to invite Austrian troops was somewhat surprising to Franz. However, considering theplex rtionship between the two countries, it didn¡¯t seem so strange to him.
Even though the Holy Roman Empire had copsed decades ago, its reputation had not fallen, especially after the rise of nationalism, which had be the legal foundation of Greater Germany ideology.
Normally, nationalists who oppose foreign troops would be the main opposition; yet, to the nationalists in Baden, Austria, as a fellow member of the German People, was one of their own.
With no internal danger, the German Federal Government had no right to intervene in Baden¡¯s internal affairs. If the Central Government was unhappy, they could just send troops to guard the border.
The Imperial Parliament was still in session, and the Sub-States were squabbling over the distribution of military forces. As part of the Central Government, Hanover was already under pressure to defend the Rhinnd region, let alone sending reinforcements to Baden, which would be overly burdensome.
Besides these factors, the most crucial reason the Baden Government dared to invite the Austrian troops was the kinship ties between the two countries.
Whoever Austria swallowed, they could not turn their back on kin and swallow Baden; otherwise, the Habsburg dynasty wouldn¡¯t be able to mix in nobility circles anymore.
After some thought, Franz shook his head: "Neither of these proposals is practical. Stationing troops in Baden at this time would not only provoke the French but also worsen our rtions with the German Federation.
Once the French advance eastward, the German Federation would be the best shield. What we need to do now is to encourage them to stand up to the French, not to take on the pressure from the French for them.
The Belgian exercise n is even less reliable; too many participating troops would be costly, and since the French haven¡¯t attacked yet andck the courage to seek out the French trouble on their own.
If there are too few participating troops, it will neither deter the French nor might even inspire French ambition. Perhaps the French government would take the initiative and directly eliminate the troops involved in the exercise."
Without a doubt, these were excuses. The real reason at the heart of it all was simple: Franz was unwilling to be the sacrificial pawn at the forefront of the resistance against the French.
Human nature is fragile, and despite everyone¡¯s grand statements now, should they defeat the French, Austria would be the next target of defense.
Rather than be thankless, it¡¯s better to wait at home and observe the development of the situation. It would be quite different to offer help only after the Beide Countries had been fiercely struck by the French.
Prime Minister Carl expressed his worries: "The situation in France is changing so suddenly, it is somewhat iprehensible, and I always feel like someone is manipting behind the scenes.
Being guided by public opinion and having their pride wounded, the French advocate for tough measures against the Beide Countries which makes some sense.
But why are the Italians joining in themotion? I don¡¯t believe they feel such a strong sense of belonging to the French government."
It hasn¡¯t even been twenty years since France truly annexed Italy. The older generation is still alive, and the younger generation grew up in that special era, making the talk of a sense of belonging a joke.
The Bonaparte family may have originated from Italy, but their roots are too shallow; they hardly have any power in the Italian Area.
Apart from the influence left during the Napoleonic Era, they essentially had nothing. Turning influence into power is impossible without coboration.
The Italian capitalists who originally supported the French government had been defeated inpetition with French capital and had been pushed to the opposition.
If not for the awe of France¡¯s might, the Italian Area would¡¯ve been in chaos already. At a minimum, the royal families of the puppet states would want to retake their power.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg exined: "The issue with the Italian Area has been rified by the embassy in Rome.
There are shadows of the Italian Independent Organization behind this. They are involved to provoke a European war, creating an opportunity for the independence of the Italian Area."
"Looking at the sources of the activity funds, the trail leads directly back to the British. Considering the current international situation, the British Government indeed has the motive to provoke a war on the European Continent."
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"The activity funds are the easiest to trace. The Italian Independence Organization has two major financial backers; since the Austrian Government didn¡¯t contribute, it must have been the British Government footing the bill."
"Other countries might have the desire but not the courage. If the news leaks, the responsibility for triggering a European war is a burden that could crush someone."
Finance Minister Mark-Leo-Von-Joseph said, "The truth no longer matters, what¡¯s crucial is whether the war can still be avoided.
"If it¡¯s possible, then we ought to postpone it by another ten years, or even five would do. By then, we would be able to kill the French in one fell swoop."
To solve the French problem once and for all would be ideal. The fact that the Anti-French Wars failed to truly resolve France demonstrates many issues."
On the European Continent, it¡¯s easy to defeat a country, but difficult to eradicate onepletely. The price paid on the battlefield aside, the key issue is international intervention.
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A European great nation like France, if not eradicated in one go, would be an endless source of future troubles."
Austria doesn¡¯t have the strength to ignore the interference of other European nations, which means that after fighting the French, we would have a mortal enemy to our west."
Otherwise, during the Paris Revolution, Austria would have already kicked the French while they were down. There would have been no need to wait until now."
Weisenberg shook his head and said, "I¡¯m afraid we have to ask the French about that. If they want to implement their Central European strategy, then this war cannot be avoided.
"Given the current situation, we must prepare for the worst. Mere deterrence is unlikely to curb the ambitions of the French."
Austria¡¯s Near East development n was beginning to reveal itself, not deeply felt by themon folk, yet unable to escape the attention of astute politicians.
The Tsarist Government was lured to Central Asia, half because it wanted to reim Central Asia and erase its previous dishonor; the other half was due to being cornered.
Watching Austria, their neighbor, grow increasingly stronger while the Russian Empire declined, would make anyone feel pressured."
If there were no other options, Russia and Austria would definitely part ways, eventually turning to opposition due to strategic conflicts.
Then, the British turned up right on cue. The Tsarist Government, originally nning to stop after reiming Central Asia, couldn¡¯t resist the temptation of India and rushed in upon seeing the inefficiency of the British Army."
Strategically speaking, the Tsarist Government¡¯s decision wasn¡¯t wrong. Fighting the British onnd would definitely be a safer bet than taking on Austria; the gains from defeating the British would also be greater than those from defeating Austria.
Anyway, once India was swallowed up, Russia would no longer need to fear Austria, as it would have offset its weaknesses."
With the Russians taking the initiative and the British forced to respond, the only great nations left with free time were France and Austria."
After the outbreak of the production capacity crisis, with just a little instigation from the British, the heavily affected French interest groups and careerists became restless."
The issue was made clear, and politicians could no longer pretend to be ostriches. Withoutpleting the Central European strategy, France would always be at a disadvantage in future internationalpetition."
Franz, who had been silent for a long time, slowly stated, "There¡¯s no use in hoping anymore. At this stage, the French government has no choice.
"Unless the French government is full of people without a shred of ambition, who only want to scrape by until death, otherwise a war is inevitable sooner orter."
"Starting now, the country will enter a state of third-level alert. All military factories must start operating at full capacity from now on."
"Local governments must register retired military officers and ensure that, in the event of war breaking out, they can draft five hundred thousand reservists within one week."
"Order the Governors of the Middle East and East Africa to be on the highest level of war readiness; if the French invade Central Europe, seize the Suez Canal and Egypt immediately."
"Inform the governments of the Sub-States that an Imperial Parliament meeting will be convened on the 11th of next month to discuss resistance to the French invasion."
No matter where the French attack, Franz was determined to set his sights on the Suez Canal."
As for other regions in Africa, they weren¡¯t strategic hotspots and were separated by vast deserts; Franz was not interested in them for the time being.
For the Vienna Government, the impending war was both a catastrophe and an opportunity."
Prior to this, the Vienna Government had only secured the right to issue currency and collect tariffs. Militarymand belonged to the Emperor, with the Central Government having no authority to interfere.
The judicial system, though unified, was ced outside government influence to ensure impartiality. Including courts and anti-corruption agencies, these departments were only responsible to the Emperor.
In this context, the Central Government naturally had no power over the highly autonomous Sub-State Governments."
Besides exerting influence through economic means, the Vienna Government had never issued any formal administrative orders to government of Sub-States."
In theory, should a Sub-State Government incite great public ire, the Central Government could intervene."
Sadly, having reaped the benefits of expansion, Austria¡¯s economy has been doing well in recent years, and the reputations of the Sub-State Governments had been favorable; thus, the Central Government has had no chance to get involved."
But now things are different. Once war breaks out, Sub-State Governments will no longer be able to refuse the unification by the Central Government, especially those situated on the front lines, who cannot withstand the pressure without support from the Central Government."
As for how to proceed, that¡¯s a matter between the Cab and the Sub-State Governments. Power struggles are always fought for, never handed to you while you stand still."
Chapter 883 - 146: Shit Stirrer Comes Online
Neighbors, too, began preparing for war, and the French government naturally had no choice. At this point, even if they did notunch a war, the French government could only follow suit in preparing for one.
After all, Napoleon IV did not believe in the so-called good-neighborly friendship. With France¡¯s rtionships with surrounding countries, once there was an imbnce in power, someone would attack within minutes.
In this age of survival of the fittest, weakness is the greatest sin, and what¡¯s more, everyone already has grievances, don¡¯t they?
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Since ancient times, military expansion has been seen as a prelude to war. The French government¡¯s actions once again exacerbated everyone¡¯s panic, and for a while, the European Continent was a ce where a storm was brewing.
¡
London
British Foreign Minister George said, pointing at the map of Europe on the wall, "The n has been going smoothly overall,
Although we did not incite Austria to send troops to unify the Germany Region, the French have taken the bait.
Under the influence of the tense situation, the Paris Government has already started to expand its military significantly, taking a step that cannot be taken back.
The only inconvenience is that too many nations have been involved, and French diplomacy is utterly trash, having failed to find a single ally, not even managing to hold on to the Spaniards.
Given the current situation, if we do not step in to help, it is highly probable that Austria will form an Anti-French Alliance after the war breaks out, roping in Belgium, Germany, Switzend, Spain, and other countries to attack the French together."
Expanding the military and preparing for war is no child¡¯s y, especially in times of tension. Once the government expands its military, it signals the possibility of war to the outside world.
Capitalists would increase their investments in military-rted sectors, while existing military enterprises would expand their production capacity in the shortest possible time.
France had just experienced overcapacity and a surge in unemployment, and with the war on the way, thepanies were revitalized at full strength, and workers found employment again.
Capitalists, who had invested real gold and silver, wouldn¡¯t agree to halt without seeing returns; simrly, re-employed workers were unlikely to agree either.
Driven by interests, war was inevitable sooner orter. All the French government could decide was who to fight and where to start.
Prime Minister dstone nodded, the French not having allies was the basis for an Ennd and France alliance.
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Still, a situation like this, one that triggers the vignce of all neighbors at once, was somewhat unexpected.
"I recall that the Spanish Government is supported by the French, and their rtionship has been excellent for years, they wouldn¡¯t likely side with Austria, would they?"
After the revolution in Spain, the Bourbon royal family fled to France. Napoleon III made a deal with the Bourbon Dynasty, offering support to Alfonso XII to take the throne in exchange for the Bourbons not causing him trouble.
After Alfonso XII ascended the throne, French-Spanish rtions warmed quickly, and the outside world has always suspected there might be an alliance between French-Spanish behind the scene.
Unless there is a significant conflict of interest, the likelihood of a rift between the two countries is minuscule.
George exined, "French-Spanish rtions have indeed been friendly for a while, but the contradictions between the two countries are more substantial.
Especially after the death of Alfonso XII, Austrian Archduchess Maria Christina acting as regent brought a fundamental change to Spain¡¯s foreign policy, shifting from pro-France to pro-Austria.
The current rtionship between France and Spain is just barely maintainable on the surface and far from being an alliance.
Justst week, Austria provided the Spanish Government with an interest-free loan of twenty million Divine Shields. After receiving this loan, the Spanish Government immediately announced the expansion of five infantry divisions.
It¡¯s not just Spain; in the past month, Austria has issued loans of varying amounts to Belgium, the German Federation, and Switzend.
On this front, the French government has been very slow to react. After the events urred, they also failed to take proper measures to win over the nations but instead sent people to warn and threaten them."
As good neighbors, France and Spain have never been short of conflicts, and in this regard, the Habsburg dynasty has also made a significant contribution.
```
However, that happened hundreds of years ago, and it¡¯s no longer a matter of hatred; what remains fresh in the memory of the Spaniards is the Anti-French Wars.
If the British conquered the myth of the Invincible Armada and pulled Spain down from its position of maritime dominance, then it was Napoleon who ended the Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets for Spain.
Nations such as Mexico, Central America, Peru, Colombia, Chile, Paraguay, and over a dozen others, with millions of square kilometers ofnd, all gained independence because of the Anti-French Wars.
To say the Spaniards held no grudges would be utterly impossible. However, France¡¯s power was great, Spain¡¯s was weak, and with a multitude of internal conflicts, they had no choice but to endure it.
No matter how suppressed, with this grudge underlying Franco-Spanish rtions, things couldn¡¯t improve. During the lifetime of Alfonso XII, due to the gratitude owed for the restoration, the rtionship between the two countries was not bad.
After Maria Christina of Austria became the regent,cking a monarch friendly to France, the anti-French sentiment naturally surged within the country.
Finance Minister George Childs said, "From this point of view alone, the approach of the French government isn¡¯t wrong.
Their rtions with their neighbors are already poor, and to attract allies, they have to pay a higher cost.
Just promising benefits won¡¯t be believed by anyone;peting with Austria in financial resources is not where they can win.
Their only advantage is the renowned reputation of the French Army. If they can¡¯t attract these countries, they might as well intimidate them.
After all, these are all opportunists. As long as France maintains enough strength, these guys won¡¯t dare make a move.
Besides, the French government is used to being forceful; if they suddenly lower their status to align with other countries, it would actually provoke negative perceptions instead."
This is a fair point; forging alliances really isn¡¯t France¡¯s forte. Topete with Austria in this regard is not only draining but unlikely to have a substantial effect; deterrence by force is more effective.
Prime Minister dstone frowned. France¡¯s situation was worse than anticipated; military intimidation certainly works, but if France and Austria were to reach a stalemate on the battlefield, these countries could be thest straw that breaks the camel¡¯s back.
Franz is famed for his generosity towards allies, especially when it involves others¡¯mitments; he¡¯s truly beyond reproach.
"The Foreign Office must find a way to keep the countries neutral, otherwise if five join forces against them, the French won¡¯t stand a chance!"
The French are confident, which stems from decades of consistent propaganda. The government¡¯s higher-ups grew up listening to the idea that the French Army is invincible, deeply ingraining it into their subconscious.
Authorities are often blinded, while outsiders see the situation clearly.
dstone was not so confident in the French Army¡¯sbat capabilities. In his opinion, indeed the French Army might be the best in the world, but the best is not equivalent to invincible.
Even ants in great numbers can kill an elephant. France doesn¡¯t have an assured victory over Austria one-on-one; adding several more adversaries to the equation, the war bes unwinnable.
Britain aims for both France and Austria to be weakened, not for Austria to take advantage and rise to power. Now it has no choice but to take sides.
Foreign Minister George shook his head, "This will be difficult to achieve unless the French attack Austria from the Italian Area¡ªwe would have a way to keep the nations neutral.
Otherwise, we can only make Spain remain neutral, at most adding Switzend to that.
They are a neutral country, and as long as the French don¡¯t provoke trouble, the Foreign Office is confident of persuading the Swiss Government to stay neutral."
It¡¯s a situation without a solution when France and Austria sh over Belgium and the German Federation. It¡¯s impossible for Beide Countries to remain neutral if France attempts to annex their territories.
Prime Minister dstone nodded helplessly; initially, both Beide Countries were supported as subordinates, but now, for the sake of the Empire¡¯s interests, they must be forsaken.
Thinking of this, dstone¡¯s headache intensified. Both Beide Countries are part of the House of Gotha; if the French are defeated, so be it. But if the French win the war, Gotha¡¯s loss could be devastating.
If it were known that he orchestrated this affair, Queen Victoria herself might have the heart to have him beheaded; now dstone didn¡¯t even dare to visit the Pce.
```
Chapter 884 - 147, Victor Emmanuel III
After Napoleon III annexed the Kingdom of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel II, who had fled to London, established the Sardinian Exile Government with the help of the British.
Later, when the French annexed the remaining Italian territories, Victor Emmanuel II reluctantly became the leader necessary for the anti-French movement in Italy.
The reason was simple, the barefoot are not afraid of those with shoes, and Victor Emmanuel II, who had nothing left to lose, had the courage to fight to the death with the French.
In contrast, the situation was different for the other sub-state royal families. Although the French had taken their countries, they still nominally wore the crowns and received an annual pension.
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Against this backdrop, everyone was very dissatisfied, but nobody had the courage to openly confront the French, and they merely engaged in petty schemes in secret.
Initially, the Sardinian Independence Organization was only supported by the British, and its organizational structure was generally stable. Later, when it expanded to be the Italian Independence Organization, the situation began to change.
Austria also became a supporter of the independence organization; with another financier, many things becameplicated.
In 1878, after the death of Victor Emmanuel II, his nine-year-old son inherited the throne. Such a young child naturallycked the ability to settle internal conflicts.
The Italian Independence Organization existed in name only and gradually split into four groups, representing the Kingdom of Sardinia, the Papal State, Naples, and Tuscany.
As a result, the Italian independence movement also fell into a low period. Even when the Paris revolution broke out, their subsequent uprising was but a sh in the pan.
When a lion fights a rabbit, it still uses all its strength. With a European war imminent, Franz naturally sought to ally with any force he could.
Although the Italian Independence Organization was weak, it had strong appeal among the Italians!
Just imagine, during a critical moment in the Franco-Austrian War, if the Italian soldiers in the French Army suddenlyid down their arms¡ªit would be aedic sight.
Without a doubt, the most powerful and influential within the Italian Independence Organization was the direct line of Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s Sardinian Independence Organization.
Despite the Kingdom of Sardinia being annexed by the French and an additional crown ced on the Emperor¡¯s head, Victor Emmanuel III was recognized as the legitimate King of Sardinia by European nobility.
No matter how powerful France was, a crown obtained illegally was not acknowledged by the European Nobility Circle. In this aspect, Franz also yed a major role; the Habsburg family was at the forefront of denying the Bonaparte family¡¯s legitimacy to the Sardinian throne.
In a country estate in Suburban London, an old man and a young man were fishing. It was evident that their minds were elsewhere; even as the floating objects on the water were continuously tugged, they paid no heed.
The Austrian Envoy to London, Jonas: "Your Majesty, the outbreak of a European war is imminent, and your chance for restoration hase."
The young Victor Emmanuel III smiled faintly, "That is still only a chance. The French powers are still formidable.
Italy¡¯s liberation from the rule of France is still very difficult. Unless your country can heavily defeat the French on the battlefield, relying solely on the strength of the Independence Organization is sheer suicide."
This was the key issue and the focus of contention.
Jonas hoped the Italian Independence Organization couldunch an uprising first to shake the morale of the French troops, increasing the Austrian army¡¯s chances of victory on the battlefield.
Victor Emmanuel III, on the other hand, hoped that Austria would defeat the French on the battlefield first, and then the Independence Organization wouldunch an uprising.
Jonas shook his head, understanding Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s wariness, as the King of Sardinia and Austria had always had a strained rtionship.
If they drove away the French only to wee the Austrians, it would be swapping a tiger at the front door for a wolf at the back.
"Your Majesty, there is no such thing as a free lunch in this world. To attain national independence without paying a price is impossible.
I know what you are worried about and understand your feelings, but you should know that Austria never mistreats its allies.
Since we have made a promise to support your country¡¯s independence, we will fulfill ourmitment.
However, Austria also believes in quid pro quo; the price paid will determine the spoils gained.
If you wait until the situation is decided before joining in, we can no longer guarantee the territorial integrity of your country."
This was an outright "threat." Evidently, Jonas had determined that Victor Emmanuel III would not coborate with the French and must gain Austria¡¯s support for restoration.
Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s color changed drastically; he was still too young to maintain hisposure in the face of such emotions.
"Your Excellency, maintaining the territorial integrity of the Italian Area is our bottom line! If that cannot be achieved, then there is nothing to discuss."
Envoy Jonas reminded, "Your Majesty, you are only the King of Sardinia and do not have the authority to speak for the other three sub-states.
"In fact, we¡¯ve already reached an agreement among the representatives of three nations, and now we¡¯re just discussing the King of Sardinia with you,"
In these years, Italy is merely a geographical name, internationally recognized as four Sub-States. The Italian Independence Organization is just a makeshift troupe, holding no legal significance.
Hearing this answer, Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s face grew even darker.
As the leader of the Italian Independence Organization, he had thought that driving out the French would make him the King of Italy.
However, reality was a harsh blow. Jonas clearly told him that this was impossible.
The Italian Independence Organization didn¡¯t represent much; Austria only recognized Sardinia, the Papal State, Naples, and Tuscany.
Without Austria¡¯s recognition, there was no talking of an Italian King. Victor Emmanuel III was extremely unwilling, yet hecked the clout to turn the tables.
He did not wish to cooperate with Austria, but there were plenty of others who did. Don¡¯t assume that members of the Independence Organization are above it all; everyone needs to eat.
Even as king, living in exile abroad allows for avish lifestyle, but his followers below him are the ones truly suffering.
Even those who were wealthy have been worn thin after so many years of struggle; those from poorer families have already started taking jobs in London, struggling to survive on the meager subsidies the Independence Organization doles out.
Over the years, the once fiery youth have been ground down by life, and restoration was their only chance to turn things around.
Whether for Italy or for the King of Sardinia, as long as they have the means to establish power, they could instantly be high and mighty rulers.
Thatst straw, no one would let go. Anyone who stood in the way was an enemy to all, even Victor Emmanuel III, the nominal leader, was no exception.
After pausing for a moment and gathering his thoughts, Victor Emmanuel III slowly said, "Your Excellency the Envoy, we can find ways to restrain the French, but weck the power to confront the French Army directly."
Seeing his goal achieved, Jonas replied with a smile, "Your Majesty, please rest assured, Austria does not betray friends.
Once the war breaks out, you just need to cause havoc to the French logistics from behind the scenes, there¡¯s no need to engage directly on the battlefield.
For example: spreading rumors to shake the moral of the French troops; calling upon Italians not to sell their lives for the French; sabotaging roads and bridges, organizingbor strikes...
To minimize losses, you can also encourage non-violent non-cooperation among the people, all these will count as contributions."
Relieved by Jonas¡¯s exnation, Victor Emmanuel III could breathe easier. Slogan chanting was their forte, and the Independence Organization¡¯s weaknessy in military matters.
As long as there¡¯s no fighting with the French, they could still do some behind-the-scenes sabotaging.
After a brief pause, Envoy Jonas added, "The contribution you make to this war will determine the benefits you¡¯ll receive afterwards. Experience more content on NovelBin.C?m
If your contributions are significant enough, territories, war reparations - you will have them. Those disputed territories between the former King of Sardinia and France could also be in your grasp."
This was not just empty promises. As long as they won the war, regardless of their performance, the disputed territories would be marked for the Kingdom of Sardinia.
Austria had no appetite for annexing France; after the war, the enmity between France and Austria would undoubtedly deepen, potentially remaining unresolved for decades.
For the stability of the western front, the Austrian Government must weaken France. Besides the possibility of Italian independence, maind France was still very stable, basically impossible to divide.
Even if it were forcibly split, it would likely reunify within a few years; Franz was not one to engage in futile efforts.
Under such circumstances, aside from courting neighboring countries for a joint partition, there weren¡¯t many good options for the Austrian Government.
Moreover, what was being divided was not justnd, but also the apanying hatred.
If they tooknd from the French, they would have to be prepared for a bitter struggle with France. Besides clinging to Austria¡¯s coattails, there were simply no alternatives.
Without any hesitation, Victor Emmanuel III responded resolutely, "Rest assured, Your Excellency the Envoy, we¡¯ll do our utmost to cause trouble for the French!"
The terms were very generous indeed, much better than what Victor Emmanuel III had anticipated, and Austria had no designs for the territories of the Kingdom of Sardinia.
The only regret was that Austria opposed his unification of the Italian Area, but for Victor Emmanuel III, this wasn¡¯t a major issue.
Having begun his life in exile, Victor Emmanuel III too had experienced hardships, and despite his youth, he was not naive.
...
Chapter 885 - 148, The Grass on Top of the Wall
Berne, affected by the tension in the European situation, Switzend, a neutral country, also had its difficulties.
Contrary to whatter generations of keyboard warriors might think, Switzend, the "Roof of Europe," indeed had a significant strategic location.
On the contrary, Switzend, which lies at the heart of Western Europe, next to Austria in the east, neighboring Italy in the south, bordering France in the west, and connected to Baden and W¨¹rttemberg in the north, has always been an important European thoroughfare with vital strategic importance.
Due to its mountainous terrain, Switzend has many strategic points, for example, St. Gotthard and St. Bernard, which have always been hotly contested by military strategists.
As the European war drew near, Switzend, as a neutral country, became the center of the storm, and deciding which side to take became a difficult problem.
Bernhard Heimer, who was the presiding chairman, had unfortunately encountered this situation. The onlyfort he had was that, for now, the countries were mainly using incentives, and had not forcefully coerced them into taking sides.
This was an inevitable result, as Switzend was easy to defend but hard to attack, and it had the famous Swiss mercenaries. Anyone with clear sight could tell it was a tough bone to chew.
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Under the militia system, Switzend could potentially field an army of three to five hundred thousand. Although the Swiss were still poor and couldn¡¯t fully equip such arge force.
But once they took sides, these would no longer be issues, as neither France nor Austria wouldin about having too many soldiers on their side.
Bernhard Heimer exined, "Your Excellency Envoy, Switzend is a neutral country, and we will not get involved in the conflicts of Europe."
He had said simr things countless times before, but visitors kepting incessantly.
To most people, it seemed like he was holding out for a better offer, but Bernhard Heimer himself knew he truly did not want Switzend to get involved in the European conflicts.
There was no way around it, Switzend¡¯s national resources were too scant. Defending the homnd could still leverage geographical advantages, but attacking in a war would just mean brute force.
For a small country like Switzend, getting involved in the Franco-Austrian conflict meant limited gains if they won, but if they lost, they¡¯d lose everything, a definite loss-making proposition.
The Austrian diplomat Eli Decas shook his head, "Your Excellency, do not speak so definitively. In this world, many things are done out of necessity.
If possible, we would not wish to engage in this war either, but the French will not agree.
You must be aware of the extent of French ambition. If we do not stand up to prevent them from expanding into Central Europe now, we will eventually suffer greatly."
Bernhard Heimer remained silent, having internally criticized the situation numerous times. Essentially, the French ambition was something that Austria had indulged.
If Austria had not allowed the French to swallow Italy in the south, there would not be a powerful French Empire today, and there would be no present bother.
Wishes aside, it was utterly impossible to voice such opinions. Switzend also needed Austria to step forward at this point because if the French annexed Belgium and the Rhinnd region, Switzend would really be in danger.
"Your Excellency Envoy, it is indeed crucial to contain French expansion, but our capabilities are limited, and we really do not have the capacity to mix into this war."
Joining the war was out of the question, impossible in this lifetime. As for actions to contain the French, we¡¯ll just have to support them in spirit.
Eli Decas wasn¡¯t at all surprised by Bernhard Heimer¡¯s refusal. Without tangible benefits, just the containment of French expansion wasn¡¯t enough to make the Swiss risk their lives.
"Very well, if your country is unwilling to enter the war, you may remain neutral for the time being.
Just allow our troops to pass through your checkpoints at the crucial moment and catch the French by surprise. That will suffice.
In return, after the war, your country can acquire the Comte region. If your country is willing to send troops, you may also receive the Savoie region."
It must be acknowledged, Austria was very generous in distributing benefits. Even Bernhard Heimer, who was determined to stay neutral, felt somewhat tempted.
The Comte region, including Doubs, Jura, Haute-Saone, and the Belfort area, spans over 16,202 square kilometers, equivalent to two-fifths of Switzend.
If the Savoie region were also included, that would amount to more than half of Switzend¡¯s territory. That was the limit; any more would be too much for Switzend to digest.
After hesitating for a moment, Bernhard Heimer still resisted the temptation. No matter how great the benefit, it would only materialize after defeating the French¡ªif they lost in battle, they would have nothing.
On paper, Austria¡¯s side seemed to have a clear advantage, but the renown of the French Army was far-reaching.
Napoleon had also defeated the Anti-French Alliance under the disadvantage, and no one knew whether the French would replicate the miracle of their ancestors, so Bernhard Heimer dared not take the risk with them.
"I¡¯m sorry, Your Excellency Envoy. We have no territorial ambitions over France; Switzend is a small country and has never thought of expansion," he said.
He had to refuse. If he showed indecision at this time and word got out that Switzend was eyeing French territory, the Swiss Government would not be able to cover it up if the French found out.
Eli Decas smiled and said, "No need to worry, Excellency. After the war, the French will be too busy to ask for thesends from your country.
You must know, arge part of French territory was taken by force, and it will definitely be returned to its original owners after the war."
For example, the sub-states in the Italian Area will regain their independence, they have to return Upper Pyrenees they took from Spain, and they need to give back Lorraine and Alsace they upied in the Germany Region, as well as the north...
"If your country is concerned about security issues, Austria can offer you protection, and after the war, we will also sign a treaty to jointly contain France," Eli offered.
After hearing Eli Decas¡¯s exnation, Bernhard Heimer¡¯s heart was disturbed. If Austria¡¯s n seeded, the Greater French Empire would shrink by at least half.
As long as the nations kept their promises, France would lose the possibility of rising again. Even if Napoleon were resurrected, the neighbors would not give him the chance to grow strong again.
If that was all, Switzend would also be one of the beneficiaries, and Bernhard Heimer had absolutely no reason to object.
However, with the division of spoils, Austria¡¯s dominance in Europe would be established, which was not what Bernhard Heimer wanted to see.
Austria might seem harmless now and seldom caused trouble on the European Continent, but nobody knew whether a future Austria as the European hegemon would remain submissive.
If the situation changed and Austria set its sights on Switzend, they would be in danger.
It wasn¡¯t impossible¡ªthis was the ancestralnd of the Habsburg dynasty, and nearly every Habsburg Monarch had designs on this area.
After calming down, Bernhard Heimer tly refused, "Your Excellency Envoy, Switzend is a neutral country, and this was established during the Vienna conference period.
This is our fundamental national policy and will not change due to external changes. So although your proposal is tempting, we can only regretfully decline.
However, rest assured that when ites to containing France, we still stand with your country, and today¡¯s conversation will absolutely not be known by a third party."
While he declined, Bernhard Heimer did not want to offend Austria. Deep down, he felt that Austria would probably win.
There were no other reasons, just based on that n alone, Austria held the advantage.
France might be powerful, but not when facing numerous enemies! Once a European continental war broke out, France would face internal and external troubles.
Seeing that persuasion was futile, Eli Decas did not insist any further and waved off, "Well then, if your country doesn¡¯t wish to participate in the war or lend its paths, we will not force it.
However, for the sake of defeating France, I hope that once the war breaks out, your country can set up trade barriers against the French."
Not reaching an agreement now does not mean it won¡¯t be possible in the future. Once the Anti-French Alliance gains an advantage on the battlefield, inviting Switzend to join will be much easier.
If that fails, they can always resort to threats and bribes. Small countries are swayed easily, and so-called principles are worthless in the face of survival.
After hesitating for a moment, Bernhard Heimer replied, "Setting up trade barriers, that¡¯s not a problem.
France is not a member of the free trade system and does not abide by the principles of free trade. After the war breaks out, we can prohibit the inflow of strategic materials into France."
With just a verbalmitment, Bernhard Heimer felt no pressure. An embargo on strategic materials would also depend on actual circumstances.
If the Anti-French Alliance clearly had the advantage, then they would indeed enforce an embargo on France. Standing with the victors is the survival instinct of small countries and requires no further consideration.
If the situation results in a stalemate, then they would nominally prohibit it while secretly smuggle goods, which would be enough to satisfy both sides.
Otherwise...
Chapter 886 - 149, Armored Troops Go Online
While cheating Switzend at the same time, Austria was employing the same tactics to deceive Spain, only with better conditions and more lenient demands.
Though the Duckboard Empire had declined, it was still one of the great powers. It couldn¡¯t be bribed with small benefits, and Austria was unwilling to pay a hefty price.
Thus, Austria had to lower its demands; they didn¡¯t even need Spain to send troops to war. All Spain had to do was to station its troops at the border to annoy the French, and then, when the overall situation was settled, they could just move in for the killing blow.
If the French won, they would act as if nothing had happened and just carry on as usual.
After all, even the military expenses were covered by Austria, the interest-free loans up front were merely the Spaniards¡¯ appearance fees.
It was a transaction with no risk of loss, no need to worry about losing capital.
The only trouble was probably offending the French, but since Spain¡¯s foreign policy had shifted and had already caused offense, doing it one more time didn¡¯t matter.
As a member of the great powers, Spain could handle such minor issues.
Beyond wooing Spain and Switzend, Austria was also public-rting with other European countries.
Although, due to geopolitical reasons, these countries couldn¡¯t possibly engage in war, they were good for boosting Austria¡¯s prestige.
Compared with them, the French people¡¯s reaction was much duller. It wasn¡¯t that the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs was ipetent; rather, the problem was the severe historical issues it inherited.
The exposed Central Europe strategy had aroused the vignce of other European countries, directly increasing the difficulty of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs¡¯ work.
Despite repeated denials by the French government, the actions of armament preparation could not fool anyone. Instead of believing the French¡¯s promises, everyone preferred to trust what they saw with their own eyes.
Especially after the British got involved, the situation became even moreplex and entangled. Many feared a full-scale war outbreak on the European Continent, namely: the Anglo-French Alliance vs the Russian-Austrian Alliance.
The troubled international situation caused Alexander III in St. Petersburg great distress. He wanted to provoke a war between France and Austria, but it absolutely couldn¡¯t be now.
Ever since the tension in Europe had escted, the prices of all strategic materials had skyrocketed, with many doubling.
No matter how high the prices were, the Tsarist government had to grit its teeth and purchase them, even stockpile some, as in the event of a real European war outbreak, they wouldn¡¯t be able to buy any supplies even with money avable.
Due to the price increase, the Tsarist government¡¯s military expenditures surged dramatically in the past two or three months.
Alexander III: "Are the French willing to ept our mediation?"
Undoubtedly, to quell this turbulence, the keyy with the French. As long as the French government was willing to give up the Central Europe strategy, the war could not be ignited.
Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes shook his head: "epting it is the same as not epting."
The French government promised to abandon the Central Europe strategy, but they set a condition, demanding territorypensations from Prussia and Germany in the form of several coal mines along the border.
From the current situation, it¡¯s virtually impossible for the Prussian and German governments to make such significant concessions. The determination of Austria to go to war provided them with confidence.
The situation was somewhat reminiscent of before World War I, with the Allied and associated nations each confident of winning the war; whoever yielded was the loser.
Although Prussia and Germany were weaker, they had plenty of allies! Not to mention that most European countries supported them against aggression, just Austria alone as a backer gave them the courage to stand firm against France.
Compromise is easy to talk about. Nationalism had risen in both Prussia and Germany; if they were to make concessions to France, the spit from their own public alone could bury the government.
Neither Prussia and Germany could yield, nor could the Paris Government back down. If they backed off now, an economic crisis would immediately erupt domestically, and another Paris Revolution could well ensue.
Having understood all this, Alexander III cursed: "Damn the British, always ying these underhanded tricks."
No evidence was needed; analyzing from the perspective of who benefited, it was clear that the British were involved.
"The Foreign Ministry must find ways to dy the outbreak of the European war. Regardless of the methods you use, intimidation or enticement, threats, you must postpone the outbreak of the war until the second half of next year."
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There was no choice; if the European war erupted immediately, the Afghan war, which was on the verge of victory, would be unpredictable.
Although Alexander III had confidence in the Russian Army, the British were wealthy and could drag out the war indefinitely if they couldn¡¯t win it on the battlefield.
Without financial backers, solely relying on the Tsarist government¡¯s funds, they couldn¡¯tst long.
Oscar Ximenes replied with difficulty: "Your Majesty, that will be tough to aplish.
"If we indeed had the power to intervene before the outbreak of the war in Afghanistan, we might have been able to calm both sides down, but now I¡¯m afraid the French will not be amenable," he said.
It¡¯s not that the Russian Empirecks prestige; the real issue is timing. Several nations involved are expanding their militaries and preparing for war.
The only thing missing from the outbreak of war is a fuse. It¡¯s not a matter of wanting to stop and being able to stop.
Dying the outbreak of war sounds easy, but we must consider the reality of the situation! If possible, the French would also prefer to wait until Ennd and Russia have both exhausted each other before making a move.
The problem is that Central Europe¡¯s strategy has been exposed ahead of time, and it has be well-known even before the French government could prepare.
Just by looking at the neighbors¡¯ military expansions, if we drag this into the second half of next year, perhaps Prussia and Germany might actually raise an army of two million.
Even if they were all pigs, it wouldn¡¯t be something you could finish off quickly. Such arge number of troops would be enough to hold out until the Austrian reinforcements arrive.
If a breakthrough can¡¯t be achieved in a short time, the war will turn into a war of attrition. For France, a war of attrition is a disaster.
...
With war looming, Franz couldn¡¯t worry about secrecy anymore. The long-hidden armored vehicles and tanks were rolling out of thebs and officially entering service with the Austrian Army.
Without any hesitation, Franz directly ordered the formation of 6 armored divisions and 4 tank brigades.
Franz didn¡¯t underestimate tank units; it was simply that tanks of this era moved at a snail¡¯s pace and were far less valuable inbat than armored cars.
Take the currently active V3 tank for example, its maximum speed is only 12 kilometers per hour.
That¡¯s a theoretical value, achievable only on obstacle-free t terrain. In actualbat, if they could reach a speed of 8 kilometers per hour, it would be a blessing.
In contrast, armored cars were much quicker, easily reaching speeds of fifty to sixty kilometers per hour, with a top speed of 94.7 km/h.
Besides speed, tanks had a much higher failure rate than armored cars. On average, they needed maintenance every one to two hundred kilometers.
Despite so many shorings, tanks were still equipped because they had unique advantages.
That is, tanks were more resilient than armored cars, and when it came to destroying enemy defenses, breaking through trenches, barbed wire, and machine gun emcements, tanks were nearly invincible¡ªat least in this era.
Of course, they could also bulldoze enemy infantry and cavalry in a decisive battle, which was a huge blow to enemy morale.
After inspecting the freshly-formed armored troops, Franz felt reassured.
Even though the armored troops appeared inexperienced and the military had no experience using them, the enemy was mostlyposed of infantry and cavalry!
Even if the French were good at imitating and following trends, it was toote to do so now. Austria had been working on armored troops for over a decade; it was not something they could catch up with quickly.
Watching the armored troops practice, Franz asked with concern, "How much longer will it take for the armored troops to bebat-effective?"
Army Minister Fev replied, "Armored troops are a new technological branch, which we have never dealt with before.
It has been less than a month since the formation of the troops. To truly bebat-effective, it will probably take at least a year.
However, the enemy we¡¯ll be facing this time doesn¡¯t have armored troops; we only have to deal with the French infantry and cavalry. Another month or two of training should be enough to make do."
Strength and weakness are rtive. In evenly matchedbat, of course, one would want to confront the enemy in peak condition.
But now we have armored troops against the flesh and blood of the enemy; even if not in peak condition, they can still dominate the battle.
Franz nodded and said, "We still have plenty of time. Even if war breaks out, the armored troops don¡¯t need to be on the front line immediately.
Proceed with the normal training pace. The armored troops will have nobat missions for the next three months."
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Archduke Friedrich responded.
Without a doubt, these armored troops were the most important military branch in the Austrian army. Such troops were naturally entrusted to one¡¯s ownmand.
Since everyoneckedmand experience and there was no one to learn from, starting from scratch was necessary, and promoting young officers was mandatory.
Under these circumstances, there was no need for Archduke Friedrich to continue his training in East Africa. Franz had him recalled directly to form the Armored Corps.
Chapter 887 - 150: Snatching Grain
The tense international situation not only drove up prices, but also affected international trade, with nearly all countries experiencing a decline in trade volume.
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France and Austria, especially at the epicenter of the storm, suffered the heaviest losses. Companies engaging in international trade between France and Austria were busy collecting ounts receivable and no longer epting reservations, insisting on cash transactions.
There was no helping it, for no one knew when the war would break out. Once war ensued, one could not expect the adversary to make payments.
Contracts were useless in these conditions; the destructive power of war was astonishing. Even if one were victorious, the opponent would have no money to pay the bnce; and if defeated, it was even worse¡ªthere was never a case where the victor paid the loser.
This was true for nations as well as businesses. A ceasefire agreement could erase all previous debts.
If foreign trade fell, so be it, as the outbreak of a major war in Europe was imminent, and capitalists, eager to profit from the nation¡¯s misfortune, were indifferent to minor losses in foreign trade.
In the Pce of Versailles, ever since the decision to implement the Central Europe strategy, Napoleon IV had be extremely tense.
Confident as he was, the lesson of Napoleon¡¯s previous failures was an unshakeable shadow in his mind.
Napoleon IV asked eagerly, "How far has our diplomatic work progressed, and how many countries have epted our goodwill?"
Forming alliances¡ªNapoleon IV had no illusions about that. Seeking the tiger¡¯s hide was clearly something European countries would not engage in.
France alsocked sufficient interests to lure others into the war; the best choice was to divide the European nations, preventing them from uniting against France.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets calmly responded, "The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has initiallypleted its task. We have persuaded Portugal, Spain, the Nethends, and the Nordic Federation to remain neutral.
If the military does not n to deploy troops from Switzend, then Switzend will also remain neutral in this war.
The British support us, and the Russians wanted to mediate this war. Rejected by us, the Tsarist Government was very angry and might side with Austria.
However, they will remain neutral and observe the situation until the Austrian army is defeated before the Russians would intervene.
This may affect our profits, but it won¡¯t affect the oue of the war. For the Tsarist Government, a strong Austria does not serve their interests.
Aside from these somewhat influential countries, Greece and Montenegro have very limited power and no ability to influence the war; heavily influenced by Austria, they have no value in being courted.
Our true enemies are only Belgium, the German Federation, and Austria; specific gains depend on the military¡¯s performance on the battlefield."
It was clear Karl Chardlets was an optimist. Even facing three enemies alone, he was still convinced that the French Army could win.
As for diplomatic work, achieving this much was already not easy. Even with help from the British, the result Karl Chardlets achieved in such a short time was substantial.
Belgium and the German Federation were the targets for French expansion; Austria was France¡¯s biggestpetitor. It was impossible to avoid these three enemies.
Indeed, the French government had also considered dividing the three countries, such as annexing Belgium first and then capturing the Rhinnd region after digestion.
Unfortunately, the British hidden behind the scenes would not agree. Austria, which had signed an alliance with Belgium, would also not tolerate this.
Of course, if France first targeted the German Federation, there was a very High chance that Belgium would remain neutral, as survival is a small country¡¯s primary task.
Unfortunately, Belgium¡¯s geographical location was too strategic; to attack the Germany Region, it was best to pass through Belgium, otherwise, they had to traverse mountains.
This would not only dy time but also have a very low chance of sess. Byparison, it was more cost-effective to take down Belgium too, as their n also included the annexation of Belgium.
Napoleon IV nodded and affirmed, "The Department of Foreign Affairs has done well this time; your next task is to keep these countries stable and prevent them from causing trouble."
Facing Belgium, the German Federation, and Austria alone, France would have to bear the pressure of a two-front war; if other European countries joined, the war would be unmanageable.
This wasn¡¯t because the French Army couldn¡¯t fight; it was simply impossible to cover so many ces. Although the French Army had mobilized millions, the main force was still the original few hundred thousand, and other newly formed units could only perform well in favorable battles.
Once they had to deploy on multiple fronts, the French Army¡¯s advantage inbat power would not be clear. Even elite troops, if insufficient in numbers, could be worn down on the battlefield.
Unswayed by Napoleon IV¡¯s verbal praise, Karl Chardlets analysed, "Your Majesty, we are about to face a new trouble.
The Vienna Envoy conveyed that, a week ago, the Austrian Government and the Russians reached an agreement to buy out the nned grain exports of the Russian Empire this year at a 25% premium.
Two days ago, the Austrian Foreign Minister Weisenberg had a secret meeting with envoys from Belgium and Germany, likely reaching some form of agreement."
All signs indicate that this agreement is definitely targeted at us. If nothing unexpected happens, the three countries are going to impose an embargo on our supplies soon.
Other materials are manageable, but the problem is coal and food. Once the three countries enforce an embargo, we can only rely on the British for coal, and we must look overseas for food."
The French Governmentcks a perfect emergency reserve system, even if there are reserves of food and coal, those are only hoarded by capitalists to profit from the war.
For an individual, it might be a huge figure; but for a country, it is merely a drop in the bucket.
Any issue with either energy or food can cause fatal damage, let alone problems with both at the same time.
Lack of coal is manageable, the United Kingdom is now our ally, and the London Government, wanting both France and Austria to both suffer, naturally cannot watch the French copse due to ack of coal.
At worst, it¡¯s just looting by taking advantage of the crisis, selling it at an exorbitant price. The French have used overpriced coal before, especially after they withdrew from the free trade system, facing retaliation with overpriced coal.
Food is a different story, as the British themselves are food importers and simplyck the capacity to support the French.
Of course, the food production cycle is not long, as long as we get through the toughest period, the problem can be resolvedter on.
Finance Minister Roy Vernon eximed in shock, "A 25% surcharge? Have the Austrians lost their minds?
"Could it be that the Vienna Government has more money than they know how to spend? Even if they want to court the Russians, there¡¯s no need to go to such lengths."
Due to the tensed situation in Europe, international grain prices have already skyrocketed, and with an additional 25% price hike, the cost of grain would double from before.
Keep in mind that grain might be a bulk tradingmodity; the Russians export millions of tons of grain every year. A doubling in price means the Austrian Government might incur losses of tens of millions or even hundreds of millions of Divine Shields.
Prime Minister Terence Burkin shook his head, "No, the Austrians are not mad. If they don¡¯t seize the grain, then these grains might end up in our hands.
If nothing unexpected urs, it¡¯s not just Russian grain that has been preemptively bought out, but also that from the American countries.
If they can¡¯t defeat us on the battlefield, they naturally resort to these despicable tactics. Besides, the cost they bear may not be as high as we imagine.
Be it the Russians or the American countries, they all are debtors to Austria, and as creditors, they can directly use the debts aspensations."
But if they think this can break us, they are underestimating us.
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In recent years we haven¡¯t been idle. Ourrge farm n has been providing millions of tons of grain domestically each year, enough to meet most of our domestic needs.
In wartime, we can take extraordinary measures. The government can call on the public to save food, and issue temporaryws prohibiting the use of grain to feed livestock or to brew alcohol...
As long as we persist for a few months and defeat the enemy, these problems will be easily resolved."
With insufficient grain reserves and being unable to procure enough overseas, what else can be done besides finding ways to intercept?
Of course, it¡¯s to initiate the war early!
It¡¯s not that France doesn¡¯t produce grain; it¡¯s just that the production isn¡¯t enough to meet consumption, it doesn¡¯t mean that we are immediately going to run out of imported food.
The domestic food supply canst a few more months; as long as we win the war before the crisis erupts, then all problems can be easily resolved.
Upon hearing this bad news, the face of Napoleon IV instantly darkened.
At this time, he had to be grateful for insisting on promoting therge farm n, otherwise, it would have been tragic now.
He didn¡¯t know how much grain the capitalists had stored, but usually, the storage period for a batch of grain would not exceed six months.
On one hand, storing for too long increases the storage cost and loss, and if the grain market stalls, with new grain bing old, it bes worthless;
on the other hand, holding too much grain ties up a lot of working capital, increasing operational risks.
After pondering for a while, Napoleon IV slowly said, "The Prime Minister is right, now we must find ways to save grain, and the government must announce this externally immediately.
The Foreign Ministry, starting now, will procure grain worldwide, I don¡¯t believe the Austrians can buy up all the grain."
...
Chapter 888 - 151: A Qualified Bureaucrat
Originally, due to tense international situations, the price of food in France had soared, and the announcement released by the Paris Government had only fanned the mes.
Everyone was aware that there was a problem with France¡¯s food supply. Despite repeated assurances from the French government that the domestic food supply would not be affected, a frenzy of hoarding erupted among the popce.
To reap huge profits, capitalists deliberately exaggerated the food crisis, leading to rumors flying everywhere.
Stabilizing food prices was not something that could be done with just talk¡ªas much as one could cheat, the indisputable fact was that the flow of food into France was gradually decreasing.
Impacted by the fluctuations in food prices, Rafael¡¯s days were bing difficult. To stabilize domestic food prices, Napoleon IV ordered state-owned farms to transport the harvested autumn crops back to the country immediately.
As the person in charge of the farm n, Rafael was well aware of the operating situation of the overseas farms. The output on the books and the actual production of the farms were entirely different concepts.
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Due to natural conditions and bureaucratic management factors, the cost of food production at overseas farms remained high, far exceeding international food prices.
Because of tariff barriers, imported food had to bear high tariffs, keeping domestic food prices in France consistently high.
Importing food was more profitable than growing it; bureaucrats would not conflict with money, naturally understanding which option to choose.
Napoleon IV had cleaned house once, but it was mostly a cosmetic project¡ªmost farms were still ineffective.
The entire act had to beplete¡ªthe Central Government was not foolish. If a farm produced 100,000 tons of wheat but supplied 110,000 tons to the country, it would definitely be discovered that there was a problem.
The stupid bureaucrats had been eliminated; those who remained to make money were the clever ones. To reap huge profits, everyone had be a model of pioneering work.
On paper, the farm expanded arge area ofnd each year, and its food production capacity climbed higher and higher, artificially creating a prosperous situation.
Armed with fabricated data, they swindled financial aid from the government while engaging in food smuggling to reap huge profits.
It was no longer feasible; with international food prices soaring, what was once a profitable business had now turned into a losing venture. Bureaucrats, realizing the crisis had arrived, all began to look for ways out.
Lately, Rafael was receiving a heap of resignation letters every day, many of which were the kind where officials left their posts.
After Napoleon IV¡¯s order to transport grain, before Rafael could respond appropriately, a third of the farm officials had disappeared.
The big fish had escaped, leaving behind the small fry who could not escape; the mess had fallen into Rafael¡¯s hands.
With a "bang," Rafael threw away the thick stack of resignation letters in his hand, saying fiercely, "Tell those damn guys, Cole, they can resign, but first let¡¯s solve this problem.
Otherwise, we all go to hell together, no matter who their backers are, I will handle it impartially.
Also, get in touch with those who fled. If they do not return within a week, their names will appear on the wanted list as spies."
He had to take strong measures. The mess erupting at this time could crush anyone, and Rafael was not ready to die and could not bear this burden.
Although the crisis was severe, it was not entirely without a ray of hope. Theoretically, as long as a way to fill in the food shortfall was found, this crisis could be ovee.
Over the years, everyone had made quite a bit of money. Purely economically speaking, it was feasible to use a portion of that to make up the difference.
With a bitter expression, Cole replied to the Count, "Once this order is issued, Your Excecy, I fear the rest might flee as well.
The issue now is not money¡ªif it were just about losing a sum, they wouldn¡¯t have fled so quickly.
After all, the positions at the farms are lucrative, and the money paid now could be doubled in returns in the future.
The key issue is that even with money, there¡¯s nowhere to buy enough food!
After the Austrian Government had swept up the goods in advance, they started monopolizing the international market, prohibiting food from entering France.
Even smuggling wouldn¡¯t work¡ªno matter how capable the smuggler, smuggling millions of tons of food in short order without anyone noticing was impossible.
At most, we could only buy a small portion of food from other countries at high prices, it was simply impossible toplete the government¡¯s task."
Having heard Cole¡¯s exnation, Rafael finally understood why so many officials had fled.
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The issue was too significant and hade at such a critical moment; once exposed, no one in society would spare them.
If they didn¡¯t escape now, there would be no chanceter. Nowadays, escaping was easy as long as you had money; just hide in some foreign country and return once the storm had passed.
Count Rafael cursed: "They are all idiots! If we can¡¯t buy it abroad, can¡¯t we buy it domestically?
As long as we meet the requirements and stock the full amount of food, who cares where it came from!
If really necessary, first borrow a batch of food from our cooperative food wholesalers for emergency, since the farm¡¯s food is to be sold to them anyway."
Deep inside, Rafael deeply despised those bureaucrats who hastily fled,cking adaptability.
"Order each farm topile a locust infestation report, make a note with detailed data, and attach the prepared photos as well, then report it all to the government.
Remember, just reduce production in Algeria and Moro¡¯s farms, don¡¯t touch Egypt yet; being too deliberate will get us caught.
Cumtive reduction and crop failure should temporarily be set around twenty-five percent, and ensure people don¡¯t try to be too clever."
"Let¡¯s all figure out something; whether it¡¯s borrowing, buying, or cheating, I don¡¯t care, each farm must bring back at least thirty percent of the stipted portion of the food after the autumn harvest.
The rest can be dyed with excuses and, after the outbreak of war, find a way to me the Austrians."
Complete crop failure was impossible; if that were the case, Napoleon IV would likely start killing people.
Rafael hadn¡¯t lived enough, he didn¡¯t want to challenge the Emperor¡¯s limits. A reduction by a quarter should suffice.
Exaggerating achievements was normal in the French government; everyone was bluffing, otherwise, how could Francepete with Anglo-Austria?
However, exaggeration also had its limits; inting figures by ten to twenty percent was eptable, but several times or dozens of times that would be intolerable.
Undoubtedly, the magnitude of water in France¡¯s farm projects was the kind that was multiple times, even dozens of times affected, but the exact amount depended on the bureaucrats¡¯ integrity.
In a way, Rafael¡¯s distribution also considered the principle of fairness.
Farms with less water had fewer benefits for the bureaucrats, and their own production might just be enough. They didn¡¯t need to bleed too much now.
For farms that were severely watered-down, or simply on paper, the money had been swallowed by the responsible bureaucrats, and now it was their turn to bleed.
Moreover, it wasn¡¯t aplete loss. The government was to pay for the food handed over; the bureaucrats only lost the difference.
The bleeding wasn¡¯t so severe as to touch the bone; for most bureaucrats, it was eptable.
After all, everyone held a golden rice bowl, and any losses now could be recouped many times over in the future. There was no need to ruin their reputation over such small benefits.
"Yes, Your Excellency!"
Now Cole was utterly admiring of Count Rafael; such a significant issue was resolved in just a few words.
¡
Chapter 889 - 152, Acceleration
United States of America, Texas, inside a farm where thick smoke was billowing, the g could be seen rising amidst the dense fumes, visible from dozens of miles away.
As the farm owner, Odell was overwhelmed with mixed emotions.
Having lived for most of his life, it was the first time he encountered a buyer who, after purchasing grain, chose not to transport it but to burn it on the spot instead.
However, out of respect for Divine Shield, even if the buyer¡¯s request was peculiar, Odell would not refuse.
Unable to suppress his curiosity, Odell voiced the question on his mind, "Mr. Ulbert, our transaction isplete.
But to burn such fine grain, don¡¯t you think it¡¯s a pity?"
Ulbert answered helplessly, "There¡¯s no other way. The French are sharpening their knives, getting ready to invade my homnd.
As a merchant, I am not able to return home and join the war, but I still want to do whatever I can."
Recently, news came from Europe that Austria had finally officially intervened. They also issued a deration, ordering the French to cease their war activities, or else they would call for a global embargo against France.
I¡¯ve heard that already thirteen countries have announced their participation, and this is the only chance to prevent war.
As long as the French can¡¯t purchase enough strategic materials, they won¡¯t have the ability tounch an invasion war, and my homnd will be spared the threat of war."
Of course, derations exist, and to im the moral high ground, Franz has issued quite a few edictstely, persuading the French to pull back from the brink.
The same words, falling on different ears, have entirely different effects.
In the eyes of the European public, Franz is making the utmost effort to avoid war; to the French, this is Austria showing fear.
On one hand, they exhibit upromising diplomacy, and on the other, they wave the banner of peace, obviously not wanting to fight.
Other than fearing France, there is absolutely no need for Franz toe out and make pointless promations. Even the threats are weak embargoes; there isn¡¯t the decisiveness of someone ready to fight.
Many French suspect that once they take action, Austria will shrink back, and Central Europe can be easily taken.
An embargo from thirteen nations sounds terrifying, but those in the know understand it¡¯s a joke; just consider the countries involved.
You don¡¯t even have to mention Belgium, Germany, and Austria; their participation is expected. Then there are Greece and Montenegro.
It¡¯s not hard to see from a map that these two small countries had to join the embargo alliance because their trade with the French had already been cut off after Austria imposed a blockade on France.
Then there are Sardinia, the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, the Papal State, Tuscany, La, Modena, Parma ¨C all clearly under French control, yet they also announced joining the embargo alliance.
Without a doubt, these bandwagoners are doing so as representatives of exiled governments; the sub-state governments under French control would not defect at this time.
Add to this the Mexican Empire in exile in Austria, rounding up thirteen countries for the embargo.
Odell remarked, "You truly are a patriotic merchant! But you could simply not sell the grain to the French ¨C why burn it?"
These days, capitalism knows no borders, and patriotic merchants are a rare breed, with most merchants seeing only profits.
Ulbert firmly replied, "If I don¡¯t sell to the French, someone else will sell the grain to them. Once it changes hands, its final destination is out of my control.
As far as I know, to apply pressure on the French, the Austrian Government is also sweeping the market for goods.
As long as the French Government doesn¡¯t relent, the grain in their hands will not flow into France, and a short-term rise in grain prices is inevitable.
You know I am a merchant, and merchants cannot resist the temptation of profits.
If along the way grain prices rise, I cannot guarantee I¡¯ll be able to maintain my resolve in the face of financial gains.
It¡¯s best to burn it to avoid the worst-case scenario."
¡
Perhaps by coincidence, a reporter from the Holy Franco Gazette happened to catch this conversation and recorded it all with his pen.
After the newspaper published this news, it quickly caused a sensation in the Union. Patriotic merchants prefer to burn grain rather than sell it to the French ¨C such a touching story naturally spread far and wide.
Soon, news of merchants burning grain frequently surfaced everywhere, some were patriotic merchants, some simply did it out of righteous indignation ¨C either way, they all didn¡¯t want the French to get their grain.
A reason for the bullish market appeared. Grain is a staple; with Austria¡¯s hoarding on one side and righteous merchants burning their stock on the other, the reduction of grain cirction in the market meant prices were bound to rise!
With the encouragement of capitalists, everyone believed grain prices were set to skyrocket, leading even ordinary citizens to start hoarding food.
Then, grain transaction prices in the Union began to soar, chasing closely behind Europe¡¯s trend.
Especially in the futures market, where the trading price for grain months in advance increased more than twofold.
A simr scene unfolded not just in the Union but in other American countries as well.
Only the script had been slightly altered; it wasn¡¯t always grain that saw bullish trends, as other industrial raw materials weren¡¯t neglected either.
¡
Price increases didn¡¯t only affect the French; the entire world was burdened with this unnecessary cmity.
```
There was no other way; the capitalists were too powerful. Austria merely started it, and the rest was all manipted by them.
Just as the newspapers said, "When the Emperor gives an order, Europe trembles, and the world shifts.
Billowing smoke rose from the farms, changing the color of the sky and earth; mountains of fire sprang from the coal mines, inverting day and night!
Poor people, still scurrying for three meals a day, troubled over keeping warm..."
The news, full of irony, begs the question: was it aimed at Franz or Napoleon IV? That is a topic worth discussing.
However, Franz, with a good mindset, simply assumed it was satirizing Napoleon IV and quietly had someone change ¡¯Emperor¡¯ to ¡¯Emperor of the French.¡¯
The act of burning supplies was also interpreted as a means for the public to oppose the hegemony of France, a pity that unscrupulous capitalists took advantage of, ultimately harming the world.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, these are diplomatic messages from various countries, hoping we can show restraint and stop our current economic tactics."
The inevitable hase, and no matter what, Austria was the instigator, so the protests were justified.
But is Austria¡¯s government to me for the rise inmodity prices?
The answer is: No!
Even with all its wealth, the Austrian government couldn¡¯t possibly buy up the world¡¯s supplies. The supplies actually purchased by the Austrian government represented only a small fraction.
Although the burning campaign was first nned by the Austrian government, it was just for show; only a few thousand tons of grain were burned in the end.
The supplies bought with real money were not going to be burnt up in mes; Franz wasn¡¯t that foolish.
The burning of supplies was just an excuse for the capital market, to make everyone believe there would soon be a shortage of supplies, driving up prices.
With domestic shortages, export restrictions were natural. France, not being a member of the free trade system, was bound to be the first to suffer.
As for the smaller countries that were coteral damage, Franz could only express regret. After all, no tactic in the world is perfect; it is inevitable that some will suffer losses.
Franz inquired with concern: "How much have the prices ofmodities on the international market risenpared to a year ago?"
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Weisenberg: "The overallmodity prices have been raised by 31.4%, coal prices have increased by 94.1%, grain prices by 144.1%, and steel prices by 79.7%..."
After hesitating for a moment, Franz slowly stated, "The prices are about right now; start offloading the stocks! If we keep dragging this out, everyone will get restless."
Economic tactics are useful, but the problem is the anger of the masses. It¡¯s fine to make a profit, but if you keep at it, governments are sure to intervene.
In fact, that the governments have waited until now to protest is thanks to the substantial efforts of the capitalists.
Prices are determined by market supply and demand; nobody fights against money. If Austrian purchases drive up prices, it is the capitalists who benefit the most.
In their greed for exorbitant profits, untold numbers of capitalists, under the guise of resisting French hegemony, burned supplies to fuel the rise in prices.
Prime Minister Carl objected: "Your Majesty, if we start offloading now, these supplies will end up in the hands of the French..."
In a sense, Austria selling supplies now boosts the war potential of the French, tantamount to "aiding the enemy."
If anyone other than Franz had suggested selling the stockpiled supplies abroad, Prime Minister Carl would have had some choice words for his entire family.
Franz shook his head: "We can¡¯t drag this out any longer; prices have already risen to a high point. If we dy further, these supplies will crash down on us.
Since we bought in at high prices, we mustn¡¯t miss this opportunity to sell, or it will be difficult to offload themter.
As for your concerns about aiding the enemy, that¡¯s entirely redundant. Even if we don¡¯t sell, the French can still procure these supplies.
Don¡¯t forget, the capitalist world now has an excess of production capacities, not a shortage.
The supplies we¡¯ve stockpiled only ount for at most one or two percent of the entire market.
If the French simply postpone the start of the war, all their problems are solved.
The current international situation doesn¡¯t favor us initiating the war. Pnd and Belgium demand France fire the first shot politically; we can only respond defensively.
By selling off supplies now, we not only save face for the governments but also take the chance to make a profit and incidentally trap the French, why not do it?"
This is the reality; whether the French government likes it or not, prices have risen, and they must ept the high cost if they want to buy.
After contemtion, Prime Minister Carl nodded: "If that¡¯s the case, we might as well provoke the French a little, start offloading after the war breaks out."
To be thorough, prices will definitely be at their highest right after the outbreak of war. The main problem for the French notunching the war is theck of sufficient strategic supplies in hand.
If the war drags on, they¡¯ll be in trouble within half a year. Enjoy new adventures from NovelBin.C?m
The French aren¡¯t fools; they¡¯ve considered the consequences of a prolonged war. After all, aside from Prussia and Germany, they face the behemoth Austria.
A great power confrontation can¡¯t be settled in one battle, and even if it loses, there¡¯s always a chance to regroup ande back. As long as the enemy refuses to concede, the war can¡¯t be ended quickly.
Even after acquiring supplies, they¡¯re not instantly usable; it takes months or longer to transport and process them back home.
```
Chapter 890 - 153, Palace Coup and the Fuse
September 11, 1890, Germany, Belgium, Austria, Greece, and Montenegro simultaneously closed their trade routes with France, and the embargo officially began.
At that moment, the European Continent was filled with an ominous tension, as everyone knew that this was a harbinger of a gathering storm, and a European war seemed inevitable.
Advise the French to make concessions?
The embargo by the Anti-French Alliance had backed the Paris Government into a corner. Stepping back was not a path to freedom and vast prospects but a plunge into an abyssal hell.
Advise the Anti-French Alliance to remain calm?
This was even less eptable. The Anti-French Alliance was the victim. If it weren¡¯t for the French¡¯s ambitious desire to invade Central Europe, none of this would have happened.
The concerns of bystanders were just fears that the war in Europe would impact the innocent. It was not because they loved peace so much¡ªthe real pacifists couldn¡¯t seize power anyway.
In the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV, with dark circles under his eyes, convened yet another political meeting. There was no choice, waiting was the most anxiety-inducing.
As the situation developed, what was originally intended to be a y to gain advantages from Prussia and Germany had now turned into a decisive battle that would determine the future of France.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets: "Austria has already begun to set up the Anti-French Alliance, and now they have already persuaded Belgium, the North German Confederation, Greece, and Montenegro to join.
Switzend and the Nethends have started to waver, and anti-French sentiments are rising in the Spanish Government. Most mainstream European public opinion seems to lean towards the Anti-French Alliance.
Lately, Austria has also strengthened ties with the Nordic Federation and Portugal. If we continue to dy, the situation will only be increasingly unfavorable to us."
Spection is the most fearsome. The Austrian Government frequently engages with foreign dignitaries and announced that these were efforts to strengthenmercial cooperation.
The Austrian Government¡¯s exnation only made Karl Chardlets more suspicious.
In the age of free trade, governments don¡¯t generally interfere with economic operations; there¡¯s not much cooperation to speak of.
In fact, it was true¡ªalthough Austria had frequent contacts with various countries, they hadn¡¯t signed a single treaty, at least not publicly.
Karl Chardlets didn¡¯t know the specific details of the negotiations, but he did receive news that the representatives had quite a pleasant conversation.
Whether to deliberately disgust France or to truly consider joining the Anti-French Alliance, it wasn¡¯t a good sign for the French government either way.
Prime Minister Terence Burkin: "Currently, we¡¯re not only facing troubles in diplomacy but also in the procurement of strategic materials.
Within a few months, the price of strategic materials we nned to purchase has nearly doubled, and the price of some goods has even doubled directly.
Many countries, under the guise of calming domestic prices, have raised tariffs between us, significantly increasing the cost of procurement for businesses.
Affected by theck of raw material supply, some domesticpanies have already started to cut back on production capacity, which is very unfavorable for the war that is about to begin.
All signs indicate that Austria is manipting all of this, trying to use these methods to defeat us outside the battlefield!"
Wars between great nations are not only fought on the battlefield; the struggle extends beyond it, and it¡¯s equally full of dangers.
In this regard, France is undoubtedly at a disadvantage, as Austria¡¯s foreign trade volume is several times that of France, and its domestic market also far exceeds that of France.
The political and economic influence of both sides is not on the same level. Coupled with historical issues, it¡¯s nearly inevitable that the French government is at a disadvantage.
Napoleon IV frowned, "It can¡¯t be that serious. If the European countries really supported the Anti-French Alliance, they would have joined the blockade against us by now.
If they all joined, we couldn¡¯t possibly oppose all nations, and giving up the strategy in Central Europe would be the inevitable oue.
The current situation seems more like Austria is pulling the strings, roping in countries to stage a drama for us, aiming to make us fall into disarray."
Having been Emperor for so many years, Napoleon IV was no longer a naive neer. There are no secrets in politics. National politics and diplomacy revolve around interests.
By starting from the angle of interests and analyzing what would benefit a country the most, one could roughly guess what countries intend to do.
Without a doubt, mutual damage between France and Austria would be in everyone¡¯s best interest. Under such circumstances, other than Prussia and Germany who can¡¯t avoid being involved, everyone else would prefer to watch the fire from across the shore.
Aside from countries like Greece and Montenegro that had no choice but to support Austria, there was no reason for the remaining countries to join the Anti-French Alliance.
In the eyes of Napoleon IV, the behavior of these countries only served to fuel the momentum, encouraging the Austrians and strengthening their resolve to wage war against France.
Economic Minister Elsa: "Your Majesty, we can¡¯t dy any longer. By the time we¡¯vepleted our war preparations, the enemy will have done the same.
We are not part of a free trade system and are inherently at a disadvantage when ites to procuring strategic materials. Our domestic economy is also slightly inferior to Austria¡¯s, making us ill-suited for a war of attrition against them."
Napoleon IV understood that it wasn¡¯t just the ministers who were anxious, but the domestic capitalists as well.
Once the French government had settled on a Central European strategy, the capitalists had gone full throttle in production.
As time passed, the amount of goods everyone had on hand increased day by day, while the flow of capital decreased day by day. Without the outbreak of war, everyone can¡¯t help but feel anxious.
If something major happens midway, and suddenly the war gets called off or postponed for three to five years, everyone would be in deep trouble.
Goods sold are money, but inventory held is not an asset; it is a liability, because storage also incurs costs.
The government¡¯s advance procurement was just wishful thinking; it simply wasn¡¯t feasible, for a very simple reason: the French government didn¡¯t have enough warehouses to store all those materials.
Against this backdrop, the only way for the capitalists to offload their stock was to precipitate an early outbreak of war.
The ministers were moring for an early start to the war, not because everyone had been bribed, but because they knew they couldn¡¯t stop it anymore.
Either the government would take the initiative to provoke a war and take control, or the capitalists would, and how the situation would develop from there was anyone¡¯s guess.
Before Napoleon IV could make a decision, an attendant rushed to the door, calling out urgently, "Your Majesty, urgent military intelligence from the front lines."
The situation in Europe was already very tense; at this point, even if the Anti-French Alliance attacked first, no one would be surprised.
Hearing about the urgent military intelligence, Napoleon IV naturally did not dare to neglect it. "Bring it in quickly!"
¡
A momentter, Napoleon IV slowly said, "We¡¯ve received news from the front lines that three soldiers were ambushed by the enemy while patrolling the border with Belgium. Two are dead, and one is missing."
Border frictions weren¡¯t new, but casualties had never urred before.
Given the heightened tensions, increased vignce along the borders and soldiers patrolling in groups, staying close to each other, was already routine.
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Normally, in the event of an incident, nearby troops would arrive promptly. Deaths could be understood, but a disappearance was puzzling.
It¡¯s unlikely that Prussia and Germany would do something this outrageous unless they had lost their minds. But at this critical juncture, no one bothered with such details.
Logical or not, the French government wanted war, and this was the perfect pretext.
Even if Napoleon IV knew there were issues with this excuse, he couldn¡¯t afford to investigate further. Otherwise, any findings would only bring embarrassment to the French government. Discover exclusive tales on NovelBin.C?m
However, it was natural to feel indignant inside. The deceased were French soldiers. They didn¡¯t die on the battlefield but became unintended victims because some people wanted to provoke a war ahead of time.
Everyone was silent, heads bowed. This incident ced them in a difficult position as well!
Earlier orter might be manageable, but this particr moment was the worst possible time.
They had just persuaded the Emperor to go to war, and now a pretext for war had conveniently appeared. It looked undeniably like a pce coup.
This kind of misunderstanding could be fatal in politics. If they were dealing with a strong Emperor, they could be sent home right now.
Under Napoleon IV¡¯s sharp gaze, Prime Minister Terence Burke spoke up with a stiff resolve, "Your Majesty, in light of this incident, we should immediately hold Belgium ountable.
We demand that the Kingdom of Belgium hand over the perpetrators within 48 hours, release the captured soldier, andpensate us for our losses.
Otherwise..."
Seeing Napoleon IV¡¯s increasingly somber face, Prime Minister Terence Burke found it difficult to continue, his voice breaking off intermittently.
Seeming to feel that it was enough, Napoleon IV withdrew his menacing re, speaking coldly, "Proceed as the Prime Minister suggests, but let¡¯s hope no more chaos arises."
¡
Chapter 891 - 154: Confused Belgium
Having left the Pce, Prime Minister Terence Burke¡¯s back was soaked with sweat; he realized he had been betrayed.
Coincidence?
There are no coincidences in politics, and even if something truly is a coincidence, the Emperor must believe so too.
Lobbying the Emperor to dere war was not a problem; it was part of the Prime Minister¡¯s job and not considered overstepping bounds.
However, coinciding with the attack on the soldiers and being misinterpreted by the Emperor as a coup was a serious problem.
After some thought, Terence Burke pinpointed his suspicions on the Undersecretary for Agriculture, "Rafael", but he couldn¡¯t understand why his confidant would betray him.
Rafael had secured a lucrative position managing a farm, a role Terence himself had pushed him into; it was indeed a favor received.
Bureaucratic circles also valued personal rtionships; a traitor would be despised wherever he went, and if switching sides, it would only be after Terence Burke¡¯s influence had waned.
Stabbing him in the back at this time was akin to seeking death; with Terence Burke¡¯s power, he could easily crush Rafael before his own downfall.
What¡¯s done is done; there was no point in getting entangled in this issue now.
Perhaps the fool Rafael had been manipted by someone else; at least Terence Burke didn¡¯t believe Rafael had the guts to mastermind this incident.
It seemed calm on the surface, letting the Belgians take the me, but that didn¡¯t mean the issue was over.
The French government and the Emperor themselves had been set up. How could such overt discord between the monarch and his subjects be left unaddressed?
Prime Minister Terence Burke had decided to investigate thoroughly. Whoever was responsible had to be ready to face the retaliation from the most powerful in France, assuming they could be identified.
Once he calmed down, Terence Burke quickly discarded these distracting thoughts. War was imminent and a multitude of tasks awaited him; this was no time to dwell on such matters.
...
On September 24, 1890, the French government issued an ultimatum to Belgium, demanding that the Belgian government hand over the kidnapped soldiers and the culprits who attacked the French soldiers, and pay apensation of one billion francs, within 48 hours.
Upon receiving this dreadful news, Leopold II, who was still celebrating significant achievements from a joint blockade, was dumbfounded.
This wasn¡¯t how things were supposed to y out. Typically, after being blocked, the French would engage in verbal battles with the Anti-French Alliance and then negotiate; war was only considered if negotiations failed entirely.
Unfortunately, the French created a pretext for war right from the start by issuing the war ultimatum,pletely disregarding standard protocols.
It was bad enough that the French manufactured excuses to start a war, but the real issue was that, instead of attacking Germany and Austria, they targeted Belgium, leaving Leopold II genuinely distressed.
Knowing what was at stake, the Belgian government had made great efforts to prevent this war, including actively engaging in diplomatic mediation.
Hoping for Anglo-Austrian mediation, it turned out Britain was unreliable, selling them out; Austria, preferring to watch the turmoil than to minimize it, pushed France further into a corner instead of helping to ease the tensions after getting involved.
Even when forced to join the Anti-French Alliance, Leopold II had tried to reduce his visibility, leaving all conspicuous actions to Germany and Austria.
Unfortunately, the inevitable still approached; Belgium¡¯s geographic position meant they couldn¡¯t escape being targeted.
After collecting his thoughts, Leopold II asked, "What did the ministers from Germany and Austria say?"
Conceding was out of the question; aside from the enormouspensation, the nonexistent culprits and missing soldiers meant the Belgian government couldn¡¯t possiblyply.
Foreign Minister Jul replied bitterly, "the German Minister hasn¡¯t given a definitive answer and needs to wait for domestic decisions.
The Austrian diplomat stated that whatever decision we make, they will support us, including going to war with France."
Talking about starting a war is easy, but if one actually breaks out, Belgium would be the biggest victim.
Anyone with a bit of military knowledge knows that unless the Anti-French Alliance takes the initiative to strike, Belgium would be the main battlefield between the Alliance and the French Army.
Taking the initiative is impossible, including Belgium, the members of the Anti-French Alliance are not prepared for war.
The Austrian army is still in its own country, and even if it arrives as fast as possible, that would be a matter of half a monthter.
In fact, if the Austrian army could be deployed to the battlefield within a month, it would be considered full effort.
Perhaps an ordinary person could travel from Vienna to Brussels by train in just two days, but troop movement is different.
Assembling troops takes time, mobilization takes time, and the transportation of equipment and logistical supplies also takes time.
The capacity of the railways is also not unlimited; ordinarily, a train can transport the troops of one battalion at most, and many times, not even the troops of onepany can be transported with their weapons and logistical supplies.
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Belgium has no capability to solve the logistical problems of reinforcements on its own; the Austrian army must bring everything with them.
Because of different rail gauges, multiple train changes are needed en route. Each transfer requires the unloading and reloading of supplies, wasting a lot of time along the way.
The most optimistic estimate, from the departure from Austria to arrival in Belgium, would also take four to five days.
Including the preparation time at the start and the time needed to regroup upon arrival, it would take at least ten days before being able to engage inbat.
This might not seem like much time, but the reinforcement troops are not just one or twopanies, but rather thousands, even tens of thousands ofpanies.
Transporting onepany per train car, with a train departing every half-hour, the railway could at most perform 48 dispatches per day, equivalent to transporting 48panies, about the strength of two regiments.
Speed cannot be increased; at this time, achieving international transportation at a rate of one train every half hour is already quite difficult.
There are just a few railway lines leading from Austria to Belgium, and even ounting for all of them, transporting two divisions a day would be the limit.
In fact, guaranteeing the daily transportation of one division would already be a miracle.
Rail transport cannot operate at the limit; dispatching a train every half-hour with the technology of this era is too difficult in terms of coordination and scheduling, and should an ident ur en route, a collision could easily happen.
It cannot be guaranteed that all officials are fullymitted; nor can it be ensured that all trains maintain a consistent speed.
If trains are scheduled too close together, there wouldn¡¯t be enough time to brake in an emergency.
Moreover, even if one train stops, there¡¯s no guarantee that the following train won¡¯t collide into it.
This is still just the infantry; if transporting artillery or armored troops, whether the carriages could amodate therge equipment is another question.
In a sense, the Anti-French Alliance is at a disadvantage in terms of railway transport.
Germany and Austria have it somewhat better; even though the tracks are notpletely consistent, the stations are connected, and the distance for manualbor transport isn¡¯t far.
For Prussia and Germany, the railways mostly act independently, and there might be the need to transfer across ten or more miles between stations, which wastes a great deal of time.
Before Austrian reinforcements arrive, Belgium can only fight alongside the German Federation, leaving the Anti-French Alliance at an absolute disadvantage in the short term.
After a short period of contemtion, Leopold II said seriously, "The French are prepared, war has be unavoidable, and we must start preparing for war now.
Send a telegram to the Vienna Government, tell the Austrians we will not make concessions, and urge them to send troops as soon as possible.
The Foreign Ministry should negotiate with the French as much as possible; we need time¡"
Chapter 894 - 157, Southern Route
Mn City had already transformed into a military fortress, where the bustling life had dissipated, leaving only the sounds of warhorses and armor.
Since the outbreak of the European war, the Kingdom of Lombardy had be the frontline of the conflict between France and Austria. Regent Prince Luteberd had issued a full mobilization order as soon as the war began.
Entering the mid tote 19th century, the House of Wittelsbach seemed to be cursed with a series of misfortunes.
Maximilian II was a step slow to react, and he had chosen the wrong side in the international political struggle, barely maintaining his throne through a political marriage.
However, as the price of failure, the House of Wittelsbach paid a heavy price, losing long-held Bavaria and heading to Lombardy to start anew.
Hardly stable, the seeding King Ludwig II developed a mental illness. After Ludwig II was finally sent away, the next king, Otto I, was also a mental patient.
The House of Wittelsbach became aughingstock, no longer considered prestigious. They were mockingly called the "mad royal family," and some unscrupulous people even wagered that the House¡¯s next monarch would also be mad.
It wasn¡¯t just the main family that was unfortunate; the Greek line was in trouble too. Another person named Otto not only had no heirs but also lost his grip on power.
Had the Vienna Government not intervened, the Wittelsbachs¡¯ rule over Greece would have copsed long ago.
The good days did notst long, and now they were caught up in the European war. The Kingdom of Lombardy became the frontline, posing yet another major challenge to the rule of the House of Wittelsbach.
Regent Prince Luteberd was recently very troubled, fearing any unexpected developments on the frontline that may once again force the Wittelsbachs into exile.
ording to thews of the New Roman Empire, both the king and the emperor had the right tomand the army, leaving no room for a regent at all.
With the Lombard King incapacitated by mental illness, the armymand fell into the emperor¡¯s hands.
Power is easy to relinquish, but hard to reim. Given the situation in the Kingdom of Lombardy, regaining armymand would have to wait for the next generation¡¯s monarch.
In this context, Prince Luteberd couldn¡¯t help but feel anxious. Should the Vienna Government harbor designs against the Kingdom of Lombardy, employing a proxy to execute their scheme, it would spell disaster.
"Your Highness, General M?rcks has arrived in the drawing-room," an attendant¡¯s voice pulled Prince Luteberd out of his reverie.
"Alright, I¡¯ll head there immediately!"
After straightening his clothing and checking his appearance in the mirror to ensure it wasn¡¯t improper, Prince Luteberd strode out the door.
In the past, he wouldn¡¯t have needed to concern himself with the arrival of a general, not even with the Marshal of the Empire or the Prime Minister; Prince Luteberd could overlook them.
ording to imperialw, the Kingdom of Lombardy enjoyed a high degree of autonomy, and no matter how powerful these individuals were, they could not extend their reach into Lombardy.
But now things were different. General M?rcks was the Commander of the Italian Area, and the Kingdom of Lombardy happened to be within his defensive jurisdiction.
In the grand scheme, as long as victory is secured, the Vienna Government would not feel regret even if the Kingdom of Lombardy was left in ruins.
For a frontlinemander, the most important thing is victory. All other issues are minor, especially since this time¡¯s enemy is the French, and everyone is prepared to bear heavy costs.
Others might think this way, but Prince Luteberd could not. The destruction of any city in the Kingdom of Lombardy was a disaster for the House of Wittelsbach.
It would make their already unstable rule even more precarious. From the standpoint of the House of Wittelsbach, the best scenario would be to keep the enemy at the gates.
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...
After pleasantries, General M?rcks got straight to the point, "Your Highness, I havee to seek assistance.
To ensure the logistical supply for the frontline troops, I hope you can provide three hundred and fifty thousandborers and conscript all the railways of Lombardy."
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The request was only forborers and not soldiers because the military did not fall under local government jurisdiction, even the reserves.
At these two demands, Prince Luteberd furrowed his brow, "General, your demands are too great.
The Kingdom of Lombardy has a poption of less than four million, and with two hundred thousand already conscripted into military service, recruiting an additional three hundred and fifty thousandborers would nearly deplete all our able-bodied individuals.
Especially since you also wish to conscript all the railways, domestic production and life will be disrupted, which I fear¡"
In times of war, the people of the border regions suffer terribly!
When battlesmence, it is the border regions that are the first to mobilize, bearing the brunt of the military andbor demands; and should the enemy advance, it is these regions that suffer first.
General M?rcks understood Prince Luteberd¡¯s difficulties all too well, and if it were possible, he would not have wanted to do this either.
Military expediency is paramount, and conscriptingbor from the Kingdom of Lombardy is fastest; requisition of the railways is essential.
"Your Highness, I¡¯m fully aware of your concerns. The Empire willpensate for the contributions of the Lombard people.
I will report the situation here truthfully and discuss the specificpensation measures with your Cab.
The requisition of the railways is non-negotiable¡ªnot only the railways but also the roads must give priority to the military. If there is spare capacity, then we can make it avable for civilian use.
Besides, I hope you can requisition a portion of the civilian vehicles from the public¡ªtrucks, horse-drawn carriages, ox carts, donkey carts... We won¡¯t turn any away."
Before a war erupts, one will never know just howcking their preparations are.
Austria had made the most thorough preparations, yet as soon as the war broke out, it realized that wasn¡¯t the case.
The preparations were indeed thorough but were overwhelmed by the sheer number of troops at the front!
Franz didn¡¯t believe that waging war against the French required nationwide mobilization, but the problem was that others didn¡¯t see it that way!
Under the persistent persuasion of everyone, Franz decisively backed down. Having more people was always better than fewer, and even though consumption was greater, the odds of winning had increased.
To defeat the French, the Vienna Government was resolute, and the Cab nned to mobilize five million troops.
Just the forces allocated to the southern front amounted to one and a half million, and all kinds of preparations at this moment seemed inadequate.
Without a doubt, this one and a half million was merely a number on paper, or a theoretical figure. Currently, on the front line of the Kingdom of Lombardy, there were just over three hundred thousand troops.
When the follow-up forces would arrive was unknown to anyone. Everything would depend on the actual situation at the front, and nobody knew anything for certain.
General M?rck simply started preparations in advance, to avoid the embarrassment of the military¡¯s logistics being unable to keep up when the front lineunched an offensive.
After hearing General M?rck¡¯s exnation, Prince Luteberd¡¯s expression eased slightly. It was good enough that the Central Government wouldpensate; what he feared most was having the Kingdom of Lombardy bear all the losses alone.
"I remember that after the army¡¯s reform, it had already broadly equipped with trucks and motorcycles, achieving semi-mechanization of logistics.
Why do we need to requisition so many vehicles now? General, are you preparing to take the initiative to attack?"
General M?rck smiled and said, "Your Highness is not quite informed! Mechanization is just a concept proposed by the military, a trend for the future of the army, but it¡¯s not the present.
Currently, only a small number of our forces can achieve semi-mechanization, and to fully realize even that, it will be difficult to do within ten years.
However, it is true that logistics units have indeed been equipped with arge number of trucks, leading the way towards mechanization. It¡¯s just that after the expansion of the army, it has be somewhat insufficient."
Considering theplex terrain and poor transportation in the Italian Area, we must have various types of transport vehicles to avoid issues when the timees..."
Having gotten the answer he wanted, Prince Luteberd breathed a sigh of relief. Then he was hit by a headache again¡ªcooperation was mandatory.
If the French attacked, the Kingdom of Lombardy would be the biggest victim. No matter how excessive the military¡¯s demand was, as long as it could keep the French outside their gates, he would agree.
The problem was that cooperation was not easy; not to mention negotiatingpensation with the Central Government, just the requisition of roads and vehicles was troublesome enough.
...
Everything requiresparison. If Prince Luteberd knew the difficulties the French were facing, he wouldn¡¯t feel so troubled.
In the French Command in Turin, Marshal Adrien looked at the map worriedly. By n, he should haveunched an offensive against the Kingdom of Lombardy by now.
s, the Italians had be troublesome. Anti-war movements had erupted in several cities, including Turin, dying the army¡¯s movement.
An anti-war movement never happened before the war, nor after it began, but just when the conflict erupted. There was no way Adrien would believe it was a spontaneous urrence without maniption.
You should know that before this, the Italian public was waving gs in support of the Emperor, demanding the government dere war on the Prussia and German-Austro alliance.
Now Adrien could only think of damage control. He couldn¡¯t even report back to his country.
Because uncovering it meant that many people would get into trouble. With too many enemies, his position as Marshal would be untenable.
"Have you caught the mouse?"
The mouse was a euphemism for the Italian Independent Organization. Since France¡¯s annexation of the Italian Area, bureaucrats had the additional task of catching these ¡¯mice¡¯.
"Marshal, as you know, these mice are too timid to stick their heads out."
Chapter 895 - 158: Thrilling Return Journey
"Idiot! Don¡¯t you know how to deal with a mouse?"
Seeing his subordinate still looking confused, Marshal Adrien exined helplessly, "To catch a mouse, use a cat, isn¡¯t that a simple enough answer for you?
If the enemy doesn¡¯t show themselves, then we must devise a way to lure them out. Employ some local snakes to approach the Independence Organization.
Use both threats and inducements on them. Not everyone is tough enough, and catching one can lead us to the entire nest."
Using threats and inducements was no fresh tactic. France had used it at the beginning of its annexation of the Italian Area, and it had been quite effective.
However, as time passed, the situation gradually changed. The domesticated cats became toofortable in their lives, and their skill in catching mice regressed as well.
The middle-aged officer expressed his difficulties: "But Marshal, we have no right to intervene in local affairs. Rashly doing so might provoke the discontent of local governments."
For a nation to be stable, the separation of military and political affairs is essential. Undoubtedly, France exemplified this separation.
The military could arrest members of the Italian Independence Organization who interfered with logistics, but aligning with influential local parties is a major political taboo.
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, Adrien nodded. Having reached his current position, Adrien was no political novice.
Many unspoken rules in the officialdom were untouchable, even for him, the high-ranking French Marshal.
"Send a telegram to the Cab, exin the situation, and get them to coordinate with the local governments to help us eliminate the Italian Rebels colluding with Austria."
Marshal Adrien was crystal clear about the nature of French bureaucrats. Those at the top always followed the principle of avoiding trouble whenever possible.
If the central government did not intervene, direct deals between the military and local governments would certainly end up unresolved.
The overall situation was critical, but not as critical as the caps everyone was wearing. Unless a major event urred, local governments would never admit their jurisdiction was tainted by rebels.
...
London
The outbreak of war in Europe might have been great news for the Italian Revolutionary Organization, yet Victor Emmanuel III couldn¡¯t feel happy.
Since the war began, the British policing around him had noticeably increased, with someone ensuring his protection 24 hours a day even when he traveled.
Undoubtedly, as Britain¡¯s favorable chess piece for intervening in the Italian Area, Victor Emmanuel III was effectively under house arrest.
Although he wasn¡¯t physically restricted, this was only true within the confines of The British Isles; leaving the country was utterly impossible.
There is no such thing as a free lunch. The British, having sheltered the Italian Independence Organization and provided funding and support, naturally expected them to serve a purpose.
In this regard, Victor Emmanuel III was quite open-minded. It was all a matter of benefits; as long as they supported his restoration, other issues could be negotiated.
"Finn, how is themunication with the British going, are they willing to support our restoration now?"
The British foreign policy was fickle, and their support for the Italian Independence Organization also frequently changed.
Whenever the rtions between Ennd and France were at their worst, the Independence Organization would receive substantial aid¡ªthose were the days the organization suffered the most.
Logically speaking, now that Ennd and France were allies, the Italian Independence Organization should be having a tough time.
Yet exceptions always exist. The London Government was still expecting France and Austria to mutually weaken each other. Until the situation was clear, the British were unlikely to let Victor Emmanuel III leave.
After all, his political value was high. If the French won the war, the Italian Independence Organization would be a strategic tool to counterbnce the French.
If Austria won the war, they could also support the Italian Independence Organization in unifying the Italian Area to create problems for Austria.
Regardless of what might happen in the future, the British could not afford to let Victor Emmanuel III escape their control.
"Your Majesty, citing the unclear situation, the British have rejected our proposal."
From Finn¡¯s despairing expression, it was clear that the situation was even more severe than he described.
The Italian Independence Organization had already gained Austria¡¯s support. If the British were simply withholding support, it wouldn¡¯t have made Finn so desperate.
Sighing, Victor Emmanuel III said helplessly, "I should have expected this. The recent increase in guards outside was obviously to keep us under surveince.
It seems the British are going to support the French now, fearing that if we return now and ally with the Austrians, it would lead to a French defeat."
Right now, Victor Emmanuel III was filled with regret. Previously, the Austrian diplomat had invited him to Mn several times tomand the Italian Independence movement from nearby.
To avoid bing a puppet of the Austrians, Victor Emmanuel III decisively refused.
Although he avoided the initial risk of bing an Austrian puppet, he now faced the darker designs of the British.
Being an Austrian puppet would have been temporary; after the war, Victor Emmanuel III still had a chance to restore his reign, which could somewhat be seen as a transaction.
Staying in London to watch the situation unfold was different; not only could he not lead the independence movement in the Italian Area, but even the opportunity for restoration was buried.
Even if the French were defeated and the Italian Area regained independence, it would have nothing to do with Victor Emmanuel III.
Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t hand over the fruits of their hard-earned victories simply out of kindness; there were other candidates within the Kingdom of Sardinia eligible for the throne besides Victor Emmanuel III.
Prime Minister Leonid dered decisively, "No matter what, we must leave London as soon as possible and take charge of the independence movement back home.
The more the British don¡¯t want us to return, the more it indicates that the French are at a disadvantage on the battlefield. They¡¯re worried that our return would be the final straw that breaks the camel¡¯s back.
Now is our closest opportunity for restoration. If we miss this chance, it will be much harder to attempt restoration in the future."
The bnce of power policy in Europe was a game yed by the British and had nothing to do with us; even considering it was something to think about after a sessful restoration.
As long as he could restore the kingdom, Prime Minister Leonid didn¡¯t care who was in charge. Regardless of whether it was Ennd, France, Russia, or Austria who became the dominant power, it was impossible for the Kingdom of Sardinia to be the hegemon.
Victor Emmanuel III nodded, "The Prime Minister is right, we must find a way to leave, and we must not miss this opportunity."
"It¡¯s just that the British are watching us closely; we simply cannot leave The British Isles, not even by smuggling."
In the efforts to restore the kingdom, all those present were socially active members who frequented various banquets.
The British police guarding outside could probably call out each of their names clearly, making it unrealistic to think about leaving.
A faint smile appeared on the face of Foreign Minister Finn, which then quickly vanished.
After much hesitation, he finally spoke up, "It¡¯s impossible to deceive the British if we all leave together.
If we only send one or two people, there might be a chance, albeit with some risk.
If the British were to uncover this, it could even potentially lead to..."
Before Finn could finish his statement, Victor Emmanuel III interrupted, "Every action involves risk, and the restoration movement we are engaged in itself bears the highest risk.
State your n, Finn. As long as it can revive Italy, I am willing to take any risk."
It was not that Victor Emmanuel III possessed a fearless spirit, but under Europe¡¯s political system, as a king, he hardly needed to worry about safety since their personal safety was protected by all countries.
Apart from the zealous Revolutionary Party, no sane person would kill a king. Even if Victor Emmanuel IIImitted acts that antagonized the British, the London Government could not possibly harm him.
Even if he fell into the hands of the French, Victor Emmanuel III was confident about his personal safety and even expected to be treated with honor.
Since there was no risk to his life, Victor Emmanuel III naturally did not mind appearing brave in front of his supporters.
Finn nodded, "My n is for Your Majesty to feign illness to reduce contact with the outside world.
In the short term, the British will certainly send someone to check, but they can¡¯t watch around the clock, and such vignce cannotst forever.
Once some time has passed and the British have lowered their guard, reducing the frequency of their checks, our opportunity will arrive."
Your personal physician is one of our people. We can arrange for someone who looks simr to Your Majesty to impersonate Dr. Jack¡¯s assistant and enter the manor to swap identities with Your Majesty.
Many have seen Your Majesty, but only a few prominent figures have had close contact. Those outsiders just nce from a distance and probably are not very familiar with Your Majesty¡¯s facial expressions.
At night, leave with Dr. Jack under the cover of darkness; the chances of deceiving the guards are very high.
Nighttime is the rest period, and if someonees for a visit, we can excuse it by iming Your Majesty is not feeling well."
We can first contact the Austrians and arrange a ship in advance; after leaving the manor, Your Majesty can leave London by ship overnight.
Even if the British discover this the next day, the ship will have already sailed. For a while, the British won¡¯t be able to determine the direction of the ship, and even if they want to dispatch the navy to intercept, they won¡¯t know how to pursue.
For added security, we could also ask the Austrians to prepare several ships, each heading in different directions, to scatter the British¡¯s attention."
A typical case of substituting one thing for another without much skill involved, yet it was Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s best option to escape his predicament.
As for whether the British would be enraged afterwards, that no longer mattered. No matter how angry the British Government became, they couldn¡¯t just dispose of the people left behind.
During that era, governments in exile in Britannia were more than one or two. If they acted excessively, other exiled governments would also express sorrow, like the saying "The hare dies and the fox grieves."
Without these organizations to cheer them on, the British would also find themselves in a passive position internationally,plicating their actions.
Essentially, by harboring these governments, Britain did not only gain an opportunity to interfere in other countries¡¯ domestic affairs but more so to conduct ndestine political dealings.
Simply put, if you¡¯re pro-British and get along well, then nothing would happen; but the day you turn against Britain, they would support the restoration of an exiled government to deal with you.
Perhaps it might not seedpletely, but causing problems was more than sufficient. Especially for smaller nations, which couldn¡¯t endure such turmoil and had to make concessions to the British in their political and diplomatic dealings.
Victor Emmanuel III dered firmly, "I¡¯ve decided to take the risk! For the greatness of Italy, the next steps are up to you all."
As the risks were within controble limits, even if it failed, the situation wouldn¡¯t worsen, so naturally, no one had a reason to object.
¡
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In times of crisis, the efficiency of the Independence Organization was very high; Victor Emmanuel III fell ill that very day.
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To irritate the British, the Independence Organization also secretly disseminated news that Victor Emmanuel III was "sickened by the British."
In those days, with underdeveloped medical technology, being sick was often fatal¡ªa minor illness could be deadly.
The King¡¯s illness was a significant matter, and although Victor Emmanuel III was an exiled king, due to the European war, he still drew significant attention from the British Government.
Renowned London doctors continuously visited Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s estate, yet no cause of illness was found.
Even the newspapers featured headlines that Victor Emmanuel III was desperately seeking medical solutions, as if his days were numbered.
In the Downing Street Prime Minister¡¯s Office, Prime Minister dstone, who had just finished a day¡¯s work, inadvertently nced at the newspaper on his desk, which happened to carry the news of Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s severe illness.
dstone¡¯s brows furrowed quickly. During such times, the Italian Independence Organization had be a bargaining chip for Britannia to influence the European war, with Victor Emmanuel III at the core of this chip.
Although the significance of this chip was not substantial, the options for Britannia were limited, highlighting the importance of the Italian Independence Organization.
If Victor Emmanuel III died, the already fragmented Italian Independence Organization would bepletely ruined.
For Britannia, this was undoubtedly a terrible oue. ording to the n, Prime Minister dstone intended to wait until France and Austria had both suffered heavy losses to rewrite the politicalndscape of Europe.
The most ideal oue would naturally be to split both France and Austria. To separate South Germany from Austria and merge it with North Germany to establish a Lesser Germany.
To free the Italian Area from French rule and establish a Kingdom of Italy that included Lombardy and Vo.
The significance of the Italian Independence Organization in aplishing this point goes without saying. While they might not be powerful, their political influence was...
Chapter 896 - 159: Encounter
On the deck, Captain Petra stared into the distance with a look of deep concern, seemingly lost in thought.
After twenty years of rough and tumble life at sea, he had never been this nervous. Even when faced with pirates, Petra hadn¡¯t felt as tense as he did now.
There was no choice, for he had taken on a job he shouldn¡¯t have.
In fact, Petra knew there were risks involved in this business. Sailing at night was very dangerous, and under normal circumstances, no one would require setting off overnight.
However, exceptions existed, and for the sake of British Pounds, Petra didn¡¯t mind taking the risk.
In his mind, it was just smuggling a few people out. He had done simr things many times before.
Typically, smuggling was into Britannia, and it was rare to smuggle people out.
To Petra, these were minor issues, as long as the money was right, everything was negotiable.
All was going well until these special clients boarded the ship, and that¡¯s when Petra realized something was amiss.
Having been at sea for so many years, Petra was well seasoned. No matter how much Victor Emmanuel III tried to disguise himself, his aura could not be concealed.
With years of experience, Petra immediately recognized that these people were no ordinary passengers; they were definitely significant figures.
The problem was that the Fulda was just an ordinary cargo ship, with nofort to speak of.
Unless it was a time of crisis, prominent people, no matter how destitute, wouldn¡¯t choose such a clearly inappropriate mode of travel.
No one wanted to take on such a job, as it meant enormous trouble. Before Captain Petra could change his mind, he was warned.
ording to the deal, deliver the people to the Nethends and his fee would be doubled; if anything happened on the way, his whole family would go to hell together.
Refusing was impossible, with his whole family under surveince; Petra could only hope for God¡¯s protection and a smooth journey.
...
As Petra was lost in his thoughts, two warships were rapidly approaching from the distance, not more than 20 nautical miles away.
The experienced first mate alerted him, "Captain, something seems off. The two warships behind seem to be targeting us."
Upon hearing the first mate, Petra rushed to the lookout room without a word and picked up the binocrs to look back.
Indeed, two warships appeared on the horizon, heading for the Fulda.
Because of the distance, Petra couldn¡¯t yet tell which nation the warships belonged to. However, the shrinking gap still indicated that trouble was brewing.
"Based on our current speed, it will take no more than six hours for the following two warships to catch up.
Send orders to increase speed; we must get to the Nethends as soon as possible. Completing this mission will mean an additional half on top of all earnings."
The first mate cheerfully replied, "No problem, Captain."
People risk their lives at sea for money; as long as the pay is sufficient, everything is negotiable.
However, Captain Petra was not so optimistic. With years of sailing experience, he could estimate that the Fulda was still more than a hundred nautical miles from the nearest Dutch port.
Under normal conditions, a warship wasn¡¯t much faster than a cargo ship, but a warship¡¯s speed could burst to its upper limit, potentially reaching twice the speed of a cargo ship at full throttle.
Of course, in those days, steamships were still subject to power limitations. Although warships were fast, once they proceeded at full power, they inevitably had to undergo major repairs afterward, and there was even a possibility of being scrapped.
Unless it was something extremely important, the navy would not ordinarily indulge in such extravagance.
...
The noise aboard the ship had also disturbed Victor Emmanuel III in the cargo hold.
"What¡¯s happening, has we encountered pirates?"
For safety, when Victor Emmanuel III left, he had arranged for several cargo ships to leave the harbor together, and he had just chosen one at random to board.
In theory, as long as he was not exposed that evening,munication was inconvenient at the time, and even if the British Government discovered his disappearance the next day and ordered the Royal Navy to pursue, they wouldn¡¯t be able to catch up so quickly.
Before anyone could answer, Captain Petra burst in.
"I apologize for the intrusion, gentlemen, but I have some bad news that forces me to disturb you."
"The situation is extremely critical, two warships have caught up with us, and they are less than 20 nautical miles away."
"I have already ordered to increase speed, but the Fulda is just an ordinary cargo ship. Even with a power retrofit, it still cannot outrun a warship."
"For the safety of everyone¡¯s lives, I hope you can be forthright and rify the situation so that we can make a decision."
Hearing that the warships had caught up, Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s face turned pale, and he sighed helplessly.
Recalling the heavy responsibility he bore, Victor Emmanuel III forced himself to calm down and slowly said, "Captain, there are still quite a few goods on board the Fulda, aren¡¯t there?"
Captain Petra nodded. It was undeniable that a cargo ship would carry goods.
Having received an affirmative reply, Victor Emmanuel III said, "Very well, now apart from the essential coal, throw all the merchandise and debris overboard.
"Including bedding, personal items, weapons, ammunition, and only keep half a day¡¯s ration of food and water. Do whatever possible to reduce the weight."
Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s casual suggestion shocked Captain Petra, who then eximed, "That¡¯s impossible! If we throw away these goods, I¡¯ll be ruined!"
It was no exaggeration; with Petra¡¯s fortune, losing a ship¡¯s cargo left him no choice but bankruptcy.
Victor Emmanuel III merely smiled faintly, feigning nonchnce, and said, "Do not worry, I will bear all the losses, including dealing with any discontent from your employer.
"Now, what you need to do is ditch these unnecessary items and find a way to increase the ship¡¯s speed to escape our pursuers."
Compensation?
Victor Emmanuel III admitted he was a pauper, perhaps even the poorest royal in Europe.
The substantial inheritance left by his forebears was almost exhausted due to his efforts to reim his kingdom.
To maintain a respectable life, Victor Emmanuel III was already deeply in debt. The so-calledpensation was nothing more than a promissory note.
However, no matter how penniless he was, he could not show weakness. At any rate, reaching the Nethends was the first priority; whether to pay thepensation could be decidedter!
After reflecting for a moment, Captain Petra still shook his head, "It still won¡¯t work, even if we throw all the cargo overboard, the speed increase is, at most, two knots, and we still cannot outrun the warships.
"Don¡¯t forget, the warships have cannons; they can attack us from a distance, and the small frame of the Fulda can¡¯t withstand much damage."
The money doesn¡¯t matter, what is crucial is life. In these times, enforcement was not civilized, and the navy¡¯s favorite method ofmunication was through cannon fire.
Victor Emmanuel III furrowed his brow and asked with concern, "Is the pursuing warship British or French?"
Captain Petra rolled his eyes and responded in an exaggerated tone, "It¡¯s still uncertain. But since we departed from London, the pursuing warship should be British.
Have you also offended the French government?
God, I¡¯m really such bad luck! To encounter such a situation is utterly terrible..."
Victor Emmanuel III waved his hand, "Captain, there¡¯s no need to be so pessimistic. If the warship is British, they wouldn¡¯t dare to open fire.
I think instead of wasting time here, you¡¯d better hurry and clear the storeroom, at least it increases our chances of escaping this ordeal.
Otherwise, if we fall into the hands of the British, I won¡¯t be harmed, but you would certainly be doomed. Believe me, they would hang you."
Regicide is not something just anyone can do, although Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s throne may be of a lesser quality, a king is still a king.
In Europe¡¯s political system, regicide is a heinous crime.
Victor Emmanuel III was certain that the British were very displeased with his flight, but their displeasure would not reach the extent ofmitting regicide.
The British Government could not afford the stigma of regicide, and the Royal Navy couldn¡¯t bear it either, whoever does it would be ruined.
On the other hand, it¡¯s hard to say about the French. The two parties are already enemies, and Victor Emmanuel III has no faith in the honor of the Bonaparte Dynasty.
Moreover, since Victor Emmanuel III escaped from London, the French, with just thick enough skin, could easily deny everything and then shift the me onto the British.
Captain Petra¡¯s expression darkened, and after a moment he said, "Alright, you win. But Your Highness, you¡¯d better give me a satisfactory exnation or else we part ways here."
Compromise was the only solution. Petra wasn¡¯t ready to die just yet.
After pondering for a moment, Victor Emmanuel III slowly said, "Rest assured, the reward afterwards will definitely satisfy you.
If you perform even more excellently, granting you a title is not out of the question."
Nobility titles are quite valuable in Europe, yet also very cheap. At least now in the Kingdom of Sardinia, titles are worthless.
While in London, to gather funds for the restoration of his kingdom, Victor Emmanuel III had sold titles more than once.
From dukes to knights. As long as there is money, there is nothing that cannot be sold.
For Victor Emmanuel III, a title is the cheapest asset,pletely worthless until the restoration of his kingdom is sessful.
Even if the restoration is sessful, the value of Sardinia¡¯s titles would be greatly diminished. After all, they were bought with money, so do not expect the noble world to acknowledge them.
Captain Petra was not foolish; there are many nobles in Britain, but the fact was only some exiled royal families could actually offer titles aspensation.
Given the current situation, Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s identity had essentially been exposed.
Though Petra knew this, being emotionally intelligent, he forcefully suppressed any impulse.
This was not a good time to reveal identities, as no monarch wishes to be seen at their most destitute.
"Not a problem, Your Highness, I¡¯ll go handle it right away!"
After finishing, Captain Petra nced at Victor Emmanuel III and then exited.
"Wealth is sought in danger; this holds true across all cultures and ages," thought Captain Petra, who had been adrift at sea for over twenty years and had grown weary of the lifestyle.
However,cking any opportunity to change his path, he had no choice but to carry on. Now the chance had arisen¡ªthough Victor Emmanuel III appeared destitute, his noble descent was undeniable!
From the current situation, the Kingdom of Sardinia¡¯s chances of restoration seemed as uncertain as the Anti-French Alliance winning the war.
Based on past experiences, Captain Petra believed the odds of victory for the warring sides were even. Joining Victor Emmanuel III now was a huge gamble in life.
Theoretically, Captain Petra in the midst of the New Year¡¯s trading should have steered clear of gambling, but the problem was he couldn¡¯t rely on the other powers at all!
The royal households and great nobility of Europe all had their own loyal servants. Who would be so foolish as to forsake a proven asset for some mysterious stranger?
Regardless of the growing negative public perception towards the Aristocratic Group, the nobility still held the reins of power.
Even the most influential capitalists were striving to be part of the Aristocratic Group, and Petra was no exception.
...
As crate after crate of goods was thrown into the sea, Captain Petra felt his heart bleeding internally; everything he jettisoned was money.
Even though Victor Emmanuel III had promisedpensation, whether he could fulfill that promise remained to be seen.
After all, the king was exceedingly poor, and the war to regain his kingdom would require a vast amount of money.
Even if the restoration proved sessful, the future would still entail many years of hardship.
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Had he not defected, it would have just been a matter of demanding his money; the king could not simply ignore debts. But seeking to turn his life around by defecting meant Petra couldn¡¯t trouble the king with such matters.
The pang of loss didn¡¯tst long; the pursuing warship suddenly increased speed¡ª15 nautical miles, 10 nautical miles, 5 nautical miles...
The distance between them closed rapidly, the harsh reality leaving Captain Petra no room to dwell on his pain.
The first officer spoke in a panic, "Captain, the British behind us have hoisted a signal g demanding that we stop for inspection or they will open fire."
That was the British Royal Navy¡ªanyone active at sea these days knew they were thest force you wanted to provoke. Discover more content at NovelBin.C?m
Under normal circumstances, everyone avoided close encounters with them as much as possible.
The reason, of course,y in the Royal Navy¡¯s reputation of being both plunderer and enforcer. Even if it was a British ship, encountering the Royal Navy at sea still caused great concern.
And especially now, since Captain Petra had ordered all goods to be dumped, the ensuing anxiety was even more intense.
Suppressing his difort, Petra replied, "Tell them this is the high seas and not within Britannia¡¯s jurisdiction; they have no right to inspect us."
The first officer¡¯s voice trembled as he said, "Captain, is this wise? If they truly open fire, we¡¯re doomed.
Perhaps we should just stop and let them inspect us, given that there¡¯s nothing left onboard worth their interest..."
"They¡¯re after me, but that¡¯s no longer important. Signal back to them that if they wish tomit regicide, let them fire!"
A sudden voice startled the two men; unbeknownst to them, Victor Emmanuel III had appeared behind them.
Seeing Victor Emmanuel III reveal his identity, Captain Petra quickly urged, "Your Majesty, what are you doing out here? This isn¡¯t safe; please return to the cabin!"
...
Chapter 897 - 160: Crisis on the Western Front
The bright sunshine shimmered on the azure sea, casting a unique charm.
On a fine sunny day, with a windfall just within reach, Colonel Richard¡¯s mood was exceptionally pleasant.
With years of experience under his belt, he had long sensed something amiss with the ship ahead. Upon giving chase, its true nature was revealed.
Even ordinary merchant vessels keep their distance from the Royal Navy on the high seas, but they would never go so far as to jettison their goods into the sea just to make an escape.
The Royal Navy has a history of acting like freebooters, but that¡¯s all in the past now; they¡¯ve toned it down significantly in recent years.
If they were to turn to robbery, they would certainly do so in disguise. When flying the Navy¡¯s g, at most they¡¯d extort a protection fee.
Those with connections could schmooze their way to a discount. As long as the money was right, even smuggling was not an issue.
The behavior of the Fulda unmistakably indicated they had something to hide, a rarity these days, and Colonel Richard naturally would not let this opportunity slip by.
The officer in charge of signal gs excitedly said, "Colonel, we¡¯ve encountered Victor Emmanuel III, right aboard the ship ahead. His identity has been confirmed."
The London Government had been ruthless in its pursuit to apprehend the fleeing Victor Emmanuel III, with the Royal Navy out in full force.
It couldn¡¯t exactly be called an arrest, after all, even John Bull needed to consider international repercussions when dealing with a king, so the Royal Navy¡¯s mission was to cordially ask him to return.
Upon hearing this great news, Colonel Richard¡¯s expression brightened. It was well known that a hefty reward had been offered domestically to stimte everyone¡¯s eagerness.
If one could sessfully "invite" Victor Emmanuel III back, not only would there be a substantial bounty, but also a promotion up the ranks.
Richard was already a colonel; crossing the threshold to general was the next step. It seemed like a thin line, but in truth, it was a world of difference.
There was a plethora of colonels in the Royal Navy, but those who managed to cross the threshold to general were few and far between. It couldn¡¯t be helped, these were times of peace, and without wartime achievements, promotion was naturally challenging.
"Then what are we waiting for? Have them stop their ship immediately and ¡¯invite¡¯ Victor Emmanuel III over here," he said.
Colonel Richard ced heavy emphasis on "invite". Even a king in reduced circumstances was still a king and had to be afforded ample respect.
It couldn¡¯t be helped, rtions among the European royal families were incrediblyplicated, with rtives everywhere, and the influence of any royal house was not to be underestimated.
The young officer¡¯s face turned sour as he replied with a headache, "We¡¯ve already sent out the invitation, but Victor Emmanuel III refuses to ept.
He also warned us not to follow, or else any idents that ur en route would be our responsibility."
Finally catching on, the young officer tactfully chose to undery the situation, avoiding a mention of Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s threats.
Colonel Richard was dumbfounded; he had never imagined Victor Emmanuel III would be so uncooperative.
Firing a warning shot was out of the question; if bad luck had it and they sent Victor Emmanuel III to meet his Maker, no one could bear the me for that.
After ring at the young officer, Colonel Richard reprimanded, "He refuses, and you don¡¯t know how to persuade him?"
Indeed, persuading was the key; no matter how destitute, to mostmon people, Victor Emmanuel III was a figure of great importance.
Seeing the young officer¡¯s perplexed expression, Richard continued to add, "Idiot, we can¡¯t touch Victor Emmanuel III, can¡¯t you find a way to coerce or entice the others on the ship?
Send the order to speed up and put pressure on them¡"
¡
As it turned out, the signal gs were not perfect, especially when it came to conveying threats, their deterrent power was not strong enough.
Once it was clear that the British dared not fire, everyone on the Fulda quickly recovered, though their emotions were still somewhat agitated.
With Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s word, everyone on board was nobility, provided that the King of Sardinia could sessfully restore his kingdom.
Those who make a living at sea know that one must seek wealth amid danger. Captain Petra also appropriately exaggerated the sess rate, telling everyone that the French Army was at a disadvantage on the battlefield.
To save the French¡¯s failure, the despicable and shameless British Government detained Victor Emmanuel III.
No mistake, it was the despicable and shameless British Government. Even though everyone was British, there was still a difference between British people.
Although the Fulda was a temporary arrangement, the Austrian Embassy would still have investigated. The Fulda was chosen precisely because the crew were all Irish.
If the crew had all been Englishmen most loyal to Britain, the situation would be quite different now.
As the distance between the two sides continued to decrease, the atmosphere on the Fulda began to tense, and Victor Emmanuel III himself had to step in to calm people down.
Suddenly, a few small dots appeared on the horizon. The crew in the crow¡¯s nest reported back, "A fleet has been spotted ahead, heading in our direction."
Victor Emmanuel III sighed with relief and immediately said, "Those are the shipsing to meet us. Let¡¯s get closer."
After speaking, he entered the cabin, pretending to remain calm.
A middle-aged man apanying him couldn¡¯t help but remind him, "Your Majesty, we chose this route ourselves. Even the Austrians don¡¯t know our exact path, and no ships were arranged to meet us!"
Exiled for so many years, the Italian Independent Organization had been severely battered by society, and now it trusted no one.
Even now, as allies with Austria, Victor Emmanuel III had not epted the escape route arranged by the Austrian Embassy but had instead changed ns at thest minute to board the Fulda.
Victor Emmanuel III slowly said, "It doesn¡¯t matter whether someone is meeting us or not. As long as people know I¡¯m on the Fulda, that¡¯s enough.
We are now less than a hundred nautical miles from the Nethends, and there are only two British warships chasing after us, and they do not have the capability to wipe out everyone on a fleet.
Once they get close, tell them there is a distinguished king on the Fulda. The British officers chasing us, as long as they are not fools, will let us leave."
In theory, the Royal Navy would not dare tomit regicide. But there are always exceptions, and on the vast sea, a missing ship is not a big deal. Experience more content on NovelBin.C?m
Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s decision to board the Fulda was made on the spur of the moment, known only by a limited number of people.
And these informants were all in London. If the British got tough and decided to silence witnesses, who could prove it was done by them?
There might be traces left behind, but the issue was that there had to be someone willing to investigate further, and it had to be someone significant.
The crew aboard the Fulda were all hastily conscriptedckeys, whose loyalty could not withstand any real test. When it was said earlier that the English wouldn¡¯t dare to make a move, that was to boost morale.
...
On October 9, 1890, under the escort of the Royal Navy, Victor Emmanuel III arrived in the Nethends.
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Colonel Richard, who was in pursuit, had a very keen political sense and decisively redefined the mission as an escort for Victor Emmanuel III at a critical moment.
As for the unpleasant incidents that urred en route, those were minor issues. Not to mention that Victor Emmanuel III had not yet sessfully restored his reign, even if he did be the King of Sardinia, he could not afford to offend the British.
Being less powerful, he had to swallow the loss, even appearing very pleased with it, to demonstrate to the outside world the cordiality between Ennd and Sardinia.
On the Western Front, after half a month of fighting, the Anti-French Alliance was in an absolute disadvantage.
Even fighting on their own soil, in the face of overwhelming strength, Belgium was unable to turn the tide.
Austrian reinforcements were still on the way, and the mobilization of the German Federation was slow. The defense line from Belgium to Luxembourg was teetering, and even the Rhinnd Front had issues.
The situation on the battlefield was increasingly dire, and Leopold II no longer had the spirited demeanor of the past.
"The situation is bing increasingly unfavorable for us. When can the reinforcements from Germany and Austria arrive?"
Frankly speaking, the performance of the Belgian Army this time was still passable. Being able to resist the French Army¡¯s attacks for half a month with inferior forces was alreadymendable.
Foreign Minister Jul replied, "The main force of the Austrian army arrived in Baden yesterday afternoon, among which the vanguard has reached the Rhinnd region. They are expected to enter our country within five days.
The mobilization speed of the German Federation is a bit slower. Currently, only the Sub-States in the west havepleted military mobilization, while those in the east are still in progress.
However, the troops mobilized by the western Sub-States did not arrive at the front lines immediately. We havemunicated with the German Federal Government about this, but they have no way to deal with these Sub-States either."
Lack of unifiedmand is the chronic ailment of the German Federation. If not for these internal issues, they would have joined the club of great powers long ago.
Leopold II asked with puzzlement, "Didn¡¯t George I say he would personallye to the front to supervise the battle a few days ago? Why has there been no action?"
War is both a risk and an opportunity, and George I, who had only recently ascended the throne, naturally would not give up easily.
Indeed, George I¡¯s throne was not stable. Apart from the covetous gaze of Austria, more importantly, his own monarchic prestige was too low.
This was a historical legacy issue. The German Federation was a product of a special period, an Empire imposed on the German People by countries such as Ennd, France, and Russia.
An empire that was forced into existence naturally could not satisfy everyone, especially the nationalists, for whom the Empire represented a disgrace.
Under such circumstances, the smaller Sub-States naturally would not follow the Central Government¡¯s lead.
To weaken the Central Government¡¯s authority and safeguard their own power, there was even deliberate propaganda using Hanover of treason.
Public assertions in newspapers proimed that the crown of the House of Gotha was a reward from the powers for obstructing the unification of the Germany Region.
There was no choice; Hanover¡¯s power was limited and incapable of subduing these Sub-States. Coupled with theck of support from the public for the Central Government, the German Federation had been in a weak position since its establishment.
In an effort to change this passive situation, two sessive Emperors of the German Federation made numerous efforts, such as striving to develop the economy, open up colonies, and integrate the Kingdom of Prussia among a series of measures.
The results were significant, but the effects were just average. After all, these efforts could not satisfy the appetites of the nationalists.
In some sense, this war against France was George I¡¯sst opportunity. Only if he established enough prestige during the war would he have the strength to strike back afterwards.
"Your Majesty, the internal issues of the German Federation are too troublesome. For George I to gain prestige in the war, the support of the Kingdom of Prussia is indispensable,"
The problem is that, having learned from two Prusso-Russian wars, the Prussian Government has gradually be more conservative and unwilling to continue taking risks.
Because of political changes, the conditions they had previously agreed upon are now something the Prussian Government is not prepared to honor.
George I is working hard to persuade the Prussian Government; from the current situation, there is a great chance of failure.
Mainly because the Austrians will not give him this opportunity. Once the Vienna Government intervenes, all the efforts made by George I will be in vain."
Foreign Minister Jul exined, leaving Leopold II feeling almost too frustrated to cry. Whether the Germany Region is united or not has nothing to do with Belgium.
For Belgium, the difference between a unified German Federation and a united Shinra Empire is like that between arge elephant and a small elephant.
Neither arge elephant nor a small elephant can be provoked. In any case, they have to keep a low profile, and the final result is the same.
After pondering for a moment, Leopold II said decisively, "Urge the Vienna Government again, tell them if no reinforcements arrive, we are going to be... finished."
Fortunately, Leopold II realized in time. Otherwise, he would have made the joke of threatening allies with "surrender."
...
Although reinforcements had not yet arrived, the officer corps had already made it to the front line.
In order to secure the final victory, Franz directly assigned Archduke Albrecht to the western front.
This was also a move made out of necessity, not because Austriacked generals, but because the western front required a jointmand.
Without a doubt, themand of the Allied Forces fell into Austrian hands. Prussia and Germany, even if they wanted to dispute it, did not have the confidence.
It¡¯s easy to obtainmand, but not easy to lead a multi-national army. Without someone of sufficient weight asmander-in-chief, one could not stabilize the troops.
Archduke Albrecht, with the most prestigious name in the Austrian army, became the best candidate.
The Allied Forces had not yet been fully assembled, but the Allied Command had already been initiated in advance, and Archduke Albrecht began to fulfill his duties early.
The situation was bing increasingly disadvantageous for the Allied Forces, and the loss of the Ardennes Forest seemed imminent. Setting down the documents in his hands, Archduke Albrecht also started to get restless.
It seems like the current war has little to do with Austria, after all, it is not the Austrians who are dying, and no matter how heavy the losses, they are the allies¡¯ concern.
But in fact, it¡¯s not so simple. Both Belgium and the German Federation are important forces against France, and now that they have suffered heavy losses, the responsibility to counterattack France in the future will be solely on Austria.
Especially since they control strategic locations, once these fall into French hands, it will undoubtedly cost more to recapture themter on.
Chapter 898 - 161, Treaty of Osso
In the Allied Command, Archduke Albrecht frowned as he looked at the troop deployment map sent from the front line.
"General Desmet, isn¡¯t the troop deployment in the coastal area a bit too weak?"
There was no other way, the Anti-French Alliance had advantages in all aspects, but they were at a naval disadvantage.
In the Mediterranean frontline, the France-Austrian Navy had simr strength, and both countries were afraid of the British ying the fisherman, so they did not dare to take risks in a naval battle.
It was different in the North Sea Area, where the Belgian Navy and the German Federal Navy were like a flimsy wall against the French Navy.
Even after Victorio Emanuele II left London, neither of the two navies dispatched warships to meet him.
For no other reason than fear. The French Navy had blockaded the harbor, and any warship leaving port would not return.
The Anti-French Alliance had lost naval dominance in the North Sea Area, and coastal defense had be a stark reality that Prussia and Germany had to face.
Belgium¡¯s coastline was not long, only 66 kilometers, but even so, it could not be defended by just a few garrison brigades.
ording to what Archduke Albrecht knew, the garrison brigades that Belgium had deployed were all expanded temporarily after the war.
The structure of these troops was: a small number of retired soldiers + temporarily conscripted nobility officers + a group of young and strong men.
It is worth mentioning that among these retired soldiers, the average age was over fifty years old, the younger ones had all gone to the main forces.
Both the officers and the soldiers were the rejected ones after the main forces¡¯ selection. There was no other way, even with the Belgian government¡¯s preparations, it could not change the fact that they were short on manpower.
Since the start of the war, the Belgian government had mobilized nearly three hundred thousand troops. Not to mention the quality, the mobilization rate and speed were the highest among the participating countries.
"Your Excellency, the Marshal, we have deployed arge number of shore batteries in the coastal area. The French will have to pay a heavy price if they want tond. Nomander would be foolish enough to bombard shore batteries with naval ships.
Moreover, the French offensive is too strong. Our main forces have been put into frontlinebat, and we no longer have enough troops to deploy to the coastal area," said General Desmet with helplessness. It was not that he was unaware of the dangers in the coastal area, but rather that hecked sufficient troops and had to prioritize more important battlefields.
Now, all they could do was bet that the French wouldn¡¯t dare to exchange gunfire with the shore batteries, and all they needed was to hold out for one more week, then the Austrian reinforcements would arrive.
Archduke Albrecht shook his head, "Your Excellency, the General, that judgment might have been fine twenty years ago, but not now.
The French can use their warships as bait, forcing the exposure of your shore battery fire points, and then carry out bombing with airship troops.
Prior battles have proven that your country¡¯s airship troops are no match for the French, the skies temporarily belong to the French.
Do not doubt the French government¡¯s determination, naval ships are not as valuable as you imagine, and France drags plenty of warships out for target practice every year." Find your next read at NovelBin.C?m
Thebat power of airships has been proven, especially during targeted bombings, where airships can exert even greater power.
Because of the emergence of anti-air weapons, airship bombardments are now conducted from high altitude, with low uracy, but the Belgian coastline is not thatrge an area.
Bombarding a coastline two kilometers wide is just over a hundred square kilometers, equivalent to a city. With naval guns + airships, covering such a small area is no longer a problem.
As long as the French are willing to pay a certain price,nding in the weakly defended coastal areas of Belgium is not a problem at all.
Warships are valuable, but that is rtive. The most advanced warships are certainly very valuable, but old ones ready for retirement are a different story.
Especially for countries like Britain, France, and Austria that frequently engage in arms races, which of them doesn¡¯t have a bunch of warships waiting to be scrapped?
If they cannot be sold on the international market, and not so many training ships are needed, then apart from using them for target practice, they can only be dismantled and sold as scrap metal.
```
Using a portion of the fleet as cannon fodder is something we don¡¯t need toment over.
In the eyes of Archduke Albrecht, if the French haven¡¯tunched anding operation, it¡¯s either because theirmander is too foolish to recognize the opportunity, or themander is indecisive and reluctant to make sacrifices¡
However, these are all temporary situations. As long as there is no breakthrough at the front, the French will eventually take this step.
Even if thending operation fails, the French can still tie down significant forces of the Anti-French Alliance, creating favorable conditions for their main force¡¯s decisive battle.
Not to mention, after the princes of the German Federation along the coast ensure their homnd¡¯s safety, they won¡¯t have the capacity to send troops to battle.
General Desmet nodded in disagreement, "Marshal, rest assured, we will take heed.
Once the Frenchunch theirnding campaign, we will immediately send troops to reinforce. Belgium isn¡¯t big, and there is plenty of time to make it.
The main issue now is theck of troops; that is why we¡¯repletely suppressed by the French. Once your country¡¯s reinforcement troops arrive, the situation will change."
After over half a month of fighting, it hasn¡¯t been without its help. At the very least, the Belgian military¡¯s fear of the French has been greatly reduced.
Due to the battle on home soil, there was give and take on the battlefield. Being at a disadvantage was merely due to ack of troops; the gap inbat effectiveness between both sides wasn¡¯t as big as initially anticipated.
Looking out the window, Archduke Albrecht refrained from interfering further. Austrian reinforcements were about to arrive, but they weren¡¯ting to die for the Belgians.
The Vienna Government¡¯s stance was very clear: instigate Prussia and Germany to fight with the French first, and once they were sufficiently weakened, then engage in a decisive battle with the main force.
Don¡¯t ask why, it was simply a strategy set by the Emperor, and executing it was what mattered.
Under such a context, the action speed of the Austrian reinforcements naturally couldn¡¯t be fast.
Of course, Franz is still principled and hasn¡¯t gone too far.
The Austrian troops indeed advanced at a pace of thirty to forty kilometers a day, the actual speed still depended on road conditions and weather.
There¡¯s nothing much to say, during these times everyone¡¯s marching speed isn¡¯t great. Being able to advance thirty to forty kilometers a day was already the standard for elite forces.
It wasn¡¯t that they couldn¡¯t move faster, but that it was difficult to sustain. Perhaps under light-equipped conditions, the troops could march up to seventy or eighty kilometers in one breath on a certain day.
But such speed couldn¡¯t be maintained. Soldiers are also human, and when exhausted, one couldn¡¯t expect them to be battle-ready.
In fact, copses of troops due to moving too fast are not infrequent in military history.
...
In the Vienna Pce, Franz was holding a wee banquet for Victor Emmanuel III.
In the past, rtions between France and Austria were somewhat eptable. Although Austria acknowledged Victor Emmanuel III as the King of Sardinia, it was only said in private.
Outwardly, regarding this issue, like the rest of Europe, the Vienna government kept silent, as if oblivious to anything.
Now it was different. Since France and Austria had begun fighting, there was no need to consider the French¡¯s feelings anymore.
To support Victor Emmanuel III and to persuade the Italian people that Austria was there to liberate them, Franz had to personally attend the wee banquet to show the Austrian government¡¯s political stance in favor of Sardinian independence.
Apart from some inconsequential formalities, there was no discussion of substantive matters at the banquet, and Franz made a brief appearance before hastily departing.
With the Emperor gone, the banquet continued. The responsibility of hosting Victor Emmanuel III fell on Wessenberg, as part of his duty as the Foreign Minister.
Victor Emmanuel III asked with great interest, "Your Excellency, the Minister, how far has your country proceeded in the military situation in the Italian Area, and when can I lead the Italian independence movement at the front?"
```
There was no choice, Victor Emmanuel III had recently been greatly provoked, especially being ced under house arrest in Britannia, which only aggravated him further.
Never before had there been such an urgent need for the restoration of his monarchy. Had Franz not left so swiftly, without giving him the chance to speak, the question now would be...
"Your Majesty, there¡¯s no need to be anxious. Since it¡¯s your first time in Vienna, you should take the opportunity to truly appreciate the beauty here.
Trust me, Vienna won¡¯t disappoint you. It is the most beautiful city in the world."
Having said that, Wessenberg picked up a ss of red wine and took a small sip. Looking at the anxious face of Victor Emmanuel III, a smile appeared at the corner of his mouth.
There is no such thing as a free lunch in this world. If Victor Emmanuel III wanted Austria¡¯s help in restoring his monarchy, it was natural that he would have to pay a price.
Otherwise, with so many eligible to restore the Kingdom of Sardinia, why should the Vienna Government support him?
Is it because Victor Emmanuel III is currently the most legitimate?
Unfortunately, it is now the end of the 19th century, and even legitimacy must bow to interest.
The Bonaparte Dynasty is an example; the countries of Europe did notunch an intervention to restore Napoleon III just for the sake of legitimacy.
Of course, when the gap in interests is not wide, the Vienna Government is still more willing to support a legitimate monarch, as the Habsburg dynasty is currently advocating legitimacy, striving for the unification of the Germany Region.
"Your Excellency, Vienna¡¯s reputation has long spread across the world, and I have longed to visit, intending to tour quite thoroughly.
But for now, the Sardinian People are still suffering under the envement of the French, and as their King, I am already deeply ashamed of my powerlessness to rescue them, truly having no face to do anything else."
Brown-nosing was not an issue for Victor Emmanuel III; he felt no pressure in doing so.
Unlike other monarchs, Victor Emmanuel III had grown up dependent on others,cking the environment to develop any sort of arrogance.
Although Wessenberg wasn¡¯t particrly fond of Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s ideas, he still regarded him more highly after hearing them.
As a King, not only was he able to lower himself, but he also possessed keen judgment. Upon realizing the futility of the situation, he immediately narrowed his focus to the Kingdom of Sardinia, subtlety indicating ack of ambition.
"Your Majesty, have peace of mind. God will punish the French invaders, and the Kingdom of Sardinia will eventually gain independence.
Austria is different from France; we are a peace-loving country with no territorial ambitions in the Italian Area and no intention of expansion there.
Supporting the independence of the Kingdom of Sardinia has always been our political stance, but to drive out the French, we will also have to pay a very heavy price.
You must have heard that we have formed the Anti-French Alliance with Belgium, the German Federation, and other countries.
To ensure everyone¡¯s interests, we have to adopt the principle of equivalent exchange. After driving away the French, all participating countries will distribute the spoils ording to their contributions.
Given the current situation of your country, it would be difficult to contribute to the war; in theory, it would not qualify to share in the spoils.
However, out of respect for the traditional friendship between Austria and Sardinia, we will still support the independence of the Kingdom of Sardinia, but your country must bear a portion of the military expenses as a price.
The specific amount will be determined based on the actual expenses after the war. Of course, if you can make a certain contribution on the battlefield, you can also reduce part of the apportionment ordingly."
At the mention of "Austria-Sardinian friendship," Victor Emmanuel III¡¯splexion became somewhat unnatural.
There was no choice, should this be known, it would be yet another joke of the century.
The Kingdom of Sardinia had fallen to its current plightrgely due to Austria¡¯s significant contribution, even ying a decisive role.
If it weren¡¯t for Austria¡¯s devastating defeat of them, the French would not have so easily upied Sardinia, and perhaps the situation would be different today.
Unfortunately, history offers no "what-ifs," and what¡¯s more tragic is that it was the Kingdom of Sardinia that initiated the Ossetian War, leaving the father of Victor Emmanuel III burdened with infamy to this day.
Reality is this cruel: people only remember the victors, and the losers are deemed the guilty ones, no matter how noble their intentions might have been.
Redemption is impossible. The failure of the Ossetian War directly led to the inability of the Kingdom of Sardinia to resist the French invasion.
Victorio Emanuele II became synonymous with folly and megalomania, despite the fact that he was pushed onto the battlefield by the Sardinian people.
After a brief period of limatization to the cold winds of change, Victor Emmanuel III quickly recovered and carefully pondered Wessenberg¡¯s words.
What made him hesitate was not that Austria¡¯s terms were too harsh; on the contrary, they were overly generous, to the point that Victor Emmanuel III found it unbelievable.
To merely share a portion of the military expenses in exchange for the restoration of Sardinia was an incredibly cheap deal¡ªwho wouldn¡¯t take it?
After a moment of hesitation, Victor Emmanuel III tentatively asked, "Is the French military investing a lot of troops on the southern front?"
Aside from the intense battle situation, urgently needing allies was the only other reason Victor Emmanuel III could think of that would prompt Austria to offer such favorable terms.
Wessenberg shook his head: "It¡¯s manageable! The French have focused their strategic efforts on the Central European Battlefield, mainly adopting a defensive stance in the Italian Area.
Your Majesty, you should be aware that the terrain in the Italian Area does not favorrge-scale decisive battles.
Engaging in a decisive battle in the Italian Area would be akin to the Afghanistan Wars between Ennd and Russia¡ªa conflict that could continue indefinitely if all parties are willing."
"If it weren¡¯t for the purpose of liberating the Italian Area and helping other countries free themselves from French bondage, we wouldn¡¯t be entangled with them on the southern front," he added.
Wessenberg knew the doubts in Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s heart, but he had no intention of exining them.
It wasn¡¯t that the Austrian Government intended to give preferential treatment to the Kingdom of Sardinia; they simply didn¡¯t know what else they needed.
Territory?
Austria hardlycked it. The most valuable regions of Italy were already in the hands of Austria; the rest was not worth much.
Continuing to expand would only bring more trouble without adding any value.
Even Sicily, which now seems to be of great strategic importance, would have no value to Austria after the war.
There was no way around it; the Kingdom of Sardinia existed only in theory. Victor Emmanuel III had nothing but a legitimate title.
Even if one wanted to extract oil, one would have to wait until after Sardinia¡¯s independence. Why make Victor Emmanuel III sign a bunch of unequal treaties when nothing was set in stone? How could he maintain control in the future?
Austria needed a stable Kingdom of Sardinia, one that continuously caused trouble for the French, not a Sardinia constantly in turmoil, needing continual rescue.
Faced with a tempting pie, Victor Emmanuel III, starving with hunger, had to take a bite, whether it was poisoned or not.
...
On October 21, 1890, Victor Emmanuel III signed the "Austro-Sardinian Agreement" with Wessenberg.
Naturally, the content of the treaty extolled the Austro-Sardinian friendship. Any past displeasures were conspiracies crafted by the French to annex the Kingdom of Sardinia.
After so much time had passed, and with the older generation no longer around, there was now a more detestable enemy¡ªFrance. The Austro-Sardinian enmity was trivial inparison.
With the signing of the treaty, the long-standing grievances between Austria and Sardinia that dated back to 1847 were finally settled, and the rtionship between the two countries elevated to new heights.@@novelbin@@
Chapter 899 - 162: Idiotic Strategy?
Although the Kingdom of Sardinia still existed in theory, the international influence of the "Treaty of Osso" was naturally limited.
Apart from being published by the newspapers of a few members of the Anti-French Alliance, the international media were very indifferent.
Actually, there¡¯s no need to talk about international public opinion at this point.
There are only so many countries in Europe, and if you include Montenegro and Greece, who were brought in to make up the numbers, the Anti-French Alliance already ounts for half.
Among the remaining neutral countries, some lean towards the Anti-French Alliance;pared to France fighting alone, the Anti-French Alliance has won without fighting in terms of political propaganda.
The reason the public isn¡¯t interested in the Treaty of Osso is mainly because it¡¯s too obviously a political show, which is precisely what intellectuals dislike the most.
These people constitute the main subscribers to newspapers; the press won¡¯t go against their customers. Since it¡¯s news that customers don¡¯t like, it¡¯s better filtered out.
Even if it is mentioned, it¡¯s only in passing. Right now, Central Europe and Southern Europe are caught up in the mes of war, and there are plenty of other news reports avable.
The media¡¯sck of interest does not mean politicians are uninterested. People from different backgrounds see issues frompletely different perspectives.
The Treaty of Osso might seem insubstantial, but in reality, it signals the Vienna Government¡¯s political stance ¡ª it will not annex Italian territories.
Perhaps ordinary people might think that with the European war ongoing, it¡¯s too early to discuss these issues. Should the Anti-French Alliance lose the war, it would be aughing stock.
But politicians don¡¯t see it that way; the Vienna Government¡¯s clear statement of no territorial ambitions in Italy is good news for many countries.
Especially for neutral countries that lean towards the Anti-French Alliance who can now breathe easier and boldly hinder the French without worry.
...
Paris
Even with prior preparation, Napoleon IV was stunned by the dire international situation. The British, on whom he had ced great hopes, did not y the role they should have.
After stabilizing Switzend and Spain, the British Government just sat back and watched, waiting for France and Austria to fight it out.
Even London¡¯s media, which was more critical of France than the Anti-French Alliance, did not help to guide public opinion¡ªthe British Government wasn¡¯t lifting a finger to help.
Throwing down the Treaty of Osso, Napoleon IV roared, "What is Victor Emmanuel III doing in Vienna, and what exactly do the British intend to do?"
He had every right to be angry as nearly a quarter of the French Army¡¯s soldiers were Italians. Victor Emmanuel III falling into Austria¡¯s hands was like an unexploded time bomb.
You should know that France and Ennd had an agreement beforehand; the British Government promised to detain the leaders of the Italian Independence Organization to ensure they would not cause trouble.
Napoleon IV also knew that the British couldn¡¯t be relied upon, promises were worthless. However, he believed that even if the British Government were to renege, it would only be after the oue of the war in Europe was decided.
If France were to win, or at least gain the upper hand, then it would be a normal strategy to release Victor Emmanuel III to stir up trouble as part of maintaining the bnce in Europe.
The problem was that the war in Europe had only just begun, and although the French Army was beating Prussia and Germany in Central Europe, in terms of the overall situation, Austrian reinforcements were still on their way and France hadn¡¯t gained the upper hand.
In some ways, France was still at a disadvantage. With the frontlines failing to make a breakthrough and Austrian reinforcements arriving, the Anti-French Alliance would be the ones with a numerical advantage.
Anyone with a bit of militarymon sense knows that France¡¯s strength lies in thebat ability of its army. If it can¡¯t break through early on, and the war turns into one of attrition, it would be a repeat of the Prusso-Russian war.
With France at a disadvantage in terms of poption, industry, and economy, if it can¡¯t achieve victory early, there¡¯s even less chanceter on.
Of course, if another figure like Napoleon were to emerge, there would still be a chance to turn the tables.
At this time, the release of Victor Emmanuel III by the British to strengthen the Anti-French Alliance was clearly a move to end France¡¯s life.
What if the Italian soldiers in the French Army were bewitched and started to ck off on the battlefield? How could this war continue then?
"Your Majesty, the British Government has exined that it was an ident. Victor Emmanuel III left secretly, and by the time they discovered it, it was already toote.
The Foreign Office has already confirmed that the British did indeed restrict Victor Emmanuel III from leaving the country, but the official in charge neglected his duty and let him slip away,"
As Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets said this, his face was a picture of embarrassment. Convincing the British to restrict the movement of the Italian Independence Organization was one of the diplomatic achievements the Foreign Office prided itself on.
Unfortunately, the British allies were unreliable and dropped the ball at a critical moment. The Italian Independence Organization was indeed held back, but Victor Emmanuel III, the big fish, slipped through the.
Napoleon IV scoffed, his tone dripping with irony, "An ident?"
"No idents happen early orte, but precisely at the critical moment, an ident urs. Do we even need to say what the British are hinting at?"
The key to maintaining an alliance rtionship lies in trust, which just so happens to be the very thing that is mostcking between Ennd and France. If there aren¡¯t any problems, all is well; but as soon as a problem arises, cracks immediately appear in the alliance.
Upon hearing the Emperor¡¯s words, Karl Chardlets¡¯s expression grew even uglier. He looked to his colleagues for help with his eyes, but all he received in return were wishes for his own good fortune.
With no other option, Karl Chardlets could only stand his ground and exin, "Your Majesty, indeed the British are unreliable, and we have never held any hope for them.
The current unfavorable situation ultimatelyes down to our army¡¯s failure to achieve a breakthrough on the battlefield. Once we defeat the Anti-French Alliance, everything will be turned around."
As the saying goes, "better for one¡¯s friend to die than for oneself," Chardlets decisively opted to pass the buck to avoid his own misfortune.
Blindsided by this unexpected problem, the Army Minister Luskinia red angrily and scoffed, "Rest assured, Your Excellency, the French Army is not like some who are ipetent in what they do and only good at shirking responsibility and idling their days away.
We have already devised aprehensive n, and if it weren¡¯t for Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s sudden appearance, we would have alreadymenced."
Small as this issue may seem, it¡¯s actually an excellent opportunity to weed out those with divided loyalties in the army."
Though he spoke casually, in reality, Luskinia was already cursing inside.
For political reasons, after incorporating the Italian Area, it was inevitable to incorporate Italian soldiers into the army to demonstrate France¡¯s magnanimity.
Initially, it was fine as the Italian soldiers were few in number and could not stir up much trouble.
But everything changed with the outbreak of the European war. Seeing the extent to which the Anti-French Alliance expanded its army, France had no choice but to grit its teeth and keep up.
It couldn¡¯t be helped. Since entering the 19th century, the French poption¡¯s birthrate had not been enthusiastic, and up to now, there were just over thirty-seven million people.
Compared to the Anti-French Alliance, this number wasn¡¯t even one-third.
Austria announced an expansion of five million troops; the Beide Countries together expanded by one and a half million troops. With the addition of troops from each country, the total force was about to break through eight million.
The ssic case of "the ants biting the elephant to death" had already urred in the previous Anti-French war. To avoid repeating the same mistake, the French government had no choice but to utilize manpower from the Italian Area to avoid a significant disparity in troop numbers.
Ever since Napoleon IV approved the five million troop expansion n, arge number of Italian soldiers appeared in the French Army¡¯sbat order, and at this point, no one could ignore the Italians¡¯ feelings.
As for the influence wielded by Victor Emmanuel III, it remained a mystery, as he had never had the chance to exercise it. No one knew how significant it was.
However, the pride of a soldier wouldn¡¯t allow Luskinia to back down now.
...
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On the southern line, to wee the arrival of Victor Emmanuel III, General M?rck speciallyunched a winter offensive.
From a geographical perspective, Austria upied the most fertile areas of the Po River in, while the other Italian areas were mostly mountains and hills.
In times of peace, this naturally brought substantial economic benefits, but during times of war, the situation reversed.
Inside the headquarters
General M?rck was waving the baton at the sand table, "This is a topographical map of the Italian Area, which you all have seen many times and should be familiar with in your minds.
Launching an attack from the Lombardy Region, we have only three routes, each with its own advantages and disadvantages.
First, advancing westward towards Turin using the Dora Riparia River and the Po River;
Second, attacking Monferrato along the Tanaro River towards the middle;
Third,unching a southward offensive to capture Bologna and San Marino, along the Shia River and Po River basin.
Without a doubt, capturing Turin holds the greatest benefit as once it is taken, the Kingdom of Sardinia would be able to re-establish itself, causing a fatal blow to France¡¯s rule in the Italian Area.
However, the greater the benefit, the greater the risk. The French had deployed arge number of troops in the Turin area, making it very difficult for us to achieve a breakthrough in a short time.
An advance towards the middle to capture Monferrato would be strategically essential and almost simr to capturing Turin to the west.
If we capture Monferrato, the next step would be to liberate Genoa and split the Italian Area in two, striking at the French rule in the region.
But this strategy not only requires defeating the enemy head-on but also exposes both nks to the French Army¡¯s range of attack, carrying the greatest military risk.
The advantage of thest southern line strategy is the support of the navy; the Adriatic Sea is our domain, so there is no need to worry about logistical problems.
It holds the least risk, but also the least benefit, serving only to win a battle, to spruce up appearances, and has little military value otherwise.
To expand the results of the battle, we must cross the Northern Apennine Mountains. Or move forward along the penins, looking for a breakthrough.
This would rely on the French making mistakes; otherwise, we could only seize some territory and make it seem as if we had the upper hand to the outside world."
Despite General M?rck ying down the southern strategy, everyone clearly understood he advocated for it.
The reason was simple ¨C stability.
Moreover, the southern strategy was not entirely without value. Ordinary people don¡¯t care about strategy; in many views, whoever upies more territory is at an advantage.
Austria was mobilized this time under the banner of liberating Italy; any upiednd could be directly handed over to the Independence Organization, eliminating the need to maintain local stability.
As long as we achieve more victories, the nationalist uprisers in the Italian Area will respond, and the emergence of a national uprising is only a matter of time.
Once the Italian Area is in chaos, the French Army must disperse its forces to suppress it, making it impossible to fight the Anti-French Alliance with full strength.
Over time, the advantage of the Anti-French Alliance will grow, eventually overpowering the French with sheer strength.
Conservative thinking was mainstream in the Austrian Army, and there was no other reason except that the fame of the French Army was so great that no one was confident about a rapid victory.
Victor Emmanuel III naturally understood what M?rck meant, but as the saying goes, ¡¯where you stand depends on where you sit.¡¯ Regardless of strategy, what he needed now was the restoration of his country.
"Your Excellency, the Commander, please forgive my bold interruption. Looking at the current international situation, we need a victory, one that can shatter the invincibility of the French Army.
Only by winning on the battlefield can we pull neutral countries like Switzend and Spain into our fold, and grow the ranks of the Anti-French Alliance.
Of course, it is not a problem for your country to defeat the French on its own. However, this would inevitably inflict a painful toll on your country.
The Prusso-Russian War has already shown how dreadful protracted warfare can be. The longer it drags on, the greater the wartime losses it incurs.
If all goes well, your country will emerge as the new dominator of Europe after this Anti-French War.
A dominator needs to be established through war. Merely using national power to crush the French may leave many unconvinced, such as the British and the Russians, which could introduce uncertainties into the future.
The best choice is to ascend to power by stepping on the French and elevating the Austrian Army to an exalted position, dispelling any unrealistic fantasies in people¡¯s minds.
..."
Groveling, with no limits to ttery.
Hearing the words of Victor Emmanuel III made even General M?rck blush.
So defeating the French is as easy as ughtering chickens. Since when did Austria be so powerful, and why was I unaware?
There was no choice; if these words hade from an ordinary person¡¯s mouth, General M?rck could have justughed it off. Buting from the mouth of a king, he couldn¡¯t help but feel proud.
Praise can lead to delusion, but fortunately, General M?rck, being in high office and used to ttery, did not let it get to his head.
No matter how pleasing Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s words were, they were nothing more than an attempt to agitate Austria to send troops to Turin and help him restore his country.
These days, the credibility of European countries was not great, and even Austria, known for its decent reputation, was not entirely trusted by Victor Emmanuel III.
The war between France and Austria had already started, but who knows, they might reconcile soon. Such maneuvers had urred too frequently in European history.
After all, the war deration between the two countries was due to a Central European conflict, and following its outbreak, only a few symbolic battles were fought without genuine animosity.
If anything unexpected happened, such as a sudden ceasefire between France and Austria, his restoration movement would be doomed.
After calming down, General M?rck slowly said, "Your Majesty, rest assured. Our military strength is quite sufficient, and we canunch a three-front offensive simultaneously."
"Three-line simultaneous attack," such a brain-dead strategy. Victor Emmanuel III seriously doubted his ears, wondering if he had heard wrong.
"Your Excellency, the Commander, are you nning to use two fronts as a feint?"
It was not impossible tounch attacks on three fronts simultaneously, but the issue was that logistics would not be able to keep up unless the Austrian Army stayed in ce without any significant gains.
Otherwise, as the battle lines pushed forward, logistical chaos was inevitable. No amount of coordination could prevent it, for there are only so many roads. Once these exceed their carrying capacity, chaos is bound to ensue.
General M?rck smiled faintly and looked at a group of people from the Italian Independence Organization, offering no exnation.@@novelbin@@
Chapter 900 - 163, God of War
In the military, no idle words were spoken, and once General M?rck proposed a n for a three-line simultaneous attack, it was only natural that it would be implemented.
With amand from the headquarters, half of Italy was immediately plunged into the throes of war, with the Austrian armyunching a strong multi-front offensive from their positions in the Lombardy Region.
The booming sound of artillery, even dozens of miles away in Mn City, was clearly visible and one could even faintly feel the ground shake.
Looking toward Turin, Victor Emmanuel III let out a meaningful sigh, "Colosna, have you figured out the real intentions of the Austrians yet?"
Victor Emmanuel III was no greenhouse flower; he had a clear understanding of his own value.
The King of Sardinia was important to the Vienna government, but this importance was limited to political propaganda and was not enough to warrant such a grand disy by General M?rck, themander of the Southern Front.
Colosna, a middle-aged man, shook his head, "Not yet, our spywork in the Lombardy Region has already been cut off by the Austrians.
Even those who were lucky enough to escape have already distanced themselves from us early on, and the undercover contacts are no longer reachable.
I tried to visit a few nobles who were once inclined toward us, and was directly turned away.
Last night, I even received a few threatening letters, warning us not to make any small moves, otherwise they would not be polite."
It was evident that Colosna was currently very disheartened. The Kingdom of Sardinia could only rely on Austria even for their national restoration; under such circumstances, where would he get the courage to make any small moves?
After a harsh beating from society, the Italian Independent Organization didn¡¯t have the naive idealism of the Carbonari and had already been kicked out of the Italian Area long ago, along with Lombardy and Venice.
Even shouting slogans was not allowed because it was politically incorrect; their financial backers would not provide funds.
Now it was even more out of the question, with the Vienna government proposing to restore the situation after the 1815 Vienna Congress; they could only happily ept it.
Causing trouble in Lombardy was absolutely a disy of having a death wish. For these Sardinian restoration nationalists, Austria was their only option.
But for the Austrian government, they were just one option, and there were plenty of backups behind them.
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Since ancient times, the Germany Region had been producing kings. If worse came to worst, the Austrian government could even choose a new king for the people of Sardinia.
"Forget it, if we can¡¯t figure it out, let¡¯s just wait! Tell our people to try to stay indoors as much as possible to avoid upsetting the local snakes."
Having said that, Victor Emmanuel III sighed. With these developments, he too was very helpless.
Victor Emmanuel III still knew the historical background of the Austria-Sardinia War. With this thorn stuck in, any action they took in Lombardy would be amplified.
Perhaps Franz in faraway Vienna couldugh it off, but the Lombard throne so close by would definitely make them pay dearly.
Without a choice, the Wittelsbach Dynasty was an outsider, securing their royal seat with the support of the Vienna government but without deep roots locally.
Especially because two consecutive kings had mental illnesses, and the first king had also ascended the throne amid curses, one could only imagine the royal family¡¯s reputation among the people.
In such a context, the Wittelsbach Dynasty inevitably became overly cautious, extremely sensitive to any movements.
Victor Emmanuel III wanted to establish a base here, but it was simply impossible. Even some normal activities were restricted.
But there was no other way; this was the front line. As an ambitious king, Victor Emmanuel III had to personally be at the front line.
Otherwise, how could the Sardinian People feel his greatness?
If one day the Austrian army conquered Turin and he as the King did not arrive immediately, what if someone else seized the opportunity first?
These days, those eligible to inherit the throne of Sardinia were not just one or two; inside Austria, too, there were many nobles eyeing this crown eagerly.
Although Victor Emmanuel III was considered the legitimate King of the Kingdom of Sardinia, he had not yet officially ascended the throne, and legally speaking he was only the heir.
If someone with inheritance rights shamelessly took the throne first, creating a fait apli, it was unclear whom the Vienna government might support.
Even without these troubles, the most popr saying these days was "Bandits pass like ab, soldiers like a brush."
If Victor Emmanuel III did not rush to the front line to keep watch, once something happened, the Kingdom of Sardinia would turn into a nk te.
Then, when the Austrian army packed up and left, he would be left behind to clean up the mess.
One could not test the traditional friendship of Austria-Sardinia, expecting the Austrian army to spare the Kingdom of Sardinia in consideration of their traditional friendship.
Useful or not, Victor Emmanuel III had to step up and stop it at a critical moment, or else why would the Sardinian People ept him as their King?
After all, Victor Emmanuel II had not left him any legacy, only the infamy of a fool and megalomaniac.
Both internationally and in the eyes of many Sardinian People, Victor Emmanuel II was considered the chief culprit in the demise of Sardinia.
The Austria-Sardinia War was considered the biggest decision-making disaster of the Sardinian government, not only killing itself but also dragging down other Italian states in the Italian Area.
...
The actions of Victor Emmanuel III and his party did not escape the eyes and ears of General M?rck.
In this era of war, the front line was dominated by the military. As themander of the Austrian Southern Front, it was natural for the intelligence department to provide news to General M?rck.
Putting down the document in his hands, General M?rck looked out the window, "As long as the Sardinians don¡¯t take particrly excessive actions, just let them be.
In the uing battle, we still need their cooperation; straining the rtionship would not look good for anyone."
True love neversts from ancient times, only schemes endure forever.
The People of Sardinian still have their value, so General M?rck didn¡¯t mind giving Victor Emmanuel III plenty of face.
It was no longer 1847, and Italian nationalism had long since lost its market in the Lombardy Region.
In the hearts of the younger generation, Italy was merely a regional name, belonging to the French. As for the Kingdom of Lombardy, it was naturally a part of the Germany Region.
One could look up historical materials¡ªthe People of Lombardy originated from the Teutons. ording to cultural traditions that demarcate regions, Lombardy definitely belonged to the Germany Region, having been part of the Holy Roman Empire hundreds of years ago.
All this started when France annexed the Italian Area, and the oue had already been sealed.
The greatest strength of mankind is reflection; its greatest w is also reflection. Overthinking inevitably leads to being deceived by what one sees.
After falling into despair, the literati of the Italian Area began to reflect. Under the guidance of some intentional figures, they quickly identified the reasons for the decline of the Italian states¡ªrigid system and overly conservative thoughts and culture.
In this context, a movement of doubt and criticism against the traditional culture erupted in the Italian Area.
After the intellectual turmoil ended, the ideological field in Italy also split, mainly forming three systems: Austrian, English, and French, each advocating the emtion of the three countries to establish a powerful Kingdom of Italy.
Everyone was anxious about the country and its people, just not very patient. Not knowing how to learn, they simply decided to learn from everyone.
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This ideological change had a tremendous impact on the Italians of Lombardy and Vo.
The intellectuals who were initially inclined to establish a Kingdom of Italy became utterly disillusioned with Italian traditional culture. How could they abandon advanced ideas and revert to studying outdated ones?
Since the ideological revolution erupted in the Italian Area in 1873, the Italians in the Lombardy region had not been resistant to Austriation, and the pace of national integration quickly elerated.
To this day, in terms of cultural customs, there is not much difference between Lombardy and Austria; the biggest difference now between the two ces is only in their dietary habits.
...
The sounds of cannon fire continued; the power of the world¡¯s leading industrial nation was now fully revealed. The artillery shells seemed as if they cost nothing, flooding towards the French positions like a tide.
One artillery shell exploded upon hitting the ground, sending shrapnel and dust flying everywhere, apanied by screams; the French Army suffered three more injured.
Colonel Novik, who had narrowly escaped, very experiencedly wiped the dust from his mouth and immediately cursed, "Damn it! Where is our artillery? Why aren¡¯t they retaliating?"
This wasn¡¯t the first time it had happened. In just three days, Colonel Novik¡¯s headquarters had been visited by artillery shells countless times.
Just at the headquarters alone, there had already been 3 deaths and 7 injuries, including 3 officers.
You should know this ce was the headquarters of a regiment, which had constructed simple anti-artillery fortifications, greatly reducing the lethality of the artillery shells.
The deputy next to him answered helplessly, "Colonel, our artillery is also firing back, but they are being suppressed by the enemy."
To be honest, the quality of the artillery of France and Austria was not much different. The French Army was being suppressed solely because the Austrian Army was more prepared.
The French Army had amassed over thirteen hundred artillery pieces on the southern front. The number of Austrian artillery pieces was about three times that, including a significant part of rapid-fire guns, instantly widening the disparity in firepower between the two sides.
As soon as the artillery battle started, the French were dumbfounded. The firepower of the two sides was not on the same level at all, affecting all battlefields.
The deficiency in the number of artillery pieces wasn¡¯t something that could be resolved quickly. Although France¡¯s industry was not weak, who would keep a huge number of artillery pieces at home unnecessarily?
This war can also be regarded as sudden, as it erupted much earlier than the French government had nned.
Being able to deploy over thirteen hundred artillery pieces on the southern front in just a few months already proved the strength of France.
After all, Central Europe was the main battlefield, and the French had no choice but to focus most of their attention there, prioritizing artillery for the Central European battlefield.
Colonel Novik shook his head, "Is this also considered retaliation? If you don¡¯t listen carefully, you can¡¯t even hear our gunfire.
Send a cable to the highmand, request fire support.
Immediately!
If this continues, our forces will copse before the enemy even attacks."
Fighting a battle without counterattacking is unbearable for anyone. Due to continuous bombing, the front-line French Soldiers had long lost their former arrogance.
In fact, Colonel Novik¡¯s regiment was still rtively good; most of the soldiers were from maind France, and their will to fight was still strong.
Having suffered over ten percent casualties in the bombardment, the unit had not yet copsed, fully deserving the title of elite.
If this had happened in the newly formed units with higher numbers of Italian soldiers, a mutiny might already have urred by now.
...
Colonel Novik¡¯s roaring did not change the French Army¡¯s dire situation, as Marshal Adrien was also troubled by the same problem.
There was no way around it¡ªwho would have thought France was not prepared enough?
From the start of the war, the French Forces had expanded nearly tenfold, and ensuring every person had a rifle was already a significant effort by the officials in Paris.
Marshals Adrien, dismissing Colonel Novik¡¯s request for reinforcements, stared at the map and began to seriously consider how to counterattack.
Chapter 901 - 164: Battle for the Canal
Although General Molex had seized the upper hand on the battlefield, he was in no hurry at all.
Apart from symbolic offensives that continually put pressure on the French Army, the Austrian army made almost no significant moves, allowing the French to maneuver their troops freely.
As the chances for victory slipped away day by day and the Austrian army remained inactive, Victor Emmanuel III watched with urgency in his heart and helplessness in his eyes.
Despite being a top graduate of Sandhurst Royal Military Academy and having never led troops, Victor Emmanuel III was notcking basic militarypetence.
Yet, as king, his dignified title bore no real power.
After several unsessful attempts to persuade General Molex tounch a full-scale attack, Victor Emmanuel III even protested to the Vienna Government, demanding a change ofmand.
Without a doubt, such a request naturally went unsupported. On the southern front, it seemed as though Austria had the upper hand, but that was not necessarily the case if they really went into battle.
The French were not as easy to bully as the Kingdom of Sardinia, and couldn¡¯t simply be pushed over. Theplex terrain and poor infrastructure of the Italian Area posed challenges for the Austrian army.
Should the battlefront advance a few hundred kilometers, the Austrian¡¯s advantage in firepower would no longer exist. It wasn¡¯t that Austria was short on weapons and ammunition, but that their transportation couldn¡¯t keep up.
Without the advantage in firepower, facing a French Army that held the favorable terrain, the Austrians would undoubtedly suffer heavy losses.
This was already proven in the original timeline. After World War I broke out, the Austro-Hungarian Empire could easily trounce Italy with a small force; but as the frontline moved forward, they quickly lost to terrain and logistics, facing a tragic reversal after initial victories.
The conservative offensive strategy on the southern line was, of course, orchestrated by Franz. In his view, it was more valuable to keep the French Italian Legion intact than to annihte them.
Countless examples had shown that more troops did not necessarily lead to better oues, as arger army also meant greater consumption. Despite France¡¯s robust strength, sustaining millions of soldiers was a formidable challenge.
The more troops France sent to the Italian Area, the happier Franz was.
Large forces were needed on the Central European Battlefield, in Egypt, on the southern front, and in Africa...
Where could the French government find so many armies? Based on their poption of just over thirty million, it was impossible to form so many troops.
To address the shortage of soldiers, the French government had to either arm colonial natives or recruit vast numbers of Italians to enlist.
Either scenario would lead to a decline in French fighting capability, and the more they expanded their forces, the more significantly theirbat strength would fall.
Inparison, the Anti-French Alliance had a much greater advantage in this respect. Even though expanding armies would decrease troop quality, their personnel were highly skilled!
It could be said that with each expansion of their forces, the scales of victory tilted a bit more toward the Anti-French Alliance.
The European Continent was not made up of just France and Austria as the major powers. If the war situation suddenly became clear, it would instantly lead to international interventions.
No country would stand idly by and watch Austria dismantle France. Otherwise, France would have been torn apart back in 1815 and wouldn¡¯t have had to wait until now.
A quick and decisive victory might look impressive, but it was impossible to truly cripple France, leaving endless troubles behind.
Apart from a nominal victory, Austria could hardly gain any significant benefits. Not even the unification of the Germany Region was certain.
Unless absolutely necessary, nobody wanted to have a new boss over them.
Franz desired a Shinra Empire that everyone would cry out to join, not one forcibly united by military power, fraught with internal conflicts and perpetually on the brink of splintering.
As for driving out the French and liberating Italy, that was just a political slogan shouted out for the Italians to hear. It was never the Vienna Government¡¯s intention from the start to the end.
All in all, Victor Emmanuel III¡¯s hopes were in vain, considering the war had been started merely to draw French forces.
...
Suez Canal
A nce at the map reveals that whoever controls this Golden Waterway holds the initiative in this war.
Since the outbreak of hostilities, Austria hadunched attacks on French Egypt from various regions such as Austrian Sudan, Libya, and the Sinai Penins.
The sounds of thunderous cannon fire continued, and the once busy Suez Canaly silent for the moment.
With no ships passing through, the port naturally fell into a slump. Coupled with the war, arge exodus of civilians fleeing the chaos left Suez Port mostly upied by French soldiers.
Unlike others, the astute John did not flee but instead expanded his small tavern.
Soldiers, like everyone else, needed rxation, especially in times of war. A ce to vent was essential, and alcohol was indispensable.
Far from declining due to the conflict, business at the tavern thrived even more, bringing John an irrepressible smile.
```
I truly hope this war can continue on, preferablysting forever, just like the Hundred Years¡¯ War...
The only downside is that many French Soldiers have no tolerance for alcohol, often losing themselves after just a few drinks and frequently getting into brawls.
Injuries are inevitable, and while people may dodge, the tavern¡¯s tableware and furniture are not so fortunate.
Just now, John had to deal with another brawl. To say he dealt with it is to say he did nothing but notify an officer toe and collect the people involved.
Unfortunately, the person in question was a pauper; he had been searched all over and still not a single franc was found on him.
With no money, there¡¯s no choice but to chalk it up to bad luck and reluctantly agree to deferredpensation, as John really couldn¡¯t do anything about it.
This is the front line, after all; any day now, these unlucky sods could be collecting theirst meal. The dead don¡¯t need to pay debts.
If these were the only losses, John could have written them off. After all, prices at the Suez Port had already skyrocketed due to war.
What truly worried John was the situation on the battlefield. He didn¡¯t even need to go out to gather information; he could analyze a good deal just by listening to the conversations of his patrons.
Such-and-such unit suffered heavy casualties, such-and-such person narrowly escaped death, such-and-such unlucky sod...
Whether secrecy was needed or not, all was revealed after a few drinks.
The speaker may be careless, but the listener is not.
The battle for the Suez Canal continues, and John couldn¡¯t predict the final oue, but heavy losses on the French side were an undeniable fact.
Suez Port is also the front line, and if the Austrian army chooses this ce as a breakthrough point, the tavern¡¯s business couldn¡¯t possibly continue.
@@novelbin@@
Although John loved money, he valued his life even more. On the battlefield, guns and shells show no mercy, and one careless moment could mean a meeting with God.
The Paris Government had already issued a conscription order for all citizens. In times of crisis, the Governor of Egypt had the power to draft all Frenchmen within its territory.
A week ago, the Governor of Egypt had already issued a conscription order. By the rules, John should have already reported to the barracks.
However, there are always exceptions, and privileges exist everywhere. With the help of some francs, John feigned illness and sessfully dodged the draft.
But avoiding the draft on the first day doesn¡¯t guarantee safety on the fifteenth. Based on his years of life experience, John was certain that if the situation on the battlefield worsened, the colonial government¡¯s conscription efforts would only intensify.
Perhaps by that time, they¡¯d skip even the medical examination; as long as one isn¡¯t missing limbs, they¡¯d be sent to the front line.
This was the reason why the wealthy were leaving Suez Port. They were people of standing, how could they go to the battlefield to risk their lives?
Even though everyone had confidence in France, that was confidence in the homnd and not in the Egyptian Colonial Government.
Without John making up his mind, the war had already spread to Suez Port. The Suez Canal was indeed too narrow, mere hundreds of meters apart, which simply couldn¡¯t escape the range of artillery fire.
As the booming sounds continued to echo, cannonballs raining from the sky began to rampage through this emerging city like a meteor shower.
Without any hesitation, John joined the throng of refugees. From tonight onwards, this city had officially be a military port.
...
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"Fick, you fool. I told you to prepare the boats, and all you got are these pieces of junk, which might sink on their own once put in water, what use are they?"
A middle-aged officer roared at his subordinate, clearly infuriated. The n was to secretly attack Suez Port, but when they arrived, there were simply no ships.
Fick, the young officer, hurriedly exined, "Colonel, you can¡¯t me me for this. The Suez Canal is too narrow, and the enemy¡¯s artillery can cover it entirely.
From a mere couple of hundred meters away, any gunner can score a hit. Large ships simply can¡¯t hide, so we could only make do with some rafts.
But rest assured, we destroyed the French¡¯srge ships on the other side, so there¡¯s no need to worry they¡¯llunch a surprise attack."
Hearing this exnation, theplexion of the middle-aged officer grew even worse. Without enough boats, just relying on a bunch of rafts to cross the river was unthinkable.
The Sinai Penins is not a kind ce, unlike other regions. If the Vienna Government hadn¡¯t implemented fallowing and relocated poptions early to curb desertification, local sources wouldn¡¯t even be able to provide water for the troops.
Apart from a few garrisons, the Sinai Penins was virtually a no man¡¯snd. With no people around, the idea of improvising local solutions for boats was simply impossible.
Supplying ships from the homnd might be easy, but they would be destroyed by enemy fire before even entering the canal.
Hitting a ship across a distance of two to three hundred meters is far too easy. In this light, crossing the river wouldn¡¯t be smooth sailing even if they had ships.
```
Chapter 903 - 166: The Filled Passage
The battle raged on, the sunlight sporadically fell, casting a blood-red reflection on the river surface, creating an atmosphere as eerie as the mythic river of hell.
The wooden rafts used for crossing the river were mostly destroyed in priorbat, and the enemy¡¯s position remained as stable as Mount Tai.
Even small units that managed toplete the crossing fell to the fierce resistance of the French Army and were forced to retreat.
This wasn¡¯t about desertion. ording to European cultural traditions, soldiers who had run out of ammunition could surrender, and the Austrian Army was no exception.
The soldiers involved in the stealth attack had undergone swimming training, so even the Suez Canal couldn¡¯t stop their advance.
@@novelbin@@
Moreover, the rafts destroyed by artillery fire served as perfect tools for escape, so surrender was unnecessary.
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However, the journey back was far from smooth, as French Soldiers periodically shot at the river surface. Thankfully, the French Army had not yet equipped machine guns on arge scale, otherwise there would have been no chance for retreat.
After setting down his binocrs, Colonel Bodman abandoned hisst hope, his facial expression bing fierce as if embroiled in a fierce inner conflict.
"Order the artillery" hemanded, "adjust the aim to the opposite riverbank, switch to solid shot, and attack with full force!"
For the canal¡¯s safety, both France and Austria had been using shrapnel shells since the battle began, reserving solid rounds for attacking the fortifications across the river.
The chief of staff cautioned, "Colonel, breaking the opposite riverbank could block the canal, and then..."
Colonel Bodman waved his hand to interrupt, "Wrong, we are only attacking the enemy¡¯s fortress. Any damage to the riverbank would be because the French, seeing the trend turning against them, deliberately destroyed it in their escape."
It was a far-fetched justification, but Colonel Bodman could not bother with that anymore, as something was better than nothing. If headquarters couldn¡¯t make a decision, then he would make it for them.
Political issues were not for him, a colonel, to consider. Purely from a military standpoint, hismand waspletely correct.
As for the repercussions, they would test the diplomatic capabilities of the Austrian Government and just how thick their skin was.
After struggling for a while, the chief of staff eventually chose topromise. The samemand, issued by different people, carried entirely different political implications.
"He whomands from afar may not obey imperialmands."
It wasn¡¯t just an empty saying, and it applied in Austria as well. Furthermore, the Emperor had not issued amand forbidding the destruction of the canal. It was the Austrian Government that had requested the Suez be protected.
The war zonemand was a special wartime institution. During the war, the military and administrative powers at the frontline were tightly held, and as the Commander, General Fev had to consider all aspects, including the government¡¯s demands.
But it was different for middle-ranking officers like Colonel Bodman; they were loyal only to the Emperor and had no responsibility towards the government.
Even if the government was displeased, they couldn¡¯t bypass the Emperor and intervene directly in military affairs.
As long as the battle was won, the government would have to withhold itsints, as no one in Austria could arbitrarily target a war hero without cause.
The real risky in suffering defeat on the battlefield.
Yet, the enemies gave Colonel Bodman confidence; more than half of their defending troops were natives. If they couldn¡¯t win against them, he wouldn¡¯t have the face to continue in the military.
...
With the new round of bombardment starting, the riverbank on the opposite side began to crumble under the ferocious artillery attack.
By the time themand headquarters received the news, everything was set in stone, and there essentially was no other choice but to keep going.
General Fev wanted to cry but had no tears; just an hour before, he had sent a telegraph to the Emperor asking whether to clear a passage, and then the incident happened immediately.
It was toote to retreat, and the urgent telegraphs from the front line were delivered immediately; now Fev had to send another telegram to exin despite feeling apprehension.
As for whether Colonel Bodman, the instigator, was a hero or a criminal, that would depend on the developments of the battle; Fev was not in the mood to pursue responsibility at the moment.
Without any hesitation, General Fev made a decision, "Order all troops at the front, no more hesitancy, let everyone act boldly.
Now I have only one demand, to cross the river in the shortest time possible, defeat the French opposite us, and take the Suez Canal entirely."
If soldiers wanted to stand tall, they needed to speak with their battle achievements. As long as they won on the battlefield, these issues would merely be bygones.
¡
In the Vienna Pce, looking at the twopletely different telegrams in his hand, Franz didn¡¯t know whether to praise General Fev for his obedience or to criticize his stubbornness.
After thinking it over, Franz still felt it was better for the high-level generals at the front to be more obedient, after all, they were more reliable that way!
As for the presumptuous Colonel Bodman, that was even less of an issue. Being a pure military man, solely considering issues from a military perspective, was exactly what Franz wanted.
He would rather deal with the aftermath for these simple-minded fellows than have generals at the front turn into hesitant politicians, thetter spelling disaster.
Before Franz could reply, members of the Cab came knocking, and from their expressions, it was clear they were in a very bad mood.
Thinking about it, it made sense; the carefully cultivated international political advantage was now thoroughly disrupted, a situation that would upset anyone.
"Your Majesty, the incident in the Middle East War Zone..."
Before Foreign Minister Weisenberg could finish, Franz interrupted, "Enough, I already know about the Suez Canal.
At this point, discussing these things is useless, and even if we were to assign me, that would be a matter for after the war.
The pressing issue now is figuring out what to do next! The French are not frightening, with the Parisian old masters dragging their feet, even if someone in the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs notices the problem and tries to take advantage, these folks will spoil their ns.
The trouble is with the British, don¡¯t forget that not long ago they were inciting the countries of Europe, wanting to unite them to jointly manage the Suez Canal.
Interest moves people, and the Suez Canal, this piece of fat meat, has long been coveted by everyone.
Before, the canal had been jointly held by us and the French, forcing other countries to restrain their ambitions.
With the current incident, the British have even more grounds to demand international management, and who knows how many more countries the British might persuade next."
Changing the subject was a basic skill that Franz had honed over his many years as Emperor. After all, he was the Emperor, and his subordinates were unlikely to disrespect him by dwelling persistently on one issue.
Now, during a war, internal conflicts must absolutely be avoided, so it was better to provoke external conflicts instead.
As the war progressed, Franz hade to see that no matter how powerful the butterfly effect, this world was still apetition of the least awful.
From the French¡¯s performance, it was clear; despite being given so many opportunities, they had now failed to strike Belgium and push into the heart of the Germany Region.
Since that was the case, putting a bit more me on the British would do no harm, as they were stillpeting with the Russians. Even if they entered the fray personally, they could not afford to ignore India to assist the French.
Moreover, this might not necessarily be a miscarriage of justice, considering John Bull¡¯s style, such situations were almost inevitable.
The topic had been diverted, so the Foreign Minister, initially furious and eager to find fault with the Middle East War Zone, had to calm down and think of a strategy.
A momentter, Foreign Minister Weisenberg slowly said, "Your Majesty, the British Government has always been covetous of the Suez Canal, and they will likely not miss this opportunity to cause trouble.
Given the current international situation, Belgium, Germany, Montenegro, and Greece are our allies and will definitely not heed the call of the British.
Switzend and Nethends, limited by their geographical locations, are unlikely to take sides before the oue of the anti-French war is clear.
The French want to monopolize the Suez Canal, and before the failure of the war in Europe, the French government is mostly against the international co-management of the canal.
In the short term, the British can at most stir up some public opinion to trouble us, but this is not enough to form an absolute advantage."
The international situation remains chaotic, and in the face of interests, there are no absolute friends or enemies, onlymon interests.
Although the Tsarist and Austrian governments are still allies, Weisenberg could not be sure if the Tsarist Government would support Austria on the Suez Canal issue, after all, the Vienna Government couldn¡¯t possibly share the benefits of the canal with them.
On the contrary, the French, currently at war, would definitely oppose the international co-management of the Suez Canal as they stand united with Austria on this issue.
Prime Minister Carl said, "As long as we can dy until we defeat the French on the battlefield, none of this will be a problem.
By then, we can use the French interests to win over Spain and Switzend, in addition to the independent Italian countries and our current allies, and the European Continent will be under our control.
However, before that, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs must not rx its vignce, especially since the Afghan war has calmed down recently, we need to be even more cautious."
There was no way around it, in international politics there are no eternal friends, only eternal interests. If there was no betrayal, it was only because the incentives for betrayal were not sufficient.
Now as France and Austriapete for dominance in Europe, the Austrian Government had to be more vignt, as the stakes at the gambling table were high enough now.
Not to mention directly warring France, Britain, and Russia, who are qualified to vie for dominance, might as well seize the opportunity at a critical moment.
Looking at Austria¡¯s military operations, one can see that on the African battlefield and in the struggle for the Suez Canal, no troops from the maind were reassigned there; instead, colonial troops or, in other words, local troops from Africa were responsible for implementation.
Of the more than three million troops slowly mobilized, only a few hundred thousand on the southern front were actually engaged in battle; the rest, apart from a million reinforcing Central Europe, were still nesting at home.
Logically, dispatching these troops should have been sufficient to meet the current operational needs. However, the mobilization continued.
This was partly due to concerns about French forces overwhelming the frontlines and facing defeat, but also due to distrust of the Russians.
...
The government¡¯s decisions had no impact on the front-line fighting. Once the bow was drawn, there was no turning back, what was done had to be seen through to the end.
Relying on bombardment to fill the Suez Canal was too time-consuming, so to hasten the pace, the front-line troops had to buildndfills under the threat of enemy fire.
Watching vehicles hit by enemy artillery, smoking and stalled mid-route, Colonel Bodman¡¯s brow furrowed deeply.
It¡¯s important to realize that vehicles were raremodities; besides the main domestic forces that were heavily equipped, overseas forces had only a few in logistics.
The troops stationed in the Middle East were lucky because it was an oil-producing region, and Austria had refineries there, making fuel supply convenient, which allowed each battalion to have apany of vehicles.
However, this was only prior to the war; since the major expansion of the army, such benefits had ended.
The newly produced military vehicles were prioritized for the local troops; very few were allocated to the Middle East War Zone.
Without exception, Colonel Bodman¡¯s infantry division was also expanded, swelling from a single regiment to a division before the war.
While other weapons were avable from the armories, the number of vehicles remained the same as in the original motor transportpany, mainly used for transporting logistics materials.
Watching these treasures fall on the battlefield, Colonel Bodman¡¯s heart kept bleeding.
After hesitating for a long time, Colonel Bodman seemed to make a difficult decision and said firmly, "Order the motor transportpany to cease operations temporarily, we¡¯ll discuss this again in the evening!"
There was no way around it¡ªthe vehicles were simply toorge a target, and on average, after three to five trips, one vehicle would heroically perish.
As long as victory could be achieved, the loss of many vehicles was deemed worthwhile. However, at this rate, the motorpany would be finished before the Suez Canal could be filled.
Waiting for reinforcements was certainly an option, but time had passed. The forces initiating the canal-filling operation were not limited to Colonel Bodman¡¯s division alone; the Austrian army was attacking from multiple points.
After all, if the French Army was defeated, they would destroy the canal; creating a few extra pathways was no big deal.
"Colonel, if we stop now and rely solely on animal transport, it will be very difficult to be the first toplete the mission," the chief of staff warned.
As the force that took the initiative to destroy and fill the Suez Canal, if they could not promptly create a path for the army to cross, Colonel Bodman¡¯s future would indeed have no "brightness."
"We have no choice; the vehicles are toorge a target and it¡¯s hard to evade enemy artillery. The enemy has constructed well-fortified fortifications, and in a short time, we are unable to destroy their fire points.
If we persist, our losses will be substantial. Unlike these exiled criminalborers, the motorpany is a technical unit; if we lose our ¡¯seed¡¯ force, we cannot replenish it," he said.
Thanks to Franz¡¯s Major Reforestation Strategy,rge numbers of criminals were exiled to the Middle East every year, and naturally, these individuals were transformed intoborers as war broke out.
Laborers are a valuable asset of Austria, but oncebeled as "criminals," their value plummets instantly, transforming from a precious "asset" into a societal "cancer."
...
At the Cairo French Army Command, since the news of the Austrian army¡¯s canal-filling operation reached him, Governor Jacob¡¯s mood had soured.
Originally, he had nned to take the Sinai Penins and secure the Suez Canal to establish a resounding military achievement for France.
Unfortunately, ns change faster than situations; just as he began to take action, the Austrian army from the African Continent arrived, plunging Egypt into a dire situation surrounded by enemies on all sides.
Facing fierce enemies, the troops on the border couldn¡¯t withstand the pressure, forcing Governor Jacob to both contract his defense lines and desperately pull in reinforcements to support the frontline.
Pulling troops to the frontline of the canal also became inevitable. After all, the Egypt Area had just suffered major turmoil a few years ago with heavy poption losses; even if Governor Jacob wished to engage in total warfare, he didn¡¯t have enough of a workforce.
Initially, Governor Jacob had hoped that the Austrian army would be deterred by international pressure, afraid to easily destroy the "eternally neutral" Suez Canal.
If only it could hold out for a few months, once the homnd settled its battles, the situation in the Egypt Area would turn from defeat into victory.
Unfortunately, the "international pressure" proved to be a weak deterrent, punctured just a few days into the dy.
Though he was frustrated, Governor Jacob still had some confidence in his own managed canal defense line; even if it was impossible to defeat the enemy, it wouldn¡¯t be breached quickly.
"Order the troops along the canal to rely on their fortifications for local defense, give the enemy a fierce counterattack, and disy the might of the French Army¡"
Chapter 904 - 167, Sabotaging Teammates Mid-Section
Wave after wave, one problem follows another.
Before the Vienna Government couldplete the aftermath of destroying the canal, the Central European battlefield underwent another change.
After a bitter struggle of 27 days and at the cost of nearly 50,000 casualties, the French Army still broke through the Luxembourg Line carefully maintained by the German Federation, leaving the gates to the Germany Region wide open.
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There¡¯s a skill to letting down your ally. If it had been earlier, Archduke Albrecht wouldn¡¯t have minded the French romping through the Germany Region. After all, Austria¡¯s reinforcements were still too far away to be criticized by anyone.
But now it¡¯s different. The Austrian reinforcements had already reached the front lines, with the nearest troops less than thirty kilometers from Luxembourg. Standing by and watching an ally be destroyed was now out of the question.
However, rescuing them was no easy task. These troops had their own missions, and the Belgian people were counting on them for salvation.
Unlike the German Federation, Belgium was a truly tiny country. War had pushed the entire nation to its limits, necessitating the call to arms of all able-bodied men and full mobilization of its war potential.
There was no choice; it was an issue of geographical fate. After the war broke out, the weak Belgian Kingdom had no choice but to bear the brunt of thebat duties in the Anti-French Alliance.
With Austria too far away and the German Federation acting too slowly to provide timely support, the Belgian Kingdom had to bite the bullet and hold firm, now reaching its limit.
Since Belgium had held on until now, Archduke Albrecht couldn¡¯t just stand by and watch them fall. As soon as the reinforcements arrived, he immediately ordered additional troops to aid Belgium.
As for Luxembourg and the Rhinnd front, the German Federation had more manpower and rtively sufficient forces.
However, reality can be ironic. The teetering Belgian Kingdom hadn¡¯t yet copsed when the more powerful German Federation¡¯s defense line was the first to be breached.
"How could the line in Luxembourg, defended by 350,000 troops, suddenly copse, when more than 400,000 German soldiers in the Rhinnd region could have provided support?"
Archduke Albrecht asked irritably.
He had every reason to be angry. The Luxembourg Line should not have failed now, of all times.
If the line had copsed a few days earlier, Austrian reinforcements would still be on their way, and naturally, there would be no responsibility to bear. If it had held on for a few more days until the main forces of the Austrian army had arrived, there wouldn¡¯t have been a fear of confronting the French in battle.
But not now. The Austrian vanguard that had reached the front consisted of only fifteen divisions, sufficient to reinforce Belgium and stabilize the defense line.
To engage in a decisive battle with the French without being several timesrger was hopeless. Archduke Albrecht certainly didn¡¯t believe the Austrian army could ovee the odds.
The German Federation Army General Herr Adrian, responsible for coordination, exined with a bitter taste, "Your Excellency the Marshal, this was entirely unexpected.
You know we have many sub-states. This is the first time the states are acting in concert, and inevitably there are somemand issues, so..."
To say there were "somemand issues" was a generous description from General Adrian.
In reality, themand issues of the German Federation¡¯s military had never been sorted out.
Each sub-state¡¯s army had its ownmand authority. Themander-in-chief appointed by the central government served more like a coordinator in a military alliance, without binding power over the troops of the sub-states.
Even the battle ns were made collectively by representatives of the sub-states. Even in a crisis, decisions had to be made in meetings, or else the states¡¯ troops would simply ignore themand.
Fortunately, the German Army always relied on fortress fortifications for defense, requiring little troop movement. Otherwise, this chaoticmand system would have led to their defeat by the French long ago.
What can be deferred will one daye to pass. The consequences of this chaoticmand system finally erupted, costing the German Federation the Luxembourg Line.
Archduke Albrecht waved his hand to cut off General Adrian¡¯s lengthy discourse, "All right, now is not the time to assign me, and I¡¯ve no interest in those rotten issues.
Tell me now, how far have the French advanced, and what is the situation with the front-line troop losses? Or rather, how many troops do you have control over?"
Defeat on the battlefield inevitably leads to chaos. Especially since the German Federation¡¯s army was in disarray, the situation was even more perilous.
At this moment, Archduke Albrecht could only hope that his troops would demonstrate their potential when fleeing, managing to preserve their vitality as much as possible to slow down the French¡¯s advance in the uing battles.
Adrian replied solemnly, "After continuous fighting, the troops at the front are already exhausted in body and mind. When sudden defeat struck, many units were scattered.
We are currently regrouping the dispersed soldiers, and preliminary estimates are that we have lost more than half of our forces.
With the enemy breaching the defense line, they have split into two directions, one marching towards Belgium and the other advancing into the Rhinnd region."
With a heavy heart, he stopped there. It was too embarrassing to continue. Not only was their own defense line breached, but they had also let down Belgium miserably.
Letting down an ally might not be such a terrible thing, and General Adrian was no saint, but if Belgium fell, the German Federation would not escape disaster either.
The Austrian allies had indeede, but the Austrian forces that had reached the front were limited and simply unable to fill the gap.
Looking at the map, Archduke Albrecht said coldly, "There will be no more reinforcements. The situation at the front has gone too far, and these ten-odd divisions at my disposal can¡¯t cover both fronts.
The immediate priority is to figure out how to hold the Rhine River and create conditions for a counter-attack. As for other regions, now is the time to abandon them if necessary.
Your Excellency should understand the importance of the Rhine River. If you don¡¯t want to see the French galloping through the hearnd of the Germany Region, then immediately consolidate your forces and defend the position."
Appearing troubled on the surface, Archduke Albrecht was inwardly delighted.
Engaging in a decisive battle with the French on German soil as opposed to French territory, was apletely different scenario.
Apart from military gains, the political gains are even more important. The defeat of the German Army on the front line will inevitably awaken the German People¡¯s sense of crisis.
In some ways, the more tragic the defeat at the front now, the higher the call for unification after the war.
Especially the people who have personally experienced this war will be able to appreciate the importance of a strong nation even more.
Lesser Germany, led by Hanover, clearly cannot meet everyone¡¯s needs. By then, public opinion will spontaneously drive the unification of the Germany Region, forming a major trend.
As for the numerous Sub-State governments with their own hidden agendas, after experiencing this war, they should be about ready to face reality, especially the Sub-States that suffered directly from the war, which will need Austria¡¯s help more after the conflict.
Taking a pause, Archduke Albert added, "By the way, you¡¯ll have to exin things yourself regarding Belgium."
Exining, when things have reached this point, any exnation is futile. No matter how eloquently spoken, it won¡¯t change the reality of Belgium being betrayed.
If it doesn¡¯t want to lose everything, the Belgian government will have no choice but to give up most of the country¡¯s territory and defend a few military strongholds.
If they¡¯re lucky, they might hold out until the main Austrian army arrives; if they¡¯re unlucky, they will have to go into exile.
One can imagine that for a very long time toe, the rtionship between Germany and Belgium will not improve. In the wars that follow, the two countries can hardly be expected to cooperate.
But this is of no concern to Archduke Albert. For the great cause of unifying the Germany Region, some sacrifices are inevitable.
It¡¯s better to use the French as a tool to deal with these princes than for the Vienna Government to take matters into their own hands directly and reduce the power of the nobility.
"Marshal, there is still hope to plug the gap if we dispatch troops now, there¡¯s even a chance¡"
Before General Adrian could finish, Archduke Albert cut him off assertively, "Your Excellency, this is all wishful thinking on your part.
If it were possible to plug the gap, the Rhine Legion would have acted already. But so far, there has been no movement from them. Are they waiting for my orders, perhaps?
At this point, the most important thing is to stabilize the situation and create opportunities for a counterattack, not to gamble on the off-chance.
You should be aware that we cannot afford to lose now. If the front line suffers another defeat, the international situation will reverse, and countries that were inclined towards us might turn to the French."
There are always excuses aplenty, and Archduke Albert, having made up his mind to make a scapegoat of others, naturally won¡¯t be swayed.
...
In the Pce of Brussels, Leopold II, who had just woken up from a nap and had not yet had time to freshen up, received the shocking news of the copse of the Luxembourg Line.
Anyone with even a little military knowledge knows that once Luxembourg falls, Belgium¡¯s nk will be exposed to the French Army¡¯s front.
At this point in the war, the Kingdom of Belgium has already exhausted all its efforts; it simply cannot muster sufficient troops to form a left nk defense line in a short period.
"Ipetent!"
"They¡¯re all ipetent!"
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"Nearly eight hundred thousand troops, and they can¡¯t even hold onto a single Luxembourg. Are the generals of the German Federation idiots...?"
...
Facing the King¡¯s endless curses, no one bothered to correct the minor point that the German troops defending Luxembourg did not number eight hundred thousand.
"Your Majesty, the German troops are retreating, our left wing is now directly exposed to the enemy, and now we can only..."
Prime Minister Auguste still had political acumen; not knowing Leopold II¡¯s stance, he refrained from suggesting exile.
Perhaps the earlier venting had eased his mood, or maybe the Prime Minister¡¯s persuasion had an effect; the calmed Leopold II spoke gravely:
"Didn¡¯t Archduke Albert send us reinforcements? Send these troops up, they surely can¡¯t all be ipetent as well!"
"Your Majesty, those troops are noting. We¡¯ve just received a telegram from the Allied Command; Archduke Albert is nning to establish the Rhine Defense line.
They suggest we consolidate our forces, abandon unnecessary defenses, and only guard a few key areas, waiting for the next big counteroffensive."
Army General Desmet responded.
"Humph!"
"Waiting for the big counteroffensive, he says it as if it¡¯s easy. The battlefield isn¡¯t in Austria, so it doesn¡¯t matter to them how it goes.
But what about us?
What about our six million Belgian people?
Do we defend Brussels to the death, or do we flee to Austria?
..."
Leopold II raised a series of questions, continually assaulting everyone¡¯s psyche, as if conducting a soul-searching interrogation with no end in sight.
...
Chapter 905 - 168: Seizing Command
The copse of the Luxembourg Line had a profound impact, causing France¡¯s prestige to resound across the European Continent once again, as if the army that had once swept across Europe had returned.
Belgium was in panic, as were the many nations of the Germany Region. The rest of Europe was rmed, and even within Austria, there was a sense of panic.
Vienna Pce
Putting down the newspaper that boasted of France¡¯s invincibility, Franz nodded in satisfaction, "Well done. I believe in theing period, we will be able to reap considerable support."
The bnce of power policy in Europe was not just yed by the British. In fact, the majority of European countries supported this policy, as no one wanted a behemoth over their head.
Without a doubt, this war in Europe was crucial for the continuation of the bnce of power. Neither France nor Austria winning was desirable for anyone.
Now, with France gaining the upper hand, naturally, some would start to hold them back. To make the storm fiercer, Franz certainly needed to exaggerate France¡¯s strength.
The reality was right before their eyes; the German Federation, a mid-level power, relying on fortress defenses, had notsted a month against the French Army.
Remember, the former Kingdom of Prussia was not as powerful as the German Federation, yet it managed to go back and forth with the Russians, ultimately worn down by the Tsarist Government¡¯s tactics of using masses of troops.
With this stark contrast, who could dare say France was not the world¡¯s leadingnd power?
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Your Majesty, France¡¯s strength has already deeply ingrained itself in people¡¯s hearts. If we continue to build them up, it could easily spiral out of control.
The Foreign Ministry has learned that in recent times, countries such as Switzend, Nethends, and Portugal have been cozying up to the French, and the political istion of France that we painstakingly crafted is being shaken."
The survival tactic of small countries is to sway like grass on the top of a wall; now with the French in the ascendant, naturally, they would align themselves.
Of course, this alignment was not their true intention, but merely a necessity for survival, to ease rtions with the French.
Outwardly aligning while covertly continuing to backstab, as the French Empire appeared too aggressive and could threaten their security at any moment.
Franz shook his head, "No matter, these small nations move towards them, but the great powers are distancing themselves.
Have you noticed? Since the copse of the Luxembourg Line, our disruption of the Suez Canal has been selectively forgotten by everyone.
The members of the Italian Independence Organization detained by the British are about to be returned to their country, indicating the London Government remains very cautious about the French.
The Foreign Ministry must strive harder to urge the British to increase tariffs on exports to France, thus continuing to elevate the French¡¯s cost of war.
We must also not rx our public rtions efforts with Spain and Russia; although they are not very reliable, they can still troubleshoot for the French."
Franz appeared nonchnt, but inside, he was anything but calm. Now that the European nations could hold back the French, they could simrly hold back Austria in the future; opposition was geared towards whoever was powerful.
Yet, at this stage, to fulfill the Empire¡¯s unification strategy, France must be dealt with; to deal with France, the European nations must be managed.
Alright, Franz was sensible and chose to go with the flow, without any intention of confronting the European nations head-on.
The Austrian General Staff was not like the Showa General Staff, and they harbored no foolish intention to devise a strategy for conquering Europe. They were merely preparing to catch everyone off guard with a surprise attack.
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To achieve the strategic objective, Franz did not hesitate to restrain his frontlinemanders. Rather than suffering the political pressure from initial battlefield losses, he chose to...
...
"Hurry, run faster!"
"Filery, you fool. Hurry up and follow along, or the French will stab you in the behind!"
The middle-aged officer¡¯s urging voice rang out continually, albeit to little effect. There was no helping it; having been bewilderingly defeated in battle and then equally hazily fleeing, the military¡¯s morale had already vanished.
Though the Luxembourg Line had copsed, the German Army¡¯s retreat path had not been cut off; the French hade directly from the front, not impeding anyone¡¯s escape.
If it wasn¡¯t for the chaos within the Germanmand structure, where after a breach appeared at the front line no reserves were promptlymitted to plug it, resulting in all units fleeing in a panic, they wouldn¡¯t have been so disheveled now.
The scolded Filery replied breathlessly, "Colonel, we¡¯re already going as fast as we can. But we only have two legs for traveling¡ªhow can we outrun those with four?"
It was apparent that this was a unit from a small state. Only in the military of a small state could officers and soldiers interact so informally.
The middle-aged officer sternly reprimanded, "Filery, you are truly foolish. How many cavalrymen do the French have? With so many routed soldiers at the front, could they possibly handle all of them?"
The fact reiterated the truth of battlefield escapes: "It doesn¡¯t matter if you can¡¯t outrun the enemy, as long as you outrun your allies."
Due to historical issues, the rtionships among the German States were not as harmonious as they seemed on the surface, and Colonel Ryan felt no pressure in leaving his allies behind to escape.
It couldn¡¯t exactly be considered a loss. Right now, everyone was frantically fleeing for their lives, the front lines were lost, and the situation on the battlefield hadpletely deteriorated. It simply wasn¡¯t a situation that the small unit "Bremen Hansa" could reverse.
Being able to lead his troops in the retreat, rather than riding off alone on horseback, Colonel Ryan had indeed fulfilled his duty.
Perhaps because they had run fast enough, or perhaps because their will to survive had moved God, they had encountered no French forces from Luxembourg to Koblenz.
Upon arriving here, their flight for survival also came to an end. Seeing the Austrian army¡¯s g erected in front, Colonel Ryan breathed a sigh of relief and was about to step forward when a loud voice rang out.
"State your unit number,mander¡¯s name!"
The speaker was a young officer, holding a notebook, with a group of soldiers ready for battle behind him.
Facing ten gun barrels, anyone would feel ufortable, and Colonel Ryan was no exception. With a frown, he answered, "Bremen Hansa National Defense Force, Commander Colonel Ryan!"
No specific number needed. The Free City of Bremen Hansa was just the size of arge township, notable only for its bustlingmerce and dense poption.
The troops participating in this war numbered just a few hundred people; a reinforced battalion¡¯s organization was enough, and reporting the country¡¯s name was much more convenient than the unit number.
Perhaps realizing that his own and his group¡¯s appearance was not the best, Colonel Ryan emphasized his rank in the hope of receiving better treatment.
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To be honest, Ryan was not satisfied with his rank of Colonel. Compared to the highestmanders from other sub-states who were generals, his rank seemed inferior when they stood together.
Regrettably, the domestic parliamentarians did not agree, and strictly used hisck of military achievements as a reason to keep this military "big shot" at the rank of Colonel.
Hearing the word "Colonel," the young officer became much more polite. After all, they were allies and recognized each other¡¯s ranks, despite the considerable leeway within that recognition.
"May I ask, Colonel, in which year did you enlist, and what was your upation before enlistment?"
The routine questioning made Colonel Ryan visibly embarrassed as he reluctantly answered, "I enlisted three months ago, before which I was responsible for security in Bremen."
There was no helping it; Bremen Hansa was simply too small and could not afford a standing army. Typically, the domestic police would double as the military.
Possibly worried that his resume might not seem impressive and could be looked down upon, Colonel Ryan added, "When I was younger, I alsomanded a group of mercenaries and fought against the British in South Africa."
It was precisely because he had been on the battlefield that Ryan had been able to stand out from many novices and be themander of this unit.
The young officer opened his notebook, quickly flipping through it, and after a moment, smiled and said, "No problem with the details.
Colonel Ryan, on behalf of the Allied Command, I wee you and your troops."
Hearing "wee back," Colonel Ryan¡¯s expression abruptly became uneasy. There was no doubt they had been legally incorporated.
After much hesitation, Colonel Ryan steeled himself and said, "Your honor, we have just suffered a defeat at the front, and now the morale of our troops is utterly broken; the troops need necessary rest."
There was no alternative. In Luxembourg, when many small sub-states reported as a group, they had enough confidence to negotiate terms with the centrally appointedmanders.
Not anymore, the troops were scattered. Soldiers not knowing their generals, and generals not knowing their soldiers, was the most urate description.
The Allied Command was now gathering scattered troops, and would undoubtedly not help them restore their formations, as anypetentmander would seize this moment to takemand of the troops.
To reorganize the scattered soldiers and dissolve the sub-state based military system meant losing any bargaining power.
For the overall situation, this was most beneficial, as it would consolidate strength and maximizebat efficiency.
However, from the perspective of an individual or a small sub-state, the situation was entirely different. It meant that they would lose their say within the allied forces.
In theory, it would be more natural for the German Federal Government to handle such matters since it was, after all, the central government inw with the right to integrate the sub-states below it.
The Allied Command¡¯s stepping forward to gather and reorganize scattered troops was somewhat overreaching. But these were minor issues; currently, the Germanmand was inplete disarray and simply couldn¡¯t pay attention to this area.
By the time they realized what was happening, the facts on the ground would have been established; retrievingmand from Austria¡¯s hands would then only be possible through diplomatic proceedings with the Vienna Government.
As if he had thought of something, the young officer reassured, "Colonel, don¡¯t worry, you won¡¯t havebat duties for the short term.
Now, you should head to the camp, take a bath, rest well, and wait for orders."
Unable to contend against a stronger force, and seeing his tired soldiers behind him, Colonel Ryan reluctantly nodded.
...
Chapter 906 - 169: When Airships Meet Airplanes
On November 1, 1890, Archduke Albert and Leopold II held a historic meeting in Cologne, engaging in an in-depth exchange on the Anti-French issue.
Well, that¡¯s the official rhetoric. The reality was that after the Luxembourg Line copsed, the situation in Belgium deteriorated, and Leopold II could no longer maintain order,pelling him to go into exile.
Dreaming of holding Brussels was just that, a dream. With Belgium¡¯s capabilities, it simply did not have the strength to withstand the ferocious French onught.
Yet the situation had not reached a point of utter hopelessness, although the Luxembourg Line broke down and the German Federation suffered heavy losses, with Belgium on the brink of falling, it still could not change the fact that the war against France had only just begun.
Essentially, this war was concocted by France and Austria in their struggle for European hegemony, with Prussia and Germany being implicated for possessing valuable traits.
Belgium¡¯s strategic location and the resources of the German Federal Rhinnd region were the root causes of their entanglement.
Although Prussia and Germany suffered heavy losses, Austria, the leading brother, still retained its power. On the southern front, the Austrian army maintained its advantage; on the African Battlefield, Austrians were overwhelming the French.
However, the Austrian army had not achieved any substantial breakthroughs on the southern front, and the African Battlefield was overlooked by many, which made it seem as though the French held the upper hand when everyone turned their attention to the Central European Battlefield.
It wasn¡¯t time for ast-minute struggle, and Leopold II wasn¡¯t a reckless man. After receiving assurances from Archduke Albert, he decisively chose a strategic relocation.
The war continued, and the fate of Leopold II, or rather of Belgium, was now tied to Austria.
Winning this war meant that Belgium could reim its losses from the French, and might even advance a small step forward; losing, Leopold II would be a formal member of the throngs in exile.
Looking into the history books, one will find that in European history, royal families in exile have numbered over a hundred, yet very few have managed to restore their thrones, with most disappearing into the annals of history.
What happened behind the scenes, others may not understand, but Leopold II was certainly well-informed.
What exactly they experienced, might no longer be clear. In any case, except for a few royal families that naturally had no heirs, most were forcefully cut off.
Of course, behind these tragic figures, there was often a splendid disy of folly. The content is so foolish that not even the average novel or drama would dare depict it as such.
In the political system of Europe, as long as a king does not court death, he will not die.
Napoleon is an example, having indulged high-spiritedly, he was merely exiled, and the Bonaparte Dynasty wasn¡¯t annihted.
From the perspective of Leopold II, doggedly defending Brussels would be courting death. On the battlefield, bullets do not discriminate by rank or nobility, especially those that carry no responsibility.
This is not the most crucial point, kings do not need to be on the battlefield, and the chance of being identally injured is extremely low.
The key is that the French had the motivation to kill him. If France wanted to annex Belgium, he, as king, would be in the way.
Regicide is very serious in Europe; if not settled on the battlefield, the French would have no way to take action afterwards.
The Kingdom of Sardinia is a ready example, whose royal family, forced to be released due to international pressure, is now causing them trouble again.
Politics is bloody, and Leopold II did not dare gamble on French integrity. Besides, it¡¯s not just the French who might want his end.
Aside from domestic opponents, the British and Austrians might also be capable of foul y.
Even though Leopold II was rted to the British Royal Family and was kin to the Austrian royal family, reality had already shown that in the face of national interests, any familial ties are unreliable.
...
After calming Leopold II, Archduke Albert breathed a sigh of relief. In his opinion, managing the mindset of a king was far more troublesome than waging war.
No matter the strength of Belgium, they were a member of the Anti-French Alliance, and if Leopold II surrendered to the French out of desperation, Austria¡¯s political losses would be enormous.
ording to Emperor Franz¡¯s words, the essence of war is to increase your allies and reduce your enemies.
To achieve this goal, even Montenegro and Greece, which could only y a marginal role, were forcibly dragged onto the war wagon by the Vienna Government.
Of course, they could not be relied upon on the battlefield. Still, politically they were needed. The more countries involved, the more it would show the unpoprity of the French-initiated war of aggression.
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As long as there were many participating countries, when the internationalmunity defines this war in the future, Austria must be seen as righteous, and without any ws.
...
"Woo woo woo..."
The air raid siren suddenly went off, and Archduke Albert furrowed his brow, ordering the Guard, "Go outside and see, what has happened?"
Archduke Albert was well aware of the notoriety of the French airships but experiencing it firsthand was a different matter.
Despite Austria being the first to employ airships in warfare, it was actually the French who pioneered airship development. As early as 1784, the French had manufactured the world¡¯s first airship.
Many people would find it hard to believe, but the world¡¯s first airship, besides having inadequacies in its power system and being rather dangerous, was actually quite decent.
Measuring 15.6 metres long with a maximum diameter of 9.6 metres, after being filled with hydrogen gas, it could achieve over a thousand kilograms of ascending force, sustaining flight for seven hours.
After Austria used airships in warfare, European nations realized the importance of airships and began incorporating them into their troops.
However, as a piece of high-tech equipment that was also very expensive, only a few powerful nations genuinely had the capability to equip them on arge scale.
With the onset of the Anti-French War, the French airship troops quickly proved their might, effortlessly defeating the airships of Prussia and Germany, and swiftly gaining air superiority over the battlefield.
At that time, the range of anti-aircraft weapons was limited, and uracy relied on luck, so as long as the airship didn¡¯t lower its altitude, it was still very safe.
Of course, high-altitude bombing was safe indeed, but the hit rate was also profoundly touching, andbat achievements all depended on God¡¯s blessing.
A momentter, the Guard came back to report, "Marshal, the enemy¡¯s airship ising, and it seems they¡¯re gathering intelligence."
"Hmph!"
After a cold snort, Archduke Albrecht said expressionlessly, "Understood!
Send the order down,mand the Engineer Corps to rush the work andplete the airfield construction in the shortest possible time."
...
Colonel Ryan was shocked and said, "What, you want us to buildnding areas for airships? Major, are you mistaken? We¡¯re not engineers."
The young officer exined helplessly, "I¡¯m sorry, Colonel Ryan. Our number of engineers is insufficient, and we can¡¯t recruit enough Civilian Husbands in short order; you¡¯re the only ones without current duties."
The Austrian vanguard was naturally the main force, and the engineers were just a minority. Most of these were fast-tracked junior engineers, mainly to solve immediate issues with airfields and traffic logistics.
Thebor force issue had been arranged already, with Civilian Husbands provided by the German Federation. Unfortunately, the Luxembourg Line had suddenly copsed, losing not only arge number of troops but also many Civilian Husbands.
These Civilian Husbands were mostly drawn from the local working-age males; and to continue recruiting Civilian Husbands, there had to be a sufficient number of such men avable locally. Your journey continues at NovelBin.C?m
In the end, the glorious and grand task of airfield construction fell upon the newly reorganized Bremen Corps.
Without any surprises, the Bremen Corps was just one battalion in size, and Colonel Ryan, the highest-ranking officer withbat experience, inevitably became the battalionmander.
The order had been issued, regardless of whether he liked it or not, Colonel Ryan had to ept the reality of bing an engineer.
Not only the Bremen Corps, but all subsequent reorganized units were gradually transformed into engineers, some building roads, others digging trenches.
Combat missions?
Archduke Albrecht dered that he wasn¡¯t mad; he was acutely aware of how pathetic thebat capability of this hastily assembled force was.
Not only was there a totalck of military spirit and morale, but the soldiers were also severelycking in training. Even more troubling was that many officers were temporary conscripts from the Nobility.
It¡¯s true that there was a tradition of military service among the Nobility in the German region, but that didn¡¯t mean all the Nobility were qualified as officers.
Not all Sub-States had military academies, nor did all Nobility attend them. Many were educated in family military tradition, theirbat experience and concepts stuck in the previous century.
Deploying such a force to the battlefield would only add to the enemy¡¯s tally; one could hardly expect anything else.
Sabotaging allies could happen, but sabotaging one¡¯s own people was out of the question. These men were willing to be reorganized, which meant they recognized Austria.
These people were to be the future link for Austrian rule over Northern Germany. To strengthen ties with the local authorities, Archduke Albrecht couldn¡¯t let these Nobility suffer massive casualties.
...
At this moment, Colonel Ryan, none the wiser, was leading his troops, toiling away at the airfield construction.
Looking at the hardened expanse ofnd, Colonel Ryan said with regret, "Captain Henry, there was no need to harden it all; this is really too extravagant."
Concrete was expensive at the time, and hardening dozens of hectares ofnd in one go would not be considered a small expense.
Captain Henry shook his head, "We¡¯re doing this to save time; in truth, this airfield construction doesn¡¯t meet standards.
Nevertheless, this is only temporary. We¡¯ll manage for now with what we have; there will be reconstructionter."
This was the reality; an airfield wasn¡¯t simplypleted with a single dam. For a temporary stop, makeshift amodations would suffice.
"Airfield, what¡¯s that? Weren¡¯t we supposed to prepare grounds for airships?" asked Colonel Ryan, puzzled.
It wasn¡¯t that he was ignorant; not many people knew about airnes at the time, and even fewer knew about airfields.
Realizing his indiscretion, Captain Henry replied coldly, "Colonel, you should have memorized the unit¡¯s secrecy regtions, don¡¯t ask about things you shouldn¡¯t."
Whether "airfield" fell under the category of secrecy was also something Captain Henry wasn¡¯t sure about. After all, no gag order had been issued, nor had any information been provided to Colonel Ryan.
Without rity on the situation, Captain Henry naturally wouldn¡¯t offer an exnation. As for the difference in military rank between them, that wasn¡¯t an issue.
Haven¡¯t you seen that during the construction of the airfield, it¡¯s the Captain giving orders to the Colonel? In other ces, such a thing would be absolutely impossible, but in the technical field, it¡¯s quitemon.
Professional matters are left to professionals, a prominent feature of the Austrian army. So, the highest authority in the construction of the airfield was the experienced Captain Henry.
After a fruitless exchange, Colonel Ryan turned his head away and urged his soldiers back to work, no longer dealing with the rigid engineer.
...
Chapter 907 - 170, The Duel of the Veterans
"Marshal, when will you be handing over the defeated troops you¡¯ve gathered to us?"
The German Federation, btedly aware of themand authority issue, had General Adrian hurry over to address it.
Archduke Albrecht shook his head, feigning surprise, "Hand over what? Does this Allied Command not have the authority tomand these troops?"
How much power the Allied Commander holds is another unsolved mystery of the world.
Prussia and Germany were coerced into the Anti-French Alliance andcked the confidence to dispute the leadership with Austria, hence even the jurisdiction of the Allied Command was not explicitly defined.
Authority that has not been specifically agreed upon can theoretically be inted indefinitely. For instance, Archduke Albrecht is currently incorporating the defeated troops under the name of the Allied Command.
General Adrian tried to exin, "But Marshal..."
Before he could finish, Archduke Albrecht interrupted, "There are no ¡¯buts,¡¯ my general.
You know very well how dangerous the situation is on the battlefield right now. Do you think we can hold the Rhine Defense line without unifiedmand?"
With insufficient forces at the front, I have already reorganized the defeated troops and they have been sent into battle; they cannot be relocated at this time.
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The transfer ofmand over these troops will have to wait until after the war is over. You can rest assured, I won¡¯t hold onto them forever!"
Rest assured, how could he rx?
It was precisely because of this concern that General Adrian hade. In fact, the defeats at the front presented an opportunity for the Central Government of the German Federation.
If they seized the chance and took control of themand of the State Army troops, the loose alliance would not be far from true unification.
One can¡¯t me the German Army generals at the front for their slow response; unlike the vaguely defined Allied Command, the rights of the German frontlinemand were stringently set early on.
Each state had its own independentmand authority, and the German Army¡¯smand was made of representatives from each state, with the overallmander appointed by the Central Government effectively serving as a coordinator of rtions.
The slow reaction time of themanders, bogged down by internal politics, was to be expected.
By the time George I decided to seize the opportunity to usurp power, Archduke Albrecht had already mobilized under the name of the Allied Command and nearlypleted the incorporation of the German troops retreating from the front.
Due tomunication difficulties, many frontline units lost contact with the German Armymand after their defeat.
The regr soldiers on the ground were unaware of these higher-level disputes. After all, the existence of the Allied Command was well-known, and the troops were ustomed to obeying orders from their superiors.
In the chaos, the majority epted the orders upon receivingmands from the Allied Command.
The reorganized forces included not only scattered soldiers, but also the German troops that had retreated from the front. Archduke Albrecht had beaten the clock by using the name of the Allied Command to call up the troops, including many from Hanover.
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By this stage, Archduke Albrecht effectively heldmand over the majority of the frontline German Army.
Had he not considered the subsequent need for cooperation from the German Federation, he would have been even more overbearing, like forcefully taking over themand of all frontline German forces.
General Adrian, steeling himself, argued, "Marshal, the unification ofmand by the Allied Command could entirely be achieved through a tri-national alliance, there is really no need tomand frontline troops directly."
It¡¯s not that General Adrian was inarticte, but the rtionship between Germany and Austria was too intricate, and with the German Federation relying on Austria for security, there was much he couldn¡¯t say.
Other countries in the International Alliance could use cultural and linguistic differences as excuses to demand independentmand.
The Anti-French Alliance couldn¡¯t do that, since linguists might not even be able to rify the differences between German and Austriannguages; in any case, thenguages of Prussia, Austria, and Germany were mutually intelligible, so there were no barriers tomunication.
With the universal excuse unusable and harsh truths unsayable, General Adrian was naturally frustrated.
Archduke Albrecht waved his hand, softening his tone, "Alright, general. We¡¯re both military men; let¡¯s think about this from a military perspective, and let the governments handle the political issues.
The most important thing right now is to win this war. The immediate priority is to hold the Rhine Defense line; otherwise, the hearnd of the Germany Region will be a battlefield.
You know what that implies. The French ambition is boundless, and at this point, no one can remain unscathed."
This was both persuasion and a warning. Once the French Army broke through the Rhine Defense line, not much would change for Austria, but the German Federation would be the next Belgium, and the Northern States would not be spared either.
With things having progressed this far, and Austria clinging tomand of the troops, General Adrian was powerless.
He surely couldn¡¯t incite a mutiny among the soldiers, right? If turmoil erupted at the front, giving the French an opportunity to break through the Rhine Defense line, it would be nothing less than shooting himself in the foot.
Having learned from the copse of the Luxembourg Line, General Adrian had to take heed. The German Federation could not afford another loss.
...
The minor episode at the headquarters did not affect the progress of the Anti-French War.
After upying the Luxembourg region, the French Army did not stop their march and continued towards the Germany Region, now not far from the Rhine Defense Line.
Frankly, defending the west bank of the Rhine was not the best military choice, far inferior to pulling back to the eastern bank and relying on the natural defenses of the Rhine River to build a defensive line.
However, the military needs to serve politics, and retreating to the eastern bank would mean that the Anti-French Alliance admitted to an early military defeat and gave up Belgium and the Rhinnd.
Admitting defeat was out of the question, as the Anti-French War was not just about defeating the French, but also involved the question of who would dominate Europe.
Austria had to make a disy of its own strength on the battlefield, rather than giving the appearance of having won by sheer luck.
Without natural defenses to rely on, the Allied Forces still had trenches. This concept had flourished during the Prusso-Russian War and was now widely epted by the European world.
Archduke Albert did not dare to underestimate the French Army; he had trenches dug one after another, clearly intending to use positional warfare to wear down the strength of the French forces.
To win this war, the French government was all in, with Napoleon IV even calling the veteran Marshal Patrice McMahon out of retirement.
Patrick McMahon and Archduke Albert were contemporaries and long-established military figures. This Anti-French War was also a peak showdown between two renowned European marshals.
...
At the French Command, Marshal Patrice McMahon slowly spoke after staring at the map for a long time:
"Albrecht made his name for his skill in attack, but unexpectedly, he¡¯s now resorting to turtle tactics. It seems the previous battles have greatly impacted him.
Austria has ced its strategic focus on Africa, and now with the Suez Canal blocked, the British are seizing the opportunity, and the domestic supply of goods is starting to tighten.
Next, our enemy is not just the Anti-French Alliance, but also time. If we can¡¯t quickly break through the enemy¡¯s Rhine Defense line, then..."
Everyone¡¯s faces became solemn, their previously smug expressions no longer present. They were all intelligent people and understood that the old marshal was cautioning them.
While the supply shortage was a problem, it was more of a financial issue. Though the European continental war had vast impacts, it had not spread to the entire world.
Without the Suez Canal, there were still routes around the Cape of Good Hope. Moreover, the shipping routes to America remain open, and Austria could only block some sea areas.
Even though sailing for French merchant ships might have be riskier, there were still ships from neutral countries avable, just at a higher cost.
The shortage of supplies was only temporary, and the market would adjust itself. Money was all that was needed to buy supplies in those days.
Before the French finances copsed, nobody needed to worry about going hungry.
"Marshal, the Austrian Government really chose the wrong person this time. Albrecht is best at attacking, which is evident even now; even in defense, he¡¯s preparing to attack.
But currently, the Anti-French Alliance is at a disadvantage, and the Luxembourg region is not indefinitely defensible. Relying only on a few trenches to stop us is simplyughable.
If the enemy withdrew their forces to the eastern bank and defended using the Rhine River, we would truly be helpless against them for a short time."
Marshal Patrice McMahon¡¯s brow furrowed: "Uddino, you have not changed your arrogant ways.
Albrecht is known for his offense because he became famous with attacks; it doesn¡¯t mean he is incapable of fighting a defensive battle.
Looking at the enemy¡¯s troop deployments, we see that it is a tortoise shell, and although this tortoise has been hurt before, its defense should not be underestimated.
However, you are correct on one point: Prussia and Germany¡¯s troops have lost all military spirit and morale; Albrecht does not have enough forces to hold the Rhine west bank firmly¡ªit¡¯s a blunder.
We need to race against time now. As long as we tear through the Rhine Defense Line before Austrian reinforcements arrive, the war¡¯s initiative will fall into our hands."
Indeed, Uddino was the same person from the original timeline who led an expeditionary force in the conquest of Mexico.
Only this time his luck was much better. A mishap mid-campaign left him slightly wounded, so he was called back home to recover, and his sessor took on the responsibility for the failure of the war.
Rebuked but not irritated, Uddino replied with an unchanged expression, "Marshal, the troops are ready to fight and canunch an attack at any moment.
The soldiers¡¯ morale is high, and everyone is looking forward to breaking through Vienna and capturing Franz!"
Actually, the initial battle n of the French Army was only to seize territory west of the Rhine. Once they had torn through the Rhine Defense Line, they would havepleted the first phase of their military operation.
As for breaking through Vienna and capturing Franz, that was merely a slogan.
The countries of Europe were not fools; they would not sit idly by and let France fight its way to Vienna. Likely, the British would cut off their supplies while they were still on their way to Vienna.
Unlike Austria, which could withstand blockades, France could not do without foreign material support, and even North Africa was insufficient.
Chapter 908 - 171: The Beginning of Disaster
```
The booming sound of cannon fire erupted as the newly arrived French forces were given a stern lesson by the artillery of the Anti-French Alliance.
A shell, descending from the sky,nded less than one hundred meters from the French frontlinemand post, its shrapnel scattering and iming the lives of three officers who hade for a meeting.
Among them was Major General Anduin Urien, divisionalmander of the Ninth Division of the French Army. He was the highest-ranking officer the French had lost since the outbreak of war.
Upon receiving this dire news, General Uddino, who had sessfully captured the forwardmander, looked terribly grim.
"Colonel Rick, dispatch someone to reconnoiter the enemy¡¯s artillery deployment again. We must ascertain why their shells can reach us here."
Uddino was a battle-hardened veteran, and the selection of themand post had been made with care; it was not meant to be so vulnerable to enemy fire.
Be it an ident or other reasons, they now had to move again. Otherwise, a single enemy shell could fall during a meeting and render the entire Frenchmand system defunct.
Colonel Rick answered with certainty, "General, there is no need for further reconnaissance. I personally verified the previous results. The enemy cannot adjust their positions substantially in such a short time.
By the sound and power of the shells, it¡¯s clear that this is not an army field cannon.
We¡¯re not far from the Rhine River. It must be that the enemy has turned their navy into a mobile artillery tform."
With the Rhine River¡¯s ample flow, small warships could already navigate it. The navies of Belgium and the German Federation were just the right size for such a move.
Powerless against the French navy, they had no choice but to cower in their ports. Now, the needs of the war made it perfectly logical to deploy a portion of them on the Rhine.
Even if therger warships couldn¡¯t enter, it was possible to dismantle the naval guns and use them as fortress artillery. At such a critical juncture, no one cared about whether selling the pot and iron was a waste.
The range and power of naval artillery were iparable to that of army field guns. High-altitude airship reconnaissance could not distinguish so finely, and errors in estimating the range were quite normal.
General Udino cursed, "Damn it all, send a telegram to the rear, telling them to hurry up with the heavy artillery!
None of you stand around. Pack up immediately and move themand post one kilometer back. Do not retreat just three kilometers."
It was an unfortunate necessity. The French Army had advanced too quickly; the heavy artillery unit could not keep pace and was left behind.
Armed only with a few field cannons, the forward units were simply outmatched by the firepower of the Anti-French Alliance.
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In a flurry of activity, General Udino moved themand post three kilometers back. Only after ensuring they were out of the enemy¡¯s artillery threat did he continue the military meeting, which had been abruptly interrupted.
No matter what, the battle must go on. Even though they had previously overlooked the enemy¡¯s naval guns, the French still had tounch their offensive. Continue reading stories on NovelBin.C?m
Time was now of the essence. ording to intelligence from spies, on average, an Austrian Infantry Division was arriving at the frontline each day.
At this rate, it wouldn¡¯t be long before the bnce of forces tipped in favor of the enemy.
As evening approached, the Frenchmand post was brightly lit. With a heavy heart, General Udino said, "Major General Anduin Urien has fallen bravely in battle. I hereby appoint Colonel Fuxi to temporarily take over his duties as themander of the Ninth Division.
Let us continue with this afternoon¡¯s military meeting. The battlefield situation has changed, and we must take into ount the enemy¡¯s firepower advantage. Our original battle n is no longer suitable."
Change the battle n?
This was a joke to everyone except General Udino himself¡ªwho knew what the supposed battle n was anyway?
In fact, even General Udino himself might not have a battle n. The battlefield is ever-changing. Formting a battle n without knowing anything would be irresponsible.
Generally, battle ns were formted as the battle unfolded. What was predetermined were strategic ns, not tactical ones.
Regrettably, the Frenchmand system wasn¡¯t that advanced. The so-called strategic ns often sprang from a snap decision by amander.
"General, there¡¯s no need to oveplicate things. If the artillery can¡¯t suppress the enemy¡¯s firepower, we can deploy the airship troops.
As soon as the enemy¡¯s artillery positions are exposed, I¡¯ll go bomb them and see who can oust whom," proposed a middle-aged officer, a staunch supporter of the airship faction within the French forces¡ªa result of Franz¡¯s butterfly effect.
Since the Austrian airships sailed over the Ottoman Empire, the concept of air superiority had taken shape early, although it was not yet fully developed.
The current prevailing idea was to use airships to bomb and destroy enemy positions and fortresses, creating an advantage for ground troops.
Udino nodded, "Good suggestion. Once the specialized ammunition for the airship troops arrives, we¡¯ll send them out to give the enemy a taste of their own medicine."
War is the greatest catalyst for military technological progression. In the nearly two decades that airships have been utilized in the military, the European Continent had already witnessed several wars.
```
As of today, airship troops have be an importantponent of the armed forces of various countries. Some nations are even preparing to separate their airship troops to establish an independent branch of the military.
Given the importance of airship troops, specialized bombs for airship raids naturally emerged.
¡
On November 11, 1890, as General Uddino gave the order, the French Army, braving the threat of artillery fire,unched aprehensive attack on the Anti-French Alliance.
The charge sounded, and the brave French soldiers fixed their bays, charging toward the enemy¡¯s allied positions.
500 meters, 300 meters, 200 meters¡suddenly, at one hundred fifty meters, streams of fire spurted forth.
The interwoven machine gun fire instantly caused heavy casualties in the French ranks, with many soldiers falling before they could even react.
The mechanical chain ofmand now proved its worth. As the bugle call to charge continued, the soldiers had no choice but to press forward, regardless of the danger.
Everyone was familiar with machine guns, but the French were ustomed to the cumbersome Gatling, not the nimble and flexible Maxim.
Misconceptions led the French highmand to underestimate the killing power of machine guns.
Seeing the words "heavy casualties," General Uddino scoffed, "These men are a disgrace to France.
If possible, I would not hesitate to send them all to a military court. To learn anything but not to learn it well, to imitate the cowardice of the Italians, do they really think I¡¯m a fool?
Send out themand that at all costs, we are to press the attack. Order the Supervisory Team to the frontlines to watch, and for any soldier ying dead, there will be no supper for them tonight."
Regrettably, the Italians had already earned a notorious reputation. With the French Army massively conscripting Italians, that widely spread survival manual on the battlefield had also be popr within the French ranks.
Pure French units were still decent enough, but certain mixed units with Italians had many who had picked up the bad habit of fearing death.
In previous battles, General Uddino personally witnessed troops charging valiantly during the day, with many officers and soldiers bravely falling to the enemy fire, and he even shed tears of admiration.
However, these same noble men who had supposedly died for their country miraculously "resurrected" when the order was given to retreat.
Since then, General Uddino had acquired a new understanding of the words "heavy casualties."
"Yes, sir!"
The Messenger¡¯s voice rang out.
Nobody knew what disaster thismand would bring to the French forces at the frontline; at that moment, everyone was still fantasizing about tearing through the enemy¡¯s defenses.
¡
It wasn¡¯t only the ground forces facing trouble. The French Army Airship Troop that had just appeared above the Austrian army was also encountering the greatest enemy of their lives.
After dropping a bomb from the airship, Hudson suddenly eximed, "Tom, what kind of bird is that ahead? Why does it look so strange?"
Tom, who was operating the machine gun, was just as dumbstruck, staring nkly ahead.
Having spent a lot of time in the sky, they could be considered quite knowledgeable; if not all, at least they were familiar with most bird species across the European Continent.
As the distance between them closed, they could vaguely make out the contours of the airne, and a young man suddenly realized, "It looks like the airne mentioned in newspapers."
By then, bullets were already whizzing by. Even those who had been slow to catch on now understood an enemy was upon them.
Tom, as the machine gunner, instantly snapped to attention. After such a long wait, it was finally his turn to showcase his prowess.
But an awkward scene unfolded. Compared to the bulky airship, the enemy airne was far too agile, making it impossible for him to aim properly.
There was no helping it; the French airship was equipped with a heavy hitter like the Gatling gun. It had sufficient power, but it was a tragedy in other respects.
Faced with an airne buzzing around above them, Tom, clutching his machine gun, was utterly at a loss.
This vexing problem did not trouble him for long; it ended with the fall of the airship.
Once the French Army Airship Troop realized something was amiss, panic spread among them, but by then, it was already toote to flee.
Like a meteor shower, one after another French airship plummeted downward. The soldiers of both France and Austria who witnessed this scene knew an era had ended.
A new ruler ascended; the old monarch was deposed. The French Army Airship Troop, through their deaths, marked the end of the airship era with a bloody full stop.
Chapter 909 - 172: The Turning Point of the War
The curtain call of the Airship troops urred under the watchful eyes of hundreds of thousands. They witnessed it firsthand and the news spread quickly.
In fact, there was no need for the news to spread, as General Udino¡¯s headquarters weren¡¯t far from the frontlines. Though the groundbat was obscured and invisible from the headquarters, the aerial dogfights urring in the sky above were in in sight.
Having personally witnessed the demise of the Airship troops, General Udino feltpletely drained.
Constructing this airship squadron had cost the French Military dearly; nearly one-tenth of the army¡¯s annual budget had been poured into it.
Now, after merely performing a meteor shower for the audience of hundreds of thousands, they took their grand exit. General Udino had no idea how to exin this to the nation.
Of course, not all of the French Army¡¯s airship fleet was lost here, but the oue of the aerial battle had proven to the world that the skies no longer belonged to airships.
"General, it¡¯s time for dinner."
The Guard¡¯s voice brought Udino back from his stupor to reality.
"No need, I¡¯m not hungry now."
"Send out the orders, there will be a military conference tonight. Except for the personnel required for duty, all officers with the rank of Colonel and above in the headquarters must attend."
The Airship troops were finished, but the war would continue. From now on, the skies would no longer belong to France, and Udino was acutely aware of what that meant.
To say nothing of strategic bombing; even gathering basic intelligence on the enemy was no longer possible. From now on, the French Army had no choice but to endure bombings.
...
The weather gradually grew dim, the afterglow of the sunset spilled onto the earth, illuminating the dismembered limbs on the ground, a ready-made horror movie set.
The atmosphere in the French camp was particrly eerie at this moment. The call to gather the troops had been sounded, but the number of soldiers returning was few.
Such fierce battles had urred in the past. Normally, this would be the climax of the "ying dead" tactic, but today was an exception, with very few soldiers standing up from the ground.
Colonel Fuxi, who had just taken over as the Commander of the 9th Division, had a bad feeling and immediately ordered, "Call out to the Austrians, we need to send a team to collect the dead.
And tell those temperamental fellows that if they don¡¯te back now, they need not return at all. Have the Supervisory Team keep records; I¡¯ll deal with these guyster."
Realizing the gravity of the situation, Fuxi couldn¡¯t imagine that all his men were dead. History is important, after witnessing the tactic of ying dead, the French military leadership had grown desensitized to casualty numbers.
After all, only half of the 9th Division¡¯s strength had returned to camp.
If it were true that half the force was lost in one day¡¯s attack, then his tenure as the newly appointed Division Commander would also be over.
Fuxi chose to believe his men were just throwing a fit. After all, the 9th Division had been through a stroke of bad luck recently, losing its Commander even before the battle began.
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They were supposed tounch the attack under the cover of the Airship troops, but everyone had seen France¡¯s ace squadron plummet to the ground. They hadn¡¯t provided any cover but living through the bombardment hadn¡¯t been spared.
In fact, it wasn¡¯t just the French Army¡¯s airships that were finished. The airships of the Allied Forces, as well as the navy¡¯s artillery, could still function normally, and this psychological gap was very demoralizing.
"Yes, Colonel!"
After speaking, the Messenger hurriedly ran out.
Collecting the dead on the battlefield is a tradition in Europe. No matter how fiercely fought during the day, during the collection of the dead, neither side would interfere.
After all, the numerous corpses on the battlefield needed to be dealt with quickly to prevent the outbreak of epidemics, a situation neither side wanted to see.
Sometimes, the corpse collecting teams from two warring nations would greet each other, and then take away the bodies of their own fallen soldiers.
Today was a typical offensive-defensive battle. The Austrian armyrgely remained in the trenches, and the French, encountering machine gun fire for the first time, did not know how to respond and simply charged forward, resulting in tragedy.
In the end, the French Army was strewn with corpses, with very few casualties on the Austrian side.
Even if they died, they did so on their own territory, and their bodies had already been dealt with. So now, it was only the French tasked with collecting the dead.
Shortly after the collection of the dead began, a young officer rushed over, "Colonel, something big has happened."
Colonel Fuxi frowned deeply, very annoyed, "What¡¯s all the fuss about, have the troops on the frontlines mutinied?"
The sound of gunfire had already ceased, so it definitely wasn¡¯t the Austrian armyunching a counterattack. Thus, the most significant issue left could only be a mutiny by the soldiers.
That wasn¡¯t anything new, it just rarely happened in divisions dominated by French people like the 9th.
Put in the Italian divisions, however, and as soon as they were given the task of bearing the brunt of the casualties, there was a 90 percent chance they would act up.
The instability of the Italian soldiers was a significant factor that limited thebat effectiveness of the French Army. If it weren¡¯t for these draggers, the Luxembourg Line would have been breached long ago.
This problem had long been recognized by those aware within the French Army. Unfortunately, there was no solution, as the French people were limited in human resources and had to recruit Italian soldiers.
"Colonel, you should see for yourself! I guarantee, the situation is a hundred times, a thousand times worse than this..."
Clearly, the young officer realized that the news he brought was too shocking to be believed, so he simply let Colonel Fuxi see for himself.
"Hmph!"
After expressing strong dissatisfaction, Colonel Fuxi still stepped out of the headquarters.
At this point in time, it was the moment for the corpse collection teams and clergymen to take over, and the safety was still guaranteed.
Havinge to the frontlines, seeing the corpses littered everywhere and asionally hearing the moans of the injured, Colonel Fuxi feltpletely bewildered.
They were all dead, and even those who weren¡¯t dead yet were about to die.
Given the medical conditions of the era, if wounded on the battlefield for a few hours without any treatment, the chances of being rescued were virtually zero.
With the number of medics in the Ninth Division, they were too busy just to bandage the lightly wounded who had been evacuated from the frontlines; no one could take care of those in the back.
Having nced over the site, Colonel Fuxi returned to themand post, soul-struck. The problem was indeed a thousand times more serious than a mutiny; the entire Ninth Division was ruined.
Having witnessed such a cruel scene, the morale of the officers and soldiers who survived waspletely gone.
If the enemy were to attack now, perhaps a simple charge would be enough to copse the Ninth Division.
After a moment of silence, Colonel Fuxi, having calmed down, sighed with resignation and said, "Send out the order, no officers are to sleep tonight, all are to go down to their troops to soothe their spirits and prevent a mutiny."
One didn¡¯t need to think too hard to know that the Ninth Division¡¯s camp would inevitably be anything but calm tonight.
If nothing unexpected happened, this elite unit of the French Army would not be able to return to the battlefield for a very long time toe.
...
As time ticked by, the casualty report soon came out. In reality, the count was simple, as Colonel Fuxi had only requested a tally of the living in the camp.
The others, whether killed, missing, or captured, were all counted as killed in action.
There was no helping it, as the number of dead was too many and many bodies were dismembered. It was utterly impossible to piece them together quickly, let alone identify the deceased.
To ensure that the fallen soldiers would receive their government pensions, Colonel Fuxi could only bureaucratize the process this once.
Looking at the shocking number of casualties, Fuxi could hardly believe his own eyes and, despite being mentally prepared, was still stunned.
The Ninth Division alone had created a record during the daytime offensive with 4367 wounded and 3816 killed.
Indeed, this was the highest casualty figure the French Army had seen in a single day since the war began.
Behind their own grievous losses, the achievements were negligible. The Ninth Division had been decimated before even reaching the enemy¡¯s position, and Colonel Fuxi no longer knew how to describe thebat that had taken ce during the day.
As Colonel Fuxi was nursing a headache over how to exin to his superiors, the voice of the Guard rang out again, "Colonel, orders from above. You¡¯re to attend the military meeting tonight."
Colonel Fuxi answered coldly, "Understood, I¡¯ll be there immediately! Send the orders, double the sentries on duty tonight, and be on high alert for enemy sneak attacks."
...
General Udino¡¯smand post wasn¡¯t far from the Ninth Division¡¯s station, just a few kilometers away, a round trip by horse taking only about twenty to thirty minutes, which was quite convenient.
But at this moment, Colonel Fuxi wished the journey were longer so that he could dy facing the inevitable.
It wasn¡¯t only Colonel Fuxi who was troubled, every unit that had taken part in today¡¯s offensive had suffered the same tragedy.
Small tragedies gathered together into a great tragedy. General Udino, who was still grieving over the annihtion of the Airship troops, was directly stunned by the figures before him.
"Fes, is it April Fool¡¯s Day? This joke is not funny at all."
"Tell me this isn¡¯t real!"
...
After repeatedly confirming and receiving positive responses, General Udino, overwhelmed with fury and sorrow, fainted dramatically.
A chaotic scene ensued, but he was eventually revived. However, for General Udino personally, perhaps never waking up would have been the best oue.
Reality was too cruel, this battle by the Rhine River was a replica of the historical Somme and campaigns, with France ying the role of the British Army.
Starting today, General Udino would leave a deep mark in the annals of human warfare, as future military textbooks around the world would certainly include this negative example.
Especially his order of "attack at all costs," which condemned him to the pirs of historical infamy.
Butcher, executioner, fool, idiot... all kinds of vile words would be pinned on him by posterity.
The now awake General Udino, with a bitter tone, said, "Carry on, everybody. Today¡¯s battle was my personalmand failure, it has nothing to do with you all, and I will take responsibility.
"In theing battles, I implore you all to return to your troops and strengthen defenses, and beware of the enemy¡¯s sneak attacks tonight.
"Filite, you are responsible for organizing the situation here, report separately to the Marshal and our homnd. Tell them, I have failed the Empire..."
Today¡¯s blow was too great for General Udino; now he was filled with nothing but "self-reproach," so much so that he couldn¡¯t even bother to shift the me anymore.
Of course, at this point, no matter how much General Udino tried to shirk responsibility, he could not evade me.
Through this battle, the French Army¡¯s hard-won momentum of invincibility was lost in an instant. The dream of a quick victory and swiftly tearing through the Rhine Defense line had be a fantasy.
Chapter 910 - 173: Impact
Compared to the wailing at the French camp, the situation with the Allied Forces was starkly different.
A meteor shower in the sky, a series of rapid-fire sounds on the ground... The specific results of the battle had not yet been tallied, but the ground littered with French corpses was already quite telling.
The officers and soldiers of the Allied Forces who witnessed all this had only one word in their minds¡ª"massacre".
Whether it was the aerialbat in the sky or the attack and defense on the ground, it was a one-sided ughter of the French by the Austrian army.
The spirits of the officers and soldiers, originally dispirited and unstable in morale, and confused about the prospects of the war, were nowpletely rejuvenated.
...
Allied Command
General Adrian was eager, "Marshal, the French suffered heavy losses in today¡¯s battle; tonight will definitely not be peaceful. It is a good opportunity for us to counterattack."
Militarily speaking, this assessment was not wrong; the heavy casualties had severely impacted the morale of the French forces.
Especially since these losses resulted from high-level misjudgments andmand failures, theints of the lower-ranked officers and soldiers against the upper echelons were even more pronounced.
"No!"
Archduke Albrecht decisively refused.
"Now is not the time for a counterattack. Only the forces deployed by the French today suffered heavy losses, Uddino still has at least five divisions that did not engage in the battle.
Our mobile forces are too limited, the newly reorganized units are still resting, and theyck significantbat strength.
The units that fought today are already exhausted. The forces we canmit to an attack now do not exceed six infantry divisions, including three that were withdrawn from the Belgian frontst week.
The French are not fools; after suffering such a heavy blow, they will certainly strengthen their vignce. With our current strength, even if weunch a counterattack, it¡¯s hard to achieve the results we desire.
Moreover, the Third French Army Group is less than fifty kilometers from the front line¡ªunless we can resolve these enemies within a day."
@@novelbin@@
Finishing the fight within one day was simply impossible. No matter how advantageous the situation appeared during the day, it still hadn¡¯t changed the reality of the Austrian army¡¯s insufficient forces, even if the troops from Germany and Belgium were added.
Although today¡¯s battle somewhat restored the morale of the Allied Forces, except for the Austrian troops, thebat effectiveness of the other armies was still recovering.
Take the Belgian Army for example; having just lost their homnd a few days ago, they were in mourning. Unless there was a campaign to reim Belgian territory, it was difficult to have them perform at their peak.
As for the assimted German troops, it was fair to say that themand system was barely organized, and the officers and soldiers were still adjusting to each other. They were suitable for handling logistics and misceneous tasks; sending them to engage in a decisive battle with the French was tantamount to sacrificing lives unnecessarily.
Time was on the side of the Allied Forces; reinforcements from the rear were continuously arriving. Archduke Albrecht could afford to wait.
The enemy¡¯s airship troops had already been rendered useless; now, just by holding the Rhine Defense Line, the defeat of the French was only a matter of time.
Of course, there was another reason that couldn¡¯t be mentioned.
If the surprise attack seeded and the French sustained heavy losses and retreated to their homnd, the subsequent battles would be difficult.
Fighting the French on the territories of Germany and Belgium, Austria could still raise the banner of anti-aggression and gain the support of the local popce.
If they were to enter French territory for a decisive battle, not to mention the plethora of fortifications, international interference alone would be a major headache.
You should know that the internationalmunity currently supports the Anti-French Alliance. Apparently, it is only about shouting slogans without any substantial actions. In reality, governments are creating significant trouble for the French behind the scenes.
With these minor tactics alone, France has to increase its expenses by billions of Francs each month. The money is spent, but the supplies might not arrive on time.
If the bnce of power were to reverse, it would be the Anti-French Alliance suffering now. At least until the end of the Egyptian campaign, the Vienna Government cannot ignore the stance of various countries.
If the details of today¡¯s battle were to be leaked, it would definitely affect how different governments perceive the strength of the warring parties and might even influence their foreign policies.
However, Archduke Albrecht can be certain that the French will not report the true situation of today¡¯s battle and will even desperately cover up any failures, otherwise, they couldn¡¯t exin it to their own people.
As for the news published by the Allied Forces, even if it is the truth, everyone will involuntarily discount it, not possibly believing that the casualties of the French Army are so vast.
The reason, of course, is the shocking battle achievements previously announced by both sides. ording to thebatant announcements, the French have already eliminated 3,460,000 of the Allied Forces, while the Allied Forces have also killed 2,470,000 of the French Army.
Based on these figures, since the outbreak of the war, both sides have been killing an average of 70,000 of each other¡¯s troops each day, with total battlefield casualties reaching a staggering 140,000 per day.
With so many dead, if the number of wounded is estimated to be three times the number of fatalities, the total casualties of the French Army are 12,350,000; while the total casualties of the Allied Forces reach an astonishing 17,300,000.
If such exaggerated battle results were true, the war would have ended long ago, and anyone who believes them is a fool.
In fact, initially, the battle results announced by both sides were not so exaggerated. Even if there was some artistic embellishment, there was some restraint, at least not to the point of adding zeros.
Latterly, however, it became too much. For example, after a battle had concluded, the French Army intended to announce they had killed 8,000 of the allied troops. Seeing that the Allied Forces announced 12,000 French killed, they couldn¡¯t appear weak and then grandly marked up to 50,000 enemies killed.
Seeing the French Army announce the annihtion of 50,000 Allied troops, the Allied Forces could not afford to lose out either, and swiftly concocted a number of tens of thousands killed in response, as no one wanted to lose face.
If it weren¡¯t for the fall of the Luxembourg Line and the near total upation of Belgium, the boasting would have been unsustainable, and the Allied Forces wouldn¡¯t have fallen behind in the number of enemies killed.
Even so, the word game continued. And as time went on, the published results of the battle became more and more absurd, and the truth grew increasingly distant from the public.
There is nothing surprising about this. Bragging is amon human w. Just read history books, and you¡¯ll know that people thousands of years ago yed this game too.
Until now, both sides had killed only a few million of each other¡¯s troops in battle, just drop a zero and it is quite close to the real number, which can¡¯tpare at all with those iming to have killed hundreds of millions.
However, given the current state of the published battle results by both sides, if the war were to continue for a few more months, reaching a small target number of paper casualties wouldn¡¯t be a problem at all.
...
Tonight is destined to be a sleepless night, and as telegrams are sent out, many big figures can¡¯t sleep.
The Allied side is better off, being the victorious party, receiving good news.
Apart from needing multiple confirmations initially due to disbelief, the mental state of the politicians is still quite good.
Some active individuals have already decided to party all night, celebrating this hard-won victory.
Of course, this does not include Franz, who replied with a single message after receiving the telegram: "Understood."
And that was that.
He was already mentally prepared, so the surprise wasn¡¯t so sudden; naturally, he went to sleep.
Without any surprises, Franz¡¯s calm demeanor has added yet another tale to his imperial career, leaving behind a little story for posterity.
...
In contrast to the tranquil Vienna Pce, the Pce of Versailles was aze with lights, and intermittent roars could be faintly heard.
Without a doubt, the only person who would spend the night roaring in the Pce of Versailles, aside from Napoleon IV, could not be found.
Since tearing through the Luxembourg Line, the French Army had rampaged across the Central European Region, "punching the German Federation and kicking Belgium like a children¡¯s shoe," unstoppable in their path.
In the ns of Napoleon IV, this state of the French Army was supposed to continue, all the way to shatter Austria in Vienna.
However, ns never move as fast as changes, and just as they were preparing to drink from the Rhine River, they faced a severe setback.
It was hard for Napoleon IV not to be angered; anyone in his position would hardly be able to ensure they behaved any better.
First came the dire news of heavy losses from the airship troops at the front, signaling the end of the era of airships and marking the futility of the French Empire¡¯s years of investment in them.
Napoleon IV, an emperor raised with modern education, was somewhat able to ept technological advancements and updates.
It was just airnes, after all. With the substantial resources of France, they¡¯d figure it out in a few months.
Anyway, the power of airnes at that time was limited; apart from countering airships, their role in battlefields was not as significant as inter times.
Even though they lost air superiority, Napoleon IV still held immense confidence in the French Army.
In his view, without the aid of the airship bombing squadrons, it simply meant that the cost and time to win the war would be greater.
Regrettably, this French Army, upon which he pinned high hopes and which possessed a venerable history, delivered to him a report card with a score in the single digits.
With over thirty thousand dead and fifty thousand wounded, it was not a battle but a day¡¯s fight.
The price paid was tremendously heavy, yet the results achieved were negligible. At best, Austrian casualties were estimated to be only in the hundreds.
Most of these were caused by artillery, and a few by airship bombings. Though the airship troops did not drop many bombs before they spectacrly crashed, their crashes themselves acted like giant bombs.
Of course, after the airship troops crashed, while they wreaked havoc on the Allied Forces, they did not forget to visit the French camp.
In this regard, they were indiscriminate; where they fell was entirely up to God¡¯s will.
As for the attacking infantry, despite their heavy casualties, in reality, they merely strolled around the battlefield, delivering a plethora of heads to the enemy.
The situation was even worse than the original Somme and Verdun battles where the British simply overlooked the threat of the machine gun barrage, bureaucratically blundered.
The French didn¡¯t even know what a Maxim machine gun was and just charged forward. Being uninformed wasn¡¯t really the problem.
Once the frontline officers and soldiers realized the heavy casualties, they would surely report to the higher-ups. If the attack tactics had been adjusted in time, the losses wouldn¡¯t have been so great.
Unfortunately, none of this applied to the French Army. Let me tell a story.
During the attack on Luxembourg, a Franco-Italian mixed infantry division was ordered tounch the main attack on the enemy¡¯s position.
After the battlemenced, the brave French soldiers charged forward repeatedly, including an infantry battalion primarilyposed of Italian soldiers, who disyed exceptional valor in the fight.
Nearly two-thirds of the entire battalion of 2146 men fell halfway through the charge, frightening the divisionmander so much that he immediately called a halt and swapped them out for rest.
As the troops regrouped at dusk, the regiment, which should have counted 2,146 soldiers, had only 2,101 present.
The missing squad, with only seven bodies found by the corpse recovery team, left it unclear whether the rest had died in battle or had deserted, and this had yet to be determined.
Owing to therge number of soldiers involved, the French Command demoted the officers involved and sent them to a military court but did not punish the soldiers, merely sending them home.
Without a doubt, such an understated approach was a significant oversight. By the time the higher echelons of the French Army realized, the situation had spiraled out of control.
The power of example is tremendous¡ªthis world is never short of people afraid to die, and nearly all French military units followed suit.
The upper echelons of the French Army eventually took measures, enforcing strict punishments on these soldiers, but once Pandora¡¯s box was opened, it could not simply be closed again.
To avoid punishment, all manner of bizarre excuses were made. Of course, many pretended to be injured, deliberately inflicting minor wounds on themselves and then hiding out in rear hospitals to recover.
It was not until Marshal Patrice McMahon emerged to discipline the troops and change the punishment regimen that the situation began to improve.
However, the Commander-in-Chief¡¯s first impressions were not so easily altered.
All these factors came together to cause this tragedy.
In the grand scheme of the war, the loss of tens of thousands of soldiers seemed trivial for the French Empire.
However, due to Marshal Patrice McMahon¡¯s eagerness to create a breach quickly, hemitted the army¡¯s main forces to the frontline, making it precisely the elite troops of the French Army that suffered heavy losses.
A look at the unit numbers showed that the lower the number or the more prominent cement, the more likely the unit was a standing army, established for many years, withbat capabilities far surpassing newly formed units.
After Napoleon IV had vented substantially, Prime Minister Terence Burkin stepped forward and suggested, "Your Majesty, what¡¯s done is done.
We should think about damage control now, whether it¡¯s the enemy¡¯s nes or the newly emerged machine guns and mortars; they are worth having.
Today¡¯s battle is not entirely the fault of the frontline generals. The Austrians simply used their new equipment to catch us by surprise, indicating nothing more.
Having learned from this defeat, I believe in subsequent battles, our army will perform to its potential."
Many among the top ranks of the French government, including Prime Minister Terence Burkin, were indignant about this bewildering loss.
In their view, the Austrians had merely capitalized on more advanced equipment to catch them off guard¡ªonce the French Army recovered, the tide would turn.
Upon hearing the Prime Minister¡¯s advice, Napoleon IV¡¯s expression did not improve, and he immediately chastised the Army Minister, eximing, "What is the Army Department doing, consuming so much military budget every year, yet our equipment is so far behind the Austrians?
Don¡¯t tell me this was an ident, whether nes or machine guns, which have existed for decades, why hasn¡¯t our army been equipped with them?"
After a series of questions, the Army Minister bowed even lower. This was a disaster unprovoked.
Arms modernization has never been easy. The original Maxim guns first demonstrated their might when the British used them against natives, and yet they stumbled in World War I.
This time was no exception; Austria had hidden these assets at home,pletely unknown to the outside world.
Until today, themon perception was that the Maxim gun was just an ordinary machine gun, no different in essence from the Gatling, and that nes were merely fanciful toys good for nothing beyond flight shows.
This widespread judgement pervaded all levels of society; the Army Minister was not a transmigrator, with no cheats to exploit, and naturally could not break out of this conventional thinking.
Chapter 911 - 174: Brewing Counterattack
The war had reached a stage where France had staked everything, victory would establish dominion over Europe, defeat meant falling to secondary status.
With France¡¯s historically domineering behavior, they had offended many. When France was strong, no one dared to provoke them, but once they began to decline, it was apletely different story.
Beneath a fallen nest, how can there be intact eggs?
Whether it was Napoleon IV or the French government¡¯s top officials, their fates were bound with the country¡¯s destiny.
By now, a step back was not a vista of expansive skies, but an abyss.
For their own sake and for the nation¡¯s, they had to find a way to win this war.
In the face of life-and-death stakes, reputation had be so worthless it was not worth a farthing, so giarism it was!
If the Austrian army had more advanced equipment, then mimic it. Could the great French Empire not do the same?
At the Emperor¡¯s word, those below ran their legs off. Pressure was passed down from the Cab Government, level by level.
Even though Napoleon III had the reputation of the "Socialist Emperor," France was still a bourgeois state, and arms industries were in the hands of the capitalists.
In the past when there were orders, everyone scrambled for them, and the doors of the Army Department were nearly broken down. But now that the news had been out for a while, it was met with indifference.
It wasn¡¯t that the capitalists didn¡¯t want to make money, the problem was they didn¡¯t have the capacity to earn this money. Simply put, the timing was off.
In the past, they could have epted the orders first and then figured out how to fulfill them, whether by developing on their own or buying technology from abroad.
But now that wasn¡¯t possible, there wasn¡¯t enough time for independent development; and since the technology was exclusively Austrian, and with France and Austria at war, no matter how much money was spent, there was no chance of acquiring the technology.
All the capitalists with connections had received the message early and understood the gravity of the situation. They knew that taking orders and then failing to deliver would lead to serious trouble.
What used to be a hotly sought-after arms order had now be a hot potato, ignored and left to rot in the hands of the Army Department.
Of course, it wasn¡¯t that no one was interested, but rather everyone¡¯s capabilities were limited and unable toplete the task in the short term.
Several armament factories had already indicated that they could start production immediately once the Army Department provided the design drawings.
"How long will it take for you to replicate it?" Army Minister Luskinia asked anxiously.
Just because the armament factories belonged to capitalists did not mean that the French government had left the entire arms issue to them.
The Army Department also employed a group of armament experts and even had its own factories, but due to bureaucratic management, the production costs were too touching, making it impossible to scale up.
Now that the capitalists were too scared to take orders, the burden fell on the Army Department. No matter what, it was a decision made collectively by the Emperor and the government, so the Department had to find a way toplete it.
An older armament expert replied, "Your Grace, we have too little information at hand.
We know nothing about the weapon temtes, design principles, or performance parameters, not even the external structure. With nothing, how can we replicate?"
Replication needs a reference; without anything it¡¯s not replication, but independent development. As it is independent development, naturally, it cannot be done quickly.
Of course, there is another way to develop weapons based on requirements, but this too requires time.
Army Minister Luskinia said impatiently, "Don¡¯t we already have machine guns? Just improve on our guns¡¯ performance.
Aircraft might be a bit more troublesome, but I remember that exhibitions have been published in the newspapers, and there were flight performances in Paris.
If a few civilian enthusiasts can create such things, can¡¯t you do the same?
If it¡¯s really impossible, then buy their technology with money, or just bring them under our wing. It can¡¯t be that difficult!"
It wasn¡¯t that Duke Luskinia was ignorant; not knowing the mechanism of the Maxim gun, he assumed that what the Austrian army was using was a modified version of the Gatling, which wasn¡¯t incorrect.
The situation was the same with aircraft. Aside from dealing smoothly with airships, the Austrian nes had not demonstrated remarkablebat effectiveness.
In those days, everyone¡¯s understanding of aircraft was limited to flight exhibitions; they failed to realize that there could be a huge gap in technology between different aircraft.
Just for dealing with airships, most aircraft would suffice. After all, nes have the advantage of maneuverability; as long as they have sufficient endurance and a load capacity of a couple of hundred pounds, that¡¯s enough.
The elder exined helplessly, "Your Grace, a weapon goes through many stages from design to deployment, requiring a lot of time, and it simply cannot be done without three to five years of effort.
Even if we skip weapon testing because of urgent battlefield conditions, we cannotpress the time needed for design and industrial production.
Even in the best-case scenario, producing a new type of machine gun would take at least three months; as for aircraft, getting them within half a year would be a blessing from God."
Three months, half a year, indeed, such speed was incredibly fast. If they could really be produced in such a short period, it would be nothing short of a miracle.
After all, it was only 1890. Even if Franz¡¯s butterfly effect had elerated the pace of technological development, it was mainly Austria that had benefited, with France merely being passively developed.
Compared with historical contemporaries, even if France¡¯s level of scientific and technologic development had elerated, it could not surpass that of a decade ahead nor lead to a qualitative gap.
...
The world doesn¡¯t revolve around one nation, regardless of the progress in the French¡¯s development of new equipment, the war must go on.
For political needs, the French government covered up the disastrous defeat of the previous offensives. Since there was no defeat, naturally, there was no responsibility to pursue, and General Udino was lucky to evade the fate of facing a military tribunal.
@@novelbin@@
Just because he didn¡¯t have to face a military tribunal didn¡¯t mean he wouldn¡¯t be held ountable. Now, General Udino remained inmand at the front, only because a transitional period was needed to adjust themand structure.
Following such a major incident, an internal inquiry within the French Army was inevitable. As the direct responsible party, it was only a matter of time before General Udino would be sent home to care for his grandchildren.
At French Command, as soon as the news of the offensive¡¯s failure was received, Marshal Patrice McMahon immediately rushed to the front to take charge.
Watching a group of disheartened officers, Patrice McMahon fiercely pped the table and reprimanded sharply, "Take a good look at yourselves in the mirror and see if you even resemble soldiers anymore.
Do you realize that you are on the verge of disgracing France? Especially you, Udino, have you forgotten the promise you made to me?
So, you¡¯ve suffered a setback; we can find an opportunity to get back at the enemyter. Or do you think that just because you¡¯re close to retirement, you can afford to just coast through your days?
I¡¯m telling you, if you don¡¯t want to spend the rest of your lives burdened with a bad reputation, then buck up. Remember, the shame of defeat can only be washed away with blood and victory."
In fact, the low morale of the French officers and soldiers was not solely due to the heavy casualties.
Having faced tens of thousands of casualties before hadn¡¯t led to despair; what truly brought on desperation was the bleak outlook on the war.
Beyond the first day¡¯s devastating losses in the offensive, full-scale warfare had not erupted again in the following days, yet small-scale skirmishes urred daily.
It was not apparent until engaged in battle that the Austrian Army was not as decayed and ipetent as the government propaganda had made them out to be; instead, they were ferocious as a tiger descending from the mountain.
In the fragmentedbat, the two sides resulted in a battle ratio of 1.3:1. For the French Army, which prided itself on being the world¡¯s premier army, a 1.3 was undoubtedly a bolt from the blue.
This was not siege warfare but direct shes in open fields. To their dismay, they found that the French Army was no match for the Austrian Army under the same strength.
Of course, the recent decline in the French Army¡¯s morale also yed a role, but the main reason was the consequences of the crazy expansion of the army.
Even among so-called elite troops, at least one-fifth were new recruits, andbat effectiveness inevitably declined.
In those times, information did not travel easily, and the French government certainly wouldn¡¯t do propaganda for Austria, leading many in the military¡¯s upper echelons to remain unaware of the unique characteristics of the Austrian conscription system.
Via conjecture, they naturally assumed that both armies had expanded with new recruits dragging their feet.
Seeing the French Army being suppressed by the Austrian Army under the same conditions, and not just as an isted instance but spread out along a battlefront spanning hundreds of miles, was a sobering sight.
Frenchmanders who personally witnessed all this naturally lost faith in the war. Of course, this misjudgment and knowing the truth makes no fundamental difference.
After all, facts have proved that under equal forces, the expanded French Army simply could not defeat the Austrian Army.
Some might bring up equipment, but weapons and gear are part of a military¡¯s strength. The age of knights is over; as long as victory in war is secured, who cares about fairness?
In a sense, Austria¡¯s greatest ally was the Italians. It was they who first spread the pessimistic ideas; after the initial setbacks in the offensive and the heavy casualties, these ideas quickly spread throughout the French Army and even began to influence from the bottom up.
Marshal Patrice McMahon hastened here precisely to restore the morale of the troops, but the scene before him told him that the situation was worse than he imagined.
The "woo-woo-woo" of the air raid rm shattered the tense atmosphere at themand post.
From bombing others to being bombed daily, it had only been a few short days, but this psychological gap proved too much to bear for many.
Having seen this, Marshal Patrice McMahon began to understand why everyone¡¯s morale was so low.
As the suprememander of the French Army, Patrice McMahon knew more about the situation than anyone else.
```
Sometimes, knowing too much is not a good thing. Being the only sober person in a crowd of drunks is not so easy to endure.
Unlike those radicals back home who dream of breaking Vienna, Patrice McMahon¡¯s battle ns were always just about taking over the territory west of the Rhine River.
It wasn¡¯t that Patrice McMahoncked ambition, but because he was well aware that the French Army was not as strong as the government propaganda imed, and the enemy was not as weak either.
If they could take the territory west of the Rhine River, France could defend from a position of strength. McMahon was confident that even if Austriaunched a full-scale attack, he could hold them off.
As for breaking Vienna, shouting slogans would suffice. Patrice McMahon was old, well past the age of radicalism.
General Udino said bitterly, "I am very sorry, Marshal. I have let you down! If it weren¡¯t for mymand error earlier, we wouldn¡¯t have seen our favorable situation copse."
Copse of the situation?
The war situation was clearly not that dire yet; on the Central European battlefield, the French Army still held the initiative.
As for the counterattacksunched by the Austrian army, they were child¡¯s y. It was certain that until they could gather sufficient forces, the Austrian army was incapable of deciding a battle with the French Army.
Patrice McMahon said, "Cut the nonsense. Right now, I have only one demand, and that is to breach the Rhine Defense line as soon as possible.
This is yourst chance. I don¡¯t care what methods you use, but you mustplete this order before the enemy¡¯s reinforcements arrive."
There was one thing he didn¡¯t say out loud: this was also France¡¯sst chance.
If they missed this opportunity, it would be difficult for France to win the war.
Even if the French Army managed to rally and luckily win the warter on, it would only be a superficial victory; the reality would be a Pyrrhic one.
"Marshal, the biggest problem now is the enemy¡¯s trenches. ording to the intelligence we¡¯ve collected, the enemy has deployed at least ten thousand machine guns, thousands of heavy artillery pieces, and over five thousand ordinary artillery pieces along the Rhine River line.
The enemy has built dense fireworks by relying on trenches, and our troops simply can¡¯t make it through.
To reduce casualties among officers and soldiers, our men can only advance by crawling. Even if they luckily reach the enemy¡¯s frontline, they¡¯d still face barriers of barbed wire.
The best way to tear through the Rhine Defense line is to concentrate our artillery in a surprise attack on a key location, gaining fire superiority in the area right away..."
Solutions are conjured by people. Although the phrase ¡¯crawling forward¡¯ wasn¡¯t used, charging while crawling is essentially the same as crawling forward in nature.
Concentrating firepower for bombardment to gain regional fire superiority is also the most appropriate approach for the French Army at the moment. From this aspect, General Udino was still fit for the role.
Patrice McMahon nodded, "Very well, I approve your battle n. Udino, I¡¯m giving you onest chance. I don¡¯t want to hear any more bad news."
Frankly speaking, Patrice McMahon did not wish for Udino to continuemanding the troops. But there was no choice; in the French Army, officers with the capability tomand hundreds of thousands of troops were few.
Among these few, Udino was indeed one of the morepetent ones. If not for his earlier mistake, another great general might have risen.
```
Chapter 912 - 175, Strategic Highway
Counterattack also required time to prepare; decimated troops needed to be reced and given rest, and strategic supplies needed time to be gathered and transported.
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It had already been proven that modern warfare was no longer simply aboutbat on the battlefield; the rear areas were equally engaged in the fight.
The newly initiated Battle of Rhine is one such example; without Austria assembling arge number of machine guns and artillery, it would have been impossible to withstand the French Army¡¯s assault with inferior troop strength.
The stronger the artillery, the greater the logistical needs. Over eighty percent of the trains and ships heading from Austria to the frontlines were transporting strategic materials.
If not for the logistical supplies upying a massive amount of transport capacity, the operations of the Austrian army would not have been so slow.
Of course, the current slowness was in preparation for future speed.
In fact, several years ago the Vienna Government had proposed to the German Federation: construct a strategic road from Bavaria directly to Luxembourg.
But at the time, the situation in Europe was still peaceful, and there wasn¡¯t enough crisis awareness; due to cost issues, an agreement was dyed.
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After all, the transport system in Germany Region was already well-developed, with river transport and railways fully capable of satisfying daily transport needs; the economic value of constructing another road was too low.
Moreover, Ennd and France were worried that Austria, through this road, would deepen its influence in the western Germany Region and discreetly hindered the n, which was then shelved.
It wasn¡¯t until the outbreak of war in Europe that the increased logistical transportation pressures at the front-line forced the Sub-State governments to reluctantly restart the strategic road project.
To save time, governments decided to widen and reconnect the existing roads.
There was so little time that it was simply impossible for the German Federation alone toplete this project in a short period. Even just constructing a temporary road was beyond their capability.
As a good ally, Austria naturally extended a helping hand. To date, the number ofborers from Austria that had entered the Germany Region had exceeded six hundred thousand, which was more than the Austrian soldiers on the Rhine front.
With such a massive construction crew, management naturally presented a challenge.
Fortunately, Austria employed a universal conscription system, and these drafted civilian husbands, even if they had never entered the military, had trained in the reserves and could adapt in the shortest time.
The inconspicuous Town of Weiss, due to its geographical location, was selected to be a new main artery.
The section of construction was managed by the Third Austrian Engineering Division, Fourth Regiment, Third Battalion. As the technical officer, Engineer Eveson, was currently surveying the site with a telescope.
It was said to be a survey; in reality, Eveson only brought paper and a pen, and a telescope. Measuring and surveying instruments werepletely absent.
It wasn¡¯t that he was neglecting his duties or beingzy, mainly because in order to meet the deadline, there was no time to waste on preliminary work.
Past surveying, analysis, and research were now all omitted. "Eyeball it + Experience = Roadmap."
Once a general direction was set, construction just moved forward. Aside from geographical constraints that necessitated the avoidance of special areas, everything else was just straightforward.
This was road construction, not some precision work. Even if there were errors, the worst that could happen would be needing to turn midway during joining; as long as the deviation wasn¡¯t too extreme, it was eptable.
"What a pity, such a fine estate is about to be divided in two!"
Walking along, Eveson had already lost count of how many times he issued a simrment. There was no helping it; his job now was that of a demolition worker.
The ins of the estate, while facilitating agricultural production, also facilitated road construction. All it took was a bit of leveling and solidifying thend with concrete.
Geological conditions, soil types, load-bearing capacity¡ªwhat were once fundamental parameters for construction had now be redundant.
Constructing roads in ins areas, even ifter pressure proved too great and caused foundation settlement, it wouldn¡¯t settle too far.
Road quality issues, that was overthinking it; now everything was done in haste, as long as dangers were within a controble range, the rest didn¡¯t matter.
If worsees to worst, they could rebuild after the war; as long as it served its temporary purpose and satisfied logistical transportation needs, it was sufficient.
Besides, in this era, the carrying capacity of cars was limited; only heavy trucks could carry tens of tons of cargo at once, so the demand on road load-bearing capacity wasn¡¯t high.
"Lieutenant, someone outside is looking for you, says there¡¯s an urgent matter to discuss with you,"
a duty-bound Guard came running to inform.
Since it was military-style management, military ranks were inevitable. Although merely a newly drafted civilian engineer, Eveson had still be a junior officer based on his technical skills.
Putting down the telescope he was focusing on, Eveson slowly asked, "Understood. Ask him first, what he needs from me.
If he can¡¯t specify the matter, or if the reasons are too far-fetched or the demands too excessive, send him away."
It was evident that Lieutenant Eveson was experienced in handling such matters. Even without meeting someone, he knew what the person was after.
"Demolition," naturally involves interests. At that time, there were no demolition fees, even if thend was privately owned, the necessarynd still had to be used.
At most, they would give a symbolicpensation, which could not possibly be much higher than the marketnd price.
If it wererge-scalend requisition, suchpensation might not result in a loss for thendowners. The problem now was justpensation for thend upied by the roads.
However, the loss of benefits brought about by road construction far exceeded thend it upied. Many estates were bisected by the roads, immediately bing less useful.
If you wanted to argue, sorry, but this was a time of war. Everything had to give way to the war, all issues had to wait until after the war.
Not everyone had the bigger picture in mind, and not everyone was willing to make sacrifices. Naturally, there were many who sought connections to minimize or transfer their losses.
Those who could seek help were not ordinary people; at the beginning, to build good rtions with local powers, Eveson even attended many banquets.
However, he soon gave up, as the situation ofnd consolidation in the Germany Region was already very severe, and no matter how the road was routed, it was inevitable that some people¡¯s interests would be harmed.
After all, this was a strategic road, and its area of upation was naturally substantial. Compared to the original roads that were two to three meters wide, it now increased five or six times, all of which required the use ofnd.
To get rich, build roads first, did not apply in the Germany Region. The local economy was already quite good, and the existing roads were enough for daily transport needs.
The strategic highway being constructed now essentially severely harmed the interests of thendowners.
Like the estate before us, once it was bisected by the road, not only would its size be reduced, but the management costs would also increase significantly, and its value would naturally plummet.
If it had been before the copse of the Luxembourg Line, Lieutenant Eveson would still consider whether to sell thendowner a favor by routing around from the peripheral areas.
Not now, with the higher-ups repeatedly urging for progress, naturally, the faster the better. As for subsequent issues, that was the Sub-State government¡¯s own affair.
...
"Lieutenant, this is the wine I brought for..."
Before the old man could finish, Eveson interrupted, "Sorry Mr. Will, you should know that the Luxembourg Line has already fallen, and now the Rhine Defense Line is also hanging by a thread.
For the sake of the strategic situation, the higher-ups have ordered that most road sections be connected within two months; we have no time left."
The Rhine Defense Line wasn¡¯t truly hanging by a thread, but when it came to demolition, it had to be considered as such.
If there was no sense of urgency, who could guarantee that thesendowners would not be greedy and deliberately obstruct the construction of the highway?
The old man bitterly replied, "Lieutenant, I understand all these reasons. Once the French break through the Rhine Defense Line, this ce will be a battlefield, and no one will be able to stay out of it.
But this is a vineyard, and once the highway passes through the middle, it will inevitably affect the quality of the grapes.
Please go around from the side, it¡¯s only less than a kilometer extra, the terrain here is t, and it won¡¯t take much time!"
Building the highway through the middle of the vineyard would affect the quality of the grapes, that was inevitable. Not to mention, the noise from vehicle traffic and the dust on the road would affect the nearby grape growth.
Grapes don¡¯t keep well, and these days vineyards mainly sell raisins and wine. If they cater to the low-end market, a slight decline in grape quality doesn¡¯t matter.
But to enter the mid to high-end market, anything that could potentially affect grape quality was fatal for vineyard owners.
Eveson shook his head, "Sir, I am truly sorry, but I can¡¯t help you with this request. I personally suggest you negotiate with the local government as soon as possible regardingpensation to minimize your losses.
You might think that detouring a few hundred meters through the neighboringnd would minimize economic loss and not add much workload,
But don¡¯t forget, the neighboringnd also has owners. They certainly wouldn¡¯t want such a thing happening on theirnd.
If thendowners make an appeal to the military, this kind of tant encroachment and targeted behavior couldnd me in a military court."
Austria is, after all, preparing to unify the Germany Region, so it couldn¡¯t act recklessly. Constructing a strategic highway required the use ofnd, which everyone could understand, but this had to be done as fairly as possible.
Even if a detour was necessary, it couldn¡¯t ur unless thendowner had first coordinated everything and everyone agreed, only then could it proceed.
The old man nodded helplessly, "I¡¯m sorry to have troubled your Excellency. If the road cannot be rerouted, then let¡¯s shift it a bit to pass through the edge of the estate.
You don¡¯t need to worry about the additional workload, I will organize people toe and help, it won¡¯t affect the construction schedule."
"A slight shift without involvingnd disputes and without affecting the construction schedule, I see no problem!"
Lieutenant Eveson wasn¡¯t intentionally making things difficult, and he was quite willing to do a favor when it did not impact the mission.
The local officials responsible for coordination also breathed a sigh of relief, such events had urred countless times. Any issue that could be resolved without conflict was considered a perfect oue.
Chapter 913 - 176: Crisis in Egypt
When the Central European Battlefield had reached a stalemate, the Egyptian battlefield was also at a critical moment.
Since the Austrian army had set aside political burdens, the canal, once a natural barrier, had turned into a thoroughfare, no longer hindering the Austrian advance.
Once closebat ensued, the problems with the French Army began to gradually surface.
There was no choice, France¡¯s manpower was limited, it was impossible to deploy regr troops to the Egypt Area without limits. With an insufficient number of main force troops, they could only make do with the Colonial Army.
While they might look simr, theirbat effectiveness was worlds apart.
The rebellion in Egypt had just passed a few years ago, and French rule was not that stable. Watching France and Austria fighting like dogs, the Egyptian people really had no interest in getting involved.
If it weren¡¯t for the guns pointed at their necks, Egyptians would definitely not be willing to go to the battlefield to be cannon fodder.
Inside the Cairo Governor¡¯s Office, Governor Jacob stared solemnly at the map. From the various brightly colored arrows, it was clear that the strategic situation of the French Army was very unpromising.
If it weren¡¯t for the French Navy performing well, holding the coastline of Egypt, they would really be surrounded by the enemy now.
Not being surrounded is merely a step away from being surrounded. Facing an encirclement on three sides by the enemy, it was certain that the Egyptian Colonial Government alone could not hold on.
After a while, Governor Jacob turned around and asked, "When can the reinforcements from home arrive?"
If they couldn¡¯t win, naturally, they could only ask for help from back home. Anyway, France was being defeated across the whole African Battlefield, and it wasn¡¯t shameful for the Egyptian Colonial Government to ask for reinforcements too.
"Your Excellency, the Army Department has denied our request for reinforcements, ordering us to carry forward the excellent traditions of the French Army and ovee the difficulties..."
Before the middle-aged officer could finish speaking, Governor Jacob swept the documents off the desk in front of him and roared, "Enough, no need to continue."
"Damned bureaucrats, they must have smashed their brains on women¡¯s bellies, forgetting even the most basic military knowledge.
Everyone knows what Egypt means to France, even a three-year-old child. Once Austria upies Egypt, they can just wash their necks and wait to be ughtered!
...
Looking at a Eurasian map, it¡¯s clear that Egypt not only has the world¡¯s most important Gold Canal but also represents thest barrier preventing Austro-Africa from connecting with the homnd.
Once Austria holds Egypt, a behemoth far surpassing any empire in history will appear.
By then, France would be in danger. With its strong human and material resources, Austria could wear down any enemy.
Such an obvious issue, anyone with a bit of military knowledge would understand, so naturally, the Army Department should be aware of it.
Knowing the problem does not equate to solving the problem. The best solution would naturally be to send troops to reinforce Egypt, but sending reinforcements is not child¡¯s y.
The enemy is Austria, not a Native Tribe; simply sending more troops would be meaningless. Along with increasing troops, firepower support must be ensured, otherwise, it¡¯s merely delivering heads over a thousand miles.
The stronger the firepower, the higher the consumption of resources. France had deployed over two million troops on the Central European Battlefield and another one and a half million on the southern line, while also needing to provide logistics for millions of troops in Africa, including Egypt.
Such logistic pressure was already a rey of World War I in the original timeline. Even though France¡¯s scale far surpassed that of the original timeline, allowing for more mobilization of manpower and resources, the Allied Powers¡¯ support wasn¡¯t in ce!
The only Britannia ally was not lending aid like it did in the original timeline. Now, they were leisurely drinking coffee at home, watching a drama called "The Storm of Europe."
Of course, profiteering from war was also an indispensable operation. From the outbreak of the war to now, tariffs between Ennd and France had increased by fifty-seven percent, and the export of strategic materials had even doubled.
Not buying?
No problem!
Once you step out this door, all the stores behind are mine.
You see what to do about it¡ªafter all, this era¡¯s industrial powerhouses are so few, what they run is a monopoly business.
With the war progressing to this point, the French government was enduring both the high costs of materials and myriad issues like substandard quality and dyed transactions.
If the war continues, it won¡¯t be the battlefield but finance and logistics that could lead to France¡¯s failure.
To break through the Rhine Defense line as soon as possible, the Paris Government had just decided to reinforce the front lines, and the originally nned reinforcements for the Egypt Area naturally fizzled out.
Seeing that Governor Jacob¡¯s venting had almost subsided, the middle-aged officer added, "Your Excellency, the homnd has decided to retract the colonial territories in the Region of Africa. They are preparing to temporarily give up areas like Nigeria, Mali, Senegal, and Mauritania.
After retracting the colonial territories, the troops from these areas will retreat into the Algeria Region to hold their ground. The Army Department indicated that if needed, they could send over twenty infantry divisions to reinforce us."
Governor Jacob was very clear about the situation in Africa; the so-called temporary abandonment was merely a fig leaf.
These areas, mostly bordering Austro-Africa, had faced the fiercest attacks from the Austrian army when the war first erupted¡ªscenes were dismal.
Even without pulling back the defense lines, it was only a matter of time before they fell. The Paris Government couldn¡¯t even take care of Egypt, let alone build a continuous defense line spanning thousands of miles for North Africa.
The Colonial Empire was copsing, and for colonists like Governor Jacob, it was aplete internal breakdown.
For the Egypt Area, this was begrudgingly good news. Regardless of thebat effectiveness of these reinforcements, at least it showed that the homnd hadn¡¯t given up on them.
Although this oue wasn¡¯t satisfying for Governor Jacob, in the absence of other choices, having reinforcements was better than having none.
"Tell the Army Department that we are facing the Austrian regr army, not some colonial cannon fodder army.
If we want to hold off the enemy¡¯s troops, the reinforcements must all be of French descent; don¡¯t send Native Troops just to waste food," he said.
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After the outbreak of war, to preserve the Colonial Empire, the French government also sent reinforcements to the colonies.
The main armed force in the colonies now consists of the troops dispatched from the domestic armed forces supplemented by local French-descended units.
They were several notches above the Native Troops inbat effectiveness due to their training and better equipment, yet still a few notches below the metropolitan troops, barely passable for use.
Before the middle-aged officer could speak, he suddenly remembered the sound of "whooosh¡" followed immediately by "boom, boom¡".
This is Cairo, hundreds of kilometers away from the front lines; it was impossible for artillery to reach this far.
Suddenly, the sound of an explosion rang out beside him, Governor Jacob immediately realized something was wrong and hastily ordered, "Send the order down, have the airship troops take off immediately to intercept the enemy airships, and the anti-air units to coordinate."
In those days, anti-air units were essentially tasked with dealing with, or rather scouting, low-flying airships. Against high-flying airships, only more airships would suffice.
Of course, after the Rhine Air Battle, this knowledge had be outdated.
Whether for secrecy, bureaucratic malfeasance, or because it was deemed unnecessary, this shift in military doctrine had not reached Governor Jacob in a timely fashion.
As this order was issued, a scene once witnessed on the banks of the Rhine reurred in the skies over Cairo, albeit on a much smaller scale.
In a sense, Governor Jacob¡¯s order was correct. The destruction of the airship troops also reduced the logistical pressure on Cairo¡¯s defenders.
After all, since the advent of airnes, airship troops without fighter escorts were merely sitting ducks once airborne.
To remain grounded was also a waste of resources. Maintaining an airship was very expensive; the maintenance costs for one could rival that of a destroyer.
France might have had the capacity to produce airnes, but to produce fighter nes in a short amount of time was a pipe dream.
...
After the "tat tat tat¡" a French airship¡¯s envelope was punctured and it began to plummet rapidly.
After casually dropping a special bomb to ensure the enemy¡¯s demise, the excited Lieutenant Wade was finally satisfied.
Looking around, French airships were either falling or exploding; those that hadn¡¯t yet fallen had be targets forrades.
Aircraft massacring airships didn¡¯t need assistance. At such a time, squeezing in to rob peers of their glory was something Lieutenant Wade would not stoop to.
"It seems today¡¯s bounty ends here. I envy those deployed to the Central European Battlefield. I hear that in the air battles over the Rhine River, someone racked up three consecutive kills.
It¡¯s not possible here, too many monks and not enough soup. Damn French, iming to be the foremost power in Europe, yet not provisioning enough ships to go around."
The young man piloting the aircraft couldn¡¯t resist mocking, "Well, brave Lieutenant Wade, I know you are the bravest warrior.
To massacre enemy airships like this is really beneath you, utterly unbefitting your stature.
A fight on equal footing would really highlight your bravery, like now, going down to capture French general Jacob and creating another military miracle.
Don¡¯t worry, I¡¯ve brought a parachute for you. If you¡¯re willing, I don¡¯t mind opening the hatch again." Enjoy new adventures from NovelBin.C?m
Annoyed and embarrassed, Lieutenant Wade scolded, "Shut up, Adolf! That joke isn¡¯t the least bit funny. I¡¯ve exined many times that words spoken when drunk shouldn¡¯t be taken seriously."
Undoubtedly, this was a dark chapter in Lieutenant Wade¡¯s history.
Theoretically, suddenly dropping from the sky had a chance ofnding right at the enemy¡¯s headquarters. If the enemy was foolish enough, it might even be possible to capture the enemy¡¯s suprememander.
A simr case urred when a lucky U.S. pilot mistakenlynded and captured an Italian unit.
However, such instances were extremely rare. Although there were Italians among the French soldiers below, most were French.
Lieutenant Wade, having had his judgment impaired by alcohol, concocted this ludicrous n. Now sober, he naturally would not seek his own death.
Adolf gave a slight smile, "Alright, my bad, enough of the jokes. We havepleted our mission, and just sitting here isn¡¯t helping.
Shall I lower our altitude a bit so you can sweep the area with the machine gun, see if there¡¯s an unexpected windfall?"
Austria had been engaged in aircraft research for many years, yet their air force¡¯sbat experience was virtually nonexistent.
In this area, even the capable Franz couldn¡¯t help. An army¡¯s growth requires a vast umtion of experience.
Franz¡¯s knowledge about air forces was very limited, mostly derived from online memes. Relying on them for air force training was tantamount to suicide.
"You¡¯re not joking?"
Wade asked incredulously. His facial expression revealed his astonishment as if Adolf¡¯s suggestion hadpletely rewritten his understanding.
"Of course!"
Adolf affirmed, pausing before adding, "The enemy, daring to let airships take off, shows that the lessons from the Rhine battlefront haven¡¯t reached them.
Since the enemy has never encountered airnes, they naturallyck countermeasures. Using tactics designed for airships against us just won¡¯t cut it.
Let¡¯s try it at five hundred meters; if there¡¯s any danger, I¡¯ll fly away immediately. The enemy¡¯s response time couldn¡¯t possibly keep up with us.
If we¡¯re lucky and take out a few big fish, we hit the jackpot."
...
Chapter 914 - 177: Civilian Casualties
Three dayster, a report titled "On Low-Altitude Dive Machine Gun Strafing" appeared before Governor Fev.
Recording the course of battles and summarizing the gains and losses is a fine tradition of the Austrian Army and also its unique feature in this era.
Documenting the war¡¯s progress may seem simple, but not everyone can aplish it. At the very least, a country that hasn¡¯tpleted mandatory education wouldn¡¯t be able to do so.
The advantages of doing so are obvious, perhaps most of the recordedbat experience is repetitive nonsense, but as long as one-thousandth of the content is valuable, it¡¯s a gain.
This is especially true when ites to the use of new weapons and the exploration of new tactics; these data are extremely important.
Therefore, only officers in the army write reports, but in the freshly formed Air Force, everyone is required to write reports.
Low-altitude dive bombing and low-altitude dive machine gun strafing are not new terms; simr concepts had been proposed decades ago.
Make no mistake, this has nothing to do with His Majesty Franz. Though Franz is a novice in military matters, he also understood that military concepts fromter generations, though not bad, are based on specific conditions.
Take dive bombing as an example; it¡¯s not just about flying at low altitude and dropping bombs. Not every aircraft possesses the capability to perform low-altitude diving.
Even if an aircraft¡¯s performance is satisfactory, how exactly low-altitude flying is executed also needs to be explored in actualbat.
While achieving military results, it is also essential to ensure the safety of personnel and aircraft as much as possible, otherwise, it would be just a remake of the kamikaze squadrons.
Therefore, the great strategic concept of ying with airship low-altitude dive carpet bombing is not Franz¡¯s masterpiece.
The emergence of this concept in the Austrian army wasn¡¯t misced; it was supported by realbat examples.
When airships were just introduced into military use, the Austrian Airship Troop experimented on the Ottomans and achieved significant results.
At that time, this strategic concept even became mainstream in the world, receiving many rmendations from military influencers.
However, with the advent of anti-aircraft weapons, everyone realized that low-flying airships were sitting ducks, and this theory was quickly shelved.
Just because airships are not suitable doesn¡¯t mean that airnes aren¡¯t either; at least for the moment, anti-aircraft weapons pose little threat to airnes, making low-altitude dive strafing theoretically feasible.
Because of the insufficient load capacity of airnes, strategic bombing turned into machine gun strafing, greatly reducing its power.
With the failure of airships as a precedent, General Fev didn¡¯t rush to make a decision but fell into deep thought.
Whether this is a singr case or a military concept with long-term development and application prospects remains a mystery to this day.
Seeing that Governor Fev was hesitant to make a decision, Brigadier General Andrew McCarthy by his side added fuel to the fire.
"Commander, whether dive machine gun strafing has a future or not, it¡¯s effective in the short term,"
"We¡¯ve already conducted several drills, and the current anti-aircraft weapons pose very little threat to airnes, making dive strafing easily achieve results."
"Even if the French discover this tactic¡¯s weakness, it will take them time to devise a countermeasure. Until then, it does not affect our promotion of this tactic."
Brigadier General Andrew was so proactive, essentially due to pressure. Compared to the navy and army, the Air Force is just a junior.
If the Air Force were strong enough, this tactic, which requires no coordination with other branches, wouldn¡¯t even need to be reported to the war zonemander; they could handle it themselves.
Military personnel still need to speak with their achievements. The Austrian Air Force was established too recently to have any notable aplishments, naturally weakening their position in discussions.
If not for Franz¡¯s support, they would still be part of the army¡¯s aviation unit, incapable of bing an independent force.
In this context, everyone in the Air Force was holding their breath, eager to prove their value on the battlefield.
That¡¯s why the Air Force has always been the most proactive in promoting new tactics. Otherwise, they wouldn¡¯t immediately verify the feasibility of abat report they received.
After pondering for a moment, Fev nodded, "Theoretically, it is feasible, but we still need more realbat cases to support it before it can be promoted throughout the army.
In theing days, I allow you Air Force to carry out independent sorties to verify or, shall we say, refine this tactic."
The development of military technology is never smooth sailing. A major power like Austria has sufficient funds to "pay tuition" for the development of military technology, and any new tactic is built up through countless failures.
This is also why many weapons and tactical concepts, despite being invented, are slow to be adopted. Without the support of actualbat results, everyonecks confidence!
...
With the support of the war zonemander, the Austrian Air Force stationed in the Sinai Penins immediately took action.
The Egypt Area "livened up," not only were positions and fortresses bombed heavily; streets, alleys, and farnds also became hunting grounds for the Austrian Air Force.
Keen to gather morebat data, the Air Force no longer considered costs, trying every possible ce.
As for the consequences, those were beyond Brigadier General Andrew¡¯s consideration; after all, the bullets werending on enemy territory, it was merely a question of the extent of the results.
...
Ever since the demise of the airship troops, the skies above Cairo became the territory of the Austrian Air Force, with airships and nes making irregr appearances to clock in for work every day.
For the sake of his life, Governor Jacob had to move the headquarters into the basement. In fact, he initially wanted to find a safer bomb shelter.
Unfortunately, Cairo, at the heart of Egypt, was never considered by the French to face an external threat, with the most recent military danger being thest rebel siege.
The native rebel army, at most, had a few crude cannons, whose shells could never reach the governor¡¯s mansion. There was no need for a bomb shelter, so naturally, there was none.
After the outbreak of the war between France and Austria, Governor Jacob had only considered the issue of the Canal Defense Line; he had never anticipated a threat from the sky.
By the time the crisis had arrived, it was toote to think about digging one. After all, a bomb shelter that could amodate the French Command was not something that could be constructed as simply as arge cave.
"Governor, the enemy¡¯s air force is too arrogant, showing no respect for France. We must strike back," someone said.
Those words, of course, could not havee from a French soldier. Every officer present knew that it wasn¡¯t that they did not want to strike back, but that they simplycked the capability to do so.
Looking at the infuriated middle-aged man, Governor Jacob furrowed his brow and remained silent for a long while before he slowly began to speak, "Governor Abraham, please review the battle reports or at least pay some attention to the domestic political news."
"It¡¯s not just us; even back home, the Austrian air force is unstoppable. Just a week ago, Paris also was attacked by the enemy," he added.
Upon hearing that Paris had been attacked, the expressions of everyone present drastically changed, clearly hearing this news for the first time.
Seeing everyone¡¯s expressions, Jacob realized there was a problem with his outlook. Before the war, news from Paris would have reached Egypt in just a few hours.
The telegraph service in France was run by capitalists whose primary concern was profit maximization; strategic considerations were secondary.
Under these circumstances, a dedicated submarine cable from maind France to Egypt was never a possibility.
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Instead, the telegram would travel viand cables through the Algeria Region, passing through regions in Austro-Africa, even coborating with Austrian telegrampanies.
Thispliance with international management had enabled the telegram to spread across most regions of the world over decades through regional cooperation.
If left to individualpanies without coboration, no single firm would have had the capacity to connect the globe.
The war in Europe erupted suddenly, having only brewed for a few months before it broke out. Even the French government was momentarily dumbfounded, let alone the telegrampanies.
Economics had to make way for politics, and with the onset of war, the Austrian telegrampanies naturally suspended their information transmission services.
Now, the connection between Egypt and the maind relied primarily on military ships traveling between the two regions. Even the most informed sources now struggled to receive domestic news.
After a pause, Governor Abraham, realizing the gravity, eximed in horror, "Governor, are you sure you¡¯re not joking?"
In the hearts of the French, modern-day Paris held a sacrosanct status. The news of Paris being attacked was terrifying, iparably more severe than the daily bombings in Cairo.
Jacob nodded seriously, "Do you think if it hadn¡¯t happened, I would joke about such a matter?"
"However, the situation is not as dire as you imagine. The enemy merely flew over Paris and did not cause significant damage.
As you may have noticed, the enemy¡¯s air force is not as frightening as it appears. Despite their imposing appearance, the bombings have caused us minimal actual damage.
The homnd is already preparing to manufacture airnes. As long as we hold on for a while, the enemy¡¯s advantage will cease to exist.
Now, we¡"
Bombing was terrifying, yet not so much. Although the French air defense troops were subpar, they still existed, and with outdated air defense weapons, they managed to keep the Austrian airships from flying at low altitudes.
Dropping bombs from a few thousand meters up had about the same probability of hitting their target as winning the lottery.
Purely in terms of lethality, the airnes that performed asional dive shootings caused more casualties to the French Army than the airship bombings did in terms of efficiency.
Governor Abraham interrupted, "Governor, I need to correct that, the enemy air force has caused us significant damage.
Since the bombings began, factories, shops, and recreational facilities within Cairo City can no longer operate normally.
The public has fallen into panic, and those with a bit of savings are desperately fleeing. ording to iplete statistics, nearly 15,000 civilians have left Cairo in the past week.
Not only has Cairo¡¯s economy been severely impacted, but other regions of Egypt have also suffered to varying degrees, especially in terms of human casualties.
Based on reports from various regions, preliminary estimates suggest that the civilian casualties caused by the enemy air attacks have already exceeded ten thousand."
There was no help for it; even inefficient bombing, once the bombs were dropped, always had an effect.
The military, operating in limited areas and knowing how to preserve life under enemy bombardment, did not suffer high casualties after the initial adjustment period.
Civilians, however, reacted differently to enemy bombings; their first instinct was to run, with few having any sense of air defense.
A chaotic escape naturally led to high casualty numbers. Particrly after the Austrian nes started low altitude strafing, the situation worsened.
mming his hand on the table, Governor Jacob vehemently said, "The Austrians are utterly despicable for involving civilians in war!
Governor Abraham, you are responsible for gathering the relevant information; we must expose their atrocities to the internationalmunity."
Receiving this response, everyone fell silent again. Diplomatic protests in those times were thest struggle of the weak; the powers-that-be preferred more direct methods of intimidation.
Regarding Jacob¡¯s proposal to use international society to exert political pressure, naturally, no one held expectations.
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There was no choice in an era defined bypeting deficiencies; every colonial empire had its own murky history. If these were to be unraveled, no one would have an easy time.
Compared to this, the civilian casualties brought by war were deemed insignificant, particrly since the conflict was taking ce in Africa, minimizing impact on the European world.
...
Chapter 915 - 168, France Needs Allies
The diplomatic protest raised by Governor Jacob was, in fact, merely a defiant remark. France couldn¡¯t afford to lose face by begging the internationalmunity for assistance.
Losing battles and pinning hopes on international intervention is the behavior of losers, unbefitting of France¡¯s great nation status.
Of course, the main issue was that the protest was futile. With the four power brokers of the European continent brawling among themselves, one couldn¡¯t expect a group of minor countries, ying cheerleaders, to step in and interfere, could they?
War inevitably brings casualties. French civilian casualties were high, but those on the side of the Anti-French Alliance were far from minor.
In particr, the already upied regions of Belgium and the Rhinnd, thoughcking specific statistics, one could be certain that civilian casualties numbered in the tens of thousands.
This is the peak era of the colonial empires, and also the peak of racial discrimination, not all ethnicities have human rights.
It would be better not to lift this lid, for once lifted, the result would be "incurring heavy losses to oneself while inflicting less on the enemy".
If mishandled, and European countries came to believe that France was finished and one by one flocked to embrace Austria¡¯s thigh, the trouble would be serious.
The current Anti-French Alliance was already troublesome enough; if the Austrians managed to cheat a few more allies into their fold, there would be no need to fight the ensuing battles.
In fact, the greatest threat the Austrian Air Force posed to the French Army was not the direct damage on the battlefield.
Whether it was airship bombings or aircraft strafing, the battle oues were a matter of luck.
When lucky, a single air raid could inflict casualties in the thousands; when not, the results wouldn¡¯t even cover the cost of fuel.
Compared to the direct battle achievements of the Austrian Air Force, Governor Jacob was more worried about the impact on military morale and spirit.
After a series of blows, the pride of the French Army gradually eroded, and more and more people lost confidence in the uing battles.
Misfortunes nevere singly, and just as Governor Jacob was worried about the Austrian Air Force,
a burly young military officer ran in from outside, gasping for air and said, "Your Excellency, Governor... something terrible has happened!"
Governor Jacob¡¯s heart tightened at the sight of the young officer¡¯s anxious expression; he knew big trouble was looming.
Having weathered many storms, Jacob quickly adjusted himself and pretended to be nonchnt, saying, "Olen, slow down. The sky hasn¡¯t fallen, where did the enemy bomb this time?"
Compared to other bad news on the battlefield, Governor Jacob would still prefer to hear that the uing bad news was about enemy air force bombing.
Having had airships in the military domain for so many years, with Austria being the first to use them inbat, the French, though proud, were not foolish and could not be unprepared for such an enemy.
When establishing military supplies warehouses, Governor Jacob had considered the threat from the sky early on. This was why the French Army, even after losing air superiority, suffered heavy personnel casualties only.
The young officer Olen hastily shook his head: "It¡¯s not an air raid! The enemy has breached our eastern defensive line again, the Aswan Region is in danger."
Hearing the word "again," Governor Jacob only felt a toothache. There was no helping it, from the outbreak of the war to now, the defensive lines deployed by the French Army in the Sudan area had been broken through three times.
Fortunately, the colonial territories were vast enough to allow the French Army the opportunity to establish new defensive lines further back. Regrettably, the colonial troops were always unreliable, each line failing to hold for more than a few days.
In Jacob¡¯s view, it would be more urate to say that it was not the French frontline forces resisting the Austrian invasion, but rather the harsh geographical conditions and poor transportation hindering the enemy¡¯s advance.
"Order General Parker to gather the defeated troops on the frontline and construct a new defensive line in the Aswan Region.
Order the 17th and 24th Divisions to head there immediately for reinforcement.
Order the garrisons in areas like Comm emb and Iddefu to be prepared for battle..."
A series ofmands were issued, indicating that Governor Jacob had little hope for the frontline French Army. The active defense was merely to buy time, not with the expectation of holding back the enemy.
```
Otherwise, it would be concentrating forces to create a single defense line to hold back the enemy¡¯s onught, rather than preparing for war on a regional basis and engaging in defense at every step to trade space for time.
There is no best tactic in this world, only the one that is most suitable.
ording to the Paris Government¡¯s n, the task of the African Colonial Government was to hold their ground and buy time, waiting for the French Army to secure a victory on the European continent. Explore more stories at NovelBin.C?m
Without a doubt, Governor Jacob was strictly implementing this n. Except for a few ambitious offensives organized at the outbreak of the war, he soon entered a state of total defense.
Unfortunately, no n can keep up with rapid changes. The war on the European continent had reached a stalemate, and the French Army was struggling to breach the Rhine defense line, making the situation in Egypt dire.
...
In the Aswan Region, the area had already be a battlefield. The sounds of artillery fire and battle cries intertwined, echoing to the heavens.
After putting down the binocrs in hand, Lieutenant General Herzendorf revealed a satisfied smile. But following his smile was a deep concern.
Without question, the increasing role of the air force on the battlefield posed a challenge to the army.
Even though the army still maintained its dominant position for the time being, the air force was developing rapidly. If nothing unexpected happened, the nation would certainly increase its investment in the air force after the war.
If it were only the air force growing stronger, Lieutenant General Herzendorf might not be so worried, after all, the air force was just starting out and couldn¡¯t catch up with the army in a short time no matter how fast it developed.
The problem was that Austria also had arge navy. Given the clear international situation, the Vienna Government would definitely increase its investment in the navy after the war topete with the British for naval supremacy.
Compared to them, the army was going to have a much tougher time. Everyone knew that Austria could not maintain an army of five or six million troops for an extended period. It was inevitable that the army would be downsized once the war ended.
The navy could not be downsized, and the scale of the air force was limited. Even if it were to be downsized, ording to tradition, the airship troops would be transferred directly to logistical transport. The only real downsizing would be within the army.
With the addition of the navy and air force and the subtraction from the army, the army¡¯s advantage would be offset. In the future, Austria¡¯s militaryndscape would be one in which the three services ofnd, sea, and air would check and bnce each other, never again returning to the army¡¯s sole dominance.
This was exactly what the Vienna Government wanted to see. The navy¡¯s vigorous development in the past decade and the airship troops¡¯ ability to branch off from the army to form a separate force had all been strongly promoted by the government.
Of course, none of thiscked the Emperor¡¯s tacit approval. The core of political games is a bnce of power, and the Emperor did not want his subordinates to be too unified.
As an army officer, he naturally did not want to see all this happen. Even if Austria had arge family business, the funds invested in the military were limited. The rise of the navy and the air force would inevitably dilute the army¡¯s resources.
Knowing this was useless, it was an open secret. From the day the Austrian Air Force was established, the new pattern had already been determined.
Logically, Lieutenant General Herzendorf should not have known this.
After all, the matter had not yet urred, and the government was just intending to promote it. No one had mentioned it in any setting, and it had not yet been implemented. Throughout the process, no news had leaked out.
However, the world is never short of clever people, and Lieutenant General Herzendorf was one of them. He had drawn his conclusions from various subtle clues.
Sometimes, knowing too much is also a trouble. Lieutenant General Herzendorf felt this very acutely. Originally, he did not even believe that the air force could grow. But after personally witnessing its role inbat, he was forced to ept the reality.
The performance of airnes was still limited at the moment, and bombing had to rely on airships. But technology was advancing rapidly these days!
Soon, Lieutenant General Herzendorf dispelled the messy thoughts in his mind. If the sky were to fall, it would be the taller people who would bear it first; there were so many big shots within the army¡¯s higher echelons, it wasn¡¯t yet his turn as a lieutenant general to worry about these things.
Regardless, Austria¡¯s geographical position determined that it was necessary to developnd power, and the army¡¯s share could not be reduced no matter what.
After all, as the cake became bigger, even if it had to be shared among more people, what each person received in the end would still be more than before.
Checking his watch, Lieutenant General Herzendorf ordered the officer who approached, "Send themand, after half an hour, the 225th Division willunch an attack from the front, the 236th Division willunch an attack from the right nk, the 241st Division from..."
It¡¯s impossible for a lieutenant general tomand more than twenty infantry divisions inbat under normal circumstances. ording to the Austrian Army¡¯s organization, division-level officers were generally lieutenant generals.
```
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One able tomand an army of over three hundred thousand would at least start as a general officer.
However, such so-called "norms" were all broken after the massive army expansion.
With the inclusion of the colonial troops, the Austrian Army swelled from just over half a million before the war to over six million.
Since thepletion of the army reforms, Austrian military ranks became precious, especially as the number of generals was kept particrly tight.
Before the war erupted, there were fewer than seven hundred generals in the entire army, including those retired. With forces expanding by more than tenfold overnight, Franz obviously could not produce so many generals.
Without military achievements, the threshold to be a general was difficult to cross, but there was an abundance of reserve field-grade officers. If generals werecking, colonels were used to fill in, and some divisions were even led by lieutenant colonels.
This was the war era¡ªwithout control, generals would be everywhere after the war.
To avoid the embarrassment of having more generals than soldiers, Franz decisively adopted the policy of assigning lower ranks to higher positions. After all, after a few battles, those with military achievements would soon catch up.
Against this backdrop, the emergence of a lieutenant general like Herzendorf as an army groupmander was not surprising.
¡
As the defense battle of Aswanmenced, a stream of requests for assistance continually flew from Cairo to Paris; at the peak, Napoleon IV could receive three telegrams from the Governor of Egypt in a single day.
It wasn¡¯t just Egypt¡ªtelegrams for help were incessant from other regions of Africa. Even though the Paris Government had already decided to temporarily abandon swathes of the colonies, it still couldn¡¯t turn the tide on the unfavorable situations on the battlefields.
Government withdrawal from the colonies wasn¡¯t a simple task; it involved not just relocating government offices but also arge number of civilians who needed to leave.
Others might be abandoned, but surely soldiers¡¯ families can¡¯t be left behind, can they?
If France were to abandon the families of its soldiers to Austria, there would be no point in continuing the fight.
To cover the evacuation of government agencies and soldiers¡¯ families, the frontline French forces had to keep holding on. Therefore, the reinforcements promised to the Governor of Egypt existed only in theory.
Whether they could actually arrive depended on how many forces could be pulled from the front lines. Only after ensuring the security of the Algeria Region could surplus forces be allocated to Egypt.
Don¡¯t think that the African battlefield doesn¡¯t seem essential and won¡¯t affect the oue of the war on the European continent¡ªthe French Government didn¡¯t take it that seriously.
On the contrary, African colonies provided one-third of France¡¯s industrial raw materials and one-fifteenth of its agricultural products, holding significant strategic importance to France.
From the beginning, the French government ced great emphasis on the African Continent. Unfortunately, their strengths were limited in the Region of Africa, and faced with fighting on two fronts at home, they simply did not have the capacity to deploy substantial forces to their African Colonies.
Out of necessity, the Paris Government deliberately put on an unconcerned facade to make it seem as though they undervalued Africa, rather than conceding that France could not defeat Austria in Africa.
There was no choice; such is politics. Theplex international situation dictated that France needed to keep appearing strong, as showing even the slightest sign of weakness could trigger a domino effect.
Faced with the steadily deteriorating situation in Africa, Napoleon IV finally could not sit idly by anymore. The Rhine Defense line hadn¡¯t been breached yet, and if Africa fell first, that would spell massive trouble.
Not to mention the losses the fall of French African territories would bring to France, strategically speaking, once French Africa fell, Austria would almost unify the entire African Continent.
By then, even if the French Army broke through Vienna, the war would continue. There was no way around it¡ªthe stakes were just too high for them to find any reason to concede defeat.
Even in constant battlefield defeats, Austria had the resources to drag on, potentially exhausting France to its demise.
With the lesson of the Prusso-Russian war before him, Napoleon IV had to consider the terrifying consequences of French Africa falling.
"With the African situationpletely deteriorating, what is the Army Department prepared to do?"
Minister Luskinia¡¯s face turned red as he awkwardly replied, "Your Majesty, our disadvantage on the African Continent is too evident. Even if we send reinforcements from the homnd, it will be very difficult to reverse the situation.
"Right now, we can only perform a strategic contraction, focusing our forces on retaining the most important regions of Egypt and Algeria. All other areas can only be temporarily abandoned."
It was impossible to send reinforcements. The European warfare had exhausted nearly all of France¡¯s strength; there simply wasn¡¯t the capability for a distant expedition.
Even if the Army Department gritted its teeth and cobbled together a few hundred thousand troops, how would they manage the logistics and supplies?
It should be known that the cost of an expeditionary campaign far exceeds that of domestic warfare, and the French presence in Africa was not as entrenched as the Austrian¡¯s in Austro-Africa.
After the outbreak of war, the Vienna Government only invested in weaponry and medicine in the African Battlefield, while all other strategic materials were being handled by the local governments themselves.
In contrast, the French African colonial government simply couldn¡¯t afford such enormous expenses. The natives¡¯ ability to generate wealth was not at all on par with the Austrians.
Napoleon IV¡¯s face darkened; clearly, he was dissatisfied with this exnation.
If they could hold onto the vital regions of Egypt and Algeria, the situation might be eptable. But now, even Egypt seemed on the brink of being lost.
One only had to look at a map to see France¡¯s holdings on the African Continent shrinking day by day. At the current rate, within a year or so, France would have no affairs left in Africa.
"Is this all we have?"
Facing the Emperor¡¯s piercing questioning, Luskinia¡¯s forehead was beaded with cold sweat. There was no helping it; this question was too vexing.
"Your Majesty, although the situation in the African Continent is deteriorating, it won¡¯t copse immediately.
Regardless, we still have close to a million troops on the African Continent; it¡¯s possible to stall for time.
As long as we win the European war, what the Austrians have taken now will have to be paid back, both principal and interest."
"A million-strong army," if this number reached the uninformed, it might scare quite a few.
Unfortunately, those present were well aware of the true quality of those troops. If the colonial troops had even half thebat effectiveness of the main forces, the situation wouldn¡¯t have copsed so dreadfully.
Napoleon IV waved his hand dismissively: "Enough, I don¡¯t want to hear these titudes anymore.
Everyone knows that the European war is the key to victory, provided that we can win the war on the European Continent.
If we continue to be deadlocked like this, the moment French Africa falls, how am I supposed to hold up against Austria? Rely on the British?"
It wasn¡¯t that Napoleon IV was impatient; the situation on the battlefield was simply too distressing. The African battlefield was aplete disaster, and the situation on the European battlefield was not much better.
As time went on, the Austrian army poured more and more troops into the Rhine Defense line, and the chances for the French Army to break through were getting slimmer.
For this war, France had staked way too much, and now they simply couldn¡¯t afford to lose.
After hesitating for a moment, Luskinia slowly said, "Your Majesty, we need allies. Real allies, not the kind of British who stab us in the back at any moment!"
This was a lesson written in blood; one only had to look at history books to see that France was almost always fighting alone.
Often, despite having the strength of the foremost power on the European Continent, they were horrifically beaten by enemies on all sides.
It wasn¡¯t that nobody had noticed the issue. The main problem was that by the time they realized it, France had already managed to offend every other European country.
The same was true now; Napoleon IV too longed for allies, but there were none to be found.
If he had not been driven to desperation, he wouldn¡¯t have sought an alliance with Britain, his archive enemy.
...
Chapter 916 - 179, Christmas Offensive
It turned out that finding allies was not an easy task. In those days, there were very few countries qualified to ally with France, and due to matters of interest, even fewer could actually be allies with France.
Alliances had to adhere to a principle of equivalence; if the gap in strength between two parties was toorge, it was not about finding an ally but rather seeking a subordinate.
Deep down, Napoleon IV naturally wanted to gather subordinates. But who was foolish enough to be a subordinate to France without any reason?
Theoretically, once France showed signs of defeat, the British would likely support them for the bnce of the European Continent, and other countries in Europe would stop their sabotaging antics.
Regrettably, this remained purely theoretical; it presupposed that all government leaders maintained absolute rationality, unswayed by personal sentiments.
Clearly, that was impossible. Politicians were human as well and possessed ordinary human emotions and desires. Once emotions were involved, their decisions would inevitably be influenced.
Given France¡¯s rtions with other countries, there were plenty who wanted to see them destroyed; feigning weakness could well lead to actual downfall.
Napoleon IV dared not gamble, for even as the situation in Africa deteriorated and France began to face strategic disadvantages, he could only cover up the situation, feigning strength to deter the countries of Europe.
"Allies?"
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"Who could truly be our allies?"
This was a question that stemmed from the depths of the soul. Currently, France¡¯s only ally was Britannia, but regrettably this ally was unreliable.
In a nutshell, the chances of stabbing an ally in the back were slightly higher than those of stabbing an enemy.
Of course, if the French government had thicker skin, they could also count Monaco. However, this was pointless; a mere seaside park could not influence the bnce of power between the warring parties.
Under the expectant gazes of his colleagues, Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets braced himself and answered, "Your Majesty, to break the political stalemate, the Foreign Ministry has conducted in-depth research.
The British have already allied with us. Although this ally is not reliable, we still need to stabilize them.
Since the outbreak of the war, nearly a third of our strategic materials have been imported from Britannia, drawing the British in is of significant importance.
Strategically speaking, it would be best to draw the Russians. However, it is difficult to achieve, as the Russian-Austrian Alliance has been in ce for many years; it is unrealistic to expect the Tsarist Government to suddenly switch sides.
In an attempt to dismantle the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the Foreign Ministry has exerted much effort, but to little avail.
Although there is no concrete evidence, based on some clues, the Foreign Ministry believes that Russia and Austria might have reached an agreement. The Austrians have likely promised the interests of India to the Russians.
We¡"
Before Karl Chardlets could finish, Napoleon IV impatiently interrupted him, "My Foreign Minister, stop with the nonsense.
It¡¯s an open secret that Russia and Austria have amercial agreement; everyone in the world knows it.
After the Austrians upied the Ottoman Empire, they stopped expanding further east. Without an internal deal between Russia and Austria, that would be the real surprise.
India is a matter for the British to worry about. You only need to tell me, is it possible to pull the Russians to our side?
If the Russians cannot be our allies, who else could be our allies?
It does not need to be a great power; even a second-tier country would suffice. Even if you bring Switzend over, I would still hold a celebration for you."
This was sincere; Napoleon IV truly was not picky at this point. A blood-soaked lesson had taught him that it was better to have more allies.
Just look at neighboring Austria: as soon as the Continental war broke out, they gathered a bunch of subordinates and formed the Anti-French Alliance.
Although most were just for show, their numbers alone directly overwhelmed France in terms of momentum.
After hesitating momentarily, Karl Chardlets responded, somewhat exceptionally, "Your Majesty, breaking up the Russian-Austrian¡ Alliance¡ requires time; it¡¯s not something that can be achieved overnight. Explore more at NovelBin.C?m
We are making efforts to draw Switzend to our side, but¡ the results¡ are not very promising, though we have managed to ensure the Swiss Government remains neutral in the war.
To turn the situation around, the Foreign Ministry is working with the United States and Colombia, who have always been interested in Austro-America but have been deterred by Austrian power from taking rash actions.
There are also the Japanese, whose strength has increased significantly after the Meiji Restoration, nearly catching up to Belgium.
They have conflicts of interest with the Austrians in the Southeast Asia, and the Foreign Ministry ns to draw them into splitting Austro-Southeast Asia.
Furthermore, the Foreign Ministry is attempting to draw the Far Eastern Empire¡"
Faced with the Emperor¡¯s pressing inquiries, even Karl Chardlets was impressed by his own quick wit in producing a response so swiftly.
On the surface, if these allies were persuaded, France could escape the awkward situation of fighting alone, and their strategic circumstances would greatly improve.
In reality, everyone present knew these were merely pie in the sky.
Theoretically, drawing in the United States and Colombia would not only strike at the Austrian colonial system in America but also help France import agricultural products from the two countries.
Regrettably, America wasn¡¯t just made up of these few countries; although the power of the United States was not weak, they were unfortunately restrained by their archrival, the neighboring United States.
Whether they could win was another question; wasn¡¯t an expedition to Austro-America precisely providing the enemy with an opportunity?
Not to mention Colombia; even if they joined the war, it would at most involve two infantry divisions. Any more than that, and the Austrian army would sweep through Colombia again.
The situation in America was stagnant, and so was Asia. At this time, the Japanese were still in a stage of yielding submission, not as arrogant as inter generations.
Before a victor was determined in the European war, they were unlikely to get chestnuts out of the fire for France.
The crux was that their strength was deficient; although Karl Chardlets wanted to boast on their behalf, he truly did not know what to say and ended up making aparison with Belgium.
Although Southeast Asia was not the focus of the Vienna Government, the region still had a poption of tens of millions, and it was feasible to arm several hundreds of thousands of soldiers. If a battle truly ensued, who would defeat whom was still a question.
As for the Far Eastern Empire, they might as well wash up and go to sleep. They were still busy with their internal struggle,cking both the mood and the courage to join this fray.
"Since the Foreign Ministry has already made ns, go ahead and implement them as soon as possible. I¡¯ll be waiting here for your good news!"
By now, Napoleon IV¡¯s expectations had hit rock bottom. Although these potential allies were of little value, who else could France turn to for theck of allies?
After all, having them is better than nothing. He didn¡¯t expect them to contribute much to defeating Austria but at least they could help by waving gs and annoying the Austrians.
Pausing for a moment, Napoleon IV added, "Our strategic core is still on the European Continent. The focus of the Foreign Ministry¡¯s work should also be on the European Continent.
Whether it is the British or the Russians, if we can drag one of them into this, it wouldpletely reverse the dire situation we are facing.
If all else fails, you can also try stirring up the Nordic Federation. Don¡¯t the Danish people always reminisce about the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies? Then give it to them.
There are also the sub-states within the German Federation where you could work some influence, not to have them switch sides, but just to passively drag their feet."
No matter how low the sess rate, Napoleon IV did not mind trying. Who could me him when the French Army hadn¡¯t shown the battle strength it should have?
So much for the promise of ¡¯a breeze sweeping away the fallen leaves.¡¯ Though the wind had risen, unfortunately, the direction was wrong, blowing the leaves right back into their own yard.
...
While France was in action, Austria was not idle either. Encouraged by the Vienna Government, the Russian Armyunched one attack after another into the Afghan Region.
Seizing the Afghan Region before the European war ended, to open a gateway to India, was far too tempting a prospect.
Many high-ranking officials in the Tsarist Government were so seduced by the visible benefits that they couldn¡¯t extricate themselves.
Visible benefits were something no mere promises could match. Despite Ennd and France making lofty promises, the Russians felt that seizing India was a more credible option.
Of course, the most crucial factor was that the Russian Army had already upied most of the Afghan Region and victory seemed within reach.
Once the Afghan Region was upied, subsequent battles would be easier. No government encouragement needed; the soldiers would jubntly march into India.
If the Tsarist Government was willing, it could well emte Austria in establishing overseas colonies, letting the nobility lead their private armies to solve the problems.
When it came to their own plundering, thebat effectiveness of the Mao Xiong was absolutely explosive, something the Lobster Soldiers simply could not withstand.
It¡¯s no exaggeration; as long as the Russian Army obliterated the main force of the British Army in the Afghan Region, the British wouldn¡¯t be able to replenish their forces quickly enough. Without the British Army to reinforce them, the Indian Colonial Army was a joke.
...
"Capture the Afghan Region before Christmas, whose idiotic order was this?"
In the Russian Army Command, General Oks looked at the order in his hand and cursed in disbelief.
The Afghan war was indeed at a critical moment, but the greater the pressure, the fiercer the enemy¡¯s resistance.
The Russian Army had managed to advance smoothly so far, thanks not only to their willingness to sacrifice lives but also due to the British Army¡¯s long, frequently attacked supply lines by Afghan Guerris.
ording to statisticspiled by the Russian Army, nearly two-thirds of the British Army¡¯s strategic materials would disappear en route.
Whether it was destroyed by the Afghan Guerris or divided up by domestic bureaucrats was a matter of perspective.
In any case, this was a boon for the Russian Army. Limited by logistics, the frontline British Army had formidable firepower but couldn¡¯t fully unleash it.
Even with natural barriers to rely on, the British Army was being steadily pushed back.
To maximize his military aplishments, General Oks naturally could not report the specifics.
In the eyes of the Tsarist Government, it was all about the Russian Army fearlessly sacrificing themselves, oveing hardships and obstacles, and triumphantly marching forward, bleeding for victory.
Every coin has two sides; a series of victories not only stoked the ambitions of the Tsarist Government but also wore down their patience.
Now someone couldn¡¯t help themselves; they wanted to capture the Afghan Region before Christmas to add splendor to the annual celebration.
Hearing General Oks¡¯s curses, the middle-aged military officer delivering the telegram hurriedly reminded him, "Commander, this is an order from the Army Department. It also includes the opinion of the Cab, essentially a domestic consensus."
It was an inevitable disaster. General Oks dared to curse domestic bureaucrats because his own status had risen to a levelparable to the domestic elites.
If nothing went wrong, after winning this war, General Oks would be promoted to Marshal.
And he wouldn¡¯t just be a figurehead but also a major figure in the Russian Army following Marshal Ivanov.
No Emperor likes his subordinates to be too unified, so the fiercer General Oks cursed, the more pleased Alexander III would be.
General Oks could curse, but not everyone could listen. If something went wrongter, causing high-level conflicts, perhaps those who cursed wouldn¡¯t suffer, but these listeners could end up as coteral damage.
In a sense, this was also about taking sides. Not stopping him meant agreeing with General Oks¡¯s view.
Those with strong backing didn¡¯t care, but those without could be the victims of political struggles at any time.
"Humph!"
After a cold snort, General Oks decisively quelled the urge to curse further. There was no other way, too many people were involved, he simply couldn¡¯t afford to offend them.
Blindly cursing was fine when unaware, but once aware, one had to be discreet; such is politics.
"Send a telegram back to the Army Department that we willunch the final offensive as soon as possible, but we are running out of logistical supplies.
To capture the entire Afghan Region before Christmas, we at least need twelve billion bullets and three million shells..."
A ssic overreach, but there was no other way. General Oks wasn¡¯t confident about capturing the Afghan Region before Christmas, so he had to find excuses first to facilitate shifting the me if the mission failed.
This was also a basic skill for Russian Armymanders, nearly every high-level Russianmander was an expert at shifting me.
Lack of strategic materials had always been the Russian Army¡¯s perfect excuse for domestic urgency. As long as they yed this trump card, the government had nothing to say.
Chapter 917 - 180: Military Procurement
"Russia wants to buy airnes?"
Having just woken up from sleep, Franz received this news. There was nothing surprising about it; in recent years, the Tsarist government had always been purchasing aggressively.
Perhaps they had tasted the sweetness of previous purchases, or maybe it was simply the bureaucrats wanting to make money, but shortly after the Austrian army was equipped withrge-scale weaponry, the Russians would follow suit.
With airnes shining brightly on the battlefield, the Tsarist government naturally wanted to keep up, especially since the English-Russian war in Afghanistan was still ongoing, and the Russian Army urgently needed a weapon to suppress the British airship troops.
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
"The Tsarist government has just decided tounch a Christmas offensive, nning to capture the Afghan region before the Russian Christmas."
Foreign Minister Weisenberg exined with a smile. Without a doubt, behind the Russian Christmas offensive, Austria had a hand.
The war in Europe was ongoing and the British had hardly been involved, not because the London Government had suddenly changed its ways but because they were tied down by the war in Afghanistan and didn¡¯t have the energy to spare.
From the current situation, unless there was aplete imbnce of power between France and Austria, the British would definitely prioritize the battlefield in Afghanistan first.
With this answer, Franz fell into deep thought. Whether or not to sell the airnes to the Russians was also a troubling question.
In theory, if the Russians got their hands on the airnes, it would mean they had obtained air superiority in the war in Afghanistan and increased their chances of winning the war.
This was what Austria wanted to see¡ªcapturing the Afghan region didn¡¯t mean the end of the Anglo-Russian war; it would probably be the beginning of aprehensive war between the two countries.
Tied to the strategic security of India, the British Government, whether they liked it or not, had no choice but to fight to the end.
With the strength of the Great Britain Empire, there was still a long way to go in the war. The more intense the fight between Britain and Russia in Central Asia, the less they would be able to intervene in Europe.
Of course, there were pros and cons. It¡¯s true that Russia and Austria were allies, but this alliance was also established based on interests. If there were conflicts of core interests between the two countries, the alliance could copse at any moment.
If the airnes fell into Russian hands, keeping the technology secret would be difficult. As long as the French were willing to pay the price, obtaining a sample from the Tsarist Government wouldn¡¯t be hard.
"If the French, or the British got hold of our airnes, how long would they need to decipher the technology within?"
Franz asked with concern.
This was the crux of the matter: Austria had developed airne technology to maintain an advantage in the war.
Both Ennd and France were industrial powerhouses. Once they had a sample, reverse engineering the manufacturing technology was just a matter of time.
Prime Minister Carl: "ording to the engineers¡¯ estimates, if an intact airne fell into the hands of Ennd and France, it would only take 1 to 3 months for them to deduce the manufacturing technology.
However, deducing the manufacturing technology doesn¡¯t mean they can replicate it right away. Due to different industrial systems, we and Ennd and France all have our standards.
If Ennd and France wanted to directly replicate it, they would have to adjust the standards of their mother machines. This would take a lot of time. Without two or three years of effort, industrial mass production is unachievable.
Time waits for no one on the battlefield. The likelihood of directly copying is not great. It¡¯s more likely that they would use our airne as a blueprint and adjust some of the designs for replicating.
In that case, the required time would be incalcble, mainly depending on the highest level of industrial technology in Ennd and France. If their engine technology was up to par, it could only take a few months to replicate."
This coincided with Franz¡¯s judgment; reverse engineering was not difficult, as long as there was a sample airne at hand to dismantle and study, there would always be gains.
The hard part was industrialized production, which involved several fields and different industry standard systems, making unification difficult.
Especially as airnes are a high-precision field, even a screw being a different size could affect industrialized production.
One could refer to some of the knockoff enterprises inter times; it was easy to copy mid to low-end industrial products, but they were clueless in the high-tech fields.
With the sample in front of them and the technology deduced, they could still not produce it. One should note that technological barriers are even harder to break through than patent barriers.
Entering thete 19th century, the technological gap between European countries was not only in concepts but also manifested in the industrial field.
Ennd, France, and Austria each had different tech trees, and everyone had their advantages in certain fields; airne manufacturing happened to be a weak area for Ennd and France.
After weighing the pros and cons, Franz made a decision.
"Sell it! However, there must be restrictions, ensuring the Russians guarantee that the airnes won¡¯t be leaked. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs will monitor closely and dy the diffusion of airne technology as much as possible."
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As long as there was an export, it was inevitable that airne manufacturing technology would spread. Even if Ennd and France didn¡¯t replicate it, the Russians would dismantle and study it by themselves.
Austrian weapons and equipment exported to Russia never escaped being studied. Not only were they studied, but the Tsarist Government even attempted to replicate them.
Though the basic industrial systems of Russia and Austria were simr, the industrial standards of both had long since diverged.
Most of the time, the cost of weaponry and equipment replicated by the Russians was much higher than imported ones.
Under such circumstances, even though the Tsarist Government wanted to rid itself of dependence on Austrian military industry, they were ultimately defeated by the cost.
With ordinary weaponry and equipment being so, the high-tech airnes were even more so. Franz dared to say that even if the technical blueprints were handed over to the Russians, it would take them three to five years to fully understand them.
As long as the finished product didn¡¯t fall into French hands, even if France and Russia colluded in secret, at most they would send a few military experts to study it; more wouldpromise secrecy.
Compared to involving experts from relevant fields to study together, having only a few individuals participate in the research would undoubtedly be much less efficient.
Knowledge outside of one¡¯s professional field is very easy to overlook. Whether it can be figured out before the end of the war is aplete unknown.
Moreover, even if it is figured out, airne technology is generational. The nes exported to the Russians only need to be capable of dealing with airships, so they don¡¯t need to be too advanced.
...
In London, following the roar of steamships, a special guest disembarked from a luxurious passenger liner.
Arriving in the foggy city again, Karel Kadelitz felt heavy-hearted. Even the weing lines nking both sides did little to warm his interest.
As France¡¯s only ally, the British Government naturally was the focus of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs¡¯ public rtions. In a demonstration of the high regard for the British, Karel Kadelitz had personally taken action.
Unfortunately, from the current state of affairs, his ns had basically been annulled. The British offered only a routine reception, without arranging any grand weing ceremony.
Karel Kadelitz couldn¡¯t help but overthink. In such a special period, if the British intended to support France, they would necessarily have to make a friendly gesture.
Reality was harsh; the British¡¯s lukewarm attitude poured cold water on Karel Kadelitz¡¯s trip to London.
Weighed down by exhaustion, he attended the wee banquet as usual. Sure enough, there were no surprises¡ªthere were no members of the royal family present, let alone top-level British Government officials, the diplomats in charge of reception notwithstanding.
...
At midnight, within the French Embassy in London, Karel Kadelitz asked solemnly, "At the banquet just now, I noticed that George¡¯s expression was somewhat off. What has happened in London recently?"
Observing and interpreting expressions is a basic skill for a diplomat, and as the Foreign Minister, Karel Kadelitz was no stranger to it.
However, concealing one¡¯s emotions is equally a diplomat¡¯s instinct. After detecting something amiss with George, Karel Kadelitz immediately paid close attention.
There were no new major international incidents recently; the hottest topic was the war in Europe, which generally remained at a stalemate.
With international rtions rtively unchanged, only internal political strife could cause such worry for the British Foreign Secretary.
Though Karel Kadelitz would have loved to witness the internal disputes of the British, he was acutely aware that now was not the time.
If the British Government were to get caught up in political struggles, his trip to London would have been in vain. The British would be unlikely to y a substantive role in the European war without first stabilizing their internal situation.
"What has happened in London?" Ambassador Ambroise hesitated slightly before responding, "No, Your Excellency. London has been very stabletely, with nothing major urring.
If anything, it should be about India. Rumor has it that the Russiansunched a Christmas offensive not long ago, and the British were dealt a heavy blow on the battlefield.
The British Government has suppressed this news, and we don¡¯t have the means to understand exactly what happened just yet."
Upon hearing the words "suppressed the news," Karel Kadelitz immediately realized the gravity of the situation.
Given the political system of the United Kingdom, suppressing news is not so simple; most of the time, journalists get wind of information faster.
There¡¯s no helping it; British politics takes turns in dominance. Suppressing the news might be convenient, but the Opposition party would surely bring it upter. Once the news leaked, public support for the Cab would drop significantly.
The British Government wouldn¡¯t resort to this unless absolutely necessary.
After some thought, Karel Kadelitz said gravely, "Mobilize our people to rify the situation as soon as possible.
If that doesn¡¯t work, then stir the waters. nt some stories in a few street tabloids about the loss of Afghanistan to probe the reaction of the British Government." Find your adventure at NovelBin.C?m
Know the enemy and know yourself, and you will never be in peril.
To get the British on board, if we don¡¯t even know what happened in Britain, how are we to proceed?
"Your Excellency, isn¡¯t that inappropriate? If the British were to find out..."
Karel Kadelitz cut off Ambassador Ambroise before he could finish, "What¡¯s there to fear? This is meant for the British to see.
Having been in London this long, don¡¯t you understand what John Bull is like?"
The more Karel Kadelitz understood the British, the less he thought of the so-called "English-French friendship."
The premise of an alliance is mutual benefit; without it, there is no alliance. As long as the interests align, not even the greatest conflicts can prevent Ennd and France froming together.
As for offending the British Government, that was overthinking it.
Karel Kadelitz did not believe that the British hadn¡¯t ced spies inside the French Embassy; they probably knew about the stir-the-waters n even before it was set in motion.
If there were truly an intention to cause trouble, at the very least, secrecy would have been maintained. Who would issue such orders in front of numerous embassy staffers?
Essentially, Karel Kadelitz wanted to use these tricks to tell the British: The French already knew about the British Army¡¯s defeat in Afghanistan, and now it was not only France that needed Britain, but Britain also needed France.
After all, the Russian-Austrian Alliance seemed quite stable, and if France were to lose in the European war, British-India would also be in danger.
In this sense, Britain and France were bound together, suffering or prospering as one.
Whether the British would see it that way remained an unanswered question for the moment.
Chapter 918 - 181: The Unreliable British Nanny
"The French are in a rush!"
Upon receiving the message released by the French, dstone concluded this.
It¡¯s true that Britannia is at a disadvantage in the Afghan War, but not to an extent that could make the British Government panic.
Even if the entire Afghan region fell, as long as the main force of the British Army at the front hadn¡¯t beenpletely wiped out, the Great Britain Empire would still have the confidence to win the war.
There was no other reason; having money meant having a strong backbone. The centennial umtion of the Great Britain Empire was no joke. When it came to fundamental strength, the Russians simply didn¡¯t measure up.
Foreign Minister George analyzed, "Considering how the war in Europe has progressed up till now, the French dream of a quick victory has been shattered.
The subsequent war will depend on theprehensive national power. Although Frances¡¯s Army is strong, in other areas, their disadvantages are too obvious.
From the current situation, if the French can¡¯t cross the Rhine River shortly and bring the mes of war to the German hintend, they will lose their strategic advantage.
What awaits them then is an endless counterattack by Austria. It can be said that the longer the war drags on, the lower the chances are for the French to win the war.
ording to the current intensity of the war, in at most another two or three years, the French will be unable to continue."
Clearly, George did not look favorably on the French. The gap inprehensive strength between the two sides was too significant, and France was at too great a disadvantage in a war of attrition.
However, the renown of the French Army was too great, and no one could guarantee that they wouldn¡¯t make a key turnaround when the odds were against them.
After all, simr cases had urred many times in the history of conflicts between France and the Habsburg dynasty.
After presenting a document, Finance Minister Disraeli Childs smiled and said, "Two to three years, Your Excellency may be overestimating the French strength.
In my view, without external intervention, it¡¯s uncertain whether the French can even hold out until 1891.
Putting aside the military issues, let us first calcte an economic ount and reassess the French strength.
These are the data collected by the Finance Department. For thest three months, our total trade volume with the French has increased by 5.1 timespared to the same period of the previous year.
Our export trade volume to France has increased by 6.5 times, while the total import trade volume has shrunk by 64.7 percent, resulting in a trade surplus of 64.86 million British Pounds.
This is only the trade with us, and if we include France¡¯s trade with other countries, their trade deficit in thest quarter of 1890 won¡¯t be less than 120 million Pounds.
If this war does not end, the French trade deficit will continue to grow.
Especially since French African is about to fall, once they lose this raw material production area, the French will need to import even more materials.
In the past, the proud French sought to dominate currency hegemony and have always promoted the Franc internationally, holding only a small amount of Divine Shield and pound sterling.
At the current rate of depletion, it won¡¯t be long before the French foreign exchange reserves are exhausted. At that time, they can only trade with Gold, and their meager Gold reserves can¡¯t support them for long.
This is still an ideal scenario; the real situation will probably be even more severe. The French government has been adopting a fiscal deficit policy since Napoleon III, and they have long since been heavily indebted.
Havingunched this war hastily under-prepared, Ick confidence in the Paris Government¡¯s finances."
Is France wealthy?
Without a doubt, as the thirdrgest economic power in the world, France can definitely be considered wealthy.
However, France being wealthy does not mean the French government is wealthy. If the frontlines are progressing well, the French finance group would naturally provide strong support, but otherwise, it would be a different story.
Capital knows no borders, and this is no joke. If a situation bes untenable, capitalists definitely won¡¯t go down with the government.
Wars are fought with manpower, material resources, industrial power, and ultimately, financial power.
Maintaining multiple fronts simultaneously, France bears a pressure much greater than the original timeline¡¯s World Wars, and they alsock allies to help share the burden, so problems are bound to arise eventually.
Giving the report a quick nce, dstone asked with curiosity, "Why has the trade surplus with France increased so much? I remember the increase in trade volume wasn¡¯t that much?"
Trade between Ennd and France was not insubstantial; it¡¯s understandable that imports would decrease since the French were at war and not producing many goods for export.
But for the export trade volume to suddenly increase sixfold was mythical.
Itpletely defied economic principles. Even with war prompting the French to increase strategic material imports, such a drastic increase was imusible.
No way around it; they can¡¯t produce that quickly! Even if capitalists rush to expand production capacity, it still requires time to ramp up, and it¡¯s only been a little over three months.
"It¡¯s simple; the price of the materials we exported has gone up!"
Finance Minister Disraeli Childs calmly replied.
"France and Austria are scrambling for materials on the international market, resulting in the increase in prices for all materials to some extent.
Especially strategic materials, the prices of which,pared to before the war, have practically doubled. Certain scarce medicines¡¯ prices have even quadrupled.
Of course, the fact that we and other European countries have raised tariffs on France has also contributed to driving up prices."
Capitalists taking advantage of a crisis is inevitable. It¡¯s just that this time they might have been too harsh, but with Austria also inting prices, the doubling doesn¡¯t seem so uneptable.
Concerned, Prime Minister dstone asked, "What about Austria?"
Finance Minister George Childs shook his head, "In stark contrast to the French, Austria needs few imports and is essentially self-sufficient.
Even when there are shortages, they import from Russia. They experience rtively little impact from the outside world.
Although prices have risen, trade volume between us and them has actually fallen instead of increased.
Of course, the French Navy¡¯s blockade is also one of the reasons hindering our trade with Austria.
Often, even if contracts are signed, they cannot be fulfilled normally."
Prime Minister dstone frowned, this oue was entirely different from what he had expected. He had originally hoped that through this war, France and Austria would deplete each other¡¯s strength and solidify Britannia¡¯s dominance at sea.
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But ns cannot keep up with changes. By exploiting the war, Britannia indeed took a heavy toll on France, but unfortunately, Austria got away.
No matter how much international market prices soar, it has little to do with Russian-Austrian trade. After all, the Tsarist Government is exchanging industrial raw materials with Austria for strategic materials; if prices rise, they will increase together.
The Russians, naturally, don¡¯t need to join this fray.
And so, France became the sole victim, seeing as it¡¯s easy to inte material prices, but much harder to bring them back down.
After a moment of hesitation, Prime Minister dstone slowly said, "Let the Foreign Office start negotiations with the French. As long as the French are willing to offer something substantial in exchange, we¡¯ll find a reason to lower the tariffs, or even abolish them entirely."
This was the greatest assistance dstone could offer the French within his authority. Whether prices could be lowered would depend on the French themselves.
After all, capitalists are not easy to deal with; government-imposed price reductions could provoke widespread anger.
Since it¡¯s the French government, not the British Government, buying materials, dstone had no need to offend people on their behalf.
Haggling is something the French would have to do themselves with the capitalists. How much they could gain would depend on their bargaining skills.
Foreign Minister George said, "The Foreign Office has no problem. However, just reducing tariffs might not be supportive enough.
If we want both the French and Austrians to deplete their strength, we must find a way to increase the French economic power, or lend them money directly.
While supporting them economically, we must also limit the French military strength, preventing an imbnce of power between the belligerents. Achieving this is very difficult."
Political caution is a true portrayal of the British Government. On one side, the Afghan war consumed much of the government¡¯s efforts, and on the other, there was a need to maintain a bnce between France and Austria.
Fearful of causing an incident that could lead to an uncontroble situation. This could be said to be the most challenging moment for the UK Foreign Office in decades.
Prime Minister dstone nodded helplessly, "Let¡¯s try that! We¡¯ll adjustter based on the actual situation.
Before the strength of France and Austria is significantly weakened, we must act cautiously to prevent the situation from spiraling out of control."
...
While the negotiation between Britain and France started, far away in St. Petersburg, Alexander III received his new toy¡ªthe airne.
Watching the splendid flight disy, Alexander III felt particrly pleased and asked spiritedly, "When can this batch of nes be deployed on the battlefield?"
Despite the performance, Alexander III had not forgotten the real purpose of introducing airnes.
The European war had already proven that airnes are ughterers against airships. To increase the odds on the frontline, Alexander III was eager to see the nes enter service sooner.
Army Minister Ivanov replied, "Your Majesty, we stillck pilots. Airnes are different from airships, and the requirements for the pilot are also stricter.
The Army Department has reached an agreement with the Austrians to help us train a group of pilots, and preparations have already begun.
Unless unforeseen circumstances arise, our first air squadron should be able to enter service in three months."
Training a group of pilots in just three months means the pilots won¡¯t be elite under such a tight schedule.
As long as they can operate airnes and carry out attacks, that should suffice since the enemy only has airships. The rest of the knowledge can be slowly umted through experience in realbat; right now, the Russian Army must focus on efficiency, and quick results are what matter.
Upon hearing "three months," the smile on Alexander III¡¯s face suddenly vanished.
"Why so slow? Can¡¯t we speed up the process any further?
We must understand that the frontline situation is urgent; deploying airnes a day sooner could mean seizing the skies from the British a day earlier!"
Confronted with the Tsar¡¯s demand, Marshal Ivanov felt inwardly copsed. ording to the Austrians, being able to train pilots in three months was already quite an achievement.
If asked to be faster, the quality of this crash course, which was not high to begin with, was likely to be even less guaranteed.
Ivanov replied with a stiff upper lip, "Your Majesty, pilots are a new branch of technology, and weck experience in training them, so we have to learn from the Austrians.
If we want to speed things up, I personally suggest incorporating airship pilots into the training program; that should save considerable time."
Whether it was a good idea or not, Ivanov did not know. But since the Tsar had asked, he couldn¡¯t be without a suggestion.
As for the oue, that would be determined in due time. Since it was a new branch, a miscalction by the Army Department could be excused due to unfamiliarity with the situation.
...¡
Chapter 919 - 182, A Special Christmas
The airshow was valuable not only for its spectacle, but it also served as a means for the Tsarist Government to unt its military might to the outside world. Regardless of how these airnes were acquired, possession was all that mattered.
In a sense, being able to purchase airnes was also a disy of strength. After all, many countries wished to buy them but couldn¡¯t.
Perhaps intentionally, or perhaps not, during the airshow, Alexander III also invited envoys from various European countries to attend, including the French Ambassador.
ording to European convention, an ally¡¯s ally is not necessarily a friend, nor is an ally¡¯s enemy necessarily a foe.
The Franco-Austrian War and the Anglo-Russian War are considered separate conflicts not interfering with each other.
Thus, even as wars raged across Europe, France and Russia maintained normal diplomatic rtions.
Once it was confirmed that the Russians were equipped with airnes, the French Ambassador became immediately concerned. Ever since Paris was bombed, the French government had been troubled over airne manufacturing technology.
As it turned out, self-reliance was not so simple. Without technical experts in the field of aviation, the French government could only bring together a group of civilian enthusiasts and mechanical engineers to form a makeshift research team.
Not to mention their inability to produce industrially, it was enough that the airnes produced in theboratory were still in the primitive stage, of "depart without return" kind.
Simply achieving safe round trips andndings would require a great deal of experimentation and trial and error¡ªsomething the French Army on the front lines could not afford to wait for.
ording to Envoy Albion, in order to acquire airne manufacturing technology as quickly as possible, the government did not hesitate to seek coboration with the British, even at the cost of pride.
But there was no follow-up. Although Britannia¡¯s industrial strength was somewhat stronger, when it came to airne manufacturing, they were as much novices as France, with not a single airne factory to be found throughout the country.
This was undoubtedly an opportunity, if airne manufacturing technology couldn¡¯t be obtained from Austria, then it could be obtained from Russia.
Of course, the Russians did not have airne manufacturing technology, but they did have ready-made airnes!
Self-research and development required a great deal of time, but having a physical model to reference and imitate could undoubtedly save a vast amount of time.
Don¡¯t look at European countries with disdain; in fact, most industrial powers in Europe started by copying others, including France was no exception.
Copying, imitating, Envoy Albion felt no pressure. The only problem was how to obtain an airne from the Russians.
¡
"Your Grace, this deal is too tricky, it¡¯s beyond my capabilities," said the middle-aged man as he pushed the check back. From his eyes, it was clear there was a profound reluctance; he did not want to give up the check.
But there was no choice, as the French were not to be trifled with. Taking money without delivering results could bring endless trouble.
"Duke, you are being too modest. Who doesn¡¯t know your great name? In St. Petersburg, there is nothing you cannot do.
A trifling matter for you, you just need to¡"
Praise, endless praise. In order to achieve his goal, Envoy Albion abandoned his bottom line.
After speaking, Envoy Albion pushed the check back again, and took out a nk check to ce on top of it.
The meaning was crystal clear: as long as the goal could be met, the price was whatever the Duke wanted.
Upon seeing this scene, Duke Oremed¡¯s stance wavered once again. Although coborating with the French might offend the Austrians, the French were offering a high price!
Although there were many who sought his help, it was the first time he had received a casually written check.
After hesitating for a moment, Duke Oremed shook his head again, "Your Grace, it¡¯s not that I¡¯m unwilling to help.
The problem now is that the Austrians are watching closely, and all those responsible for aircraft maintenance are Austrians. We simply cannot get the aircraft out of Russia right under their noses.
You know the influence Austria has in Russia. Once they discover a problem, the government will surely have to give them an exnation."
Money is good, but life is more important.
Ordinarily, if stealing a piece of military equipment from the barracks, Oremed had plenty of ways to manage it, whether it was to write it off or to dere it dmissioned.
But not now, the Austrians were watching too closely. Should the Austrians get a handle on him, the Tsarist Government would certainly have to provide an exnation to Austria for the sake of the bteral rtionship.
In such a context, even the most powerfulwork of connections would not hold up. Oremed hadn¡¯t lived long enough and was not ready to court death.
After being rejected again, Envoy Albion¡¯s face darkened. With his many years of life experience, he could tell that the Russian duke in front of him was not trying to raise the price, but genuinely didn¡¯t dare.
After pondering for a moment, Envoy Albion unwillingly asked, "Your Grace, it can¡¯t be that the maintenance staff are all Austrians indefinitely, can it?"
Duke Oremed nodded, "Of course not, we have already arranged for technicians to go in and learn. In no time at all, logistics maintenance will be carried out by our own people.
If Your Grace can wait, in two or three years, you should be able to get your wish."
Waiting two or three years, the opportunity would be long gone. In such a long time, France¡¯s own research should have yielded results, making it entirely unnecessary to pay a high price.
Albion, still not giving up, asked, "Doesn¡¯t your country want to make replicas? We can send engineers to help, and once the technology is deciphered, we can share it between our two countries, and..."
Before Albion could finish speaking, Oremed interrupted, "Why replicate? What¡¯s in it for us?"
It sounded nonsensical, yet that was the truth. At the beginning, after importing Austrian equipment, the Tsarist Government was keen to introduce technology and make replicas.
But faced with the exorbitant production costs, the Tsarist Government had to ept the concept of "better to buy than to manufacture."
Ordinary military equipment was already thus; not to mention aircraft. With the industrial strength of the Russian Empire, even if they could decipher the technology, they would not be able to mass-produce it.
...
In the face of ruble persuasion, in the end, Oremed agreed to arrange for a few French engineers to join the logistics maintenance team.
How much they could learn by stealth was up to the French¡¯s luck, but Duke Oremed was not optimistic about their chances.
Logistics maintenance and aircraft manufacturing are twopletely different concepts. Without the ability to thoroughly study the internal structure of the aircraft, deriving the aircraft manufacturing technology would take nothing short of a great deal of time and money to conduct experiments, and there was simply no other way.
The money invested was still manageable, as there would always be some if squeezed tight, but time was the key issue. Reverse-engineering aircraft manufacturing technology within one or two months was drastically different from spending one or two years on developing it.
...
Snowkes fluttered down, covering the banks of the Rhine River in ayer of silver. With the silence of gunfire, the usual smoke of gunpowder was gone, and in the soft sunlight, it seemed particrly pleasant.
Another Christmas day, watching the soldiers celebrating withughter, Marshal Patrice McMahon could not feel any joy.
At the onset of the battle for the Rhine, the Austrian army across had only amounted to three hundred thousand, the rest being remnants and defeated soldiers from Prussia and Germany.
In just a short time, the total strength of the Austrian forces had exceeded eight hundred thousand, and with the troops from Prussia and Germany, the disadvantage in numbers of the Anti-French Alliance was no longer evident.
If the current situation continues, perhaps by next month, the opposing forces will have a reversal in their numbers. By then, the momentum of attack and defense will have switched sides.
There is no helping it. In terms of manpower, financial resources, materials, and industry, France is no match for the Anti-French Alliance.
The only advantage is that the French Army¡¯s reputation is at its peak, bolstered by past victories, giving them a psychological edge against the enemy.
Unfortunately, all this was shattered by the Austrians not long ago in the Battle of the Rhine River.
The French Army did not continue the myth of invincibility, and the so-called superiority inbat strength has now be a fantasy.
Frankly speaking, Marshal Patrice McMahon did not want to cease fire for Christmas because it would give the enemy an extra day, furtherplicating the breakthrough of the Rhine Defense line.
"Marshal, the Christmas banquet will start in half an hour."
The guard beside him reminded.
This is a tradition of the French Army; banquets are inevitable, especially on Christmas.
Originally, Patrice McMahon was supposed to return to Paris to attend the banquet held at the Pce of Versailles, but because of the heavy snow that blocked the roadsst night, his journey was dyed, and he stayed at the front line.
Since he stayed here, as the front line¡¯s leader, Patrice McMahon naturally had the duty to preside over the Christmas banquet and take the opportunity to boost the troops¡¯ morale.
"Understood, I will attend on time!"
Having said that, Marshal Patrice McMahon closed his eyes to rest. Hosting a banquet also required energy, and for the aging Patrice McMahon, it was a burden.
...
While the French Army celebrated, the Allied Forces were doing much the same. Apart from the necessary duty personnel, most of the officers and soldiers were celebrating this special Christmas.
Different from the French Army was that Archduke Albert, themander of the Allied Forces, was absent from the banquet. The main guest became King Leopold II of Belgium.
In themand center, Archduke Albert was examining thetest battlefield map, with several high-ranking Austrian officers who had also skipped the banquet present.
In war, speed is of the essence. Though an attack couldn¡¯t beunched on Christmas, it didn¡¯t mean nothing could be done on the holiday.
"Has the newly arrived Armored Troops been settled in properly?"
Without a doubt, the significant event that caused the highmand of the Austrian army to collectively skip the banquet was the recent arrival of the Armored Troops.
The movement of the Armored Troops was no small matter; under normal circumstances, eluding the French surveince was sheer impossibility. Christmas presented a unique opportunity.
To hide their movements, the Austrian army also carried out a series of deceptions.
For example: they increased the number of vehicles at the front line and would asionally deliberately make noise to deaden the ears of the French.
To reduce the risk of exposure, the Armored Troops didn¡¯te directly but were transported by waterways straight to the front line halfway through the journey.
A middle-aged officer responded loudly, "Marshal, rest assured, the Armored Troops have been dispersed and stationed in several camps that were prepared in advance. I personally inspected them.
The location of the camps is rtively secluded, and the patrol units in the vicinity had been reced with our men a week ago.
There¡¯s also a motor transport unit nearby for cover; unless there¡¯s close contact, it¡¯s unlikely for anyone to notice."
Thank goodness we eliminated the French airship troops, or else it wouldn¡¯t have been easy to conceal an armored troop division.
Although armored troops are nearly invincible in this era, if they were exposed prematurely and the French were prepared, pulling off aplete victory would be difficult.
Dealing with armored troops can be hard or easy. Just by digging a few pits along the route of the armored troops, one can dy their speed.
Once the armored troops lose speed, they are essentially just a powerful army, unable to y a strategic role.
Having received an affirmative response, Archduke Albrecht nodded and added, "We must ensure secrecy is maintained, dering these camps as munitions depots and forbidding any unauthorized personnel from approaching.
For the sake of safety, let¡¯s not inform Beide Countries of the armored troops¡¯ arrival for the time being.
Our strategic objective this time is to capture the majority of the French Army¡¯s main force, inflicting the maximum casualties on France¡¯s living forces.
To achieve this won¡¯t be easy. Therefore, we must take advantage of the armored troops¡¯ strength and catch the French off guard."
If we allow the French to regroup and retreat their main force back into their own territory, this war will be difficult to fight."
This is a fact, as it is much easier to fight the French on the banks of the Rhine River than on French soil. Discover more stories at NovelBin.C?m
Not to mention, it will be much easier to capture fleeing soldiers after winning the war. The German People certainly won¡¯t help French soldiers escape, and the envelopment of the people¡¯s war awaits them.
An older officer, expressing his doubts, asked, "Marshal, are the armored troops really that formidable?
With just over two hundred tanks and seven hundred armored vehicles, I¡¯m afraid it might be somewhat¡"
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Unfortunately, the armored troops were subjected to the strictest secrecy, so much so that even within the Austrian army¡¯s higher echelon, they were "known only by name, not by sight".
Apart from a few officers who had observed the armored troops during exercises, no one knew the true power of the steel flood.
Archduke Albrecht was aware that this skepticism wasn¡¯t just one person¡¯s doubt; most people present questioned whether the armored troops could truly deal a significant blow to the French Army.
After all, the total strength of the opposing French Army was quickly approaching two million. In such a vast sea of people, such a small number of armored troops really wouldn¡¯t be impressive.
"Friedrich, you are themander of the armored troops. Now, please exin to everyone thebat methods of the armored troops!"
Nepotism is ubiquitous, and the Austrian army was no exception. The Habsburg Family was thergest beneficiary.
The rise of Archduke Albrecht also used this connection; otherwise, it would not have been so easy for him to be the foremost person in the Austrian army following the death of Marshal Radetzky.
Archduke Albrecht never concealed his intent to promote his nephew and political sessor.
Of course, what was most important was that Friedrich was indeed talented. There were many members in the Habsburg Family, but if there had been no capability, Albrecht would not have supported him.
Essentially, the purpose of promoting Friedrich was to strengthen the Royal family¡¯s control over the army.
This political and military structure has continued for over a century, serving as one of the key means to safeguard imperial authority.
One can look at the era of Ferdinand I, when the Emperor was unable to govern for decades, yet the power of the Vienna Pce did not wane.
It is also the reason Franz was able to swiftly take control of the situation after his ascension. The army never slipped from the control of the Royal family.
...
Chapter 920 - 183: The Core
Armored Troops, among the higher echelons of the Austrian army, have another nickname¡ª"Heavy Cavalry".
To many, this was nothing but an enhanced version of the cavalry, the true "Iron Cavalry" in essence.
Including the use of Armored Troops, the Austrian military was also mired in controversy. A considerable number of people believed that Armored Troops should simply be used as cavalry.
In some ways, this view was not without merit; Armored Troops did indeed share many simrities with cavalry.
For instance, both were more expensive than infantry, had high logistical demands, and their operations would be restricted by severe ice and snow weather conditions...
Unfortunately, the banks of the Rhine River were already covered in ice and snow, and during the coldest part of the night, temperatures could even drop to below minus ten degrees Celsius.
In such harsh weather, cars needed to be preheated before starting the engine, or else they wouldn¡¯t start at all.
At their core, Armored Troops were simr to cars; it¡¯s just that they had higher power requirements for their engines.
When faced with harsh climates, both suffered simrly. It wasn¡¯t that they couldn¡¯t be used, rather their rate of failure was much higher.
The Armored Troops of Austria already had a rtively high rate of breakdowns, and if one were to choose such poor weather for an operation, the scenario was simply unimaginable.
Luckily, Central Europe¡¯s winters were short, and there were only a few days of severe weather. With proper maintenance, they could withstand it.
If the hellish weather of Moscow had to be contended with, it was likely that one-fifth of the Armored Troops would be incapacitated before the war evenmenced.
Heading into battle unprepared was not Archduke Albrecht¡¯s style. With the advancement of age, Albrecht¡¯s military strategy had be increasingly cautious.
Not just Albrecht, but most of the high-ranking officers in the Austrian army favored a cautious style ofmand.
Only a handful of junior and mid-level young officers favored unconventional strategies and the element of surprise.
There was no fundamental difference between the two styles ofmand. It¡¯s just that as one¡¯s status and position changed, so too did their ideas and perspectives.
In the military, a ce that thrives on achievements, young people striving for advancement could only overtake their peers by taking risks.
In fact, most of the high-ranking generals in the Austrian military were once fond of unconventional strategies, and it was by achieving surprise victories that they outpaced their rivals and ascended rapidly in the ranks.
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Now, as their status had changed¡ªwealth, identity, and position all established¡ªthe time of entrepreneurship had ended and a period of stewardship had begun, with prudent thinking gradually taking precedence.
Everything has two sides; from the national perspective, this was definitely advantageous.
Essentially, any military action that strayed from the norm was a gamble.
Junior and mid-level officers had less at stake and could afford purely tactical mistakes. Even if they lost hundreds of times, Austria could still bear the cost.
Moreover, none of those who made it as officers were fools. Even when they took risks, they would only do so if they had some assurance of sess.
Overall, the chances of winning were even greater, as themanders had already weighed the risks and rewards before the gamble began.
Often, the gains from a single victory on the battlefield could offset the losses from dozens of failures.
To put it bluntly, the stakes they were gambling with involved at most just a few hundred or a thousand men. The loss would be limited to that extent, but the potential gains from winning could be the victory of a whole campaign.
It was different for senior officers¡ªthey often decided the fate of tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands, or even millions of troops, and any failure could severely injure the nation¡¯s vitality.
On the other hand, looking at it from the standpoint of individuals within the military, it was unlikely that Austria would produce famous generals under such a model.
Unfortunately, mainstream public opinion idolized generals known for their unorthodox strategies, surprising victories, and triumphs of the weak over the strong.
The sort of straightforward victories that relied on sheer force andprehensive strength were seen as expected in theory and were not highly regarded.
This was very unfriendly to Austrian officers. Perhaps in their youth, they might have such military achievements; but as they rose in rank, their records became increasingly mediocre.
From this perspective, Archduke Albrecht was undoubtedly fortunate.
He started his career by defeating the rebel army, then encountered an easy opponent, and without much effort, he advanced automatically to the status of a famous general.
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Now, with the war in Europe underway and Franz introducing a series of breakthrough technologies, there was an opportunity to step on the French and ascend to the altar of the new "God of War".
After the military meeting, Albrecht stayed behind with his nephew, "Friedrich, it seemed you had something to say earlier. Could it be that you are dissatisfied with my arrangements?"
"Marshal, while the current weather is severe, it¡¯s not to the point where the Armored Troops can¡¯t operate.
Taking advantage of the French being unprepared, we shouldunch a surprise attack tomorrow. The Armored Troops could easily tear through the French positions, and a full-scale advancement would certainly deal a heavy blow to the French Army.
If we dy for too long, the Armored Troops may be exposed, giving the French time to prepare."
The Austrian army ced a high value on protocol; "nephew" was a title reserved for private use. Within themand center, the only proper address for Archduke Albrecht was "Marshal".
If protocol wasn¡¯t valued, given theplex rtionships among the European nobility, one would soon discover that the barracks were full of rtives, which would lead themon officers to despair.
Even though nepotism yed an important role in reality, there was still a pathway where if one distinguished themselves on the battlefield, they would be promoted faster than anyone else.
This path was not only left formoner officers but also served as the standard for the advancement of nobility officers.
Don¡¯t think being a connected household is impressive when those around you are all connected, you¡¯ll find that in the end, it¡¯s still strength that counts.
There¡¯s no helping it, who made it a tradition in the Germany Region that everyone must serve in the military? All the nobility from top to bottom have to enter the military and serve.
Perhaps many families don¡¯t have many direct members, but there are definitely not a few coteral members without titles, and if you count those like illegitimate children, this group grows evenrger.
At this time, so-called rtionship backgrounds are actually not that important. After the Austrian Armypleted its military reforms, without sufficient ability, no amount of resources could push you up.
The most typical example is Crown Prince Friedrich, who is not much older than Friedrich, with all resources, connections, and rtionships at their peak.
Thetter was already a lieutenant general, whereas Crown Prince Friedrich retired with the rank of lieutenant colonel, probably the lowest-ranking Crown Prince since Austria promoted military ranks.
Of course,paring Friedrich like this is quite unfair, after all, the gap before and after military reform is too great.
Take Franz himself for example, he was an Austrian officer from the time he began breastfeeding, and became a general before he reached adulthood; the disparity is so great it can hardly bepared, it¡¯s all just water.
With Friedrich, the good days of lying back and winning were over. The wonderful era of breastfeeding while serving in the military had gone forever. After graduating from the military academy, one must start from the bottom, just like any regr cadet.
As the Crown Prince, Friedrich could not always stay in the military, and this affected his promotion.
Add in a dose of bad luck, perfectly missing the opportunity to get a golden ting on the battlefield. Without any battle honors to his name, there was no hope of bing a general, so he simply retired.
After the outbreak of the European war, Lieutenant Colonel Friedrich, re-entering military service, was still waiting for an opportunity on the southern front.
Not just Crown Prince Friedrich, but including his several younger brothers, are now in a simr state, scattered across various battlefields waiting for an opportunity.
Whether or not one can develop in the military still depends on one¡¯s abilities.
This thing cannot be determined by external forces alone; if one¡¯s own ability is not up to scratch, even if promoted, it¡¯s impossible to convince people.
In fact, Franz had initially considered leaving this opportunity for Friedrich.
Being too low in rank to serve as amander of an army group, no matter, just reduce the organizational level of the armored troops, for example: a tank regiment has several hundred tanks, organize all armored troops into an armored division.
It¡¯s just that doing so would look too unsightly, and Friedrich¡¯s militarymand ability was an unknown factor; no one knew if he could handle it. In case things went wrong, it would be like lifting a rock only to drop it on one¡¯s own foot.
As the Crown Prince of Austria, all Friedrich needed to do was to get his golden ting, there was no need to take such a risk just for a bit of reputation.
Under these circumstances, the best opportunity to rack upbat achievements naturally fell to the royal family member Friedrich, who had already proven his capabilities.
Archduke Albrecht shook his head, speaking gravely, "Friedrich, you are thinking too simply.
Although the Allied Forces have amassed 1.78 million troops on the banks of the Rhine River, nearly a million of these are troops from the Beide Countries.
They¡¯re fine for defense, but if we drop our defenses and go out to field battle with the French, who knows what will happen?
Even if the armored troops can tear through the French Army¡¯s positions, even cutting them into several pieces, we still can¡¯t swallow them, and we might even choke to death.
The domestic intention is to inflict as much loss of life as possible on the French Army, the goal from the very start of this war was to kill more of the enemy.
Waiting until the snow and ice melt is not only to ease the deployment of armored troops but also to gather more forces.
Naturally, waiting for the battle in Egypt to conclude is a key factor.
ording to domestic ns, this war was to begin with the Egyptian front, then us, and finally the southern front.
This is the strategy for inflicting maximum damage on the French.
After establishing a fait apli in upying Egypt, then marching all the way to Paris, even if we drew the interference of other European countries, we would have dissolved the French¡¯s Colonial Empire and taken control of the Suez Canal.
Having lost their African Colony, France would have lost one of its pirs. It would be difficult to recover their vitality for decades.
As for the exposure of the armored troops, that was expected. With such a greatmotion, keeping it secret indefinitely is simply impossible.
Even if the French received the news, they wouldn¡¯t know what specifically the armored troops were for. Maybe the French would think it was just ayer of steel te over an automobile.
Remember, Friedrich. You and the ordinarymanders are different, they can consider issues purely from a military perspective, but you must consider politics.
In most cases, the military serves politics.
To relieve our future pressure on the western front, it¡¯s not enough just to defeat the French; we must severely damage France.
All the government¡¯s current strategies revolve around this core goal of severely damaging France.
As long as this strategic objective can be achieved, in the grand scheme of things, the battles on the front determining victory one day earlier or one dayter makes little difference."
¡
Chapter 921 - 184: Dining With the Enemy
In the face of nature, humans are fragile. The battle of the Rhine River is still ongoing, but the intensity of the war was limited by the heavy snowfall.
It¡¯s not that the attacking French Army wasn¡¯t trying hard, but the snowy weather was too much to handle. It affected not only the offensive on the front line but also increased the difficulty of logistical transportation.
An army of two million, even if idle, consumes astronomical amounts of supplies every day, not to mention when they are engaged inbat.
It was once again proven,bat deep in enemy territory is not that simple.
Indeed, Belgium and the Rhinnd region are areas with convenient transportation and a well-established railwaywork, but the problem is, the Allied Forces had damaged the roads during their retreat!
Destruction is always easier than construction, and the first task for the French Army after upying these areas was road repair.
After more than a month of effort, the highways had basically returned to normal, and the railways were almostpletely repaired. Just whenpletion was in sight, a heavy snowstorm hit.
Severe weather affecting logistical transportation had be the French Army¡¯s biggest challenge at the moment, even more troublesome than the Austrian army¡¯s machine gun trenches.
After all, no matter how formidable machine gun trench tactics are, they can only provide static defense. With the technology of the time, charging into battle while carrying machine guns wasn¡¯t possible.
These could impede the French Army¡¯s path, but they couldn¡¯t threaten its lifeline. Logistics, on the other hand, was a different matter¡ªif there were problems there, the lives of the two million French soldiers would be in jeopardy.
Looking out the window, Marshal Patrice McMahon sighed. This war had started too hastily; France simply wasn¡¯t prepared.
Who would have thought that the vast French Empire would be short of winter military clothing? In the end, they had to mobilize the nation to donate cotton clothes to barely solve the problem of keeping the soldiers warm.
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It wasn¡¯t because French industry wasn¡¯t strong enough. As the secondrgest textile industry in the world, provided sufficient raw materials, millions of winter garments could have been produced in a month.
The problem was with the raw materials. Seventy percent of the raw materials for France¡¯s cotton textile industry came from Egypt, and the outbreak of the war had devastated cotton production in the Egypt area.
Such arge gap was not easily filled. Even if they wanted to buy from the international market, not enough supplies were avable.
You have to know, in those days, cotton was as crucial as food. Most producers had fixed partners, and to snatch it away from them woulde at a great cost.
Capitalists didn¡¯t have such a strong sense of the bigger picture. Without certainty about the war¡¯s duration, investing huge sums to snatch cotton was not proportional to the risks involved.
Keep in mind that the French were very optimistic about this war, with the mainstream belief that the French Army would win within two to three months.
In such a short period, relying on reserves was believed to be sufficient, so there was no need to take the risk of investing heavily.
Theoretically speaking, if no one hoarded goods and there was reasonable distribution, France wouldn¡¯t have beencking supplies at this point.
But there was no way around it, the interests of many always trumped all. After the outbreak of the war, the prices just kept climbing day by day, setting a new high with each dy.
No one wants to quarrel with money, and under such conditions, the efficiency of the Paris Government¡¯s bureaucracy naturally couldn¡¯t be raised.
The slow pace of gathering supplies in the early stages directly resulted in the French Army¡¯s inability to transport sufficient materials to the front line before winter, and with the snowfall, transport efficiency plummeted, and problems arose.
"Marshal, due to the heavy snow, the transport convoy, which was supposed to arrive today, has only just reached Trier, and it is expected to be dyed for a week before arriving.
This is already the third time this month that supplies have been dyed, from the beginning of the snowfall, we¡¯ve never had supplies arrive on time."
Major General John, responsible for the French Army¡¯s logistical transportation, reported with a bitter face.
Compared to the cushy jobs of logistics distribution, those responsible for transportation had a much tougher job, not only having to fix roads by themselves but also facing guerri attacks, and now they had to contend with the severe weather.
If that were all, it would be endurable, as transportation had its perks, which were enough to heal the wounded hearts of those involved.
The problem was that the civilian husbands responsible for the transportation were not so obedient, and they could strike if the tasks were too heavy. After all, no matter how abundant the perks, they didn¡¯t trickle down to them.
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There was no choice¡ªconscripting localbor or using prisoners of war was too risky; you never knew when they might coborate with guerris. Even if they didn¡¯t join the guerris, the French Army couldn¡¯t handle passive resistance or shoddy workmanship.
To ensure the safety of logistics, the civilian husbands involved in transportation were their own people, and once they stirred up trouble, the officers could only appease them.
Upon receiving the bad news, Marshal Patrice McMahon furrowed his brows and began to calcte quietly.
The French Army hadn¡¯t pushed the front line to the Rhine River for long and often suffered heavy losses from enemy aerial attacks, leaving their reserves extremely limited.
Since the snow began, the French Army¡¯s supplies had fallen into a state of insufficiency. Even though the intensity of frontlinebat had recently decreased and consumption of supplies had reduced, it was still unsustainable for long.
There was no way around it, the consumption of ammunition might have decreased, but the need for heating supplies had increased. The Rhinnd region did produce coal, but the German Army had destroyed the coal mines before their retreat, and it would take time to restore production capacity.
Most crucially, the locals were unwilling to cooperate. Under the influence of hatred, they simply ignored the demands of the French Army.
The war had just begun and was far from being decided, and even the opportunistic capitalists had not rushed to take sides. Only a very few had gone over to the French so early in the conflict.
After a long pause, Marshal Patrice McMahon slowly spoke, "Send a message back home, exining our predicament, and request that the Army Department increases the number of transport units.
Order the logistics department to prioritize the delivery of ammunition and medicine; everyone else should think of ways to procure other materials locally as much as possible to reduce our logistical pressure."
Procuring supplies locally was certainly not an ideal solution. Rtions between the French Army and the locals were already strained, and such actions would certainly fuel the growth of guerri movements.
"Marshal, when the enemy retreated, they inflicted extensive damage on the area, destroying infrastructure and burning supply warehouses.
The industrial capacity of Belgium and the Rhinnd is indeed impressive, but without raw industrial materials, they are unable to produce supplies.
Especially considering that local production of food is not substantial and mainly relies on imports from Austria. Due to the war, the grain trade has been disrupted for nearly a month now.
Local food prices have skyrocketed, and social order has deteriorated rapidly. If we impose levies on grain now, I fear..."
Seeing Marshal Patrice McMahon¡¯s expression grow increasingly grim, General Albert decisively chose to keep silent.
The problem was well known, but the French Army was also on the verge of running out of food. Even considering the severe consequences, Marshal Patrice McMahon now had no other choice.
After exchanging nces, General Udino, carrying the burden of his past errors, knew it was his turn to take the me.
Owing arge debt is not burdensome when one¡¯s reputation is already ruined; he did not care about one more vilification.
Taking on more me could also win him favors, and he could have people speak on his behalf when the post-war settlements began, so he could avoid a trip to military court.
"Your Excellency, we cannot view the problem this way. After the outbreak of war, the local poption was notpletely unprepared.
As far as I know, the enemy did not burn all supplies when they retreated, and a significant portion of food was distributed to the locals. Borrowing some grain for emergency use shouldn¡¯t be a major issue.
Apart from food, many of the supplies we need can be procured locally, such as coal.
If everyone is willing to put in the effort, I believe restoring the coal mines won¡¯t be difficult. If we¡¯re short onbor, we could use prisoners of war.
Set them a quota, if they fail to meet it, they go hungry. I believe they will concede.
For other materials, we¡¯ll gather what we can, making do with as much as possible and if it¡¯s insufficient, we¡¯ll find ways to transport more from home.
If we are concerned about losing control of the situation, then we can simply expel the locals to the other side, effectively consuming the enemy¡¯s supplies."
Udino merely voiced what everyone wanted to do but dared not undertake. Expelling the locals was not a significant issue from a military perspective, but the political consequences would be severe.
This is the European Continent, not some remote colonial outpost. If the French Army expelled millions of locals, it would surely ignite widespread fury.
Especially for the many small countries in Europe, if the French could do this to Belgium and the Rhinnd region today, simr events could potentially ur in theirnds tomorrow.
Whether it¡¯s due to empathy for the plight of others or for their own security, those small countries would likely stand against France.
Marshal Patrice McMahon fell silent. From the moment the n to "live off the enemy" was implemented, the oue of whether or not to expel the locals would ultimately be the same.
People are iron and food is steel; without a meal, they grow anxious with hunger. With no food in hand, the locals would be unable to stay even if they wanted to.
Fleeing famine was a matter of time, merely a question of direction. France was certainly not an option; refugees could either flee to Switzend, Nethends, or to the German Federation.
If the French Army moved to expel them, it would simply cause the refugees, who might have otherwise fled to Switzend or the Nethends, to all enter the German Federation, increasing the pressure on the Anti-French Alliance.
They were all their own people; the French Army might not offer relief to refugees, but the Allied Forces could not ignore them.
With several million more mouths to feed all at once, the Anti-French Alliance, no matter how wealthy or powerful, would feel the strain.
Chapter 922 - 185: The Refugee Tide
A new day began, and the heavy snow continued to whirl in the sky. Generally, in such weather, neither the Allied Forces nor the French Army wouldunch an attack.
However, Captain Hoeg, who was on patrol, dared not let his guard down; the absence of arge-scale attack did not mean that small-scale assaults would not ur.
In just half a month, the 25th Division, where Captain Hoeg served, had suffered seven attacks from the French Army, resulting in hundreds of casualties.
Of course, the Allied Forces also organized multiple retaliatory counterattacks. Overall, both sides had their victories, but the Austrian army had a slight advantage.
Braving the piercing cold wind, Captain Hoeg sneezed, and an ominous premonition emerged.
"Everyone, stay alert, and beware of the Frenchmen ambushing us."
The battlefield is the best teacher, and experience is gradually acquired. At some point, both sides had grown fond of sniping games.
By ambushing the enemy¡¯s patrol teams with three to five sharpshooters positioned four to five hundred meters away, they were not intimidated even by an entire toon.
Due to the uracy of firearms, hitting a target within two hundred meters with a sess rate of over thirty percent was considered elite.
At a distance of four to five hundred meters, aside from sharpshooters, ordinary soldiers relied purely on luck, unable to cause effective damage.
The ambushed soldiers would fight if they could win, and flee if they could not. Recently, most casualties on both sides had urred this way.
"Don¡¯t worry, Captain. The terrain here is t; we can see everything for miles, and it¡¯s impossible to hide."
"Look, everything ahead is a vast expanse of white, showing no signs of anyone having passed through unless the French decided to bury themselves in the snow overnight."
The speaker was a middle-aged veteran who had rejoined the military after the outbreak of the war. From the expressions of everyone around, it was clear he held a high status within the patrol team.
The military respects the strong, and respect naturally follows capability. Here, the middle-aged veteranmanded respect because of his extensivebat experience and past military honors.
In almost everypany of the Austrian army, such veterans were present, their value lying in passing on battlefield experience.
Captain Hoeg took out his binocrs and scanned the area ahead, and after confirming there were no traces of footprints, he breathed a sigh of relief.
An overnight ambush was out of the question; the temperature at midnight dropped to minus ten degrees. In the icy and snowy conditions, without any heating facilities, people would die.
As for digging holes and setting up shelters, that only happened in fictional tales. In reality, it was impossible. Permafrost isn¡¯t so easily dug up; who could silently dig it out overnight?
Just as he was about to lower the binocrs, distant, flickering figures suddenly appeared, and Captain Hoeg¡¯s expression became grave in an instant.
"Signal the troops: the enemy has appeared."
The distance was too great; even through the binocrs, he could only get a rough idea. Despite the unreasonable weather for a French attack, the battlefield wasn¡¯t a ce ruled by logic.
Captain Hoeg, who had attended military school, knew from countless ssic battle examples that ssic victories were achieved by breaking the norms.
Theoretically impossible didn¡¯t mean it couldn¡¯t happen in reality. For the French Army,unching an attack in snowy weather was indeed disadvantageous, but it wasn¡¯t entirely without benefits.
In such foul weather, Austria¡¯s aircraft and airships could only rest at home, without worrying about threats from the sky.
The patrol team¡¯s mission was to spot the enemy and report promptly. Having detected movement, Captain Hoeg naturally had to report it.
"Captain, are you sure it¡¯s the French Army? Launching an attack now would not be to France¡¯s advantage. You know, fighting in this kind of ghastly weather causes significant soldier casualties!"
Normally, if a soldier were injured, they could still retrieve bodies and wounded at dusk for treatment.
But in snowy weather, it was different; a soldier lying in the snow for a few hours would have their wounds freeze, drastically reducing the chance of recovery.
Anyone with a bit of military knowledge knows that casualties on the battlefield are often several times, even up to a dozen times, the number of fatalities.
If these wounded can¡¯t be rescued, then the battle losses would drastically increase. France, not being highly populous, could not afford such losses.
Captain Hoeg shook his head, "Lieutenant Hans, do you think anyone else besides the French would group together and head our way in such ghastly weather?
Don¡¯t forget, it¡¯s wartime. This is the battlefield where we¡¯re fighting the French Army; I can¡¯t imagine any sane person woulde here seeking death!"
In a battlefield, guns are blind, and there is no innocence to be found between opposing armies; anyoneing for the spectacle would die a pointless death.
The nearby residents had long since fled; no one stayed to face bombardment. Captain Hoeg outright dismissed the possibility of civilians.
Lieutenant Hans, a middle-aged man, shook his head: "No, Captain. Don¡¯t forget that the mines and factories in the Rhinnd region are shut down, and after losing their livelihoods, ordinary people can¡¯t hold out for long.
In this freezing and snowy hellish weather, it¡¯s difficult for the French to even sustain their own logistics, let alone provide relief.
Based on past experiences, every war creates arge number of refugees. For instance, during thest Near East war, we created arge number of refugees for the Ottoman Empire."
It was evident that Lieutenant Hans¡¯s analytical ability was strong, mainly because he had personally participated, and the impressions were deeply etched in his mind.
With a sessful precedent, there was no reason for the French not to emte it. As for the repercussions, that was something Lieutenant Hans could consider.
Hearing this exnation, Captain Hoeg abandoned his immediate n to retreat. Since the distance between the two sides was still great, staying a bit longer wouldn¡¯t matter.
"Hold off on sending the signal. Have a scout move up one kilometer for observation, and first confirm whether the approaching troops are indeed the French Army."
Misunderstandings on the battlefield can have severe consequences. If refugees were mistaken for enemies and greeted with cannon fire, it would be yet another tragedy.
Captain Hoeg was conscientious; he did not wish to personally direct a tragedy.
...
At the Allied Command, the higher echelons of the German-Austrian Tri-Nation Army were gathered together.
Archduke Albrecht said solemnly, "Gentlemen, we have just received news from the front line that a wave of refugees is heading our way.
Unlike the scattered refugees we had seen before, the number this time could reach nearly ten million. Our pressure is immense.
All signs indicate that the French are deliberately creating a famine, forcing the poption to flee."
The Austrian officers were still manageable, but the officers from Prussia and Germany lost theirposure, especially Leopold II, who was in a panic.
On the surface, arge number of refugees will consume the resources of the Allied Forces and increase the logistical pressure on the Anti-French Alliance.
Looking deeper, this is France¡¯s prelude topletely annexing Belgium and the Rhinnd region. With the locals gone, there¡¯s no way to stop the French from upying these areas.
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Once the French government settles a batch of immigrants there, the annexation is effectivelyplete. Even after the war, even if all European countries intervene, there¡¯s no way to restore Belgium, after all, it will be popted by the French.
A simr strategy was used by Austria during its annexation of the Ottoman Empire. By the time the governments of other European countries realized and wanted to intervene, the Ottomans had almost all left.
This created a fait apli, and Europe had no way to send the Ottomans back from Russia ¡ª they could only watch helplessly as Austria annexed the Ottoman Empire.
Realizing this, Leopold II immediately decided, "Marshal, we must aid the refugees no matter what."
Leopold II had no choice; essentially, his entire base in Belgium had now turned into refugees.
A state exists because of its people. If Leopold II wanted to restore his country, he must preserve these refugees.
Otherwise, after a famine, Belgium, already with a small poption, would bepletely devastated.
To aid the refugees, it was better to rely on Austria than to hope for the Anti-French Alliance.
The Alliance had many members, but the only one truly capable of aiding the refugees was still Austria, the world¡¯s leading agricultural exporter, the only one who could provide so much food.
Archduke Albrecht nodded, "Of course, aiding the refugees is something the Alliance should do. However, the manner of aid is a problem.
Belgium, along with the Rhinnd region, has a total poption of over eleven million. Even ounting for a war-rted decline, it wouldn¡¯t drop below ten million.
If the French have taken action, they certainly won¡¯t do it lightly. If nothing unexpected urs, the number of refugees we will receive is likely between nine and ten million.
Provisioning for so many people, in terms of food, drink, and shelter, isn¡¯t so easily resolved. We must handle their resettlement properly, otherwise, chaos will ensue.
Fortunately, the refugees are not arriving all at once, and we can still disperse them."
"Dispersing" them was clearly not as simple as it sounded. It¡¯s easy to disperse, but hard to regather. Once these refugees were dispersed, gathering them back together would not be easy.
No matter the alliance, being a major power, Austria was certainly not na?ve.
Such arge pool of qualitybor, once consumed by Austria, would be very difficult to relinquish.
The phrase "free to stay or go" could silence everyone, forcing them to ept the loss withoutint.
Not to say that all would stay, but retaining half was possible. Only those who had experienced war could appreciate the value of peace.
Being neighbors with France was too dangerous; a small country like Belgium felt too insecure. If one could have a better life in Austria, why leave?
This was still under the assumption that Austria had some integrity. If the Vienna Government was ruthless and deliberately ced obstacles to prevent the refugees from leaving, that would be even more problematic.
Leopold II quickly objected, "Marshal, that isn¡¯t right! As long as we win this war, the refugees must return home.
Considering everyone¡¯s attachment to their homnd and the convenience of eventual return, I propose that we establish refugee camps nearby for their settlement."
He had to speak up; the German Federation was fragmented, and the Rhinnd region didn¡¯t belong to any sub-state; the representatives of the sub-states present simply couldn¡¯t take charge.
As long as Austria was confirmed to fund and supply the refugees, other issues were negotiable for the sub-state representatives since it didn¡¯t involve their own interests. Explore more at NovelBin.C?m
Archduke Albrecht shook his head, "Your Majesty. In principle, I support your proposal, but the problem is that we simply can¡¯t do it.
Just maintaining the logistics for the Allied Forces¡¯ operations is already a huge burden. Now adding nearly ten million refugees is simply not possible.
After all, refugees need clothing and food; just the daily consumption of materials for so many people amounts to tens of thousands of tons, which we simply can¡¯t satisfy.
If we don¡¯t want to see arge number of refugees freeze or starve to death, the only solution is to send them to the rear and disperse them."
It wasn¡¯t clear until calcted, but hearing about the consumption of tens of thousands of tons of materials daily unsettled everyone present.
Although not everyone was good at math to calcte immediately, it was certain that Archduke Albrecht wouldn¡¯t lie about this issue.
Leopold II¡¯s face darkened; deep inside he wanted to oppose, but the harsh reality left him in despair.
No amount of reasoning could outweigh a set of cold, hard numbers. Unable to solve the resource issue, they had to ept Austria¡¯s suggestion.
As for the future, they could only hope for the decency of those at the Vienna Pce. Belgium now had lost any bargaining power.
Chapter 923 - 186: A Dumbfounding Strategy
Vienna Pce was thoroughly bbergasted upon receiving the news of the refugee crisis erupting.
There was no helping it; the news was simply too astonishing. One must know that Belgium and the Rhinnd region were at the heart of Europe, not some irrelevant backwater.
It was imaginable that once the news spread, all the diplomatic efforts previously made by the French government would go down the drain. Even their allies, the British, would start to view the Paris Government in a different light.
Having been immersed in politics for many years, Franz had be very resilient and quickly came to his senses.
"Is the news confirmed? Are the refugees truly a result of the French expelling the locals and not a consequence of the war?"
The creation of refugees by war and the expulsion of locals are two drastically different concepts¡ªthe former is inevitable, while thetter signifies the ambitions of France.
Despite the current war being initiated by the French in their desire to capture territories west of the Rhine, the French government had never openly acknowledged ns to annex these areas.
Expanding territory on the European Continent nowadays not only triggers public ridicule and diplomatic hostility but also represents a political taboo.
Legal foundation is an inescapable hurdle. Viting this is akin to undermining the European political system. Breaking the rules will inevitably result in being bitten back by those very rules.
The French initiated the war under the pretext of soldiers going missing¡ªan excuse for war all toomon on the European Continent. Wars have been triggered over a jar of honey, let alone missing soldiers.
Without openly revealing their ambitions, it¡¯s a quiet operation. Everyone can feign ignorance, and all countries enjoy watching France and Austria battle it out.
Many politicians are covertly maneuvering, waiting for France and Austria to exhaust themselves before stepping in to pick up the spoils and restore the bnce of Europe.
With the French acting this way, the situation is now different. Especially for smaller nations, with the lid blown off, if they don¡¯t take action, what will happen if the great powers follow suit? How will they survive?
Of course, these are only theoretical considerations. In a sense, politics is a prostitute. In an age of survival of the fittest, no problem is insurmountable with sufficient power.
Prime Minister Carl responded with a grim face, "The news has been verified. The French Army has inflicted devastating looting on the people in the upied areas, seizing their food, burning their homes, and forcing them to leave.
In addition, the French Army has also blockaded the ports in the Belgium area and the roads to Switzend and the Nethends. It seems they¡¯re preparing to expel all the refugees toward us.
ording to intelligence from our informants, the French Army is facing logistical issues, incapable of sustaining the consumption of the frontline troops. The reason is that the Allied Forces destroyed local roads and bridges and also burned down granaries and supplies before withdrawing.
If the war continues, not only will the French government have to support its frontline troops, but it will also have to resolve the sustenance problem for tens of millions of local people, which far exceeds the capabilities of the French.
Consequently, someone proposed the n to expel the locals. Aside from a few who turned traitors in support of France, nearly all residents are within the scope of expulsion.
If nothing unexpected happens, we may end up taking in close to ten million refugees, far beyond the government¡¯s initial ns."
Hearing this exnation, Franz had no choice but to believe it. This was no longer a question of whether the French wanted to do it but a necessity. Discover stories at NovelBin.C?m
How else to solve the food problem if not by expelling the locals?
There are tens of millions of people in the area. Once the civilian grain stores are depleted, it will be up to the French government to provision them. Otherwise, when hunger strikes, these people are going to rebel.
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Food is only a short-term problem; the troubles that follow are even greater. Just look at the Italian Area. Despite many years having passed, it still hasn¡¯t fully settled down.
Assimting Italians is already challenging, let alone the fierce-natured Germans.
While the former currentlycks a nation, all their problems are internal; thetter is different. Even if France were to win this war, it couldn¡¯t possibly destroy Austria.
Since they can¡¯t assimte them, keeping these people no longer represents wealth but rather a significant burden.
Whether looking at the short-term demands or from a long-term strategic perspective, to France, these locals all pose a potential threat.
Rather than keeping these risks, it¡¯s better to expel them and cause trouble for the enemy.
It proved that France¡¯s actions were sessful. Despite extensive preparations, Austria wasn¡¯t ready to receive so many refugees.
Causing trouble is always easier than solving it. The French Army doesn¡¯t need to consider civilian losses; a simple and brutal expulsion of the locals could be done in a month¡¯s time.
By contrast, Austria¡¯s task of settling these people is an entirely different situation.
Never mind a month, even within a year, amodating so many people is no easy task.
The Vienna Government might have extensive experience with refugee resettlement, but it doesn¡¯t have the capacity to settle nearly ten million people within a short period.
Especially now that the sea routes are blocked, Austrian ships can only operate in the Eastern Mediterranean, which further adds to the difficulty of settling the refugees.
It is certain that as a result of the refugee crisis, for a considerable time in the future, the Anti-French Alliance has lost the initiative on the Central European battlefield.
"Now that things havee to this, let¡¯s first focus on properly settling the refugees! Since the French have made their move, we must follow suit.
Not all refugees are old, weak, women, and children. Some of the able-bodied can be arranged to maintain the roads, reducing the number ofborers conscripted domestically.
From Central Europe to Africa, along tens of thousands of kilometers of railways and roads, we should be able to settle quite a few people. Anyway, we must give the refugees a job and not let them idle around.
These refugees share simr cultural traditions with us, so integration should not be hard. How many of them can stay after the war would be up to our capabilities.
As long as we can keep one-fifth, our current investment will not be in vain.
The Foreign Ministry should also take action, exposing the atrocities of the French to the whole world, calling for all European countries to join in boycotting them."
The strategy for settlement is simple, though it does cost a fair bit of money. Yet,pared to the associated benefits, Franz is willing to be the generous fool.
Of course, this is based on the premise that Austria is not short of food. With plenty of food, we don¡¯t need to worry about feeding all the refugees, otherwise, this would be a poisoned chalice.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg: "Your Majesty, the Foreign Ministry has already taken action, but I fear the results may not be too optimistic.
The French¡¯s actions, while certainly provoking hostility from the European nations, have also implicated us. From the current situation, it is possible that not only France but also Austria could end up annexing the German Region and Belgium.
The French have created an opportunity; after the war, the Rhinnd and Belgium will hardly have any people left, they might as well be considered no man¡¯snd.
As long as we win this war, we will have ample justification to annex the aforementioned areas. Due to historical reasons, our difficulty in annexing these regions is much less than it would be for the French.
I estimate at this time, the vignce of European countries against us will also rise to a new height.
Under these circumstances, the sanctions imposed by European countries on the French willrgely be all bark and no bite. The French must have calcted this before taking their actions."
Exnation is impossible, in a sense, to exin is to cover up, and no matter how the Vienna Government tries to exin, no one will believe it.
Besides, the annexation of the German Region was already in the n, to which the Vienna Government has dedicated decades of effort.
Anyone who dares to talk about abandoning the n would be buried under the spit from the public.
As for Belgium, it indeed was not within the Vienna Government¡¯s n, and Franz has no interest in Belgium.
But to make a promise not to annex Belgium could not only be ineffective but could also expose the n to annex the German Region.
Even though this n is almost an open secret, saying it out loud ispletely different from doing it quietly. In politics, there are many things that can be done but not said.
Under such circumstances, all the Austrian Government can do is to pretend to be unaware. Neither admitting nor denying, leaving the world to specte.
If our international image is poor, then drag thepetitor down to our level. Facing such a reluctant strategy, Franz could only sigh.
"We¡¯ll do our best. After all, the key to deciding the oue of this war still lies on the battlefield.
As long as Ennd and Russia do not enter the war, other countries, even if they wish to intervene in this war, will find their capabilitiescking.
Since the refugee crisis has dyed our time of decisive battle, the next phase of our war n should stall the European battlefield and focus the counter-attack on the African Continent.
The age of scrambling for Africa has long passed, and now there¡¯s an opportunity to redistribute interests. We must not miss this opportunity."
At some point, the world began to poprize the reasoning method of established facts. For the great powers, as long as they create an established fact, they can generally swallow the gains.
By capturing French African, the decline of France has be inevitable. Even if Napoleon were to be reborn, he would be powerless to turn the tide.
Prime Minister Carl cautioned: "Your Majesty, a sudden shift in strategic focus might not be wise!"
National strategy is like aplex web; once set, it is almost impossible to makerge-scale strategic adjustments.
Especially such an unconventional strategy of Africa before Europe, is enough to refresh the European world¡¯s norms.
...
Chapter 925 - 188: The Torn Japanese Government
Chapter 925: Chapter 188: The Torn Japanese Government
There was no alternative. The strategic position of Egypt Area was simply too important. As long as France wished to win the war, it had to prevent the emergence of a colossal power spanning Asia, Africa, and Europe.
After pondering for a moment, Napoleon IV sighed and said, ¡°Let the Army Departmente up with a n to immediately send troops to reinforce the Egyptian battlefield. We don¡¯t need to defeat the enemy, just to stabilize the frontline.¡±
Reinforcing Egypt might sound easy, but it was anything but simple in practice. Not only did troops need to be mobilized, but the expanding scale of the Egyptian front also meant that the consumption of strategic materials would increase ordingly.
It was without question that French Egypt alone could not bear such excessive consumption.
The Paris Government had originally nned for the Algerian Colonial Government to bear a portion of these costs, but that was no longer possible.
At the same time as they were detaining reinforcements, the Algeria Region¡¯s demand for strategic materials also increased. Instead of supporting the Egypt Area, it was estimated that they would have to reach out to the homnd for help.
Times had changed; the war had progressed to the point where France was no longer flush with cash. A sudden increase in material consumption was also a test for the French government.
After briefly calcting, Prime Minister Terence Burkin¡¯s forehead began to sweat.
¡°Your Majesty, sending reinforcements is easy. The newly mobilized domestic troops are about toplete basic training. It¡¯s not a big issue to deploy twenty to thirty divisions. The trouble lies in the logistics and supply.
As of now, not only are we responsible for the logistics of nearly five million soldiers in Europe, but we also have to support the colonial battlefield with a substantial amount of materials. Our domestic industrial output has long been unable to keep up.
Now with the reinforcement of the Egyptian battlefield, arge amount of strategic materials will be consumed. In the short term, it is very difficult for us to gather such arge quantity of materials.
Unless we have the full support of the British, we cannotplete the support for the Egyptian battlefield within half a year.¡±
Warfare demands swift action; if we wait half a year, we won¡¯t even arrive in time to im the bodies. Yet the logistics involving tens of thousands of tons of materials for the relocation of hundreds of thousands of troops simply can¡¯t be prepared overnight.
Dont be fooled by the mountains of strategic materials in France; they all have destinations. Whether it¡¯s the Central European Battlefield or the Southern European Battlefield, both are absolutely crucial, leaving no possibility for reallocation.
Of course, what can¡¯t be produced can be purchased, but even procuring strategic materials takes time.
Production timelines aside, France had long ced multiple orders, and most European countries¡¯ enterprises were effectively France¡¯s armament factories.
The real trouble stemmed from politics: while countries profited, they didn¡¯t forget to sabotage France.
More often than not, France¡¯s import of strategic materials was dyed. Endless customs inspections and messy bureaucratic procedures were all methods to limit France.
To break these restrictions, the French Foreign Ministry had not spared any effort. However, no matter how hard the Foreign Ministry tried, it could not keep up with France¡¯s ability to alienate others.
¡°It¡¯s not difficult to persuade the British to support us; nobody wants to see the rise of a behemoth that spans Asia, Africa, and Europe. If Austria connects its homnd with Africa, it would be a fatal blow to Britain, too.
But seeking help from the British at this time will surely lead them to ask for much in return, and we will inevitably pay a heavy price,¡± said Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets with difficulty.
As historical rivals, the French were all too aware of the British way of cashing in on such opportunities. This kind of chance to benefit from someone else¡¯s crisis is precisely what you¡¯d expect from John Bull.
The whole point of France starting this war in Europe was for profit. If they allowed the British to rob them halfway through, the final gain would be questionable.
Anyone who reads history knows how many allies have been swindled into ruin by cooperating with the British, France included.
Now seeking help from the British could go well but making the slightest error in handling could lead to France working for nothing in this European war.
At a crucial moment, the young Napoleon IV disyed the decisiveness expected of a monarch: ¡°Start talks with the British immediately. No matter the cost, we must win this war.¡±
One had to admit, Napoleon IV was quite rational at this moment. All considerations of profit were predicated on winning the war. If the war was lost, then everything would be forfeited.
The essence of international politics lies in power. As long as France¡¯s power was strong enough, the profits promised now could all be retractedter, as they have not hesitated to break promises before.
¡
While Ennd and France were locked in urgent negotiations, the Far Eastern region was also restless. As the four major European powers were engulfed in the mes of war, the recently reformed Japanese Government could no longer contain its ambition.
After more than twenty years of reform and development, Japan had be a regional power in the Far Eastern region, second inprehensive national power in East Asia.
Certainly, this ranking is meaningless. Almost all of Asia has been carved up, with only a few independent countries left in the East Asian region.
The olive branch extended by the French still impacted this nascent nation, whether to head south to seize Southeast Asia, or to head north to strategize the conquest of Korea, became a hot topic in Japan.
As the leader of this militaristic country, Prime Minister Ito Hirobumi had not had an easy time recently. Calls for war from the people were growing louder, and the situation was on the verge of spiraling out of control.
Yet at this time, there was a split in the opinions of the Japanese government¡¯s upper echelons. Some advocated for the northern advance to take Korea, while others advocated for seizing the opportunity to move south to conquer Southeast Asia.
Those advocating for the conquest of Southeast Asia even proposed three ns, targeting the French Indochina Penins, the Spanish Philippines, and the Austrian Nanyang and German My Penins.
There¡¯s nothing surprising about this. Although it was only the French who invited Japan to attack the Austrian Nanyang, there was a big wave of Austria supporters in the Japanese government who were not optimistic about France¡¯s chances of winning the war.
Regardless of how high the bellicose sentiment among the people was, the Japanese elite had not lost their heads; they were well aware that their limited resources only allowed them to go with the flow and they had no ability to change the oue of the war in Europe.
In such times, the fleet was crucial. If one ended up allying with the losers, then there would be no question that they would be held to ount after the war; the vast oceans would not shield them from the spearheads of the great powers.
One could look at the naval strength of each country in Asia for specifics. The British Far Eastern Fleet was naturally the leader, followed by the fleets that France and Austria deployed in Asia, which were quite equivalent in strength. Along with a few ships from the German Federation, the Anti-French Alliance still had a slight advantage.
After the three great powers came the Far Eastern Empire and Japan, then Spain, the Nethends, with Portugal bringing up the rear.
A single division of their fleets surpassed the entire assets of the Japanese Navy. When calcting naval strength, the gap between them was even more pronounced, measured in tenfold increments.
This was determined byprehensive national power and not something Japan could catch up to in a short time. Faced with the Pre-Dreadnoughts, their purchased irond ships had no chance but to suffer defeat.
Against such a backdrop, it was only natural for opportunistic politicians to have differing opinions. Even Ito Hirobumi himself wanted to take a gamble, but ultimately, reason prevailed.
On the surface, Japan¡¯s government could tilt the bnce of power in Asia in favor of either France or the Anti-French Alliance at this moment, and it would seem that France and Austria should be racing to win Japan over.
In theory, as long as the Japanese government maintained a bnce, they could profit from both France and Austria and then bet on the winner at thest moment.
Regrettably, while the French extended an olive branch, Austria remained indifferent to them. Even when some Japanese officials took the initiative to rify the issues, they did not receive the desired response.
Such a disregard not only embarrassed the Japanese government but also made them realize Austria¡¯s assertiveness.
Human psychology isplex; sometimes the more one is ignored, the more one tends to think far ahead.
Many saw the terms offered by the French as tempting, but France was isted in its struggle in Europe, whereas Austria had gathered a group of allies.
With the multitude capable of overwhelming the giant, the Napoleonic Era failed to achieve the feat of sweeping across Europe; could the current French Empire aplish it? There was no certainty.
Unable to determine who would ultimately emerge victorious between France and Austria, the southward faction threw out a strategic n to seize the Philippines.
A nce at the map of Asia would show that Japan could not bypass the Philippines if it wished to move southward; otherwise, their retreat could be cut off at any time. It could be said that if the southern strategy were initiated, Japan and Spain would be destined for conflict.
Most crucially,pared to the two titans of France and Austria, the declining Spain was undoubtedly a softer target.
Of course, even this softer target was still a bit too strong for the Japanese Empire at the time. To wrest the Philippines from the Spaniards¡¯ hands entailed a substantial risk.
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However,pared to the risk of participating in the Franco-Austrian war, bullying the Spaniards was a much safer option; even in the event of failure, Spain did not have the power to pursue retribution.
Before the outbreak of the European war, with the conflicts among the great powers not yet intensified, the Japanese government would never dare to entertain such thoughts.
After all, in those days, the fear of the West prevailed; facing European nations, everyonecked confidence. Seeing the envoys of various countries often act together in public, many even believed that the European nations were in league.
In the Imperial Pce, Emperor Meiji, looking somewhat weary, asked, ¡°Ito-kun, these are the strategic ns reported from below, what do you think?¡±
It was evident that Emperor Meiji, too, had been affected by external influences and was in a quandary over strategic decisions. A step forward could mean the difference between heaven and hell, and it was not something that Emperor Meiji could take lightly.
Emperor Meiji had ascended to the throne with the support of the military, and the military¡¯s influence in the Meiji Government was significant. To limit the power of the military, upon assuming power, Emperor Meiji instinctively chose to rely on the Cultural-Initiates Faction, led by Ito Hirobumi.
Especially at such a time involving national destiny, Emperor Meiji was even more reluctant to let the military, known for their single-mindedness, make decisions.
Chapter 926 - 189: Difference in Ideas
Chapter 926: Chapter 189: Difference in Ideas
Surveying his surroundings, Ito Hirobumi answered reluctantly, ¡°Your Majesty, this European Continental war is extraordinary. On the surface, it¡¯s about the French expanding in Europe, which has caused Austria¡¯s dissatisfaction and led to the outbreak of war, but fundamentally, it¡¯s a struggle for dominance over the continent.
Due to the Afghan War, Ennd and Russia are tied up and temporarily unable to intervene in Europe, giving France and Austria a chance to defeat their rivals.
As of now, seven European countries including France, Austria, Belgium, Germany, Greece, Montenegro, and Armenia have been dragged into the war. Although the rest of the European countries are still watching, their involvement is not being ruled out.
Although France is powerful, they are fighting alone. If the war continues and more European countries get involved, they might find it hard to withstand the multitude of enemies.
ording to reports from Europe, the French have already mobilized over five million troops, and the Anti-French Alliance has mobilized over seven million troops. If we include the colonial confrontations between France and Austria, this number would significantly increase.
A war involving tens of millions of people is not something within our capacity to be involved in. In my view, any strategy to move southwards before the European war is decided would be unwise.¡±
There¡¯s nothing wrong with that politically, as once war is dered, even countries that just make up the numbers are considered. Greece, Montenegro, and Armenia, those three little entities shouting from the sidelines, are also members of the Anti-French Alliance.
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They too have made significant contributions to the anti-French cause, and even if they have achieved nothing militarily, their political contributions are not small.
Common people might not see this, but politicians understand very well. It¡¯s precisely by rallying these small countries to its cause that Austria has managed to define the war as one against French aggression.
France is unpopr in Europe, a well-known fact, after all, Emperor Napoleon had brilliantly beaten everyone into submission, and the Bonaparte Dynasty being ostracized is only to be expected.
Yet being directly opposed by half the countries in Europe, with the remaining neutral nations also dragging their feet, makes this an absolute diplomatic failure in the eyes of Ito Hirobumi.
Based on past experiences, such an impressive France is bound to be severely beaten, and no one knows if new countries will join the war tomorrow. From a political and diplomatic perspective, Ito Hirobumi ispletely pessimistic about France¡¯s chances of winning the war.
Being pessimistic about the French does not mean that the Japanese Government can ce its bets now. A massive war involving tens of millions of troops is unprecedented even in human history.
Though Japan has somewhatpleted the Meiji Restoration, it remains a weak agricultural country, its increased military strength still far too inferiorpared to the leading powers.
With just these hundred thousand new troops, theirbat ability cannot even match Belgium, and the powerful army that would dominate East Asia inter years is still in its infancy.
The disparity innd forces is significant, and the same is true of naval forces. Against naval powerhouses like Ennd, France, and Austria, just two pre-dreadnoughts could easily defeat the Japanese Navy, and those powerhouses each have such battleships in the double digits.
¡°The European Continental War is far-reaching, and we indeed do not qualify to get involved. However, attacking the Philippines is not difficult, as Spain has long been in decline and no longer has any right to hold onto its fertile colonies.
With the four major powers of Ennd, Russia, Austria, and France all at war, they cannot spare attention to Far Eastern affairs, making this an ideal time for us to act.
Despite Spain still bearing the title of a major power, they havepletely fallen behind in thetest round of military revolution.
ording to information collected by the Navy, the Spanish fleet in the Philippines is mostly sailing warships, and their only two ironds are models from over a decade ago; the Navy is confident they can easily defeat them.
Now that the Suez Canal is blocked, once we destroy Spain¡¯s Philippine fleet, by the time they receive the news and send reinforcements, it would be at least six monthster.
As long as the army can upy the Philippine Inds within half a year, the Spaniards, without a foothold, will be like a toothless tiger and not worth worrying about,¡± said Minister of the Navy Saigo Tsugumichi lightly, as if not getting involved in the European Continental War was a matter of course, without feeling the slightest aggrievement.
The rivalry and grudges between the Japanese Land and Sea forces could be traced back hundreds of years, with the historical conflict between the ¡°Choshu faction¡± and the ¡°Satsuma faction¡± continuing on.
Facing disdain from the Navy, Army Minister Yamagata Aritomo responded defiantly, ¡°As long as you in the Navy can take care of the enemy¡¯s fleet, our army can upy the Philippine Inds within half a year.
The fear is that you cannot achieve a quick victory and end up getting stuck with the Spanish Navy, wasting precious time.¡±
Theck of direct confrontation between the Navy and the Army was absolutely bad news for Ito Hirobumi and the Cultural-Initiates Faction.
No matter how intense the historical conflict between the army¡¯s strategies of moving south and north was, their current strategic differences were fundamentally not significant.
Without securing Korea as a stepping stone first, whether moving southward or northward, the main force must be the Navy, a consensus held by everyone.
On the surface, the Japanese Navy now seemed no match for the Beiyang Fleet, a judgment based solely on the tonnage of their warships.
The Ruler of Japan, not blinded by victory, remained cautiously restrained; not only did he dare not engage in European warfare, but he also harbored a respect for his neighboring country.
To ensure victorious in war, a brief alliance between thend and sea forces under amon interest was only logical, especially since Japan¡¯s current foundation was fragile; one loss could mean total ruin.
As military opinions were nearing consensus, Finance Minister Okuma Shigenobu urgently objected, ¡°No, Spain is a European country. Attacking a Caucasian country rashly could provoke a bacsh from the European powers.
If it causes other great powers to interfere, even if we upied the Philippine Inds, we would ultimately have to relinquish them and might even face Spanish retaliation.
Don¡¯t be fooled by Spain¡¯s decline; their overall strength still surpasses ours, with our only advantage being that the Philippines are too far from them.
But if the European powers were to support them, the situation would be entirely different. They could easily assemble a vast fleet to seek our misfortune.¡±
This was a fact, as all Japanese naval warships were purchased from Europe, and the Spaniards, situated on the European Continent, would find buying warships even simpler.
Moreover, the Spanish shipbuilding capability is not weak, ranking second only to Ennd, France, and Austria in the whole world, and not something that newly-started Japan couldpare with.
Actually, Okuma Shigenobu had more to say that he did not express. The most popr naval theory of the times was the ¡°Century¡¯s Navy,¡± proposed by the British, which heavily influenced all nations.
Even if the Spanish Navy was in decline, they had a grand lineage, and the tactics and experience passed down were not something the fledgling Japanese Navy couldpare with.
Though on the surface the Japanese Navy appeared far superior to the Spanish fleet stationed in the Philippines, whether they could actually defeat them was still an unknown.
If they couldn¡¯t secure a victory immediately, and the Spaniards and their allies yed for time waiting for reinforcements before deciding on a decisive battle, the trouble would be significant.
Navy Minister Saigo Tsugumichi analyzed, ¡°Minister Okuma, your concerns about the interference of the powers are not really an issue. Spain and the British have old scores; for years the British have been suppressing Spanish development, and it¡¯s unlikely they would support them.
Initially, the Spanish Government was aligned with the French, as Alfonso XII was supported to power by the French, but recently there¡¯s been a power shift in Spain, and the Pro-Austrian Faction has taken control, parting ways with the French.
If it were only a change of allies, it would not be a big deal; unfortunately, while Spain was pro-Austria, they didn¡¯t truly side with Austria and instead became fence-sitters.
Logically speaking, this European war was Spain¡¯s best opportunity; if they hadunched a rear assault on the French, the Anti-French Alliance could have immediately won the war.
With two great powers, Britain and Russia, at their side, Austria needed a strong ally to smoothly dominate the European Continent. It was impossible for Austria to abandon Spain; they could naturally share the fruits of victory with Austria.
Spain gave up such a rare opportunity, hence expecting Austria to do their utmost to help them was quite impossible.
If we act now, we might even garner support from the French, using the pretext of clearing obstructions down south before joining them in attacking Nanyang under Austrian control.
The French government now has no choice, as they are battling alone on the European Continent, with their only ally, the United Kingdom, engaged inbat with Russia. If it weren¡¯t out of desperation, they wouldn¡¯t have sought us out.¡±
Choosing allies is not a haphazard decision; this era, which was strongly hierarchical, normally saw European countries reluctant to ally with smaller Asian nations, as it was considered highly disgraceful.
From the moment the French Government began to woo the Japanese, they were already regarded as significantly weaker. This is one reason why the Japanese Government¡¯s senior levels were skeptical of the French winning the war.
This is the cultural difference between East and West. In Europe, while face is important, it doesn¡¯tpare with tangible benefits; in the East, face often outweighs benefits.
Basing their judgments on their own entrenched views, the upper echelons of the Japanese Government assumed the French were in dire straits, desperately seeking allies around the world.
If Austria hadn¡¯t overtly disregarded them, even denying them the chance to negotiate, some in the Japanese Government would probably have advocated joining the Anti-French Alliance to seize the opportune moment to snatch French territories in the Indochina Penins.
Ito Hirobumi sharply rebuked, ¡°Minister Saigo, that is absolutely a terrible idea. Once we show any intention of approaching the French, we will definitely encounter hostility from Austria.
Even if France preupies Austria, preventing them from directly interfering with our actions, that doesn¡¯t mean they can¡¯t set barriers for us.
Don¡¯t forget there¡¯s the Dutch in the Southeast Asia region. If Austria takes the lead and incites the Dutch to intervene, we would have no capability to confront Spain and Nethends together.¡±
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Chapter 927 - 190: Britannia’s Choice
Chapter 927: Chapter 190: Britannia¡¯s Choice
While the Japanese Government hesitated, Anglo-French negotiations also reached a crucial moment. The French, caught in a strategic disadvantage, no longer had the confidence to set terms and had to make significant concessions to the British.
Negotiations, favorable towards Britain, should have been reassuring, yet Prime Minister dstone now found no cause for jubtion.
¡°Is it really impossible to recover the situation in the African battlefield?¡±
¡°Walk enough night roads,¡± one eventually encounters ghosts. Britannia¡¯s years-long policy of bncing power in Europe was showing a deadly w and appeared on the brink of copse.
There was no choice, the once impressive French, who were not as formidable on the battlefield as they boasted, led to the London Government making a strategic misjudgment.
Like it or not, dstone had to admit: the once unequaled French Army was no more, and a France without Napoleon had lost its power to dominate the continent.
As the war progressed, the French Army was still unable to break through in Europe, and Africa was dominated by the Austrians, with things looking increasingly bleak for France.
¡°From a military standpoint, the fall of French Africa is only a matter of time; the Austrians have seized strategic initiative.
If the situation weren¡¯t irretrievable, the proud French would not have bowed so easily to us.¡±
Army Minister Rosario said sarcastically.
The Anglo-French rtionship has always been fraught, especially for the British Army, who viewed France as their perpetual pain.
If it weren¡¯t for the expulsion from Europe by the French, Britannia would not have be solely a maritime power, nor would they have been reduced to being the Navy¡¯sckey.
Gazing at the gloating Army Minister, dstone frowned. Reveling in the French misfortune indeed had its joy, but the cost was a potentially dominant Austria, which was far from splendid.
One only needed to look at the map to know, once Egypt fell into Austrian hands, a behemoth spanning Asia, Africa, and Europe would emerge.
In this era of colonial empires where the strong prey on the weak, such a behemoth certainly would not lie idle.
Originally, Austria alone in Africa was unmatched; only bybining the forces of Britain, France, Portugal, Spain, and other colonial empires could they barely contend with Austria.
If France were expelled, British-Africa would assuredly be Austria¡¯s next target. Without British-Africa, Britain¡¯s thoroughfare to India would be blocked.
What would follow, Prime Minister dstone dared not imagine. Anyway, allowing Austria to hold power in Europe while dominating Africa would be an absolute disaster for Britain.
¡°The current situation is very bad; the damned Gallic fools have lost the valor of their ancestors, leaving only their talent for bragging ¡ª worse is that we cannot just watch this fool fail.
Once Egypt falls into Austrian hands, the Anti-French Alliance will use their overwhelming manpower and material resources to simply grind down the French. Even a resurrected Napoleon could not reverse the situation.
It¡¯s not important if the French are defeated, but we cannot watch Austria achieve an easy victory. If we don¡¯t significantly deplete their strength during this war, we can forget about having any good days ahead.¡±
Personally, dstone had no desire to aid the French, but there was no alternative ¡ª who¡¯s to me when the French forces in Egypt have failed yet again?
Just two days ago, the carefully maintained Suez defense line by the French crumbled; battle has spread to the Egyptian maind. Without immediate help for France, French Egypt would change hands.
Britain cannot afford the consequences of Austria controlling Egypt; the British Government must extend a helping hand to the French.
Rosario shook his head, ¡°Prime Minister, the current situation is indeed bad, but we must face reality.
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Austria¡¯s advantage in Africa is too great; unless the French can redeploy a million-strong main force to the African battlefield, they simply cannot turn the tide.
Of course, this is merely a military analysis. If there were changes elsewhere, such as supply issues for the Austro-African Corps or a revolutionary outbreak, it would be a different story.¡±
Colonial Minister Primrose immediately refuted, ¡°Minister, such unexpected changes are nearly impossible. ording to intelligence gathered by the African Colonial Government, the Vienna Government had shipped arge amount of strategic materials to Austro-Africa before the war started.
The exact amount remains uncertain, but they are unlikely to face logistical problems for a while yet. If the French can hunker down a little, say for a year or two in the Egypt Area, there might still be a chance.
But expecting a revolution in Austro-Africa is even more unreliable. You will notice that the main force colonizing Africaprises nobility and farmers ¡ª quite unlike the descendants of criminals in the New World.
As per the intelligence from Africa, at themand of Vienna Pce, these people joyfully went to war without the slightest reluctance.¡±
That¡¯s the truth, if instigating independence in Austro-Africa were possible, the British would have done it long ago. No, to be precise, they had already tried and ultimately failed.
Even independence movements require preconditions. Unlike the deported criminals, most of Austro-Africa¡¯s immigrants went willingly, feeling a stronger sense of connection to their homnd.
Especially since Austria was promoting a process of African indigenization, this gave the beneficiaries even less reason to revolt. Hoping to replicate America¡¯s independence in Africa simplycks a populist base.
After all, although the Thirteen Colonies appeared to be under English rule, most immigrants were actually from the European continent andcked a sense of belonging to Britain.
Pure English immigrants were scarce, making up less than one-tenth of the total poption, and many of these were deported criminals. Expecting them to maintain colonial rule without resenting Ennd was fanciful; when conflicts of interest arose, capitalists called to arms and the public was quick to respond.
Simr events simply couldn¡¯t take ce in Austro-Africa. The dumping of goods did exist, but sadly, the capitalists in Austro-Africa weren¡¯t effective at all, having virtually no say in the matter.
The nobility and ntation owners who wielded power were mainly engaged in mining and ntation agriculture; they simply didn¡¯t care about the dumping of industrial goods, or it could be said that nobody really believed they were being dumped on.
Industrial products weren¡¯t created out of thin air; they too required the purchase of industrial raw materials, and it just so happened that everyone was a producer of these raw materials.
On the one hand, they supplied the domestic market with industrial raw materials, and on the other, they enjoyed cheap industrial andmercial products produced domestically, leading to quitefortable lives for everyone.
If there were real independence and anti-dumping movements took off, they would be the biggest victims. They would not only have to pay for industrialization, but the profits from their cultivated cash crops would also significantly decrease.
One could take a look at the ntation owners in the United States of America. To resist the North¡¯s trade protection policies, they even jumped out to dere independence.
If the capitalists dared to stir trouble, there wouldn¡¯t even be a need for the Vienna Government to intervene¡ªas beneficiaries, the nobility and ntation owners would suppress them first.
Foreign Minister George chimed in, ¡°On this matter, I can provide evidence. The Foreign Office has also instigated independence movements in Austro-Africa and even supported a few independence organizations, but these fellows never amounted to much.
The development of mining and ntation economies by Austria in Africa has directly tied the beneficiaries to the homnd. Dismantling Austro-Africa from the inside is utterly unrealistic.
From the current situation, unless the French win the war on the European Continent, the fall of Egypt is only a matter of time.
Of course, if we were to send troops directly to intervene, we might be able to hinder Austria¡¯s actions, but that would involve too great a variety of interests.¡±
Sending troops to intervene was, in fact, a joke. Britannia¡¯s pint-sized army, with its main force engaged in a fierce battle with the Russians in Afghanistan, could hardly make a difference by dispatching the meager colonial forces from British-Africa¡ªthey would be of no more consequence than bystanders.
After hesitating for a moment, Prime Minister dstone slowly said, ¡°The international situation is about to spiral out of control, and we must end the war with the Russians as soon as possible to cope with the uing changes.
The Afghan War has lost its significance at this stage. The Russians are also in a difficult position at this point, and releasing a signal of peace, the Tsarist Government will likely not choose to stubbornly resist.
After all, the emergence of a behemoth spanning Asia, Africa, and Europe threatens not only our interests but equally their interests.¡±
Indeed, the Anglo-Russian war in Afghanistan was initially intense due to interests. Sadly, the brutal reality informed them that this was an interminable war of attrition, with nothing to gain but mutual devastation should it continue to the bitter end.
As international dynamics shifted rapidly, Britain and Russia, both wearied by the war, tacitly lowered the intensity of their conflict and turned into onlookers, watching the spectacle between France and Austria unfold.
Perhaps to reassure France and Austria to boldly carry on their contest, Britain and Russia, which should have ceased hostilities, very tacitly chose to continue their war game.
Though called a game, it still resulted in deaths. Neither the British Army nor the Russian Army gave up their intentions to obliterate the other; any sign of weakness was relentlessly exploited by the enemy.
In a sense, such a war of attrition was advantageous for Britannia¡ªthe British Government had the financial strength to drag Russia down. Moreover, only by inflicting genuine pain on the Tsarist Government could British-India be secured.
Unfortunately, in this world, you can¡¯t have it all. To contain the growing power of Austria, dstone had to abandon the ¡°bleeding of Mao Xiong n.¡±
Foreign Minister George reminded, ¡°Prime Minister Sir, it¡¯s not difficult to cease hostilities with the Russians now, but to stop the war ording to our previous expectations is quite challenging.
Currently, the Russian Army still controls three-quarters of the Afghan Region¡¯s territory. Given the Tsarist Government¡¯s greed, thend we couldn¡¯t secure on the battlefield will have nearly no hope of being reimed at the negotiating table.
The contradictions between us and Russia are too deep, and with the Austrians ying the spoiler, these ceasefire negotiations are likely to be anything but smooth.
Considering the current circumstances, French Egypt can¡¯t hold out much longer. If the French Army fails to achieve a breakthrough on the European Continent, the Austrian fait apli in upying Egypt will have been established.¡±
The Russians do not want to see Austria grow stronger, but since Russia and Austria are traditional allies, the Tsarist Government is unlikely to turn against Austria without good reason, and will most likely choose neutrality on the Egypt issue.
In the next step to force Austria to back down and regurgitate the Egyptian Area, we can only rely on the French and ourselves.
The problem is that we have to use the French while limiting them; we cannot allow them to grow stronger in the process, which requires a lot of intricate work.
To achieve this, we need more allies. It would be best to unite with other European countries to intervene, resolving the issue through diplomatic means.¡±
Limited by the policy of maintaining a bnce in Europe, the British Government¡¯s diplomacy has been overly cautious in this European war, fearing that a misstep could lead to the rise of a dominant power on the European Continent.
There was no choice¡ªthe international situation was changing too quickly. Britannia¡¯s enemies constantly shifted, first Russia of its own ord and then the ambitious French, with Austria showing up before one could react.
Both suppression and excessive suppression must be avoided to maintain a fragile bnce, leaving the London Government run ragged.
In a sense, since the outbreak of the European war, Britannia¡¯s policy of maintaining a European bnce has been problematic, unable to keep pace with the changes in the international situation.
The problem was known to all, but unfortunately, as an ind country, Britannia was inherently limited in its options. Only by maintaining the bnce in Europe could their hegemony be preserved.
dstone nodded, looking out of the window, ¡°Indeed, it is very troublesome, but no matter how difficult, we must proceed. It is our responsibility.
Moreover, while maintaining the bnce on the European Continent, we must also seek ways to weaken the powers of France and Austria, preventing them from continuing to grow stronger.¡±
¡
Chapter 928 - 191: Different Calculations
Chapter 928: Chapter 191: Different Calctions
St. Petersburg received the peace signal released by the British, and Alexander III couldn¡¯t help but sigh helplessly.
The Afghan war could be described as starting strong but finishing weak; for the Russian Empire, it began with the might of a king but almost ended with the performance of a bronze.
In the beginning, with the support of the Afghan Guerris, the Russian Army was beating the British decisively, but unfortunately, the terrain of the Afghan region was not easy, and as the front lines continued to push forward, the logistical pressure on the Russian troops also increased drastically.
Furthermore, with the continuous arrival of British reinforcements, the Russian Army lost its numerical advantage, and the situation on the battlefield gradually began to change.
By now, the Afghan war had turned into a war of attrition. Faced with the financially and militarily powerful British, the impoverished Tsarist Government obviously could not cope.
Although it seemed that Russian troops had the upper hand in the Afghan battlefield, the Tsarist Government had its own unspeakable difficulties.
Up until now, the Russian Army had already suffered casualties of nearly half a million men, as well as war expenses amounting to several billion Rubles, yet the legendary India remained elusive.
The number of casualties was a minor issue, after all, with the recovery of Central Asia and the upation of three-quarters of Afghanistan, and even a stunning exchange ratio of 1.1:3.7 achieved, it could be said that this was the Russian Army¡¯s best performance in nearly fifty years.
Of course, this included the achievements against both the Central Asian Khanate and the Indian Colonial Army. If faced solely with the main British forces, the Russian troops still didn¡¯t have much of an advantage.
Puffery was alright; this didn¡¯t prevent the Tsarist Government from using it for political propaganda. In any case, the performance of the Russian troops on the battlefield was sufficiently defensible on all fronts.
What gave Alexander III a headache was the financial situation. Since he ascended the throne, the Tsarist Government had invested all its reserves into the war and had also umted huge debts. More importantly, they had failed to breach India.
If the Russian forces had already prated India, then even if it meant breaking the pot and selling iron, Alexander III would have continued the war.
Sadly, reality doesn¡¯t entertain ifs, and the British had already reacted. Besides the hundreds of thousands of main troops sent from the homnd, there were two million Indian troops from the Colonial Department, cannon fodder, standing by in strict formation.
ording to intelligence from the front lines, the main British forces rarely came out for a decisive battle anymore, spending most of their time supervising from the rear, using colonial troops to tangle with the Russian Army, and the Britishmanders didn¡¯t even care at all about casualties.
At this rate, it seemed as if the British wouldn¡¯t admit defeat until all Indians had perished.
No matter how worthless those gray beasts were, they were still more valuable than colonial natives. Regardless of the exchange ratio, the Russian Army was at a loss, after all, the opposing Indians numbered three hundred million.
¡°Prepare to negotiate with the British!¡±
After making this decision, Alexander III became thoroughly disheartened. The Russian Empire had missed its closest chance to reach India.
¡°Yes!¡±
¡°Your Majesty, shall we inform the Austrians? After all¡¡±
Before Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes could finish his sentence, Alexander III interrupted, ¡°You handle it! Anyway, the British don¡¯t want to fight anymore, and we don¡¯t have the ability to continue.¡±
Having said this, Alexander III turned and left immediately.
Without a doubt, it wasn¡¯t that the Russian Empire wasn¡¯t capable of continuing the war; after all, they still had Austria nursing them back to health, and they could hold on for a while.
The key issue was that without the ability to seize India, continuing this war would only benefit Austria, who was progressing mightily in the African Continent, and that didn¡¯t align with the interests of the Russian Empire.
Even the best of allies couldn¡¯t resist the enticement of interests.
ording to the prior agreement, the Vienna Government supported the Tsarist Government¡¯s domination of India in exchange for Russian support of Austria¡¯s monopoly over Africa, and after the war, both countries would share dominance over Europeannd.
The Tsarist Government¡¯s cessation of hostilities with the British was also stabbing its ally in the back. But there was no choice; the Tsarist Government had already confirmed that they could not seize India, and they couldn¡¯t just watch Austria dominate Africa.
Otherwise, the disparity in power between the two countries after the war would only grow further, and in an era where the survival of the fittest reigned, the so-called shared dominance over Europe would be nothing but a joke.
Alexander III¡¯s political astuteness was extremely keen; understanding the importance of the Russian-Austrian Alliance and to reduce political impact, he decisively chose to pass the buck.
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¡
Ever since the decision to support the French was made, the UK Foreign Office had taken a series of actions, and the ceasefire between Britain and Russia was just one of those measures.
After all, the Russians were allies of Austria and couldn¡¯t be swayed by a few words to turn against them. Not to mention other issues¡ªjust the Anglo-Russian conflict alone couldn¡¯t be resolved in a short period.
Having just fought a war and then to form an alliance¡ªthese tricky operations exist in theory, perhaps achievable in the medieval era.
But in today¡¯s era of rising nationalism, anyone daring to y such games would certainly spark a revolution.
Tokyo, having sent away the unwee British Ambassador, Ito Hirobumi was in a very bad mood.
He had barely managed to coordinate various interests, barely suppressed the voices advocating for a southern expansion, and continued the previous strategy of expansion to the north. Now, with the British meddling, the situation had changed again.
Without having to think about it, if the British had even visited him, the leader of the opposition, it goes without saying that politicians who originally supported the southern expansion had certainly been persuaded.
As Ito Hirobumi pondered his countermeasures, the attendant¡¯s voice suddenly rang out.
¡°Prime Minister, the Pce has called, requesting your immediate attendance at an imperial conference.¡±
With a ¡°bang,¡± the water ss in Ito Hirobumi¡¯s hand dropped to the floor. The call came too quickly, leaving him no time to prepare.
Without a doubt, there had to be the involvement of domestic political forces behind this; otherwise, the imperial conference wouldn¡¯t have been called right after the British Ambassador had left.
This move was clearly meant to intimidate him, the leader of the southward expansion opposition, to step down.
There was nothing to be done. All of the ¡°Three Greats¡± of the Meiji Restoration had passed away, and there was no longer a needle that could suppress all political forces, resulting in increasingly outrageous political maneuvers.
Just like now, those fellows had contacted the British discreetly, bypassing him as the Prime Minister, and might have even reached an agreement.
Though he was aware of it, Ito Hirobumi was essentially powerless. No matter his reputed brilliance inter times, he had never achieved absolute authority.
It means that Japan has not yet engaged in strategic risks, and the military has not had time to grow stronger in war, so the government can barely keep them under control.
If we were to wait until the military got bigger, anyone who dared to oppose them would risk inciting a coup in minutes, changing the government.
¡
Minister of the Navy Saigo Tsugumichi was the first to speak up, ¡°The British have already made their position clear, intending to support the French. This has fundamentally changed the international situation.
The oue of the war in Europe is bing more transparent, and the risks we were originally concerned about no longer exist. All the conditions for implementing a southward strategy are in ce.¡±
If possible, Saigo Tsugumichi did not want to be the one to initiate action. But there was no choice, as the Minister of the Navy, he couldn¡¯t avoid leading the charge.
The Southeast Asian region is crowded with major powers, and the situation isplex. Once Japan extends its influence there, it will necessarily have to significantly expand its navy.
As the biggest beneficiary of the southward strategy, the navy¡¯s top brass has already unified their opinion, not allowing him, the Minister of the Navy, any room to back down.
Minister of Agriculture and Commerce Kaoru Inoue said, ¡°Saigo-san, your so-called rity of the war situation in Europe may be premature.
As everyone knows, the British are strongest at sea with their Royal Navy. Byparison, their army is quite ordinary.
Even if the French gain support from the British, it doesn¡¯t mean much for the decisive battle on the European continent unless the Russians also support them.
In fact, that¡¯s an impossibility. As we all know, the Russian-Austrian Alliance is very solid, and Russia simply cannot do without Austria.
Only if the Tsarist Government has lost its mind would it betray its own ally and support its enemy.¡±
No problem there, the Ennd and Russia negotiations have just begun, still in a confidential phase. Japan¡¯s intelligence capabilities are limited and have not yet reached the upper echelons of Britain and Russia.
Following normal patterns of thought, with Ennd and Russia about to go to war, and France and Austria doing the same, the enemy of my enemy is my friend. Moreover, Russia and Austria already have an alliance, and now with Ennd and France banding together, naturally, Russia and Austria will also stand united.
For Ennd and France to contend with Russia and Austria onnd spells an almost certain defeat. In this context, it would be utterly unreliable for Austria to ept an invitation from Ennd and France to dere war.
Army General Ozan spoke, ¡°Inoue-san, you are overthinking it. Let¡¯s not talk about whether the Russians are willing to send troops in support of Austria, so what even if they do win in Europe?
As long as the British are willing to support France, the Anti-French Alliance is at an absolute disadvantage in the colonial wars overseas. If Austria wants to retaliate against us, they need the capability to ovee the Royal Navy¡¯s blockade first.
As far as I know, we¡¯re not the only ones whom Ennd and France are courting as allies, a few American Countries will join as well, aiming to seize Austria¡¯s overseas colonies.
We awakened toote and missed the colonial era. Now, looking around the world, every piece ofnd already has an owner.
Fortunately, the Great European Nations are also full of contradictions. This European war is our best opportunity. If we seize the Austrian Nanyang, we¡¯ll have all we want¡ªcoal, iron ore, rubber, grain¡ everything.
Gazing at the self-indulgent Ozan, Ito Hirobumi couldn¡¯t help but interject, ¡°The British are not prepared to form an alliance with us. Inviting them to join the attack on the Austrian Nanyang is simply due to the situation.
No matter what they¡¯ve promised us, the majority of the benefits from taking the Austrian Nanyang will belong to Ennd and France, and we¡¯ll be left with merely the scraps.
We¡¯ve all studied European history and should understand their rules. Even if Austria is defeated in this war, they are still a great power.
It¡¯spletely counterproductive to offend a Great European Nation for the sake of minor gains. The British will certainly note to our aid should we face retaliation in the future.¡±
The veil was lifted, and everyone was stunned. It¡¯s the nature of this era for the weak to be at the mercy of the strong, with no right to fight for the spoils of war.
The disparity in power is too great, and even if Ennd and France make many promises, the Japanese Government will not have the ability to hold them to it after the war. Breaking agreements is all toomon when ites to interests.
If we cannot take exclusive control of the Austrian Nanyang, and merely follow Ennd and France to pick up the leftovers, thenunching this war bespletely pointless.
The Japanese military might be aggressive, but they¡¯re not foolish. The Showa General Staff¡¯s middle school syndrome has yet to go live, and the intelligence of everyone present is still very much online, naturally, they won¡¯t jump into a pit.
Saigo Tsugumichi smiled slightly and pointing at the map on the wall, he said, ¡°Ito-kun, we have of course considered this issue. The British have their own ns, and we have ours.
Our neighbor has an old saying, ¡®taking advantage of the situation to attack Qi.¡¯ Everyone knows that Austria is tough, just their power in Southeast Asia alone is not something we can handle.
From the start, the Austrian Nanyang was never our goal. Our true target has always been this¡ªthe fertile Philippine Inds.
Choosing to cooperate with Ennd and France was merely to use them for cover, to confuse the Spaniards and create an opportunity to seize the Philippine Inds.¡±
Upon hearing this exnation, Ito Hirobumi¡¯s stern look slightly softened. Compared to attacking Austrian Nanyang, bullying the Spaniards seemed more eptable, at least the risks were within a controble range.
¡°Your n sounds good, but have you considered the consequences?
Ennd and France are not easy to deal with, and once they learn we are using them, they will surely seek revenge in the future.
A misstep could plunge the Empire into an irreparable catastrophe. After all, we are still too weak and cannot withstand such turmoil.¡±
Saigo Tsugumichi nodded, ¡°We¡¯ve discussed this issue thoroughly within the military. If there were no European war, we wouldn¡¯t dare take such action no matter what.
But now it¡¯s different. The Great European Nations have divided into two camps: Ennd and France versus Russia and Austria. The British strategy of maintaining European bnce is crumbling, and for a while at least, these powers won¡¯t be able to spare a thought for us.
ording to the data we¡¯ve collected,bined, the warring parties have mobilized more than ten million soldiers. If this bloodbath continues, it¡¯s highly unlikely for there to be a true victor in the European war¡ªmost likely it will end with both sides heavily damaged.
If we are flexible, and join the winning side just before the European war concludes, we can secure the game.
No matter who wins the war, afterwards they¡¯ll be too busy licking their wounds to embark on a major conflict over such a trivial matter as punishing us, their ally.
If we¡¯re lucky, we could even pick up some spoils of war and elevate our international status.¡±
Chapter 929 - 192: The Power of Rumors
Chapter 929: Chapter 192: The Power of Rumors
We must acknowledge the acting skills of the Japanese, who promised Ennd and France they would join the fight against Austria while simultaneously assuring Austria that they would absolutely not invade the Austrian Nanyang.
As for the rumors circting, those were just French conspiracies, aimed to use despicable means to incite discord between Japan and Austria.
True or false did not matter, under a series of diplomatic maniptions, the Japanese government still secured tangible benefits.
By employing their trickery, on April 11, 1891, Ito Hirobumi signed the ¡°Russo-Japanese Far Eastern Treaty¡± with the French Ambassador Gleys, in exchange for French government abandoning its privileges in Japan, setting the stage for Japan to abolish unequal treaties.
Following that, on April 18, Ito Hirobumi repeated the tactic, signing the ¡°Anglo-Japanese Tokyo Treaty¡± with the British, retracting their privileges in Japan.
Simrly, by using the same trickery, on April 26, Ito Hirobumi signed the ¡°Japanese-Austrian Security Treaty¡± with the Austrian diplomat, in exchange for Austria giving up its privileges in Japan by not aligning with the French.
Having settled matters with the three major nations, the rest naturally could not make much of a difference. Through various means of coercion and persuasion, the Japanese government miraculously abolished all the unequal treaties signed by various countries, bing the first nation in Asia to have full sovereignty.
The news reached Europe, but Japan was too insignificant at that time, and no one was interested; the media were busy reporting news of wars in Europe, naturally paying no heed.
Not to mention the public disinterest, even governments did not take this as a significant matter. Having privileges was good, but so was not having them, as Japan¡¯s market was meager, mostly leftover by Ennd and France.
In fact, Franz only remembered Austria had privileges in Japan after seeing the treaties submitted by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Then there was no follow-up because the Japanese were simply too poor at that time. Only a fewmodities could sell well there, with the most lucrative being arms trade.
Unfortunately, since the Japanese navy studied British methods and the army studied French, there was no room for Austria in the arms market.
The Vienna Government then enacted a mineral export approval bill, blocking any path to selling resources, except for some rubber and food from Austrian Nanyang, along with a small amount of industrial products.
Exports were few, and imports were even fewer. Compared to impoverished Japan, Austria essentiallycked nothing.
Even with Japan¡¯s gship product¡ªraw silk¡ªafter Lombardy and Venice switched from rice to mulberry cultivation, its market was lost.
The annual trade volume between Japan and Austria was less than 100,000 Divine Shields, which could be utterly disregarded; there was really no reason to pay attention.
Having been Emperor for so many years, Franz had already be a qualified politician. Aside from causing some initial trouble to the Japanese government, he seldom stirred up any issues afterward.
In fact, Austria paid the price for the Emperor¡¯s capriciousness. The original purpose of the Vienna Government¡¯s mineral export approval bill was to strike atpetitors, mainly targeting the French.
Austrian Nanyang was too far from Europe; importing ore from such a distance meant high transport costs alone, making restrictions unnecessary.
However, while defining the scope, Franz¡¯s hand trembled, and he unintentionally included Austrian Nanyang in the circle on the map.
Afterwards, the Japanese government had to go throughyers of approvals to import ore from Austria and could not get it done in less than a year and a half.
For this, Japan¡¯s Ministry of Foreign Affairs also made many efforts, but for the Vienna Government, this was a trivial matter; no one was willing to change a decree for the sake of Japanese feelings.
To put it bluntly, the interests were not substantial enough; changing aw in Austria was very troublesome as it required convening a legitive session.
Even if the restrictions were abolished, it would only increase trade by a few tens of thousands of Divine Shields annually, and the tax collected by the government would only be a few thousands of Divine Shields.
For such a small amount of money, the Vienna Government was not idle enough to go amend aw. Even if they knew it was wrong, they could only persist in the mistake.
As a result, rtions between Japan and Austria remained lukewarm. One must admit, in this respect, the Japanese were indeed talented in ying their role when required.
Putting down the treaty in his hand, Franz slowly said, ¡°The negotiations between Ennd and Russia have started; it seems our actions on the African Continent have alerted the British.
ording to John Bull¡¯s usual behavior, they definitely do not want to see us connecting Asia, Europe, and Africa. If nothing unusual happens, Ennd and France are likely aligned now.
The main force of the British Army is still in the Afghan Region; they are incapable of intervening in a European war in the short term; the threat wille only from overseas.
Order the Governor of Southeast Asia and the Governor of Central America to increase their vignce; be wary of all surrounding neighbors, and do not provide the enemy with any opportunity.
As for other areas, where our strength is too weak, if war breaks out, allow them to surrender directly.¡±
Although Franz did not believe that the Japanese would go on a raid in Austrian Nanyang after having their fill, considering the problematic strategies the Japanese deployed in the original timeline, he ordered increased vignce immediately.
In other regions, it was purely spective, but under the backdrop of possible cooperation between Ennd and France, fooling a few fools into charging into battle was not at all difficult.
It could be the Japanese, but it could also be other countries. Among Austria¡¯s overseas colonies, apart from Nanyang and Central America, which were doing well enough to engage in friendly matches with neighboring countries, the rest were not particrly sessful.
Especially in Austrian ska, there was only one infantry battalion stationed there, coupled with a poption of less than fifty thousand, a third of whom were criminals.
If the British made a move, it could potentially fall within minutes. Since a defeat was inevitable, it was better to simply admit defeat.
Managing these ces was not easy; if their resources were depleted, they would have to invest anew.
After all, once the European wars were concluded, no matter who owned the territories, they would have to spit them out with profits, so making meaningless sacrifices was unnecessary.
Through his many years as a time-traveler, Franz had been influenced by European culture. When pondering issues, he increasingly thought like a European politician.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, ¡°Your Majesty, perhaps if we spread the news of upying Egypt to the outside world, it might dispel these unrealistic fantasies of these folks.¡±
Although the Austrian army had already breached the Suez defense line and was even on the verge of entering Cairo City, the Egyptian war was still ongoing.
Just recently, the French government had dispatched reinforcements to the Egypt Area, although they could not turn the tide; they still dyed the Austrian army¡¯s upation of Egypt.
However, that did not prevent the Vienna government from spreading rumors. Since the Austrian army was already approaching Cairo, breaching the city was only a matter of time.
Be they careerists or opportunists; these people were like grass on the wall, leaning wherever the wind blew stronger.
Although the alliance of Ennd and France was intimidating, Austria¡¯s prowess was also not to be underestimated. Receiving such news, and without confirmation of its truth, no one could easily take sides.
In those days, verifying news was not easy by the time other countries realized what was happening, the Austrian army would likely have already captured Egypt.
By then, with a reversal in strategic situations, the wall-leaning folks would naturally know how to choose. The essence of politics was to increase the number of friends and decrease the number of enemies.
In the face of interests, humans cannot withstand testing, and the same applies in politics. Franz was not a war fanatic; he had no interest in ying a strategy that would entice snakes out of their holes and create enemies for himself.
¡°Give it a try, but don¡¯t make it too obvious; just release some photos of our army in Egypt and leak a few minor rumors. Let them guess the progress on the battlefield themselves.¡±
The mix of true and false news was the most difficult to judge. If it were photos from another battlefield, one could usually judge the progress by recognizable buildings.
But the situation in Egypt was different; the Austrian army was advancing on three fronts, and the French Army could only hold strategic locations and major cities, leaving the rest of the area entirely to the Austrian cavalry.
Simply from the route of the Austrian army, it was easy to conclude that the French Army was doomed. As for the truth, that no longer mattered.
¡
Everything has two sides; once the news of the Austrian upation of Egypt was released, it caused a sensation worldwide.
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Not only were those looking to profit from the situation shocked, but even Austria¡¯s close ally, the Russians, were impacted.
Perhaps the shock was too great, or perhaps to enable the British to better restrain Austria, the Tsarist Government, reversing its previous aloofness in negotiations, swiftlypleted an interest swap with the British and reached a ceasefire agreement, ending the Anglo-Russian war.
While the European nations were still choking the French, they also shifted their stance, opening the gates wide when exporting strategic materials to France, as if overnight, everyone¡¯s rtionship with France had entered a honeymoon phase.
However, this was also the limit of what the governments could do, just as they had not joined the Anti-French Alliance before; they likewise could not arbitrarily join an Anti-Austrian Alliance.
Easing restrictions on the French was merely to bnce the power between France and Austria, to encourage more fierce fighting between them on the battlefield, not because they had be friends.
In the eyes of most politicians, France had always been the greatest destabilizing factor in Europe, a prime target for suppression.
Chapter 930 - 193, The Strongest Brain Supplement
Chapter 930: Chapter 193, The Strongest Brain Supplement
All the European nations had rxed their restrictions on resources to France, which should have been good news, but Napoleon IV could not feel any joy.
There was no way around it, the shift in the political stance of these nations also meant that the European world was not optimistic about France¡¯s chances of winning the war.
At that time, the center of the world was in Europe, and the viewpoints of the European world would directly impact the judgments of nations worldwide.
Recently, the French foreign ministry had been actively seeking allies overseas and had achieved phase-wise sess, especially after the British joined, which greatly enhanced their strength.
If it were not for this bad news, Colombia, Chile, Argentina, Mexico, and Japan might have be members of the Anti-Austrian alliance.
Now, that was all impossible. Politicians were not fools; they would go with the flow and specte a bit, but asking them to fight alongside France against the current was out of the question.
Just look at the map to understand the critical role Egypt yed in this war. Once it fell into Austrian hands, the Anti-French Alliance would be in an unbeatable position.
Seeing France strategically cornered, no amount of promised benefits by the Paris Government would tempt the opportunists to pull chestnuts out of the fire for them.
Fighting back his anger, Napoleon IV demanded, ¡°How could the Egypt Area have fallen so quickly?
You know, we had just sent reinforcements not long ago. Twenty-three infantry divisions along with the troops in the Egypt Area, a total force exceeding eight hundred thousand men; are our troops nothing but lounging rice sacks?¡±
Rumors are not to be spread recklessly; if the Vienna Government dared to cheat people with the upation of Egypt, they must have had some capital to do so.
Just a week ago, the French Army lost the seaport of the Egypt Area, severing the connection with maind France. No one knows what happened at the front line.
From the perspective of a bystander, France had just reinforced the front line and then lost the seaport; it was clearly a trap set by the Austrians.
Since it was a trap, they naturally had the confidence of victory. The quick fall of the Egypt Area was, therefore, usible.
The outside world might imagine this, but Napoleon IV could not endure it. Not only had he lost Egypt, but he also had additionally lost over three hundred thousand regr troops, incurring a huge loss.
If he had known this would happen, he would rather have withdrawn the troops from French Egypt andmitted fully to fighting the Anti-French Alliance on the European Continent, which at least might have increased the chances of winning.
Facing an emperor on the verge of losing control, the equally perplexed Army Minister Luskinia reluctantly exined, ¡°Your Majesty, no one knows what exactly happened in the Egypt Area. Perhaps, this is just false information released by the Austrians.
With the reinforcements we sent, there were over five hundred thousand regr troops in the Egypt Area alone. Governor Jacob, with his extensivebat experience, surely could not have been defeated so easily even if he couldn¡¯t ovee the enemy.¡±
Surviving six months naturally had its prerequisites. War is fought with supplies; with sufficient logistical support, five hundred thousand regr French troops, along with three hundred thousand cannon fodder, certainly possessed a fighting chance.
But ns do not always keep up with changes. The French heavily defended port fell first, leaving the troops in French Egyptpletely isted.
ording to intelligence from the Navy, they were simultaneously attacked by the Austrian navy and air force and suffered heavy losses before they were forced to retreat. After that, there was no more.
This is the tragedy of losing air superiority. The Mediterranean is notrge; the Austrian Air Force could monitor every move of the French Navy from Libya, whereas the French could not pinpoint the movements of the Austrian Navy.
In an era without telegraphs, even if spies gathered intelligence, it could not be transmitted back in time.
With asymmetric information, the French Navy, in a series of actions, had to adopt a conservative stance. The main fleet dared not split its forces, fearing an ambush by the Austrian Navy.
The only forces stationed in the Egypt Area were a split squadron, very limited in scale. Naturally, they could not withstand a simultaneous sea and air attack by Austria.
Not having beenpletely annihted was enough to prove the reliability of French navalmanders. As for the security of the port, it was indeed too much to handle.
Without the support of naval firepower and facing abined sea,nd, and air attack by Austria, the fall of the French port in Egypt was inevitable.
Hearing this exnation, Napoleon IV¡¯s expression softened slightly, ¡°You mean the Austrians are spreading rumors, but what good does that do them? Is it just to intimidate those opportunists?
We all understand that rallying allies to attack the Austrian overseas colonies is only meant to break out of a politically isted and passive situation and doesn¡¯t truly affect the oue of the war.
For Austria, winning this war means that even if all the overseas colonies are lost, they would all return to their hands after the war.
By releasing this rumor now, they not only protect their overseas colonies but also push themselves to the opposing side of European nations, especially Britain and Russia, who definitely do not want to see them continue to grow strong.¡±
Such a rumor is a loss for Austria, and this is the conclusion Napoleon IV came to based on the current international situation. It is also the reason the internationalmunity is willing to believe the rumor.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets spoke, ¡°Your Majesty, perhaps the Austrians are nning for the post-war international scenario.
After all, if our strategy seeds, Austria would make a lot of enemies overseas. Involving so many countries, if they alle knocking for revenge, it will indeed be costly; but to not take revenge is not an option either, as this rtes to national dignity.
If so, then we must be careful. The enemy might have the confidence to win the war, which is why they are doing this.¡±
News from the Russian Embassy indicates that recently, Russia and Austria have been in frequent contact. We all know that the rtions between Russia and Austria are very close, and Austria has significant influence in the Russian Empire.
¡°Those Eastern European barbarians have simplistic minds, and often act without thinking. If Austria manages to win over the Russians, the war that follows will be tough.¡±
There has always been a hierarchy of contempt, where western Europe advances while eastern Europegs behind, with the Russians at the very eastern edge being the subject of disdain.
Without a doubt, Karl Chardlets was deeply influenced by this notion and always harbored biases against the Tsarist Government.
Whether it¡¯s strategy or benefits, as long as someone is foolish, none of that is a problem.
ording to the principle that two tigers cannot share the same mountain, as neighbors, Russia and Austria ought to be ipatible like fire and water. Yet, the reality is exactly the opposite, surpassing everyone¡¯s expectations.
So much so that international rtions experts in Europe were led astray, some even boldly asserting: as long as politicians maintain restraint, all conflicts can be resolved through political means.
Honestly, this viewpoint wasn¡¯t without the potential for sess. If it weren¡¯t for the British stirring trouble, the European continent might have indeed resolved disputes by political means.
Consider that twenty years ago, France and Austria were allies. The esction of conflicts between the two nations began after the British joined the alliance.
Lacking confidence in the Tsarist Government, and fearing the worst scenarios, the French Government reluctantly made a decision for a quick resolution, ordering the frontlines tounch an attack, driving the European war to a new peak.
¡
London, ever since the news from French Egypt arrived, Prime Minister dstone had been losing sleep.
The unified expanse of Austria was terrifying; the very existence of this colossal entity had severely threatened Britannia¡¯s strategic security.
From that day forward, Britannia¡¯s maritime hegemony could no longer keep Austria in check, and if one day the two nations turned against each other, Britannia would have to struggle with Austria onnd.
Without recourse, as the Suez Canal had already fallen into Austrian hands, the Cape of Good Hope had be Britannia¡¯s only nexus connecting to British-India, making it a critical military point to hold.
Losing this meant losing India. As for taking a detour, although theoretically feasible, it practicallycked operability.
Speaking of detours might sound simple, but if one indeed takes tens of thousands of miles around, it not only increases the time at sea, risks, and costs but also weakens the British Government¡¯s control over India.
If the Russians were to head south again, the British Government couldn¡¯t guarantee that they could send troops and strategic materials there in time.
Inside the meeting room, Prime Minister dstone spoke gravely, ¡°Gentlemen, the worst scenario we feared has stille to pass.
French Egypt has fallen, and all our measures to restrain Austria have lost their effect. Right now, we not only need to think of ways to support the French but also must consider how to secure the safety of the Cape of Good Hope.¡±
Whether it¡¯s a crisis mentality or paranoia, theoretically, as long as Russia and Austria strike a deal, Austria could target the Cape of Good Hope.
The trade details were mentally conjectured by everyone present. The Russian Army would send troops to the European continent to helpbat the French in exchange for Austrian forces capturing the Cape of Good Hope, severing Britannia¡¯s connection with India.
One would dominate over Europe and Africa, the other would take over British-India, and together the two nations would divide the world. From a benefits perspective, both Russia and Austria would make a killing.
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Foreign Minister George said, ¡°The Foreign Office has already started taking action. We are trying to prevent Russia and Austria from growing closer.
However, this is far from enough, unless the French are able to severely weaken Austria in the European war. Otherwise, from now on, the Cape of Good Hope is no longer safe.
The oue of battles is uncertain and purely based on military strength on paper, I do not believe that the French have the potential to win the war.
Even if we fully support the French, they do not have the capability to severely damage Austria. Keep in mind that the current Austrian Empire is not only the foremost industrial powerhouse in the world but also dominates a vast empire spanning over thirty million square kilometers and has a poption of hundreds of millions.
Moreover, with other nations in the Anti-French Alliance, even if we join forces with the French, we would still struggle to gain an advantage.
In this context, we either have to enter the war ourselves, or we have to force the French to fight to the death, using them to exhaust Austria¡¯s strength.
The benefits of this are clear, as the strength of both France and Austria would be degraded regardless of who wins or loses, leaving neither able to dominate Europe after the war.¡±
This choice is easy to make. Britannia just had a face-off with the Russians in Afghanistan, losing over two hundred thousand native troops and simply does not have the capacity to engage in a ¡°friendly match¡± with Austria.
Not wanting to fight to the death ourselves, we have no choice but to let our allies do it. France is also a great power, and if they exert all their strength, they should give Austria enough trouble.
Once Austria¡¯s strength is significantly damaged, that will be the time for Russia and Austria to part ways. After all, there can only be one master in Europe, and it¡¯s only due to an inability to win that they were forced to give up; the moment a new opportunity arises, neither will let go.
Colonial Minister Primrose echoed, ¡°Sir, your proposal is excellent, and I greatly agree. However, before that, we need to reinforce the Cape of Good Hope, not giving the Austrians any chance to exploit.
It would be best to redeploy the troops withdrawn from the Afghanistan battlefield to the Cape of Good Hope area for guarding, to dispel any ambitions Austria might have.¡±
¡
Chapter 931 - 194: The Politics of Transparent Inducement
Chapter 931: Chapter 194: The Politics of Transparent Inducement
As the internationalmunity was in turmoil, the struggle between France and Austria over Egypt also reached its final stage. It was once again proven that modern warfare could not be won by mere numbers alone.
Looking at the increasing number of distress telegrams on his desk, Governor Jacob had begun to despair. Reinforcements were impossible; since the fall of the port, the French forces in the Egypt Area could only rely on themselves.
Initially, Governor Jacob had nned to use his troops to hold off the Austrian army for a year or even longer to buy time for the decisive battle in Europe. Now, it was less than a month, and the situation had already be untenable.
There was no way around it; from the moment the Austrian Armored Troops came into the fray, all of Governor Jacob¡¯s strategic ns had been shattered.
Facing this unfamiliar enemy, Jacob waspletely bewildered. The fortifications painstakingly constructed by the French Army in the Egypt Area were easily destroyed in the face of the steel torrent.
What was supposed to merely block the enemy¡¯s infantry now faced an enemy consisting of aircraft, airships, ground armored tanks, with infantry merely supporting these heavy machines.
There was no disputing it; flesh and blood could not stand against a torrent of steel, and every field encounter ended tragically for the French Army. The original force of over eight hundred thousand soldiers was now severely depleted.
Even after rallying the fleeing soldiers, Governor Jacob dared not order his troops to assemble, as doing so would only hasten their defeat.
In order to dy as much as possible, Governor Jacob was forced to order his troops to find nearby cities or strategic terrain to avoid direct confrontation with the enemy¡¯s steel torrent.
Avoiding the steel torrent did not mean the troubles were over. The French forces that entered cities were in a rtively better situation, as the colonial government had stockpiled supplies and they wouldn¡¯t starve immediately. Those dispersed outside, however, faced tragedy, as the strategic terrain limited the enemy¡¯s armored units, but they still needed to eat!
The enemy¡¯s air force watched them closely, and how to get supplies to these French forces had be a massive problem.
In a sense, this wasn¡¯t really a problem at all since Governor Jacob didn¡¯t have much in terms of supplies and, without support from the homnd, could sustain at most for a few months.
Now with fewer people, the French forces stationed in cities couldst even longer. Ironically, this was also a blessing in disguise.
If only the Egyptian battlefield had copsed, Governor Jacob wouldn¡¯t have been devastated, as that was an expected oue, and he had mentally prepared for it. Even back home, they only asked him to buy time, with no illusions of defeating the enemy.
What truly devastated Jacob was the loss of hope, not just for the Egyptian battlefield, but also for France itself.
The power of Armored Troops was something Jacob had personally experienced. These iron behemoths were not only effective in massacring infantry in the field, but also showed extraordinary effectiveness in attacking fortresses.
There might be a way to counter them, but it wasn¡¯t rted to Jacob, who was trapped in Cairo City. As the war had progressed, the French forces in the Egypt Area had lost the ability to fight another battle,
¡°Have our people reached Ethiopia?¡±
asked Governor Jacob.
Perhaps out of a sense of duty, or perhaps out of patriotism, Governor Jacob had immediately sent the report back home after encountering the Austrian Armored Troops.
The telegraphwork connecting to the outside world had already been cut off by Austria, and if the Austrians wished, they could even sever the telegraphworks between Egyptian cities.
The only way to contact the outside world now was to cross the Austrian blockade lines into British-Ethiopia and use the British channels to send messages.
The African Continent is indeed vast, with dense jungles, and sparsely popted¡ªit is theoretically not impossible for a few cautious individuals to evade the Austrian blockade.
What really limited the spread of messages was the distance; from Cairo to British-Ethiopia was thousands of miles, and the region was in chaos, greatly increasing the likelihood of idents.
As Jacob¡¯s confidant and the executor of this task, Major General Aristide replied, ¡°Based on the time, the messengers we dispatched should have already entered British territory by now.
Just to be safe, I sent over two hundred messengers; even if some encounter mishaps, others willplete the mission.
But Your Excellency the Governor, is this really useful? If the enemy can employ these secret weapons in the Egyptian region, they will surely be deploying even more across the European Continent.
Not to mention whether the messages we report will be taken seriously back home. Even if they are aware of it in advance, it¡¯s doubtful they could resolve it anytime soon.¡±
This was the harsh reality; merely identifying a problem did not equate to solving it. If merely identifying Armored Troops could neutralize the threat, then these units wouldn¡¯t have had such an impact in their original timeline.
¡°Ah,¡±
sighed Governor Jacob helplessly, ¡°There¡¯s nothing we can do. This information is too crucial. Back home, they don¡¯t realize the power of these iron beasts; our forces in Central and Southern Europe are still seeking a decisive battle with the Austrian forces.
You¡¯ve experienced it yourself; the shock of suddenly encountering these iron beasts in fieldbat without any preparation is immense.
Now we can only hope that the Austrians aren¡¯t ready and that they don¡¯t have many Armored Troops deployed across the European Continent. If the homnd takes note of the message we sent seriously,
then this European war might not spell the graveyard of France. If we lose this battle, the great French Empire will be a thing of the past.¡±
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Jacob was able to stand out from manypetitors and be a highly influential governor, not only because of his personal abilities but mainly due to the trust of Napoleon IV.
Being a confidant wasn¡¯t easy, which meant his personal fate and his family¡¯s destiny were tied to the Bonaparte Dynasty.
Even though France¡¯s defeat in this war on the European Continent might not result in the end of the nation, the Bonaparte Dynasty was definitely doomed. As a staunch supporter of the Bonaparte Dynasty, Jacob naturally wouldn¡¯te out of this unscathed.
If not for the deeply intertwined interests, Governor Jacob would not have chosen to resist stubbornly after the situation in Egypt Area was beyond salvage, since one only has one life.
¡°Wooooo¡¡±
The air raid rm sounded again, further sinking the spirits of everyone at the headquarters. Air defense was almost non-existent; even the main forces in Europe were short of anti-aircraft guns, let alone the step-child that was the Colonial Troops.
The anti-aircraft weapons allocated to the Egyptianbat zone were primarily anti-aircraft rifles. Although domestic arms dealers touted these rifles impressively, their actual value was less than even a chicken¡¯s ribs.
Besides the long range and the ability to fire directly at the air, all other aspects were disadvantages, such as low uracy, high recoil, and the propensity for barrel explosions¡
The air raid rm sounded, but the anticipated heavy bombing did not ur. The familiar sound of explosions wasn¡¯t heard, yet a wave of anxiety spread throughout the headquarters.
Time seemed toe to a standstill; no one spoke, and the atmosphere inside was exceptionally tense, almost to the point of breaking everyone down.
¡°Governor, this is a leaflet dropped by the enemy outside, please take a look,¡± said the Guard.
The silence was broken by the Guard¡¯s voice; Governor Jacob nced at the leaflet and his wide eyes and shocked expression betrayed his inner thoughts.
After a long moment, the wearied Governor Jacob said bitterly, ¡°The enemy has begun to tempt and threaten us. They have started to openly set prices here.
¡°Ordinary soldiers who surrender before the battle will each be rewarded with one Divine Shield; officers who surrender with their units in an organized manner will get an increase of twenty percent for a toon, thirty percent for apany, forty percent for a battalion¡
¡°The additional rewards will be distributed by the officers at their discretion, and the personal property of the surrendering soldiers and officers will be preserved. All who surrender will enjoy the corresponding treatment of prisoners of war.
¡°If we stubbornly resist and war breaks out, we will no longer ept prisoners. There is only one chance: live or die.¡±
Without a doubt, this leaflet was designed to dismantle thest bits of morale and spirit of the French Army, forcing them to surrender.
No one wanted to die, and martyrdom to the bitter end was not popr in Europe. If there was still a chance of victory, Jacob could motivate everyone to fight tooth and nail.
Now, trapped and isted without any reinforcement, hope was nonexistent, and rallying everyone to fight desperately was difficult.
Hearing this bad news, the expressions of the staff at the headquarters varied, but they soon returned to normal, as if nothing had happened.
Major General Aristide proposed anxiously, ¡°Governor, we must immediately order the confiscation of the leaflets. If the news spreads, it will put us in a very passive position.¡±
There was no way around it. Everyone present was certain that even if war broke out, the Austrian army would still take prisoners; otherwise, it would force people to fight to the death. But the lower-ranking officers and soldiers wouldn¡¯t necessarily think the same.
The feeling of defeat had already spread among the French Army, and many no longer wanted to continue this hopeless war.
ording to the tradition of the European Continent, nobility surrendering would definitely be treated favorably, but it was different for low-ranking officers and soldiers. Hardbor and hunger were routine, and one might even be executed on the spot.
Even if the Austrians wouldter ept prisoners, would provoking the enemy lead to good oues?
Killing someone doesn¡¯t always require a de; endless hardbor can also wear a person to death.
The morale of the French Army was already low, and at this time, the leaflet from the Austrians could very well be thest straw that broke the camel¡¯s back.
The situation was already decided anyway; surrender was inevitable sooner orter. Rather than fighting meaninglessly, why not surrender early and collect a payout? Wouldn¡¯t that be better?
Jacob shook his head, ¡°It¡¯s toote. We have already received the leaflet, and the soldiers outside would have received it even earlier.
¡°By now, the news has already spread. Trying to confiscate the leaflets would only exacerbate the conflict and serve no other purpose.
¡°The enemy¡¯s promises are very deceptive. We won¡¯t be fooled, but that doesn¡¯t mean the lower-ranking officers and soldiers won¡¯t be deceived. Our urgent task now is to find a way to stabilize the morale of the troops.¡±
¡°Deceived,¡± ¡°fooled,¡± even Jacob himself did not believe these words when he said them. The enemy indeed made tempting offers, but the problem was the offers were not undervalued.
At the very most, the French Army in the Egypt Area counted four to five hundred thousand men. Even if they all surrendered collectively, the so-called bribes would only amount to around one hundred and eighty million Divine Shields, an amount hardly worth breaching a contract for the Austrians.
Moreover, prisoners of war were not taken for free but could simply be factored into the ransom. Ultimately, all expenses would still be paid by the French government.
Chapter 932 - 195, Surrender Is Also an Art Form
Chapter 932: Chapter 195, Surrender Is Also an Art Form
The key figures in Cairo City were still making theirst-ditch efforts, while the scattered French soldiers outside were different. Knowing that the situation in the Egypt battlefield was beyond redemption and with their retreat cut off, only fools would stubbornly fight to the death.
The surrender conditions promised by Austria were just a catalyst. What really made everyone determined was the dwindling supplies in their hands.
Especially for some of the forts that were under siege, rationing of food had already begun. If this dragged on, they would be finished before the enemy evenunched an attack.
Located on the east bank of the Nile River, Aswan was just an inconspicuous small city that became known because of a major uprising a few years ago.
The rebel army had destroyed the ¡°Aswan Dam,¡± and the resulting flood inundated the downstream Delta, catching the attention of the European media and bing famous worldwide.
Once bitten, twice shy. After the suppression of the rebel army, the Egyptian colonial government deployed heavy troops in the Aswan Region. The inconspicuous small city of Aswan suddenly became a strategic military location.
After the war broke out on the European Continent, to avoid a repeat of the tragedy of the inundated Delta, the French once again reinforced the Aswan Region, and the total force once exceeded eighty thousand.
With their robust forces, the defenders of the Aswan Region had repeatedly repelled the attacks of the Austrian army. Unfortunately, this was of no avail, asrge-scale wars could not be reversed by the gains and losses of one city or one ce.
As time passed, the surrounding allies fell one after another under the enemy¡¯s guns, and the French Army in the Aswan Region gradually became isted.
¡
At the French Command in Aswan, stars were gathering¡ªalmost all the high-ranking officers of the French Army that coulde were present.
¡°The garrison at Comm emb surrendered five days ago; the enemy¡¯s encirclement has beenpleted. The situation in other areas is also not optimistic. There will be no reinforcements. What should we do now?¡±
No one wanted to bear the political disaster of surrender, and General Armand, the chief of the Aswan defense, was no exception.
To avoid facing a military tribunal after the war, the best solution in such situations was usually to make a collective decision, with everyone sharing the responsibility.
¡°Your Excellency, the leaders at the War Zone Command Department have ordered us to defend Aswan at all costs, without considering the actual situation.
The war has continued until now, and we have already suffered more than 30,000 casualties, with our peak force of eighty thousand reduced to the current fifty thousand.
What¡¯s worse, our strategic supplies are running low. Medical supplies are almost exhausted, and we have just enough weapons and ammunition to support one more battle.
In order to reduce food consumption, we even expelled civilians from the area. But it¡¯s still not enough. Even with the bare minimum distribution, we canst at most for a month.
We simply do not meet the conditions to hold the Aswan Region. Even if the enemy doesn¡¯t attack, we will starve to death before long.¡±
The poption in the Aswan Region is limited. In the future, there are only about two hundred thousand people, and even fewer now. After the outbreak of war, the number of soldiers exceeded that of civilians.
As the cotton region of France, the Aswan Region was no exception, with arge number of farnds used to grow cotton.
It didn¡¯t matter during peace time, but it was a tragedy during war. Even after expelling the civilians, the garrison still couldn¡¯t gather enough food.
With a shortage of all strategic materials, the life of a quartermaster was naturally difficult. While other quartermasters feasted on fine food, Major General Altier, the quartermaster of the Aswan defense force, was almost worried bald.
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He had not enjoyed the good days for long before the enemy cut off the logistics supply. Forget about skimming profits; the problem of how to fill the soldiers¡¯ stomachs became a pressing issue.
It was not that Altier was dutiful and responsible; in fact, he was a typical French quartermaster, never soft-handed when it came to making money.
The reason he stopped now was partly out of fear of a mutiny, which had happened before. The French Army did not have a tradition of not making trouble when starved. If the soldiers couldn¡¯t eat well, that was tolerable, but if they couldn¡¯t eat at all, they would turn on you in an instant.
On the other hand, he knew that making money was only good if one was alive to spend it. Along the course of the war, Major General Altier had lost confidence in the Aswan defense forces.
If they couldn¡¯t win, the end result would be annihtion or surrender. Major General Altier did not have the determination for glory; he was just a quartermaster, and did not need to bear responsibility for a defeat and surrender.
Despite the Austrian army¡¯s promise to ensure the safety of persons and property, bing a prisoner meant that immense wealth would be a death sentence.
In times of war, the death of a person or two was all toomon, especially if the dead were prisoners of war, and nobody would inquire into it.
As Major General Altier¡¯s fortune was already considerable, whether he could keep it was uncertain; making more would make him a fat sheep, and naturally, he did not dare take the risk.
Everyone sitting here was a smart person. They all understood Major General Altier¡¯s intentions: The inability to sustain logistical support undoubtedly provided an excellent excuse for surrender.
As for whether the logistical pressure was indeed that great, whether the ammunition was truly almost out, or whether they were about to run out of food, these questions were not important at all. Everyone had tacitly agreed on them.
A middle-aged officer concurred, ¡°Major General Altier is right. Currently, we indeedck the conditions to hold the Aswan Region. Without reinforcements and logistical supplies, the fall of Aswan is only a matter of time.
I¡¯ve heard that the enemy has a kind of vehicle entirely covered in steel tes that are very powerful, virtually invincible in field battles. Our main forces were defeated by them, and it was precisely the failure of thest battle that led to the copse of the situation.
Now we have no way to deal with these iron ds. There¡¯s almost no hope of restoring the logistics supply line in the short term.
Moreover, the strategic supplies we have stockpiled in the Egypt Area were limited to begin with. Even if we break through the enemy¡¯s blockade, the headquarters can¡¯t provide us with supplies.
Since the Aswan Region is doomed to fall, there¡¯s no need for us to make a futile sacrifice. To defend Egypt, France has already sacrificed over two hundred thousand people. There¡¯s no need to continue now.
The key to deciding the oue of this war is in Europe, not Aswan. Even if we lose this ce, as long as we win the war on the European Continent, what we lose now will eventuallye back to us.¡±
¡°Your Excellency, you¡¯re equivocating. The Aswan Region indeed does not affect the oue of this war, but the ownership of the Egypt Area does affect the bnce of victory.
Once Aswan falls, the enemy will be able to blow up the dam, flood the Delta Region downstream, and destroy the social order of the Egypt Area.¡±
When the timees, the homeless Egyptians will rise in rebellion, giving our rule a fatal blow. This will consequently lead to the fall of the entire Egypt Area.
¡°For the sake of France, we must hold on, even if it¡¯s just for one more day, it would be of great help to the domestic battlefield,¡±
Every country has its share of hot-blooded young men, and France is no exception. Antowan, the Major General, was unable to refute when it was said that there was a shortage of strategic materials. Now, the very mention of surrender made him lose his restraint.
It must be known that the desire to surrender can be contagious. The desire of the French Army in the Aswan Region to surrender was actually influenced by theirrades.
The first to surrender was the Italian division that came as reinforcements. The Paris Government sent them here to sever their ties with the Italian Independent Organization and to reduce security risks.
After all, the rtionship between the Italians and Austria wasn¡¯t great, and under the deliberate propaganda of the French government, many Italians harbored hostility towards Austria.
However, none of this could stop their determination to surrender. After being harshly defeated by the Austrian army, these fellows decisively chose to follow their hearts.
Inparison, this was still not too bad. If they had stayed on the European Continent, the Paris Government would not even dare to use these purely Italian divisions.
Once they got mixed up with the Independence Organization, it wouldn¡¯t just be a matter of surrendering anymore, but there could be a direct rebellion.
The war had progressed to the point where already three pure Italian divisions switched sides on the battlefield, nearly causing the carefully cultivated southern front held by the French people to copse.
Fortunately, there weren¡¯t many of these pure Italian divisions, as they were remnants from France¡¯s annexation of the Italian countries. Over the years, they had mostly been gradually disbanded by the French government.
Using the opportunity of the war, the Paris Government went even further by seizing military and administrative power from several Italian Sub-States. The governments of Sub-States, including the Two Sicilies and Tuscany, became mere rubber stamps.
If France were to win the war, these Italian Sub-States would likely be a thing of the past, not even having the chance to act as rubber stamps.
Although the internal troubles had been dealt with, the French Army in the Egypt Area had been dealt a terrible hand. They hade under the guise of the main forces but had performed worse than the colonial troops.
The rapid defeat of the French Army in earlier engagements, aside from the prowess of the Armored Troops, also owed much to theseggards.
They may not excel at fighting, but they rank first in fleeing.
If someone were to keep statistics, they would find that not only did the Italian divisions break the fastest in the earlier battles, but they also had the lowest casualty rates.
After the battle, when they were scattered and stationed in various locations, they didn¡¯t stop there; they continued to be a liability. Not only did they surrender themselves, but often, to get a better deal, they also mobilized their teammates to surrender.
As for the hate towards Austria, what is more important: the nationality¡¯s independence or the ¡°Divine Shield¡±?
Seeing someone dissent, everyone¡¯s faces darkened with displeasure. Everyone wanted to be a hero; no one wanted to be a coward, but the price of heroism was too high.
Seeing the turn of events, General Armand beseechingly advised, ¡°Major General Antowan, please calm down. No one wants to see the Egypt Area fall, but we really can¡¯t fight any longer.
You may not want to believe it, but that¡¯s the fact. Even our telegrams to the outside world are deliberately left by the enemy.
To date, two-thirds of the cities in the Egypt Area have fallen into enemy hands, with more than two hundred thousand French Army soldiers havingid down their arms to surrender. The few cities that are still resisting, including Cairo City, are on the brink of copse.
The enemy now has the upper hand on the battlefield; they don¡¯t need to destroy the dam ¨C the strategic value of the Aswan Region has already vanished.
If it weren¡¯t for the Nile River, the enemy wouldn¡¯t even need to upy the Aswan Region.¡±
For this war, France has already paid too much. If we include the homnd, the death toll is probably already over a million.
This is nearly two percent of our total poption, yet the end of the war is still nowhere in sight, and nobody knows the final number of casualties.
Since the Aswan Region is clearly impossible to hold onto, as amander, it¡¯s my duty to bring our boys back safely. We can¡¯t, out of momentary anger, sacrifice an entire generation,¡±
Everything before was an excuse, but thest sentence was General Armand¡¯s sincere words.
The French Empire may appear to have a poption of sixty million, but with the Italians¡¯ alienation from us, the true poption of the core area is just over thirty-seven million.
After the outbreak of the war, although Italians were also conscripted, the main force of conscripts was still the French people, and they also suffered the most casualties on the battlefield.
You only realize the importance of people when they are needed. The war has reached a point where the French government can clearly feel the shortage of manpower, and the elite have be aware of the significance of the poption.
But all of this is toote, as a poption cannot be increased overnight. Even if people started having children immediately, it would still be twenty years before they would be of any use.
Faced with the harsh reality, Major General Antowan fell into a fierce internal struggle, and after a long pause, he said resolutely, ¡°If that¡¯s the case, then we¡¯ll blow up the Aswan Dam before we surrender. Since the Egypt Area is going to be lost anyway, we might as well leave a mess for the enemy.¡±
No sooner had these words fallen than General Armand urgently retorted, ¡°No! We still have our troops downstream. If the dam were to be suddenly destroyed, our own forces would suffer severe losses.
Every soldier is a hero of France; they can die on the battlefield, but they must never die at the hands of their own.¡±
Unquestionably, this was just a pretext. The telegraph wasn¡¯t cut; the defending forces in the Aswan Region could stillmunicate with the outside, and a prior notification would suffice.
However, by doing so, the downstream defenders would all have a perfectly reasonable excuse to surrender, and the responsibility for the loss of cities andnd would fall entirely on them.
As the chiefmander, General Armand naturally would bear the primary responsibility. After the war, he would face not just a military tribunal, but a firing squad.
Not just the chiefmander would be finished; everyone present would be doomed, none could escape. Patriotism aside, when ites to personal and familial reputation, every person present would respectfully decline.
Chapter 933 - 196: The Southeast Asia Chaos
Chapter 933: Chapter 196: The Southeast Asia Chaos
Once Pandora¡¯s box was opened, it could never be closed again. The dispute at the French Command in Aswan was just a minor episode; simr events continued to unfold in the Egypt Area.
How to surrender in a dignified manner became the focus of everyone¡¯s debate. It wasn¡¯t that the French generals were cowardly, nor that theycked patriotism.
The senior officers knew the significance of the Egypt Area, but that didn¡¯t mean the rank-and-file could understand its importance to France. To most soldiers, the Egypt Area was just another colony, and losing it was no big deal.
If it was destined to be indefensible, then it would be better to give it up. After all, France had lost colonies before, some richer than Egypt, and life had gone on as usual.
With no military morale and a shortage of strategic resources, such a fight was surely unwinnable.
Under these circumstances, the astute senior officers naturally considered their retreat, striving for as honorable an oue as possible.
Since June, the Austrian army had slowed its offensive, switching to a long-term siege, and the situation in the Egypt Area gradually rxed.
The struggle, which was originally military, also gradually shifted to the political realm. At the negotiation table, the representatives engaged in fierce debates, no less intense than those on the battlefield.
The political offensive was personally instructed by Franz. As an emperor who loved peace, he naturally wanted to minimize casualties.
The war had cost the Austrian army tens of thousands of lives, and that number would only increase by the end of the conflict.
The French Army in the Egypt Area was already a turtle in a jar. Time was on the side of the Austrian army. With an insufficient supply of food and a destroyed water source, the besieged French Army could not hold out.
Rather than forcing the French to fight desperately like cornered beasts, it would be better to employ political means to make them surrender and reduce their own losses.
As for depleting the French¡¯s living strength, the same could be done in prisoner-of-war camps, even more easily than on the battlefield.
The effect of the political offensive was naturally remarkable. As time passed, realizing that struggle was futile, more and more French troopsid down their weapons and entered the prisoner-of-war camps.
The fate of the Egypt Area was about to be settled, and the European Continent was also developing in a positive direction. The French expulsion operations certainly increased Austria¡¯s burden, but it also united the people of the Germany Region against amon enemy.
Stimted by the power of hatred, the Prussia and Germany military, originally only second-rate inbat, underwent an astonishing transformation. If thebat effectiveness wascking, morale made up for it, showing glimpses of an elite force.
This change was directly reflected on the Central European Battlefield. The Anti-French Alliance, originally at a disadvantage due to uncooperative allies, was now gradually turning the tide.
It is worth noting that Austria¡¯s hidden armored troops had not yet been deployed, and the total force engaged in the Central European Battlefield was just over a million men, hardly a full effort.
The gains on the battlefield were one thing, but what truly delighted Franz was the political gain.
As a result of this war, the concept of Greater Germany became deeply ingrained in people¡¯s hearts. Even in Hanover and Prussia, it became mainstream in society.
Under the threat of the French, interest groups originally opposing Austria now changed their stance, one after another, sending representatives to contact the Vienna Government.
If he did not have to consider the difference in their positions, Franz truly wanted to award Napoleon IV with a Teutonic Unification Medal tomend his contribution to the unification of the Germany Region.
The Habsburg dynasty had strived for hundreds of years to aplish the unification that had not beenpleted but, with the ¡°selfless help¡± of the French government, the dawn was finally visible.
Up to now, the Vienna Government had signed secret treaties with twenty-three sub-states, reaching a consensus on the issue of reconstructing the Holy Roman Empire.
Yes, reconstructing the Holy Roman Empire, the ¡°new¡± before it is to be removed, to demonstrate the full legal session from Shinra.
As for the current North Germany, it would simply be history and disappear from the world once the war ended.
¡
Just when everything was developing in a favorable direction, Franz received news that was unbelievable.
¡°Are you sure you are not mistaken, that the Japanese want to invade Southeast Asia?¡±
Franz wasn¡¯t prone to overreaction, but this news was too out of the ordinary. Had the Japanese allied with the French to invade the Austrian Nanyang before news of the fall of French Egypt spread, he could have understood it.
But now it was different. Ever since the Vienna Government circted rumors ofplete upation of Egypt, the American countries originally incited by Ennd and France had all pulled back.
Even Colombia, which had numerous conflicts with Austria, had stopped all anti-Austrian propaganda and said nothing about seeking revenge.
Everyone is shrewd. Since the outbreak of the European war, the French seem to be advancing triumphantly, but in reality, they have only achieved a series of tactical victories and are aplete disaster strategically.
In the Central European battlefield, they are unable to break through the Rhine defense line; in the Southern European battlefield, they are being pressured by Austria; in the African battlefield, they are losing miserably. Now, with the crucial loss of Egypt, it all gives the impression of a setting sun.
At this point, not to mention the British secretly supporting, even if they were to personally enter the fray, it¡¯s not certain they could turn the tide.
In such a context, who would dare to be so obstinate as to jump into this vast pitfall with France?
The Japanese aren¡¯t foolish either. No matter how many benefits the French promise, there¡¯s no reason for them to join and seek out suffering.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, ¡°Yesterday morning, the Japanese Government, citing constant disputes in the Southeast Asian region damaging its own interests, announced it would deploy troops to Southeast Asia.
Following that, both Ennd and France issued announcements, inviting the Japanese Navy into Southeast Asia to assist in restoring order locally.
The current chaos in Southeast Asia is just a minor interlude in the Anti-French war. After the war broke out, we and the French have torn our facades in the Southeast Asian region.
As a result, the social order of the region has been disrupted. Piracy is rampant, and the once bustling Strait of a now sees trade nearly severed.¡±
Without a doubt, the chaos in Southeast Asia must have something to do with Austria. The rampant piracy is also closely rted to Austria.
Because of the war, the shipping routes from Austria¡¯s maind to Austrian Nanyang were essentially cut off, and even when possible, they had to take a huge detour.
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With the African Continent present and with ample preparation, Austria¡¯s demand for resources in the Southeast Asian region is minimal, so their need for this shipping route is negligible.
Based on the principle of ¡°if I can¡¯t use it, neither can my enemy,¡± it would be natural to sabotage. At first, they simply joined the Germans, who were upying the My Penins, in blockading the Strait of a, prohibiting French merchant ships from passing through.
Later, when they realized the effect was unsatisfactory since people could simply change their gs, in those days, without precise satellite positioning, it was impossible to identify the ownership of the ships and their destination.
The best method, naturally, was to ban the transportation of all strategic materials. Unfortunately, this involved too many countries and was very prone to offending others; the British, for one, would never agree.
To minimize the impact, Austria also had to resort to underhanded tactics. For a time, the Southeast Asian region became a den of thieves who specifically targeted ships carrying strategic materials.
Since the outbreak of the war in Europe, the number of ships that met idents in the Southeast Asian region has exceeded one hundred, and the total tonnage surpassed two hundred thousand tons.
Austria was causing trouble, and the French were not idle either. Directly engaging in robbery was too disgraceful, so both sides supported a group of proxies to engage in pirate tactics.
Interestingly, neither France nor Austria suffered thergest losses; instead, it was the British who topped the list of sunken ships.
Of course, this is only based on the gs they flew, and the true nationalities of the ships were unknown to anyone, nor did anyone wish to know.
The fact that the British did note forward proves that not many of the ships raided by pirates actually belonged to Britannia.
Now, by allowing the Japanese Navy into Southeast Asia, the pretense is to suppress piracy, but the true aim is to help the French restore their shipping routes and to hit Austria, perhaps even to directly invade Austrian Nanyang.
Despite the universal low regard for Japan¡¯s strength, in the Southeast Asia region, with Japan¡¯s assets, they equally have the capability to influence the oue of the conflict between France and Austria.
Prime Minister Carl, ¡°The situation in Southeast Asia is extremelyplicated, and our naval forces in the area are limited, making it very difficult to defeat the Franco-Japanese allied forces.
Should the enemyunch a full-scale attack, we can only choose to temporarily avoid their sharp edge. To reverse this situation, we would need to bring in new allies, such as Spain, Portugal, or even the Dutch.
This is nearly impossible. The Foreign Ministry has already tried many times, and no matter how high we bid, they do not have the courage to participate.¡±
Setting aside the dormant Far Eastern Empire, the nations with influence over the Southeast Asian region are just these few. Since the British cannot be persuaded, the Vienna Government can only choose a general from among the short-statured. Regrettably, these short-statured nations also refuse to participate.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg, ¡°Perhaps the situation is not as bad as we imagine. For the Japanese to enter Southeast Asia, they first have to get past the Philippines, and it would be best to take down the Ryukyu as well.
On the premise that the Anti-French Alliance is in a superior position, the Japanese Government, as long as it isn¡¯t foolish, will not choose to tie itself to France at this time.
Compared to being our enemy, those two declining old empires are obviously easier to bully. As long as we show some goodwill, the Japanese should make the right choice.¡±
Chapter 934 - 197: Sneak Attack on Lüzon Island
Chapter 934: Chapter 197: Sneak Attack on L¨¹zon Ind
At the Pce of Versailles, a group of would-be allies had backed away, yet the Japanese Government still insisted on fulfilling the agreement, and Napoleon IV was deeply touched, unprecedentedly elevating the diplomatic rtions with Japan.
The French government now needed to set an example to show that cooperation with them would be beneficial, in order to attract more partners and reverse a passive political situation.
Due to the war, France may not have been wealthy, but a starving camel is still bigger than a horse; even plucking a single hair would be a substantial gain for the Japanese Government.
Besides money, there is something in this world called technology. Even in this era of rtivelyx technology embargoes, it was exceedingly difficult for Asian countries to import advanced technology.
Not to mention the difficulties ofmunication, even when technology was for sale one required the ability to discern the genuine from the counterfeit, and, furthermore, a sizeable wallet.
A look at the history of industrial development during the Meiji Restoration reveals that it is also a history of the Japanese Government being swindled in various ways. Many of the imported technological equipments faced difficulties adapting to Japanese conditions.
Perhaps it was due to these early deceptions that the Japanese peopleter strove for self-reliance and a determined catch-up, closing the gap between the two parties.
Having finally connected with the European powers, the Japanese naturally wouldn¡¯t miss this great opportunity. Ito Hirobumi, Japan¡¯s Minister in Paris who still didn¡¯t know the domestic ns, was now energetically engaging with the French to exchange conditions.
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The cover clearly read ¡°French Technical Assistance Treaty to Japan,¡± which included thousands of items of civil and military technologies, almost every technology avable on the market.
In theory, if the Japanese could import and assimte these technologies, they would be able to advance to a third-rate industrial nation, potentially cutting at least ten years off their industrialization process.
As for even more advanced technologies, these were beyond the reach of a country that had not yetpleted industrialization. Without proper industrial foundations, they wouldn¡¯t be able to utilize advanced technologies, even if they got their hands on them.
Unfortunately, reality is cruel. This treaty, which seems so vital to Japan, was mostly unenforceable.
The French were not phnthropists. The so-called technical assistance depended on Japan¡¯s deration of war against Austria. Exactly how much help they would give was still to be determined by the Japanese military¡¯s performance on the battlefield.
¡
The sea was a vast expanse of blue and the sky was boundless. The sun revealed only half of its face, casting a spread of sunset hues like a colorful veil, and the sea was tinged with gold.
As the sky gradually dimmed, the previously quiet dock became noisy again with the roaring sounds of ships.
A group of ragged workers stood up, gazing into the distance, their eyes filled with anticipation.
Dock work was not easy; back-breaking and unstable. Even in the bustling L¨¹zon Ind, one couldn¡¯t be sure of work every day.
During busy times, there might be hundreds of merchant ships transferring goods, with endless work to be done. On slow days, the docks could go without business for ten days or even half a month.
Due to the war, trade routes in the Southeast Asia region had be depressed. Merchants no longer dared to set sail lightly.
France and Austria adopted a pirate strategy in Southeast Asia, and it had escted to a point where mistakes were made, but no chances were given.
Encountering real pirates usually meant robbery, but there was still a good chance for survival; encountering these pseudo-pirates often meant both men and ships were doomed.
Under such dubious circumstances, faced with two bullies, no one could do anything except me the pirates.
Now, onlyrge fleets traveling together, usually under the escort of a naval ship from a neutral country, could safely conduct trade in the region.
Against this backdrop, the once-thriving L¨¹zon Ind had also be deste. With a decrease in passing ships, life became harder for the dockworkers.
Based on clothing, one could roughly determine that the workers were a mix of individuals with the most being of mixed heritage, followed by Chinese, then Japanese, and a handful of whites.
This was indicative of the situation in L¨¹zon Ind where the Spaniards had ruled for hundreds of years; civilization was still only transferred within cities, while the local nativesrgely lived in tribal times.
As such, there was no expectation for the tribesmen to seek work elsewhere. With wild nts and fruit enough to fill their stomachs, there was simply no need for exertion.
Every ce has its circles, and the small dock was no exception. Even at the bottom of society, people were divided into different sses, as could be seen by their clothing.
This was Spanish territory, and the whites naturally held the highest status. Even though they were all trying to make a living at the dock, the whites were mostly in management, with very few asborers.
The status of the others was about the same. When there was plenty of work, everyone could be friends; when work was scarce, they becamepetitors. For the sake of livelihood, various groups often shed in private.
The prosperity of L¨¹zon Ind was built on its port, and the Spaniards had not invested in developing the local economy, hence there were not many job opportunities.
Compared with working in mines and ntations, although unstable, working on the docks typically offered higher earnings.
Those who could stand here were the victors of these struggles. Thus, they not only had to support themselves but also the leaders of their respective gangs behind them.
As the distance closed, the outline of a ship became faintly visible. A middle-aged man sighed and said, ¡°Stop looking, that¡¯s a Japanese warship; there¡¯s no work for us.¡±
The most important thing for making a living on the docks was having a keen eye, to urately judge which business to pursue and which to ept.
For instance, the arrival of a Japanese warship generally meant little business. Even for supply stops, they tended to employ Japaneseborers preferentially.
The same applied to merchant ships. Asians are a vulnerable group in the maritime industry and must band together to survive¡ªns, fellow countrymen, and gangs are all indispensable.
The eager young man returned to his spot, responding with resignation, ¡°I understand, Uncle Liu. We haven¡¯t gotten many jobs this month, and we still have to pay the gang their share.
I don¡¯t know when things will get better. If this continues, we¡¯ll soon be left out in the cold.¡±
The workers sat down in small groups, some lighting up opium to numb their nerves with smoke, seeking to escape the sorrows of reality.
Seeing this, the middle-aged man frowned and said impatiently, ¡°Deng Mazi, stow that opium. In times like these, you should save your money. We¡¯ll see what you¡¯ll have to eatter.¡±
Having said that, the middle-aged man kicked out. These days, most dockworkers were bachelors; one full stomach meant a whole family wasn¡¯t hungry. Work was hard and tiring, and smoking opium was amon practice.
Although Spain was also a signatory of the international anti-opium treaty, that was more out of pressure from public opinion or, to put it another way, to save face for Austria rather than a true implementation.
Now, the true meaning of achieving the anti-opium campaign was only aplished by a few European countries, and among the colonies, only Austria was carrying out anti-opium efforts.
The Vienna Government¡¯s indefinite liability act meant that whenever and wherever an addict was caught, they were pulled out and used for target practice. This stern measure had all the opium traders across the world step back in fear and thus stemmed the tide of opium flooding.
That¡¯s right, it only stemmed the tide of the drug spread. The underground drug trade still existed; it was just that the government¡¯s crackdown was so severe that trafficking drugs in Austria had be the most dangerous job in the world.
The middle-aged man had once been part of this trade, but after he had a family to feed and mouths to support, he gritted his teeth and kicked the habit.
Thanks to his determination to quit and his mature and steady way of handling things, he was spotted by a fellow nsman in the association and became a small boss at the docks.
In a certain sense, the middle-aged man was also a beneficiary of the Austrian anti-opium movement.
Ever since the establishment of Lanfang Province, it had be the center for Chinese in Southeast Asia. After all, there were so few safe ces back then. Every so often, the colonizers would initiate an anti-Chinese movement to reap wealth.
Externally, Lanfang Province bore the g of Austria, so there was no worry of foreign threats; internally, it implemented provincial autonomy. Influenced by Austria, it even adopted the rule ofw.
No matter what thew was like, at least there were rules to the game, so there was no need to worry about safety.
With a safe investment environment, the capital of security-conscious Chinese naturally flocked in, directly driving the economic development of Lanfang Province.
By now, therge Chinese family ns in the Southeast Asia region had mostly relocated their bases to Borneo.
Although it was an autonomous province, the Chinese had a natural awe for the imperial power. When the Emperor decreed an anti-opium edict, the autonomous government didn¡¯t dare to refuse it.
With the promotion of enlightened individuals, as well as the Austrian Navy¡¯s attacks on opium ships, the opium input was limited, and Lanfang Province¡¯s anti-opium movement also proceeded smoothly.
Those selling opium were shot, and those smoking it were forcibly sent to detox centers. Regardless of status, everyone waspelled to quit. Naturally, this included the leaders of the societies.
After all, Hongmen, thergest triad organization in Southeast Asia, was essentially controlled by a fewrge families. When the upper echelons quit opium, it naturally impacted the members below.
Furthermore, the anti-opium campaign wasn¡¯t just about banning opium, but it was also apanied by a lot of propaganda. By now, it had be a habit to disdain opium smoking, much like how people inter generations would detest drug abuse.
Words fall on deaf ears when preaching to the damned. Seeing his words ignored, the middle-aged man furrowed his brow and turned away, deciding out of sight, out of mind.
¡°Don¡¯t follow his example. If he continues like this, he will end up dead in the street sooner orter. Regarding the issue of the loan interest, I¡¯llmunicate with the society. We are all fellow townsmen, the society won¡¯t let you starve to death.¡±
In these times, Hongmen was not just a mere gang organization but also a gathering ce for the countrymen. The local Hongmen branches did not have strong enforcement over each other; they simply shared amon name.
This endowed them with different attributes; while they collected protection money, they also took on the role of social assistance providers, like helping neers from Asia to settle, find jobs, and so on.
¡
Warships differ from merchant ships; reaching an agreement for docking is necessary well in advance. Unquestionably, this Japanese Fleet was an unwee visitor.
Negotiations were futile. Despite its decline, the Duckboard Empire did not take the Japanese lightly and would not agree to lend them the port as a staging area.
Even if Ennd and France intervened, it would not work. The situation on the Europe battlefield was bing increasingly obvious, not kicking France while it¡¯s down was already giving face; how could they possibly side with France?
Seeing negotiations dragging on without a result, Commander Ito Yohiro coldly ordered, ¡°Send the prepared ¡®gifts¡¯ to the Spaniards. Tell them we are just docking to resupply some materials and won¡¯t take long. We will leave before nightfall and won¡¯t cause them any trouble.
Notify the Army to be ready. As soon as we dock, we must act immediately and catch the enemy off guard.¡±
Leaving before nightfall was out of the question. Ito Yohiro had chosen this time deliberately; once docked, they would dy until nighttime at any cost.
The Spaniards, who had operated on L¨¹zon Ind for quite some time, still had coastal cannons that were old but not to be underestimated. A direct assault would inevitably cost the Japanese Army dearly,
As for the Spanish Fleet in the Philippines, a bunch of outdated Sailing Warships and two decrepit Irond ships, Ito Yohiro did not take them seriously at all.
Japan¡¯s treasury was limited; this war had to be swift and decisive. The core of the Philippines was in L¨¹zon Ind, and once it was captured, the rest would be easy.
Money talks, even if it¡¯s just for a brief docking to resupply, right?
The Japanese Government this time had gone south under the pretext of suppressing pirates, ostensibly targeting Austria, and the Spaniards couldn¡¯t recognize the danger. Even subconsciously, they never thought the Japanese could pose a threat to them.
Despite this Japanese Fleet being excessivelyrge, they still assumed the Japanese wouldn¡¯t dare challenge Spain. It¡¯s just that they had been at peace for too long and had lost their sense of crisis.
On the ind, groups of Japanese ronin began to converge on the pubs. This wasn¡¯t their first time; having a drink at night seemed to be a Japanese habit.
If someone observant noticed, they would have seen that these men were different from usual, all appearing adrenaline-charged and their eyes brimming with murderous intent.
¡
¡°Some of us have been here for over ten years, some just arrivedst month. We alle here with only one purpose, to help the Empire conquer Southeast Asia and drive away the white invaders.
Today, the opportunity has finallye. Our fleet is just offshore, and tonight, we willunch a full assault. Our mission, before the battle breaks out, is to preemptively seize the governor¡¯s mansion, the city hall, and disrupt the enemy¡¯smand system.
We don¡¯t have much time left, now to distribute the weapons¡¡±
Chapter 935 - 198: The Power of Money
Chapter 935: Chapter 198: The Power of Money
Upon receiving news of the Japanese surprise attack on the Philippines, Franz almost couldn¡¯t help butugh out loud. It was like someone had handed him a pillow just as he was dozing off.
Without a doubt, the Japanese had done Austria a huge favor this time. They had spontaneously pulled Spain from the battlefield and now it was time for France to feel ufortable.
Even as the Duckboard Empire was in decline, it was still a member of the powerful nations and definitely not the kind to just take hits without fighting back.
Even if the French imed that the Japanese attack on the Philippines had nothing to do with them, the Spaniards would have to believe it. After all, it was thanks to the endorsement from Ennd and France that the Japanese were able to pass through the Philippine Sea, which had been assured by Ennd and France to the Spanish Government.
Without the influence of Ennd and France, the Japanese would not just be unable to dock and resupply, but even sailing through the Philippine Sea wouldn¡¯t be allowed by the Spaniards.
There¡¯s no such thing as international waters these days; the powers each more domineering than the next, and the so-called maritime territory is determined by themselves,
A country like Japan had no say whatsoever.
If it were openly known, it wouldn¡¯t be easy for the Japanese to invade the Philippines. Just thending would take more than a day or two toplete, and without a midway supply point, all materials had to be transported from the home country.
With Japan¡¯s current national strength, embarking on a distant expedition would quickly drag themselves to their demise, should it not be a quick battle decisively won.
Seeking to maintain his dignified image in the eyes of his subordinates, Franz quickly regained hisposure and randomly found an excuse to mask his emotions.
¡°The Japanese were invited by Ennd and France to enter Southeast Asia, and now they¡¯veunched a surprise attack on the Philippines. The Spaniards must be quite furious right now.
We should try to push from behind the scenes as much as possible to direct the Spanish anger towards France and see if we can reap any unexpected benefits.¡±
The chance of any unexpected gain was virtually nil. No matter how angry the Spaniards were, they would at most take it out on the Japanese ¡ª as for Ennd and France, they were beyond reach.
No matter what Austria promised, it was useless. Politicians are shrewd; everyone loves to lend a hand when there¡¯s glory to be gained, but none when there¡¯s heavy lifting to be done.
Joining the Anti-French Alliance now wouldn¡¯t be considered a charitable act, but it still came with considerable risk.
France was not an easy target; despite their strategic setbacks, they were holding their own on the European battlefield.
Before a clear victory was determined in the Central European battleground, no one could be certain that the French wouldn¡¯t be able to turn the tide. Should France suddenly surge, Austria might sustain it, but that didn¡¯t mean Spain could.
There is a precedent for this; Spain emerged victorious in thest Anti-French war they joined in, but as a victor, they nearly lost half their vitality, forfeitingrge territories in America.
Despite the heavy price, in the end, when spoils were being divided, Spain, with itsck of power, could only stand by.
One should take a lesson from the past. Unless France was definitely done for, it would be highly improbable for the Spanish Government to muster the courage to dere war on France.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg analyzed, ¡°Your Majesty, the French will not admit that the Japanese attack on the Philippines has anything to do with them. If all goes as expected, they will quickly distance themselves from Japan.
Together with the United Kingdom backing, even if the Spanish Government is boiling with rage, they will have to suppress it.
However, guiding the situation a bit has its advantages. Having suffered such a loss, the Spaniards will certainly seek retaliation.
As long as we stimte the anti-French sentiment within their country, a move such as an embargo against France is something the Spanish Government would dare undertake.¡±
It¡¯s not a matter of admission. Any reasonable person knows that the French couldn¡¯t possibly order the Japanese to attack the Philippines at this juncture. If it drove Spain into the arms of the Anti-French Alliance, France would be facing enemies on all sides.
Whether it¡¯s to quell the Spanish fury or to give an exnation to the European world, the French must sever ties with Japan.
Allies?
Those are nothing but burdensome ones. France¡¯s intention in forming alliances was to escape political istion, not to make more enemies around Europe.
The recent nationalistic drives have made many European countries uneasy, and another wave of seizing Spanish colonies would spell the end of their presence on the European Continent.
If an opportunity to seize control was feasible, Franz would have acted on it over a decade ago, not waiting for the French. It was fear of retribution that made him abandon the enticing n and focus on building his own colonial empire.
Prime Minister Carl added, ¡°It is not entirely impossible. If we can convince the Spaniards that we will surely win this war, with some temptation alongside, they might still bite.
However, thiscks any real significance. If the Spaniards are convinced that we can win, it would only be when we have won a victory in Central or Southern Europe.
Having already won, to then coax them to dere war on France would feel awkward in any perspective. The deliberate nature too strong, it bes easy to arouse suspicion.
If our real purpose were to be seen through, it might spur another storm.
The British wouldn¡¯t sit back and watch us grow too powerful, the Russians equally do not wish to see us as the sole hegemon of Europe, and other European countries wouldn¡¯t want another master looming over them.¡±
¡°All of a sudden, we found ourselves opposed by all countries, and the hope of weakening France was utterly lost,¡±
This was also why Franz hesitated to order a full-scale attack; defeating the French was just the end of the war amidst gunsmoke¡ªthe next step would be an even more brutal diplomatic war.
The premature end of the war between Ennd and Russia disrupted the strategicyout of the Vienna Government, and the n to dismantle Francepletely fell apart.
How to divide the European countries and ensure that Austria held the dominant position in the post-war negotiations had be the most pressing issue.
After much hesitation, Franz made a decision, ¡°Mobilize our strength, lobby the bureaucrats of the Tsarist Government, and try to get the Russians involved.
We don¡¯t need them to send troops directly; as long as the Tsarist Government is willing to dere war on France, they will have a share in the post-war gains.
We must act quickly, to create a fait apli before the British make their move. If we¡¯re toote, most of our strategic goal will be wasted.¡±
It wasn¡¯t that Franz was overthinking; given the current international situation, it was very likely that the British could organize a joint mediation team to intervene in the war before its end on the European Continent.
There was no doubt that the countries of Europe all had reasons to interfere with this war. For their own interests, none wanted to see a hegemon emerge on the Continent.
Once Ennd and Russia, two major powers, took the lead, the Alliance could be established within minutes. After all, there¡¯s safety in numbers, and Austria would have to consider the difficulty of facing collective outrage when settling scorese autumn.
It was impossible to resist outright; despite the Anti-French Alliance, led by Austria, appearing strong, an international intervention would cause the Alliance to fall apart immediately.
Counting on those fair-weather friends to advance and retreat with Austria was something Franz was not mad enough to do. Without the Anti-French Alliance, facing the European world alone would at best have even odds, and what¡¯s the difference between that and courting death?
Especially since these even odds were based on the premise of first crippling France. If the French still had a breath left and the Intervention Alliance emerged, the situation would only worsen.
If military means couldn¡¯t achieve the goal, then political maneuvers were the only option. Whether it was through bribery or deceit, as long as the Russians were on board, the situation would be much different.
Although British politicians were known for their thick skins, even they couldn¡¯t shamelessly turn a belligerent into a mediator.
Even if the Russianster came to their senses, they could only drag their feet secretly; no matter how the Tsarist Government schemed, it couldn¡¯t possibly send troops to defend France.
With Russia on board, swaying Spain would be much easier. Just one nce at the lineup would tell you that the French were destined to lose the Continental war.
A zero-risk, high-reward project, there was absolutely no reason to refuse. After all, both French-Spanish had plenty of bad deeds between them, and they felt no remorse about kicking someone already down.
Franz had already thought it through: after deceiving both Russia and Spain, he would directly force Switzend to join the war.
They had two choices: either join the Anti-French Alliance and embrace victory or join France in a funeral procession.
After that, there was no after. Most countries in Europe were at war with France, and the British could not make everyone give up their gains.
At worst, Austria would just have to share a bit less of the spoils of war, pleasing the allies. Anyway, French African territories were almost fully taken, and Franz didn¡¯t care much about a little indemnity.
Foreign Minister Wessenberg replied with a furrowed brow, ¡°Your Majesty, stirring the Russians to dere war on the French is easier said than done.
The current situation has gradually be clear, and the Tsarist Government is reluctant to overly weaken France. The more we woo them, the less likely the Russians will participate in the war.
Under these circumstances, we can only act as a secret push. Including the usage of pro-Austrian forces, we should not deploy too many.
Only when the Tsarist Government realizes on its own that dering war on France is greatly advantageous will they possibly take the bait. To achieve this is exceedingly difficult.¡±
It seemed true on the face of it, but Franz remained unfazed. Although his butterfly effect influenced Russian politics, the nature of the Tsarist Government remained unchanged.
¡°Greed¡± was the biggest characteristic of the Tsarist Government. Mixed with their corrupt bureaucratic body, this trait was even more pronounced.
¡°Throw money at it! Spare no expense in bribing Russian officials and nobility, and sell them on the benefits of dering war against France.
Isn¡¯t the Tsarist Government poor? Just by dering war, they can default on the debts they owe the French, plus they¡¯ll receive a hefty war indemnity afterward.
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No need to send troops, no need to spend money, merely a deration of war in name, and to reap so many benefits¡ªI don¡¯t believe the Russians won¡¯t be tempted.¡±
In the Russian Empire, there was nothing that money couldn¡¯t solve; if there was, that just meant not enough money had been spent.
Honest bureaucrats might exist, but in the Russian Empire, such people couldn¡¯t survive. When the world was mired in dirt, innocence was a sin.
No matter how savvy Alexander III might be, if all of his ministers were unanimously saying that dering war on France was good for Russia, it would be difficult for him to remain unaffected.
¡
Chapter 936 - 199: Taking Action in Advance
Chapter 936: Chapter 199: Taking Action in Advance
Paris, ever since the news of the Japanese Army¡¯s sneak attack on the Philippines reached him, Napoleon IV had not slept well for several days.
Regardless, the Japanese Army¡¯s move southward was at the invitation of Ennd and France. To get the Spaniards to stand down, both the English and French governments repeatedly assured them. Now that this had happened, they naturally could not shirk their responsibility.
In this age of survival of the fittest, promises are no different from hot air. If it were normal times, Napoleon IV wouldn¡¯t mind breaking his promise to Spain, as they wouldn¡¯t be able to do much about it anyway.
But now was different. Unlike detached Britannia, France was presently mired in the quagmire of European warfare, struggling to free itself. Even the declining Spain could now pose a fatal threat to them.
How to appease the enraged Spaniards and resolve this diplomatic dispute became the most pressing issue for the French government to face.
Suppressing his difort, Napoleon IV asked, ¡°Tell me, what do the Spaniards want?¡±
Between nations, interests are eternal. No matter what has happened in the past, as long as the interests are met, anything can be talked about.
As neighbors, the contradictions between France and Spain are naturally significant, but French strength is too overwhelming for the Spaniards to dare to confront.
The European war altered the bnce of power between the two sides. The French put all their strength into the war, losing the capacity to continue suppressing Spain.
For various reasons, the Japanese Army¡¯s surprise attack on the Philippines exactly intensified the Franco-Spanish contradictions. With the Austrians fanning the mes behind the scenes, Spanish nationalists were already exploding.
Under domestic pressure, the Spanish Government not only dered war on Japan immediately but also sent a stern diplomatic note to Ennd and France.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets shook his head, ¡°I don¡¯t know. Things happened so suddenly, the Spanish government hasn¡¯t made a decision yet.
The Japanese went too far this time, stirring up the Spanish nationalists. The cries for war within the country are growing louder.
ording to intelligence from our embassy in Madrid, the Austrians have already made contact with the Spanish nationalists, and public opinion is turning against us. The situation is very unfavorable for us.¡±
Does Karl Chardlets really not know what the Spaniards want?
The answer is no!
The problem is Spain wants something that France now cannot, is unwilling to, and should not give.
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Open the diplomatic note and see for yourself; the Spaniards have already set their terms. They demand that France fulfill its promise to expel the Japanese andpensate for losses, to say nothing more.
The Spanish Government also made territorial demands on France, asking not only for French Moro but also for a new demarcation of the border between the two countries.
Such an opportunistic demand, of course, Chardlets firmly refused; there was no room for negotiation.
Aside from the first condition to expel the Japanese, which is eptable, if the French government dares to agree to the remaining terms, revolution is bound to erupt within the country.
The only condition that could be agreed upon is ironically something that France cannot fulfill. The French Far Eastern Fleet, currently in a standoff with the Austrian Navy, is entirely incapable of expelling the Japanese.
Even diplomatic threats the French government cannot afford to use. If by any chance this were to push the Japanese into desperation, they could join forces with the Austrian Navy, and French Indochina would be doomed.
This is not a joke but a genuine possibility. If the Japanese should decide to help the Austrian Navy take down the French Far Eastern Fleet, Vienna would have no reason to refuse.
As a qualified politician, unable to do anything, Chardlets naturally yed the fool.
After a long silence, Napoleon IV said weakly, ¡°Tell the British that I agree to their terms.¡±
For Napoleon IV, who aspired to surpass his forebears, this decision was undoubtedly a bow to reality.
But there was no choice, as the development of the European war was unexpected, and France alone could not win the war.
Without apromise with the British, full support from the London Government cannot be obtained. Without British support, there is no hope for France to win.
And topromise with the British meant that France would give up its dominance in Europe, and even the say in crafting the post-war international order.
Under these circumstances, even if France were to win the war, it would not achieve its initial strategic goal, rendering the war pointless.
But a pointless war is still better than a loss. Deep down, Napoleon IV had made up his mind to retire quietly to his farm once the war was over, waiting until his strength was restored before confronting¡
¡
Downing Street, inside the government building.
The dstone Cab was gathered in full, discussing the international impact of Japan¡¯s sneak attack on the Philippine Inds and countermeasures.
Minister of the Navy Astley spoke with righteous indignation, ¡°The Japanese have gone too far, daring to make fools of us. If we don¡¯t show them a lesson, every Tom, Dick, and Harry will think they can walk all over us.¡±
Anger was not the issue; the welfare of the Spaniards never fell within Sir Astley¡¯s considerations. In his view, the Japanese attack on the Philippines was an opportunity for the Royal Navy to show its mettle.
In recent years, the navies of France and Austria had been catching up vigorously, posing tremendous pressure on the world¡¯s dominant Royal Navy.
A huge amount of money was poured into the bottomless pit of the navy without a real war breaking out, and many parliamentarians had objections to this.
Rumors even circted that the navies of Ennd, France, and Austria were colluding with each other to create sea conflicts on purpose, just to deceive their governments into providing funding.
Breaking such skepticism was very simple: find an enemy and wage a war. Britannia ruled the waves, and its enemies had long been terrified by the mere mention of its name. The only ones who dared to confront them were France and Austria.
But of course, neither of them could be attacked. The gap in strength between them was not significant, and starting a war could easily lead to a destructive stalemate where both sides were wounded.
The Royal Navy was lucid; proving its importance was essential, but there was no need to gamble with the nation¡¯s fate.
Byparison, the newly emerged Japanese were much easier to bully. It wasn¡¯t Astley being arrogant; the Royal Navy had such a massive establishment that just the motion of the Far Eastern Fleet alone would send the Japanese Navy scurrying back home in dismay.
Foreign Minister George cautioned, ¡°Sir, the issue now is not simply about the Japanese. Their surprise attack on the Philippine Inds may seem like a war between the Japanese and Spanish on the surface, but it also involves the continental war in Europe.
With the European war at a deadlock, Spain¡¯s strength is sufficient to break this fragile bnce. Both France and Austria are now courting them, and currently, the Austrians have made the higher bid.
It is still Franz¡¯s usual tactic, spending others¡¯ resources freely¡ªthis time, using the interests of the French as a promise.
It is said that the Austrians directly offered a map of France, suggesting that the Spaniards could choose any French territory they desired if they were willing to join the Anti-French Alliance.
From the current situation, if we do not intervene, it is very likely that Spain will join the Anti-French Alliance.
As for the Japanese, they are nothing but a nuisance. Crushing them would be easy, but it holds no real value. Their presence or absence now will not affect the Spaniards¡¯ decision.
If Spain chooses to stand with Austria, we might need this nuisance to trouble the Anti-French Alliance. Let¡¯s just keep them around for the time being.¡±
Being magnanimous with others¡¯ resources also requires skill. Austria can do this because France and Spain share borders, and due to historical reasons, the two countries are not only at odds but also have territorial disputes.
Under such conditions, whether or not the Spanish government is tempted, the nationalists within Spain have certainly taken the bait.
The French government, for its part, could never offer such terms. Even if they imitated the approach and handed over a map of Austria, the Spaniards wouldn¡¯t be interested.
There¡¯s no other reason; it¡¯s simply a matter of power. What good is a rich benefit if it cannot be consumed? With Spain¡¯s national power, they simply do not have the capacity to manage an enve.
Prime Minister dstone nodded, ¡°The French have already capitted, and it seems their actual situation is worse than we anticipated.
We cannot wait any longer; we must act swiftly. If the French suffer a defeat in a battle in Southern Europe or Central Europe, they do not have the resources of Austria to make aeback.
The Foreign Office must act immediately ording to our n to invite the countries of Europe to form an intervention group and end this meaningless war.
Before that, we must stabilize the Spanish. If they agree to join the intervention group, we will help them drive away the Japanese.¡±
What seemed like a casual conversation was fraught with peril and hidden conflicts.
Britannia¡¯snd forces were limited, and to intervene in this European war, it had to rely on the strength of other countries. However, none of them were fools; every country had its own interests.
If diplomatic intimidation could solve the problem, so be it; but if it failed at the negotiation table and had to be resolved by force, not enough potential benefits were offered, and merely for a nebulous concept of European bnce, it would be asking too much for everyone tomit their entire forces to intervention.
Unless Austria showed strong aggression that made other governments feel threatened, simply coordinating international rtionships would not be aplished overnight.
Foreign Minister George shrugged his shoulders with a sense of helplessness, ¡°Achieving this is not only a task we canplete; we also need the cooperation of the French.
Keep in mind that our ally France is surrounded by enemies throughout Europe, and there are no shortage of those who would be happy to see them in trouble. If they do not take concrete actions to reassure the governments of Europe, it will be difficult to secure their support.
Especially the Spanish and Russians, both of whom have the power to influence this war. If either of them joined the Anti-French Alliance, our mediation n would lose all meaning.¡±
In this era of survival of the fittest, the key to resolving issues still lies in power. Not only military power, but also theprehensive force of political and diplomatic means.
Although Spain was in decline, its reputation as a powerful nation remained intact in the eyes of other European countries.
Ostensibly, they were considered the fifth European power, right after the four great powers of Ennd, France, Austria, and Russia, and also the fifth strongest nation in the world.
The Anti-French Alliance¡¯s power was already formidable; the addition of any great power would make it invincible.
Much of Europe was like a wallflower, not easily swayed without solid assurances. Without enough support, it was hard to create a sufficient show of strength, and naturally, deterrence was significantly weakened. Under these circumstances, only the great nations themselves could step into the fray.
The war between Ennd and Russia had just ended, with animosity between the two nations at its peak. Even the most confident would not believe that Ennd and Russia could cooperate sincerely.
Even if their interests were fully aligned and the governments of both countries were willing to coborate, their people would act on their own ord, sparing no effort to sabotage when necessary.
In a sense, the actions of the Japanese helped the British Government make a decision.
To prevent the situation from spiraling out of control, the British had to give up their ns to reap the post-war benefits. With the oue of the European war still undecided, they began to form an Intervention Alliance in advance.
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Chapter 937 - 200: Wealth That Commands the Spirit
Chapter 937: Chapter 200: Wealth That Commands the Spirit
As the British began to act, the covert diplomatic struggle between France and Austria had been taken over by the British. It¡¯s not that the French were not respected, but the French government diplomacy was simply not up to par.
Of course, this was also directly rted to the high level of animosity that the Bonaparte Dynasty held on the European Continent. Under Napoleon III, rtions did briefly improve, but that rxed international environment disappeared once France annexed the Italian area.
In a sense, Napoleon III was digging a hole for his son. He achieved his own greatness by annexing the Italian area, while leaving behind an abyss that could not be filled.
There was no choice, for it was no longer the Middle Ages. Nationalism had arisen in Europe, nations were able to swallow but not digest, and their hatred was at its peak.
Especially for many small countries, to ensure their own safety, they had no choice but to unite and oppose the French, to deter other great European powers from following suit.
This was the main reason why the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs could not achieve substantial oues. It wasn¡¯t that the fair-weather friends were steadfast in their resolve; it was that their political stance had determined they could not stand with France.
Small countries couldn¡¯t be coaxed, let alone great ones. There could only be one hegemon, and everyone was apetitor. Even alliances were only temporary.
Especially with Russia and Austria banded together for a long time, leaving the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs with only Britain to influence.
Originally surrounded by enemies and with an unreliable ally, it was only logical for France to surpass the Russians as the top ¡°viin¡± on the European Continent.
Professional tasks should be left to professionals. Reluctant as he was to admit it, Napoleon IV was well aware that in diplomacy, the United Kingdom alone was the king, and as a Silver Level yer, they really didn¡¯t need to be a drag.
¡
The Anglo-Austrian diplomatic contest began, and the European Continent once again witnessed changing fortunes. The Japanese Government, busy with their assault on the Philippines, was still unaware that they had just narrowly escaped from the jaws of death.
Had it not been for Spain¡¯s failure to dere its stance, and the British belief that they still held value, the Royal Navy would have shown them what a cruel world it is.
Colonial might requires more than brute force, and countries like Spain, the Nethends, and Portugal were able to retain their overseas colonies because they had their own survival strategies.
If strength were the only consideration, all the colonies around the world would have been divided among Ennd, France, and Austria, leaving no room for smaller nations like the Dutch and Portuguese to intervene.
The Great Bullies hadn¡¯t plundered thesends not because theycked resources; in fact, the Philippines, Cuba, Indonesia, and other regions were richnds in these times. Political reasons were why no one had seized them.
As members of the entrenched interest group, the Great Bullies also had to abide by the rules of the game. If they acted with reckless abandon, they would surely face bacsh from these rules.
Therefore, the challengers were generally emerging powers. Barefooted ones are not afraid of those with shoes, as they are not part of the system and naturally do not fear the rules¡¯ bacsh.
Of course, being a challenger has its risks; if one doesn¡¯t choose the right moment, one might be crushed just as one emerges.
General Ito Yohiro no longer concerned himself with these risks, as he was still basking in the joy of a sessful surprise attack on L¨¹zon Ind.
Bybining a sudden attack with internal and external coboration, the Japanese Army not only achieved a sessfulnding but also captured three Spanish naval ships docked in the harbor.
Despite the fact that these sailing warships were outdated and had been phased out from the naval mainstream, with two of them even receiving damage in the previous night¡¯s battle, General Ito Yohiro was still satisfied.
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Though the Great Bullies of Ennd, France, and Austria had eliminated sailing warships and even passed the Irond ship era, entering the Pre-Dreadnought era, the majority of the world¡¯s navies still primarily used sailing warships.
The Japanese Navy was no exception; besides a few ironds purchased from Britain to make an impression, most of their warships were sailing vessels.
There was no other reason but one¡ª¡±poverty.¡± The cost of building a single irond could be used to construct several sailing warships of the same tonnage.
As for even more advanced Dreadnoughts, there was no need to mention them. The Japanese Navy¡¯s budget simply could not afford such undertakings.
Looking at the Japanese Government¡¯s fiscal revenue, you can see that a revenue of eighty million yen might seem substantial, but in reality, it¡¯s just so-so. Converted into Divine Shields, it¡¯s only a little more than 16 million, and converted into British Pounds, it¡¯s even less at just over 8 million.
(Note: 1 yen is approximately equal to 0.75 grams of gold, and the value ratio of the Divine Shield to the yen is about 4.88:1)
The cost of a single pre-Dreadnought is upwards of one million British Pounds. If exported, the cost is estimated to double, not to mention the variety of subsequent service fees, which would increase the amount significantly. The Japanese Government, no matter how aggressively it pursues military expansion, cannot possibly spend one-third of its fiscal revenue on a single ship.
Once thending is sessful, the Navy¡¯s task is essentiallyplete. All that remains is to keep an eye on the remaining Spanish Navy to ensure that the maritime routes stay open.
There¡¯s no chance of a decisive naval battle since during the surprise attack on L¨¹zon Ind, the Spaniards¡¯ Philippine fleet already lost a third of its warships.
This dealt a heavy blow to the already disadvantaged Philippine fleet, which now can¡¯t even aplish its mission to disrupt the enemy¡¯s trade lines due to speed limitations.
At the headquarters of the Japanese Southern Fleet, a middle-aged officer reported with a tone of helplessness, ¡°Your Excellency the Commander, we have inspected the captured Spanish warships. The damage isn¡¯t too severe; they can be repaired in L¨¹zon Ind.
However, the ships are quite old, the newest one having been in service since 1875. They won¡¯t be of use for many more years.
I don¡¯t know what the Spaniards were thinking. One of the vessels was bizarrely designed without considering a steam engine; it was retrofittedter, which is very uncoordinated.¡±
There¡¯s usually a reason why empires fall into decline, often due to prevailing bureaucratism and severe corruption¡ªSpain is no exception.
What seems to be irrational design actually hides profound bureaucratic rationale behind it.
Of course, these are issues beyond the understanding of the officers in Japan¡¯s fledgling Navy. Filled with zeal, they are eager to strive for Japan¡¯s rise and have not yet had the chance to be corrupt.
General Ito Yohiro nodded thoughtfully, ¡°Don¡¯t get hung up on these minor issues. If the Spanish Government were not decadent, we wouldn¡¯t be involved at all.
It doesn¡¯t matter if the ships are old. The era of sailing warships has been conclusively brought to an end. They¡¯ll suffice for the few years we need them.
The Philippine Inds are not small. It won¡¯t be easy to root out the Spaniards if they y a game of hide-and-seek with us. We¡¯ll need more ships for the uing battles.
Send someone to repair the damaged warships immediately. I¡¯ve already notified our homnd, and they will send personnel as soon as possible to take over the ships so we can build up ourbat capability at the earliest.¡±
To be frank, the Southern Fleet should not be staying at L¨¹zon Ind right now. The best course of action would be to press the advantage and decisively crush the Spanish Philippine fleet.
But there¡¯s no choice¡ªifndfall is sessful, there are spoils to be collected. The Army is making a fortune, and the Navy can¡¯t just stand by and watch.
The Japanese Army and Navy are hardly in harmony. If the Navy doesn¡¯t get involved, all the wealth the Spaniards umted over hundreds of years in the Philippines would fall entirely into the hands of the Army.
Once taken in, such gains will never be spat out again. Even if the dispute were to reach Emperor Meiji, don¡¯t expect the Army to give in.
When resources are scarce, priorities be superficially shallow. Compared to these readily essible benefits, pressing the attack to eradicate the remaining enemy forces suddenly seems less important.
¡
As Hongmen¡¯s base on L¨¹zon Ind, Chen Mansion was now crowded with people. Many hade with their families in tow, and the cries of children could asionally be heard, causing Chen Taoyue, the Dragon Head, to feel irritated and confused, and yet he could not vent his frustration.
Everything outside was inplete chaos. After driving away the Spaniards, the Japanese Army began to loot unscrupulously, forcing everyone toe together for safety and warmth.
Even gang affiliations demand support¡ªthe group gathered here formed the foundation of Hongmen on L¨¹zon Ind. They were not just underlings but also their families or rtives connected by blood or marriage.
Looking at the tumultuous scene, Chen Taoyue sighed. There was no helping it; everything had happened so suddenly that there was no time to react.
Unlike previous anti-Chinese movements, which always showed signs beforehand, these well-informed people had always been ready to flee in advance.
Not only did they not have time to prepare this time, but they also had to worry about the Japanese army suddenlying knocking at their door.
¡°Master, all the weapons are prepared. Do you think we should start handing them out now?¡±
The housekeeper¡¯s voice brought Chen Taoyue¡¯s thoughts back to the present. Times had changed, and with the establishment of the Chinese base in Lanfang Province, getting arms had be much easier.
As long as someone was willing to pay, Austrian arms dealers dared to sell. Were it not for the fear of the Spaniards¡¯ reaction, they would have managed to get cannons as well.
Originally, these weapons were meant for dealing with the natives; the anti-Chinese movements were nned by the colonial government, but the executors were still the natives. They would only jump out to pick the fruits after the situation had almost settled.
Times were developing, and the colonial government had to consider the impact on public opinion. Besides, constantly showing their muscle would scare all the sheep away. How would they then shear the wool and eat the mutton?
Chen Taoyue had fought his way to the position of the leader. With weapons at his disposal, he naturally did not n to sit back and wait for death.
¡°Send them out first, and then send someone to contact Mr. Honorino. We need his help now.¡±
Facing the Japanese directly wasn¡¯t out of the question, either. With Hongmen¡¯s connections in Southeast Asia, Chen Taoyue had made the acquaintance of numerous Japanese. Perhaps these people couldn¡¯t dictate terms for the Japanese army, but they could still y a role in pulling strings.
The Japanese wanted to take over the Philippines, and naturally, they needed the cooperation of local powers. The Japanese in the area alone were not enough. If Hongmen was willing to lean towards the Japanese, there was no reason for them to refuse, but the problem now was that he was not willing to be involved with the Japanese.
Like most Chinese in Southeast Asia at that time, Chen Taoyue also suffered from a fear of foreigners. Although the Japanese had gained the upper hand, he still favored the Spaniards.
Without a doubt, if the Spaniards won the war, there would certainly be a great purge against those who had allied with the Japanese, and Chen Taoyue did not want to get involved in such matters.
In this context, the only option was to leave it to those who were not afraid of trouble. As an Austrian foreign official stationed in the Philippines, Mr. Honorino was one of those unafraid of trouble.
Ever since the establishment of Lanfang Autonomous Province, Mr. Honorino had faced such situations many times each year. For the sake of Divine Shield¡¯s face, Mr. Honorino never refused a guest.
This was also considered legal extra ie, being a middleman to help people connect, or outright eptingmissions to negotiate on behalf of others, as long as it did not harm Austria¡¯s interests, were allowed by the Vienna Government.
In fact, he hadn¡¯t harmed Austria¡¯s interests at all. The title of foreign official might sound impressive, but the actual power held was very small, and definitely not representative of Austria. The real representatives were the envoys or ambassadors in various ces.
The establishment of foreign officials, on one hand, was formercial convenience, to solve some business disputes; on the other hand, it was because setting up diplomatic missions was too costly and had to consider political impact.
Establishing an embassy in someone else¡¯s colony was obviously uneptable, as the statuses were entirely unequal.
Speak of the devil, and he shall appear. Before the housekeeper could take action, a tall and burly Caucasian man walked in.
¡°No need to bother, Chen, I came over as soon as I got the message. I¡¯m a good friend, aren¡¯t I?¡±
The visitor was none other than Honorino himself. Chen Taoyue originally didn¡¯t care much for this presumptuous man, but now he suddenly found him quite endearing.
Even though he knew the visitor was only there for Divine Shield, a friend who stood up to help in a crisis was worth more than most.
¡°Of course, you are the best friend. Now I need you to deal with the Japanese. As long as the Japanese army doesn¡¯t rob Chinatown, I am willing to pay thempensation not exceeding 200,000 Divine Shield.¡±
At a time of crisis, Chen Taoyue could not concern himself with money. Besides, this money was noting from him alone, but was to be shared by everyone.
Everyone knew that if they didn¡¯t bleed now, once the Japanese army broke in, they would lose both their property and their wealth.
Hearing that figure, Honorino could only sigh, ¡°I had no idea you were so wealthy!¡±
After a pause, he added, ¡°Chen, are you sure you want to pay this amount? You should know that if the Spaniards win the war, it will bring you a great deal of trouble in the future.¡±
Everyone¡¯s expression turned grim. This sum of money was almost the limit they could afford, and if it weren¡¯t necessary, no one would be willing to spend money for safety.
The trouble came from both sides, one being the potential to incite greed in the Japanese; the other being the Spaniards returning and reaching out to them again.
Chen Taoyue countered, ¡°Mr. Honorino, if we don¡¯t pay the money, what methods do you have to prevent the Japanese Army from looting?¡±
Honorino waved his hand and said, ¡°None! However, if you are willing to pay, I have a way.¡±
¡°After all, it¡¯s about buying safety with money. Instead of giving it to the Japanese, you might as well give it to us. A t rate of 350,000 Divine Shields, and I will smooth over the troubles with both the Japanese and the Spaniards for you.¡±
Chen Taoyue frowned at the all-epassing im Honorino made. Such a promise would be more credible if it came from an important Austrian figure; an official of foreign affairs probably didn¡¯t have that much influence.
Seemingly perceiving something from the looks of the crowd, Honorino continued, ¡°Rest assured, this money is not for me; my appetite isn¡¯t that big.
The money is for the Vienna Government. As long as you are willing to pay, I will represent the Vienna Government in authorizing you to fly the Holy Roman Empire g.¡±
¡°And I willmunicate with the Japanese to prove that you are citizens of the Empire. I have been in Japan before and know what the Japanese Government is made of; they wouldn¡¯t dare to challenge the Empire.¡±
¡°Even if these fellows break the rules and rob Chinatown, the Empire willter impensation from them on your behalf, and it will be double.¡±
¡°Of course, this citizenship status is only temporary. It will disappear after the crisis is over.¡±
¡°To show our sincerity, we can first sign a contract, and you can pay after everything is settled. Since we are all friends here, I am not worried about you reneging on the deal.¡±
Determined to get promoted, Honorino was taking risks. Although an official of foreign affairs can easily rake in benefits, it¡¯s hard to produce political achievements¡ªand even more troubling, domestic circles wouldn¡¯t notice any achieved abroad.
To advance further, he had to demonstrate notable merits and prove hispetency to his homnd.
A few hundred thousand Divine Shields might not mean much to the Vienna Government, but if he could secure this money for the Empire effortlessly, it would certainly prove Honorino¡¯s capabilities.
Perhaps it was the offer of payment after the fact that swayed hearts, as the previous skeptical looks vanished. An elderly man asked in a grave voice, ¡°Mr. Honorino, if we want to obtain permanent nationality, what price would we need to pay?¡±
The more they experienced, the more they appreciated the value of safety. Those present had not been without citizenship from other European countries, but the problem was that as soon as their skin color was considered, the effectiveness of that citizenship diminished significantly.
Minor issues were manageable and could be resolved with money, but in face of such serious troubles as they currently faced, no one would stand up for them.
Inparison, Austria was much better as, at least in the Southeast Asia region, all were treated equally regardless of skin color, and those with citizenship were protected.
Honorino shook his head: ¡°It¡¯s not a matter of money; obtaining Austrian nationality depends on the level of contribution made. You can inquire with the colonial government about specific requirements.¡±
¡°The difficulty is high, and personally, I suggest you might consider relocating to the Lanfang Autonomous Province. Compared to other ces in Southeast Asia, it¡¯s more suitable for your survival.¡±
Upon hearing this exnation, many sighed. Everyone was aware of the situation in the Lanfang Autonomous Province; if it weren¡¯t for the fact that their ntations and mines couldn¡¯t be moved, they would have relocated there long ago.
¡
Chapter 938 - 201: The Pinnacle of Denying Debts
Chapter 938: Chapter 201: The Pinnacle of Denying Debts
It turned out that life was indeed more important than money: the wealthier one was, the more one cherished it. After weighing the pros and cons, everyone felt the protection fees had to be paid.
Being able to have a base in an unfriendly foreignnd, whether one started from scratch or inherited it from ancestors, was no mean feat.
By draping the tiger skin of Austria over themselves, they could not only survive the immediate threat but, more importantly, avoid taking sides in this war.
Compared with the Japanese Army¡¯s plundering, taking a political stand was truly fatal. After all, residing in Southeast Asia where anti-Chinese movements often erupted, being robbed was not a rare urrence, and everyone had experience in dealing with it.
Even if they were robbed by the Japanese Army, it was only a loss of some visible wealth. Political alignment was different; a wrong bet could result in the death of oneself and one¡¯s n.
Without the support of a powerful nation, overseas Chinese were as insignificant as grass. Everyone present wanted to find a powerful backer, just as Honorino wanted to make money and gain political achievements.
With the precedent of the Lanfang Company, Austria¡¯s reputation among the Southeast Asian Chinese was incredibly good. They were straightforward with their rules: if they said they wouldn¡¯t interfere in internal affairs, they didn¡¯t interfere, and it was hard to find a second power that behaved like that.
The deal was sealed, and a diplomatic note representing the Austrian Government appeared before General Yamagata Aritomo.
If it weren¡¯t for repeated admonitions from home not to conflict with the great powers, plus the presence of the navy watching over them, Yamagata Aritomo really didn¡¯t want to acknowledge this informal note.
Gaining several hundred thousand expatriates overnight was a joke, and it was clear that someone was being fooled. Sadly, there was no choice; the Japanese Government could not provide the great powers with a pretext for intervention.
The Tokyo Government had underestimated the political impact of invading the Philippines. It was the era of white supremacy; even without the Russians¡¯ ability to attract enmity, international public opinion naturally favored Spain.
Even Ennd and France, who had invited the Japanese Army into Southeast Asia, had now changed their tune. They not only denied their almost-allied status, but also voided all previously agreed conditions.
¡°Tell the Austrians to provide relevant evidence. As far as I know, there are only a few hundred Austrian expatriates in the Philippine Inds, and those living in Chinatown are all expatriates from the Far Eastern Empire. With such an obvious difference in skin color, how could they be mistaken?¡±
It¡¯s not that Yamagata Aritomocks magnanimity, nor does he covet the little bit of loot. The key issue was that the n was disrupted.
ording to the original n, once L¨¹zon Ind was captured, they intended to coerce and entice Chinese in Southeast Asia to submit,ying the foundation for ruling the Philippines.
¡°Commander Sir, it¡¯s no use. News from inside reports thatst night, the Philippine Chinese leader Chen Taoyue reached an agreement with the Austrian envoy Honorino in the Philippines. They have signed a treaty to obtain Austrian protection in exchange for 350,000 Divine Shield.
I¡¯ve dealt with Honorino, and he is a vampire ¨D extremely difficult to deal with. Asking him to give up his benefits is simply impossible.¡±
The speaker was Yamamoto Kazuo, the intelligence officer sent by the Japanese Government to the Philippines. He personally oversaw the inside-out cooperation in the battle for L¨¹zon Ind.
Yamagata Aritomo¡¯s brow furrowed, eyes filled with killing intent. If possible, he wouldn¡¯t mind sending someone to silence them.
Unfortunately, that was mere wishful thinking; there were too many who knew, and the risk of eliminating them was very high.
Moreover, this era did not focus on evidence. It was enough for the great powers to suspect, without caring about actual evidence.
As a high-ranking member of the Japanese Government, Yamagata Aritomo also paid attention to the international situation.
Judging by the current circumstances, the Anti-French Alliance stood a very good chance of winning, and at the very least, they could fight to a stalemate.
Regardless of the oue, the Anti-French Alliance would remain a significant force in the European world. With this backdrop, offending the leader of the Anti-French Alliance was undoubtedly unwise.
After a brief pause, Yamagata Aritomo spoke helplessly, ¡°Never mind, they can¡¯t run anywhere while they¡¯re on the ind. Order the troops not to enter Chinatown for now.
Yamamoto-san, your next task is of the utmost importance. You must quickly win over the local power brokers to establish a colonial government, in preparation for the Spaniards¡¯ counterattack.¡±
Japan had just regained national sovereignty and couldn¡¯t yet assert its strength, especially when facing European powers, as it simplycked the confidence.
¡
In St. Petersburg, Alexander III felt extremely conflicted. He didn¡¯t know when the voices advocating for war inside the country had surged again.
Undoubtedly, the Anglo-Russian War had only just ended and Central Asia was still in chaos; it couldn¡¯t be about engaging with the British; Russian-Austrian ties were traditional and strong, and the War Party wouldn¡¯t be foolish enough to strike at their own.
Besides these two bosses, only France was left with the stature to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Russia. The target of the War Party this time was the French.
The reason was simple: to disrupt France, shatter the British and French Alliance, cripple Ennd, andy the groundwork for the future conquest of India.
It was certainly a stretch, but it could still be barely justified. ording to the logic of the War Party, as long as France fell, the future would be the British facing the Russian-Austrian Alliance alone. The two-on-one fight was a sure victory.
The situation was stable, but Ennd and Austria had to y along. If after crushing France, the Anglo-Austrian countries ceased their aggression, it would be awkward.
Although Austria¡¯s credibility was good, the interests involved this time were toorge, and Alexander III expressed deep distrust in whether the Vienna Government could fulfill its promises.
Doubt alone was not enough; in recent years, the Russian Empire had won the Russo-Prussian War and the Central Asian War, and domestic morale had recovered.
Apart from the government¡¯s not so full coffers, that mighty Russian Empire had returned.
Strength is courage, and even though the Central Asian War stopped short at Afghanistan, the ambition to covet India had arisen.
The government elite could see the hidden crisis, but it didn¡¯t mean ordinary people could also see it. Otherwise, lighting a single firecracker wouldn¡¯t have created such a big stir.
¡°The voices for war are rising within the country, do you think it¡¯s suitable to dere war on the French now?¡±
Asked Alexander III.
The public mored fiercely, yet the Tsarist Government remained exceptionally calm. Everyone knew that Austria was behind the outcry for war, but the public¡¯s cries couldn¡¯t deceive anyone. Without the subjective inclination of the popce, Austria¡¯s push alone couldn¡¯t have made such a big ssh.
This judgment was initially correct, but it might not be the case if someone has been guiding public opinion and brainwashing them for a long time.
Of course, one couldn¡¯t me the Tsarist Government. The rtionship between Russia and Ennd and France had always been poor, and it was politically correct to promote the dark history of Ennd and France in domestic media.
Since it was politically correct, it wasn¡¯t a big deal to include some private goods in it; after all, newspapers and magazines also needed to attract eyeballs!
Once or twice didn¡¯t matter, but after a decade or two, quantitative change led to qualitative change. Coupled with the recent Ennd and Russia War, the public¡¯s hatred for Ennd and France had be more severe.
Journalists also needed to make a living, and since the public despised Ennd and France, they naturally had to satisfy their readers¡¯ demands.
In this context, with Austria pouring more money to fuel the fire, the call for dering war on France rapidly surged.
For the people¡¯s nations, public opinion could influence, even dominate, government decisions, but in conservative Russian Empire, the real decision-making power stilly with the Tsarist Government.
Army Minister Ivanov: ¡°Your Majesty, given the current situation on the European battlefield, the Anti-French Alliance has turned the tide, and the possibility of winning the war is very high.
If we join the fray, the French defeat is only a matter of time. Even if the British enter the fray themselves, it will be toote.¡±
That¡¯s right, currently dering war on France militarily would indeed guarantee victory. Even if the French suddenly turned the tables and pulled all the neutral countries on their side, it still wouldn¡¯t change the oue.
Although he didn¡¯t explicitly support war, from Marshal Ivanov¡¯s expression, everyone could still tell that the military was eager for war.
It made sense, after all. A war of this kind, beating a downed adversary, was perfect for earning military merits, and the military was naturally not going to refuse.
Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes analyzed, ¡°The Marshal is right, joining the Anti-French Alliance now poses almost no military risk. However, we must also consider the political impact.
Our involvement would allow the Anti-French Alliance to win the war easily, and the post-war situation in Europe would undergo a fundamental reversal.
ording to intelligence gathered by our embassy in the German Federation, Austria has already reached agreements with several sub-states, intending to restore the Holy Roman Empire after the war.
Legally speaking, this counts as an internal affair of Austria. As an ally, we have no way to directly oppose it.
If we do not interfere, a behemoth spanning Asia, Europe, and Africa would emerge, not inferior to the Ancient Roman Empire in history.
Without a doubt, with this behemoth, the struggle for hegemony in Europe would naturallye to a close. For a long time toe, we would only be able to y a secondary role on the European continent.¡±
The hegemony of Europe has been a goal the Russian Empire has struggled for, for hundreds of years, but unfortunately, it has ended in failure each time. If possible, no one would want to give up now.
Finance Minister Alisher: ¡°Austria growing stronger indeed does not align with our interests, but it¡¯s already toote to try to contain it. Since the fall of Egypt, the French were destined to fail.
Whether or not we join, the final oue cannot be changed. Since that¡¯s the case, why shouldn¡¯t we prioritize the Empire¡¯s interest?
@@novelbin@@
Waging war against France doesn¡¯t mean having to send troops immediately. We can entirely find excuses to dy, first wearing down the Austrians¡¯ strength, and then intervening at thest moment to share the spoils of victory.
Although it¡¯s uncertain how many benefits we can ultimately gain, we wouldn¡¯t have to repay our debts to the French. Just this benefit alone is worth dering war.¡±
Regardless of the international situation or the bnce of Europe, nothing is as real as tangible benefits. The Tsarist Government is genuinely poor now, and every penny saved counts.
Just the mere act of dering war would wipe clean a debt of over a billion francs. Alexander III truly found no reason to refuse.
Chapter 939 - 202: Gave Too Much
Chapter 939: Chapter 202: Gave Too Much
Austria was in action, and the British were not idle either. To woo the Russians, British Foreign Minister George personally visited St. Petersburg.
The most significant marker of the Industrial Age is speed. In the Middle Ages, it usually took half a month to travel from London to St. Petersburg, but now it only requires four to five days.
The rapid development of navigational technology has brought the human world closer together. Everything has two sides; closer connections have resulted in an increase in international disputes as well.
Stepping off the gangway and looking at the sparse weing crowd ahead, George¡¯s anger had already red up.
It was too perfunctory. As the Foreign Minister of Britannia, wherever he went, he was the most distinguished guest. He had not expected the Russians to show such disrespect.
Not to mention royal family members, even the high ranks of the Tsarist Government did not show up. Only a few low-level officials were sent, which waspletely disproportionate in terms of status and could be said to be extremely impolite.
Of course, this was the viewpoint of the British. In the Russians¡¯ eyes, this treatment was already quite honorable.
The Anglo-Russian War had just ended, and the hatred between the two countries was at its peak. How could the government curry favor with the British without upsetting the domestic public opinion?
Politicians are clever people and know how to choose what is most beneficial for themselves. Tasks like receiving the British, which were thankless andborious, naturally ended up being pushed down from one level to the next until there was no one left to pass it to.
Since the big figures didn¡¯t show up, there was even less chance of a weing crowd. The fighting nation did not earn its reputation unjustly; if a few hot-blooded youths were to mix into the crowd and rush to duel with the British, it would be quite embarrassing.
Such incidents were not unprecedented; flipping through history books, one would find that more than a dozen Russian diplomats met their end due to duels, including the renowned poet Pushkin.
Angry as he might be, business still needed to be handled. The current international situation was very unfavorable for Britannia; mishandle it, and the world¡¯s hegemon might be reced.
Since the reception party¡¯s status was not equal, George naturally would not waste time on them. After disembarking, he headed straight for the embassy, even declining the wee banquet.
¡
¡°What¡¯s going on, why are the Russians acting so cold?¡±
George asked sternly. Since this was an official visit, the foreign ministries of the two countries must havemunicated beforehand. Normally, such prearranged matters, no matter what, should at least be tolerable on the surface.
Envoy Richard Trulli exined, ¡°The situation is very bad. Just a month ago, the Austrians suddenly made their move and stirred up an anti-French wave in St. Petersburg.
Russian civilian sentiment against France was already strong, and the Pro-Austrian Faction had taken a dominant position within the Tsarist Government, quickly leading to a nationwide anti-French movement.
By the time we realized and prepared to take measures, it was all toote.
Due to the influence of public opinion and the agitation by the Pro-Austrian Faction, the political stance of the Tsarist Government has likely changed already.¡±
It wasn¡¯t his fault, as because of the Anglo-Russian War, Britannia had for a time withdrawn its embassy in Russia. Richard Trulli, the envoy, had, in fact, only been in his position for just over a month.
In such a short amount of time, being able to sort out the everyday work was alreadymendable. Expecting to thwart Austria¡¯s actions was asking too much of him.
George waved his hand in a very understanding gesture and said, ¡°Never mind, it¡¯s not your responsibility. Even the French, the very parties involved, didn¡¯t notice, let alone us?¡±
As the Foreign Minister of Britannia, George was quite familiar with the internal political factions in the Tsarist Government; or rather, for thest few decades, the Pro-Austrian Faction had been in control of power.
This was a matter determined by interests. As Russian-Austrian trade continued to deepen, more and more people became bound to this chain of interest.
Not only are there many in the Tsarist Government who are pro-Austrian, but there are also many pro-Russian officials within the Vienna Government, and this is not something that can be changed by personal will.
Of course, political tendencies do not necessarily equate to political stances; essentially, everyone still prioritizes their own country¡¯s interests.
Generally speaking, such tendencies can onlye into y when they do not harm the interests of one¡¯s own country.
Even so, Britannia had no way to undermine Austria¡¯s public opinion campaigning. After all, the war between Ennd and Russia had just ended, and the pro-British faction within the Tsarist Government did not dare to make a move.
Without local snakes to cooperate, Britannia couldn¡¯t act on its own! If the British Ambassador really stood up to speak for the French, it¡¯s estimated that the original anti-war faction could turn into the war party.
However, George didn¡¯t take the shifts in the stance of the Tsarist Government seriously. Between nations, only interests are eternal.
In George¡¯s view, preventing Austria from dominating Europe was amon interest of both Britain and Russia. The indifference shown by the Tsarist Government was merely to elevate its own bargaining power.
If it truly had no interest in mediation, the Tsarist Government would have rejected his visit long ago, without the need for these underhanded tricks.
¡°Is the situation on the European battlefield that bad?¡±
Envoy Richard Trulli asked.
The information from St. Petersburg was still somewhat blocked, and even if news came through, it was often exaggerated along the way, losing its original vor.
George nodded, ¡°The situation in the French Italian region is unstable; many guerris have emerged on the penins, and the French¡¯s Southern Europe defense line is in jeopardy.
On the Central European battlefield, the French Army seems to be maintaining an offensive, but in reality, they are exhausted both mentally and physically. The reduction in troops is severe, and based on the current battlefield conditions, France at most can hold out for another year before being ground down by Austria.
The situation on the battlefield changes rapidly; no one knows what will happen tomorrow. Arrange a meeting with the Russian upper echelons for me as soon as possible; establishing the Intervention Alliance is urgent.¡±
It wasn¡¯t that George couldn¡¯t keep his patience, and needed to make contact with the Russians hastily; it was that there wasn¡¯t much time left for them.
The Intervention Alliance cannot be established in a day or two. Even if the alliance is formed, coordinating the rtionships between the parties involved will take time and not be settled in a short period.
If the internal rtions are not sorted out before the European war ends, Britannia¡¯s pleasure will be immense.
¡
Almost at the same time as George arrived in St. Petersburg, the negotiations between Russia and Austria also came to a close.
Facts once again proved that there is nothing that money can¡¯t solve; if there is, then it must be that there¡¯s not enough money.
Vienna Government naturally did not want to give hard cash, but Franz faced no pressure in being generously beneficent with others¡¯ resources.
After the Vienna Government promised that ¡°once the Tsarist Government joined the war, they would receive a share of no less than twenty percent of the total war reparations,¡± the Tsarist Government could no longer hold out.
As the world¡¯s third greatest power, France¡¯s assets were very solid. The reparations that could be obtained after the war were at least several billion Divine Shields.
Based on a minimal twenty percent, that would amount to several billion, or even over ten billion Divine Shields, equivalent to several years of financial revenue for the Russian Empire.
To simply dere war, without a specified military task, and to obtain such a generous reward waspletely beyond the Russians¡¯ expectations.
In the view of the Tsarist Government, it was a rare blunder on the part of the Austrians, and if they didn¡¯t sign the treaty quickly, it would be toote once they realized their mistake.
¡
After all the dust had settled, Russian Foreign Minister Oscar Semonis, in high spirits, finally remembered the visiting British Foreign Minister.
The man hade from far away, and not only had he received a less than warm wee, but he had also been left out in the cold for several days, which was quite impolite.
However, for Oscar Semonis, this wasn¡¯t really an issue. Rtions between Ennd and Russia were just like that; only a few months ago, the two countries were ughtering each other on the battlefield, so offending them was neither here nor there.
Improve diplomatic rtions with the British?
Sorry, the Tsarist Government had not yet given up its ambitions for India. Although the high officials of the government all knew that the British were not easy to deal with, they couldn¡¯t suppress the enthusiasm of their people.
Everything¡¯s rtive, andpared to the Prusso-Russian war, the war against Ennd and Russia was much easier. In many people¡¯s eyes, if it hadn¡¯t been for logistical setbacks, the Tsarist could have been parading in India by now.
Even though they didn¡¯t achieve their ultimate goal this time, they still gained control of the Central Asia region, including three-quarters of the ¡°Hearnd of Eurasia.¡±
No sooner had the Ennd-Russia war ended than some within the Tsarist Government proposed building a railroad connecting Moscow to Afghanistan to prepare for the next war.
If it weren¡¯t for the government¡¯s empty pockets, the n would have been implemented already. Against this backdrop, any attempts to repair Ennd-Russia rtions were doomed to be futile.
¡
British Foreign Minister George asked, ¡°Your Grace, about the matter mentioned in thest telegram, what are your country¡¯s thoughts?¡±
Thoughts? Oscar Semonis was somewhat confused. Frankly speaking, if George had not just reminded him, he would have almost forgotten about the British proposal to form an Intervention Alliance.
The reason was very simple: whatever the enemy supported, he opposed. The war between Ennd and Russia had just ended, and the Tsarist Government naturally didn¡¯t trust the British to have good intentions.
In the eyes of Oscar Semonis, the British proposal was just a means to sow discord in the Russian-Austrian Alliance. Consequently, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs dealt with this important-looking telegram from the British on its own.
Even George¡¯s visit was orchestrated by Oscar Semonis to negotiate terms with Austria, and now that the objective had been met, the actor was no longer so important.
¡°My apologies, Sir George. After careful consideration, we feel that the situation in Central Europe is developing in the right direction, and there is no need to form an Intervention Alliance.¡±
Hearing this answer, George¡¯s coffee cup nearly slipped from his hand. It was too unexpected; the Russians didn¡¯t seem to worry about Austria bing too powerful.
George¡¯s look of astonishment did not escape Oscar Semonis¡¯s notice.
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The Russian Empire indeed did not want to see Austria grow too powerful. However, there was no choice, as one¡¯s status dictates their stance. Since the Russian Empire had already joined the Anti-French Alliance, and the situation was developing favorably for the Alliance, it had to be considered the right direction.
After calming down, George asked, ¡°Your Grace, you¡¯re not joking, are you? Given the current development, after the Anti-French Alliance wins the war, Austria is going to dominate alone.
The emergence of a colossus across Asia, Europe, and Africa not only endangers world peace but also threatens the interests of your country.¡±
Oscar Semonis shook his head and said with a slight smile, ¡°You worry too much, sir. Russia and Austria are allies, so there¡¯s no need for such divisive talk.
Everyone knows what the European war is about; there would have been no war if it weren¡¯t for the French invading Central Europe.
The Anti-French Alliance, after a bloody and hard-fought battle, finally gained the upper hand; isn¡¯t intervening at this point tantamount to condoning the French¡¯s brutality?
If the aggressors are not punished, then what¡¯s to prevent other European nations from following suit, and where would peace be then?¡±
Sarcasm, naked sarcasm. Having finally imed the moral high ground, Oscar Hemenes naturally would not pass up the opportunity to mock the British.
Everyone knows that the idea of a threat to world peace is a joke. Since the 18th century, over half of the wars worldwide have had the British as a contributing factor.
Franz was well aware of the threat that a greater Austria could pose, but understanding is one thing, having the power to do something about it is another.
By joining the Anti-French Alliance, the Russian Empire could reap significant benefits without having to assume any risks by simplyying low.
If they joined the intervention Alliance led by the British, apart from earning a wave of hatred, they wouldn¡¯t gain a thing. Even if Ennd and France were willing topensate the Russian Empire, it certainly wouldn¡¯t be as generous as Austria.
The Russian Empire could hardly be expected to give up the benefits within easy reach for the sake of the British¡¯s bigger picture! Such a spirit of self-sacrifice is not something the Tsarist Government possesses.
Having just arrived and already filled with anger, now to be mocked, even George¡¯s considerableposure was wearing thin.
¡±One day, you will regret your actions today! A bunch of short-sighted fools! Just wait, the Austrians will show you what¡¡±
Having said that, George turned and left without looking back.
There was no chance of retaining him. Oscar Hemenes was not known for his good temper, and George¡¯sst words were clearly meant to stir up Russian-Austrian rtions.
Seemingly insignificant, but if it fell into the ears of those with ulterior motives, it could cause a great deal of trouble.
Not rushing up to punch someone was already a show of restraint; naturally, he wouldn¡¯t verbally concede defeat, ¡°Your Grace need not trouble yourself with that, better to take care of your own affairs first!
The Russian-Austrian Alliance hassted for decades, withstanding all kinds of storms. The rtionship between the two countries cannot be undermined by mere words from Your Grace.
On the contrary, with your country making such erratic movements, there¡¯s bound to be a settlement after the war, it¡¯s better to think about how to maintain a standing in Europe!¡±
Oscar Hemenes spoke loudly, and many heard it, further infuriating the already distant George.
However, it was the truth. Given the role that the British had yed in this war, a good rtionship with Austria was out of the question.
As the Russian Foreign Minister, Oscar Hemenes was not a rash man. Taking the initiative to fall out with the British was clearly a performance for Austria to see.
The Tsarist Government had already decided to dere war in name only for the time being. Against this backdrop, they naturally had to do something to prove their worth.
Otherwise, if they only reaped the benefits without performing any tasks, how could they justify a im to the spoils of war afterward? Solely on the basis of a treaty? That would be far too simple; there are no free lunches in this world.
By falling out with the British now, the Tsarist Government could proim to the outside world: they had thwarted the British plot to pick the fruits of victory, making a significant contribution to the Anti-French cause.
As for highlighting the British-Austrian tension, that was just a byproduct. Russia and Austria were allies; the Tsarist Government was destined not to be the one to restrain Austria, so they had to let the British carry that burden.
From the perspective of the Russian Empire, if they could drag the British into the quagmire of the European continental war, that would be perfect.
Chapter 940 - 203, Illogical
Chapter 940: Chapter 203, Illogical
Tokyo, upon receiving news that Austria had intervened in the affairs of the Philippines, Emperor Meiji convened an emergency imperial conference at night.
It couldn¡¯t be helped; this was the deterrent power of a top-tier power. Like most ordinary people of the era, Emperor Meiji also suffered from a fear of the ¡°foreign.¡±
Challenging Spain alone had made Emperor Meiji extremely anxious; the addition of Austria meant days truly hard to endure.
Despite the smooth progress of the southern strategy, with the Spaniards proving even more ipetent than expected, and the Japanese Army upying almost half of the Philippines within a little over a month, the achievements were remarkable.
However, this was only superficial; the swift advance of the Japanese Army had simply caught Spain off guard. In essence, Spain¡¯s overall strength still exceeded Japan¡¯s.
No matter how impressive the Meiji Restoration was, it had only been developing for over twenty years, and couldn¡¯tpare to the century-long umtion of an established empire.
Of course, as the challengers, the Japanese Government did have its advantages, such as being closer to home, a stronger and more spirited military force.
Military advantages don¡¯t guarantee smooth sailing. As the first entity to challenge a white nation, Japan waspletely at a disadvantage in politics and diplomacy.
To fight alone was one thing; the key issue was theck of any form of support, which meant Japan was more isted than France. On the other hand, Spain at least garnered sympathy from the European world.
Intervention by the powers had be the biggest risk in the southern expansion. Noticing any sort of Austrian activity, even if it were a trifle, Emperor Meiji dared not take lightly.
Ito Hirobumi analyzed, ¡°Your Majesty, there¡¯s no need to worry. Austria is preupied with the war in Europe and probably doesn¡¯t truly intend to meddle with affairs in the Philippines.
Our southern expansion was carried out under the banner of being invited by Ennd and France; it¡¯s normal for Austrians to be vignt.
It just so happens that the Chinese from Southeast Asia approached them, giving them an opportunity to probe and assess whether we have any intentions to continue moving southward.
General Yamagata Aritomo did quite well by decisively choosing to yield, avoiding conflict. Now the Austrians should be reassured.¡±
Consideration can¡¯t be avoided; the Japanese military entered Southeast Asia under the guise of fulfilling an invitation by Ennd and France, clearly targeting Austrian Nanyang. Although the Japanese Government exined afterward, it could still cause discontent with Austria.
Powers are known to be temperamental. It¡¯s quite normal for them to create minor obstacles, a little retaliation as such.
Ozan questioned, ¡°Ito-kun, this is a disgrace to the Empire of Japan, how can this be considered a good oue?
If Austriaes today and we yield; if Ennd and Francee tomorrow, are we to yield again?
To retreat once is to retreat at every step. The ambitions of the powers are fostered just so; if we don¡¯t learn to say ¡®no¡¯ to the powers, the Empire of Japan will never truly stand tall!
Forget about probing or not probing; Austria has never regarded us highly; the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t bother with this ordeal.
I suspect it¡¯s mostly an individual action of a diplomat, whether the Austrian Government is even aware of it is uncertain.
Austria is not yet the hegemon of Europe; their domineering attitude without winning the war yet¡ªif they were to win, would they demand we exit the Philippines?
I suggest we disregard the unreasonable demands of the Austrians and deal with this incident sternly, signaling our firm stance in foreign affairs to the outside world.
Considering the severity of the war in Europe, Austria certainly doesn¡¯t have the capacity to worry about Southeast Asia. Even if we were to act excessively, they could not immediatelye to settle scores.
As for settling ountster, can¡¯t we cozy up to someone powerful? The Royal Navy is at its zenith; as long as the British don¡¯t agree, it would be difficult for Austria to act on their desire for retribution, even if they wanted to settle ounts after autumn.¡±
Having missed out on the position of themander and being forced to stay at headquarters to n, Ozan couldn¡¯t do much but endure; nevertheless, he had suppressed a bellyful of fire.
Now that this incident had arisen, naturally, he couldn¡¯t contain his outburst. Moreover, his identity demanded he take a tough stance externally; otherwise, how could hemand respect within the military?
Furthermore, his analysis wasn¡¯t wed; Austria indeed didn¡¯t have the luxury to concern themselves with the Southeast Asia region in the short term. Even if we were to act outrageously, they couldn¡¯te for retribution right away.
And about settling scores after autumn, isn¡¯t it possible to seek the support of powerful allies? The Royal Navy is at the height of its power; unless the British concur, Austria, desiring to settle after autumn, would struggle to make significant moves.
Ito Hirobumi massaged his forehead; such logical rebuttals were the most troublesome, and he had no wish to offend Austria.
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The Japanese Army had adopted French methods, and, due to a certain infatuation with France, held unreasonable confidence. But Ito Hirobumi, the politician, didn¡¯t see it the same way.
The war in Europe was vast; military capability was undoubtedly important, but overall national strength was even more critical.
Many politicians believed that France had been doomed from the moment the war became intense. While Ito Hirobumi was troubled, shocking news arrived.
¡°Your Majesty, we¡¯ve just received a telegram; the Russians have dered war on France!¡±
Emperor Meiji couldn¡¯t even maintain hisposure, snatching the telegram from the attendant¡¯s hand and scanning it quickly.
Although they didn¡¯t know what had happened, everyone understood there was no point in continuing the disputed matter. From the moment the Russians entered the war, France was beyond help.
Potential victory and assured victory are two different concepts. While the oue of Austria¡¯s victory remained uncertain, some were willing to take a gamble; now that the situation was settled, everyone had to consider the attitude of the future hegemon of Europe.
¡
London, George, having returned without aplishment, received this dire news as soon as he disembarked. Without time to rest, he rushed to the Pce for an imperial conference.
The issue was so significant that Queen Victoria, who seldom intervened in politics, could no longer stay seated.
At this moment, Queen Victoria, advanced in years, asked with a trembling voice, ¡°ording to your views, monarchs should not interfere with politics. In recent years, I have rarely meddled in political affairs.
All the great and small matters of the Empire have been entrusted to you to handle. But who can tell me, why has the international situation developed to this current state?¡±
Struggles for power between the sovereign and the prime minister have beenmonce throughout history. The world only knows that Queen Victoria rarely meddles in politics, not realizing that this is also the result of power struggles.
Since the passing of Prince Albert, Queen Victoria lost her strong political support and gradually became powerless in these struggles.
However, Queen Victoria was no ordinary person. Seeing she could not suppress the Cab, she decisively chose to retreat as an advance.
On one hand, she reduced her involvement in politics, and on the other, she kept a firm grip on power. In short, I can delegate power to you, but I also reserve the right to take it back.
This is also why Edward VII would be able to reshape the sovereign¡¯s power. After all, power has always been in the hands of the royal family; it¡¯s just not usually put to use.
Byparison,ter British monarchs couldn¡¯t do it. Starting from George V, who gave up powers, they could never be retrieved again.
Faced with the Queen¡¯s interrogation, everyone bowed their heads. Everyone knew that a crisis had arrived, not just for Britain but also for themselves. If they did not handle this properly, their political careers would be doomed.
As the person directly responsible, Foreign Minister George braced himself and stepped forward to exin, ¡°Your Majesty, the Russians dered war on France so suddenly, itpletely defies logic.
In recent years, Austria has developed too quickly, so that we haven¡¯t had time to suppress it before it has be a colossal entity.
One of the main reasons for this mistake is a wed consensus within sessive governments¡ªthat Austria was not a concern.
Geographically speaking, Austria is situated between France and Russia, blocking both the French advance to the east and the Russian advance to the west.
The seeds of this crisis were sown from the start; theoretically, the stronger Austria gets, the more it invites hostility from France and Russia. All we needed to do was give a push from behind, and both France and Russia would join hands against Austria.
Based on this assessment, we have always focused our attention on France and Russia. As you know, both France and Russia are restless; the French are always jumping around, and the Russians have even invaded Afghanistan¡¡±
Before George could finish, Queen Victoria forcefully interrupted him, ¡°I don¡¯t care whether it fits your logic or not; what matters is that the Russians have now dered war on France.
Your so-called n to bnce Austria with French-Russian cooperation is utter rubbish, not even worth that of dog faeces.
More ludicrous is that this continental war was promoted by you all. I still remember how you assured us with solemn pledges, promising to use this war to cause mutual destruction between France and Austria while striking at both enemies.
Now you see the result. The mission is halfplete, and you have sessfully weakened the French. If all goes well, France will no longer pose a threat to us after the war.
Doesn¡¯t it sound great? Britain¡¯s age-old enemy being taken down, and you are all heroes of Britain.
But is this what we need? Without the French, who will bnce Austria for us? Are we to rely on the Russians?
Are you certain they will push westward topete with Austria for dominance over Europe and not head south to contest India with us?¡±
Whether it¡¯s the break of European bnce with Austria emerging as a new authority or the Russians invading India, both scenarios are Britain¡¯s utmost threat.
Any clear-sighted person knows that if Russia deres war on France at this moment, it must have reached an agreement with Austria.
There can only be one ruler of Europe. Now that Austria has gained the upper hand, the Vienna Government is definitely not going to backtrack, which means the Russians must have shifted their strategic direction.
With the vast icy expanses of Siberia, even if the Russians wanted to expand eastward, they could not cross over. At least not before railways could support their ambitions.
To the north, there¡¯s even less to say¡ªthe Nordic Federation is like a porcupine, a spiny one with little to offer. Clearly not something the Russians would prefer.
Looking around, other than pushing westward topete with Austria for European hegemony, only the southward conquest of India remains.
An irate Queen, unstoppable by anyone, was not someone to be approached lightly at this moment.
An exnation is but a disguise. What has happened has happened, regardless of whether it¡¯s logical or not¡ªthat is a fact. To think otherwise would mean insufficient reasoning.
Perhaps having vented enough anger or simply due to aging weariness, Queen Victoria softened her tone and asked, ¡°Prime Minister, what are your ns for responding next?¡±
It was impossible for her to personally take charge of this mess, always on the verge of explosion. The responsibility had to be borne by the current government, and that¡¯s why the dstone Cab had not yet been ousted.
¡°Your Majesty, the Russians joining the war was such a sudden event; we arepletely in the dark about what happened in between. The immediate priority is to rify the reasons behind it and then devise measures to preserve France.
The government has already taken action and has convinced over a dozen neutral countries to mediate this war with us,¡± the Prime Minister replied.
It¡¯s true that over a dozen neutral countries had been rallied, but that came with conditions. The London Government promised that Britain and Russia would lead an Intervention Alliance. The other countries agreed to join in only as secondary participants, simply to make up the numbers.
At this point, even if the countries continue to fulfill their promises, it won¡¯t be of much use. Nowadays, it¡¯s not the number of countries that gives influence, but the strength they hold.
Letting small countries mediate this conflict might result in them getting cold feet at the negotiating table. When the major powers resort to thuggery, not everyone dares to respond.
Let alone far-off ces, certainly, the European nations can¡¯t be counted on. As long as the Anti-French Alliance issues a bit of a warning, everyone will naturallyply.
This unreliable n was of course not going to satisfy the Queen, who said coldly, ¡°Is that so? Then may God bless Britain. Let¡¯s hope the French can hold out long enough for you to take action.¡±
An unreliable n is better than none. Without a better alternative, they had to make do with what they had.
Chapter 941 - 204: It’s Time to Choose Sides
Chapter 941: Chapter 204: It¡¯s Time to Choose Sides
Paris, after repeatedly confirming the uracy of the news that the Russians had dered war, Napoleon IV fainted on the spot, and the French government was thrown into disarray as well.
The sky seemed to be falling in. Austria alone had already left them running ragged; now with the Russians adding insult to injury, there was simply no way to continue the fight.
Seeing the doctoring out, Prime Minister Terence Burke hurriedly asked, ¡°Dr. Tercon, how is His Majesty¡¯s health?¡±
In a monarchical state, the Emperor fainting is also a major event. Under normal circumstances, if Napoleon IV had a health issue, as Prime Minister, Terence Burke might even secretly celebrate.
The struggle between sovereign and ministerial power has never ceased. The monarch¡¯s health problems are an opportune time to expand ministerial power.
Clearly, Terence Burke was not in the mood to vie for power and profit now. With France already gued from within and without, another power struggle would really spell doom.
With the nest overturned, how can the eggs remain intact?
As Prime Minister of France, Terence Burke¡¯s fate was already tied to the Bonaparte Dynasty, without even the opportunity to switch sides.
¡°Please rest assured, Prime Minister. His Majesty¡¯s body is healthy. He just fainted due to a severe shock.
He is already awake now, and you may enter. However, His Majesty¡¯s mental state is still somewhat off, so you need to be careful not to overburden him, especially to avoid any more severe shocks.¡±
After hearing the doctor¡¯s exnation, Terence Burke let out a sigh of relief, followed by a wry, helpless smile.
Avoiding shocks?
With France¡¯s current situation, unless the Emperorpletely relinquishes power and stops meddling in politics altogether, shocks are inevitable.
However, this is impossible. The foundations of the Bonaparte Dynasty are too shallow, and the French people are too active. If power were to bepletely relinquished, the guillotine might be waiting for them any day.
With the precedent of Louis XVI before them, who dares to talk of the Emperor giving up power? They might as well prepare themselves for ¡®special treatment¡¯!
¡
Seeing the Cab members arriving, the debilitated Napoleon IV on the sickbed waved his hand and said weakly, ¡°You¡¯ve alle, find a ce to sit down for yourselves, and then we can begin!¡±
¡°Your Majesty, your health?¡±
Prime Minister Terence Burke spoke hesitantly. It was apparent that Napoleon IV was not in good shape, and Terence Burke was very concerned that the Emperor would not be able to withstand the shock.
Napoleon IV shook his head with a wry smile, ¡°No matter, I can take it. We¡¯vee this far, how much worse could it possibly get?¡±
From birth until now, this was the first time Napoleon IV truly felt despair. Even when the rebel army swept through Paris, he had never felt this hopeless.
¡°Our initial assessment is that Russia¡¯s sudden deration of war is a conspiracy by Austria. There was no advance warning at all; it¡¯s clear that the enemy wants to catch us off guard.
The government bears responsibility for this. Knowing full well that the Russian-Austrian Alliance existed, we still naively trusted the British judgment and wishfully believed that the Russians did not want to see Austria be too powerful.
With the Russians joining in, the military pressure we will face in theing war will increase. To address this disadvantage, the Cab has already sent a telegram to the British requesting aid.
The cold reality is that the British also do not want to see a single power dominate the European Continent. If they don¡¯t wish to face the Russian-Austrian Alliance alone, the British should stand by us.¡±
True to his political nature, while analyzing the situation, Terence Burke did not forget to y down his own responsibility.
Seemingly taking responsibility, he was essentially telling Napoleon IV: It¡¯s not the Cab¡¯s ipetence; the international situation isplicated, and we only made a mistake any normal person could make.
Theoretically, the Russians not undercutting Austria would already be quite friendly. To take an active role and help Austria im dominion over Europe is a move that defies logic.
Regrettably, politics has never been scientific. If Ennd and France, the historical enemies, could stand together, then the Russian move was not that unusual.
Having heard the Prime Minister¡¯s report, Napoleon IV asked in a subdued tone, ¡°Is there any good news?¡±
The Russian involvement in the war was known to him even before his fainting spell. He was well aware of how severe the consequences would be.
In such a context, he naturally needed good news to ease his mind. Winning over the British, a gamble with an uncertain oue, certainly could not be considered good news.
Prime Minister Terence Burke responded, ¡°The Tsarist Government, which has just ended the war with Ennd, is currently dealing with famine, and war funds can only be provided by Austria.
ording to intelligence from the embassy, the Tsarist Government has not yet made war preparations, so Russia will not be able to deploy troops in the short term.
This gives us an opportunity. As long as we enter the war before the Russians can deploy and win the battle for Central Europe, there is still room for maneuver.¡±
All of this counts as good news?
In Napoleon IV¡¯s view, this was clearly a gamble. If the bet was won, the war would continue; if lost, there would be nothing left to say, it would be time to prepare for flight!
Yet, this very gamble had be France¡¯s only hope. As for British support, no one could expect the Royal Navy to bring their ships ashore.
A purend war, given the British¡¯s miniature-sizednd forces, even if expanded fivefold, could not reverse the bnce of power between the sides.
Though not wholly satisfied, having a strategy was better than not having any. How could one know whether it would work without giving it a try?
¡
Madrid, from the defeat of the Invincible Armada, Spain began its hundred-year decline.
The decay of religion, the feudal system, the chaotic political situation within the country, and the deliberate suppression by Ennd and France on the international stage were all key factors leading to the decline of Spain.
Especially during thest Anti-French war, Spain, despite emerging as one of the victorious nations, not only lost arge portion of its overseas colonies but also faced a ruthless rejection of its demands to reim disputed territories with France.
As years cut like a knife, decades of erosion had diluted these humiliations and hatreds.
If nothing unexpected happened, these would be a cold segment of history in a few decades, lying quietly in some corner of a library, only to be asionally browsed by historians.
An unexpected event urred. After the outbreak of the European Continent war, Austria ignited an anti-French wave across Europe. These long-forgotten old affairs once again entered the public eye.
Times had changed, and nationalism in Spain had risen. Although conservatives still dominated politics, nationalists had also gained the ability to make their voices heard.
With the efforts of nationalists, the cry for revenge constantly surfaced in society, especially after the French Army¡¯s setbacks on the battlefield, which emboldened the War Party even more.
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However, this was still insufficient. The ruling conservatives, still haunted by the specter of Napoleon¡¯s sweeping victories across Europe, dared not overstep their boundaries.
Against this backdrop, the Austrian pull towards Spain naturally did not proceed smoothly. Aside from convincing the Spanish Government to restrict exports to France, administering a slight check to the French, there was little else achieved.
Everything changed with the news of the Russians entering the war.
The Tsarist Government was ready to dere war without engaging, but outsiders didn¡¯t know! The Russians cared about their reputation, and it was enough to make a slight show of it. Revealing it would be embarrassing.
Influenced by the Russian entry into the war, the European world generally looked favorably upon the Anti-French Alliance, and Spain was no exception.
The previously neutral factions, who had been adopting a wait-and-see posture, now sided with the War Party, and the pro-war voices gradually overpowered the Peace Party.
There was no choice. The Anti-French Alliance had already gained momentum, and Spain only needed to tag along to emerge as one of the victors.
Moreover, Austria was offering a lot. They tossed over the map of France and said to choose whatever we pleased, which was truly hard to refuse.
In the Madrid Pce, the War Party and the Peace Party once again fell into a fierce argument.
Queen Maria Christina, serving as regent and of Austrian origin, maintained neutrality to avoid conflict of interest on this matter.
Seeing the argument escte into a shouting match, Queen Maria Christina finally couldn¡¯t hold back anymore, ¡°Silence! Remember your status, and do not make this resemble a racetrack! The Russians have joined the war, and today you are here to discuss our options, not to bicker among yourselves.¡±
Remaining neutral doesn¡¯t equate tocking a position. Although she didn¡¯t say it outright, everyone knew that Queen Maria Christina leaned towards Austria.
Perhaps Maria Christina wouldn¡¯t have risked supporting Austria when the oue was still uncertain, but the situation had now changed. Victory for the Anti-French Alliance was only a matter of time, and Spain had to pick a side.
Maintaining neutrality appeared to offend no one, but in reality, it meant being despised by all. Right now, it didn¡¯t matter much, but once the European war ended, it would be their turn to suffer.
Neutrality required certain prerequisites: either a nation was powerful enough to avoid taking sides, or it was insignificant enough that its stance made no difference.
Unfortunately, a declining Spain was neither. Failing to choose a side now meant inevitable oppression by the dominant countries after the European war ended.
Foreign Minister Bernard Roberts: ¡°The situation in the European war has now be clear; with the entry of the Russians, the chances of a French victory are almost nil.
The Foreign Ministry believes that Austria¡¯s current attempt to woo us is not solely for the war against France but is more about reconstructing the international order after the war.
Not just us, but all of Europe¡¯s neutral countries, except for the British, are within Austria¡¯s sphere of influence.
However, due to geopolitical reasons, we have to contribute more by waging war against the French. However, the outputs are proportional to the inputs, and the Vienna Government is sincere about the distribution of benefits.¡±
Choosing sides is always the most troublesome issue, and Spain does not even have the leverage to refuse. Rejecting Austria¡¯s embrace now meant cutting oneself off from the future European political system.
¡°It¡¯s not that severe. Even if Austria wins the war, they can¡¯t monopolize power. The British, the Russians, and the French won¡¯t let them act wantonly.
On the other hand, participating in this war is far riskier. How powerful France is, is not unknown. We must not forget the lessons of thest Anti-French war. Despite the apparent strength of the Anti-French Alliance, the oue remains uncertain.
Spain can no longer afford such upheaval. Even if choosing sides is necessary, we should wait until the victor emerges.¡±
Speaking was Marquis Vangely Matai, leader of the conservatives and a severe ¡®Francophobe¡¯, having personally witnessed the tragic defeat of Spain in thest war against France.
Not just him, but all who had experienced thest war against France, suffered from ¡®Francophobia¡¯ and constituted the most steadfast Anti-war faction within the Spanish Government.
¡°Your Grace, you are still caught up in thest Anti-French war. A France without Napoleon is different. Look at the battlefields: in Africa, they have been steadily defeated by Austria; on the southern frontier, the French Army is simrly suppressed by Austria; and the only front where they seem to have the upper hand, the Central European Battlefield, is in fact, not that advantageous.
If it weren¡¯t for the French expelling the people of the Rhinnd and Belgium, increasing the logistic burden of the Anti-French Alliance and dying the decisive battle, they might have already lost.
Now with the Russians joining the Anti-French Alliance, what does France have to counter the absolute power? Even Napoleon wasn¡¯t able to win in the end.
Dying taking sides until thest minute is indeed prudent, but it also means we will have no share in the future redistribution of benefits.
Don¡¯t expect anyone to contain Austria after the war. The international situation has already changed, and whether France will even exist post-war is unknown.
Don¡¯t forget, Austria has promised us our choice of French territories, indicating their intent to partition or dismember France.
Not participating now and missing this opportunity¡¡±
Chapter 942 - 205, The Great Final Battle
Chapter 942: Chapter 205, The Great Final Battle
Compared to Spain, Switzend, caught between France and Austria, was even more tragic. Neutrality wasn¡¯t even an option; small countries had no choice.
If Austria coborated with Russia and Spain out of political necessity, including Switzend was merely to pad the numbers.
Not taking sides was fine, as Austria was peace-loving and wouldn¡¯t force anyone to join. However, after the war, the international order was established without the involvement of non-participating countries.
Don¡¯t assume that Switzend was happily neutral in the original timeline, indifferent even to joining the European Union; that was based on the rise of the United States and the decline of Europe. Remaining outside the system, the ultimate oue was merely a question of how to perish.
Not to mention, just one food embargo, and Switzend wouldn¡¯tst a year before starving; a single tariff barrier, and Switzend¡¯s nascent industry would regress back to the medieval era.
Make no mistake, Austria definitely had the capability to do this after the war. Neither the defeated France nor the independent Kingdom of Sardinia could afford to confront Austria over Switzend.
inly speaking, a hegemon also needs to assert its authority. Generally, it would choose a chicken to kill to scare the monkeys. Austria was no exception, and now the only uncertainty was who would end up as that unfortunate chicken.
The first survival strategy for a small country is to understand the times. After Spain dered war on France, the pressure became too much for the Swiss Government, who quickly followed suit in dering war on the French.
With the Anti-French Alliance assembled, Austria finallymanded an unmatched force, such that even the British personally entering the fray couldn¡¯t turn the tides.
In the Vienna Pce, looking at a map studded with small gs, Franz slowly said, ¡°The time for the decisive battle hase, with the addition of Russia, Spain, and Switzend, the morale of the French soldiers has fallen to its lowest point.
Order the frontline troops tounch aprehensive counterattack, my only requirement is to weaken the French forces as much as possible.
The foreign ministry should continue its efforts to pull all of Europe¡¯s neutral countries into the conflict before the French surrender,ying the groundwork for the post-war international order.
Of course, excluding the British.¡±
Indeed, from the beginning to the end, Franz had never counted on the strength of these new allies.
The main purposes for involving them were only two:
First, to bind more countries to the war chariot, creating as many enemies for France as possible so that everyone could share in the antagonism.
Second, to crush the morale of the French, undermining their will to resist, to increase the odds of victory in the decisive battle and minimize their own casualties as much as possible.
Of course, the incidental benefits were even greater. With only so many countries on the European Continent, the more that participated in the war, the fewer could act as mediators. Even if the British wished to interfere, they wouldn¡¯t be able to pull enough significant allies.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: ¡°Your Majesty, now there are only three neutral countries left in Europe, almost without any stakes connected with the French.
Temptation is simply unrealistic; if we force them to dere war on France, they might agree due to circumstances, but they would certainly be dissatisfied internally.
At the same time, this would also leave an impression of us being domineering, detrimental to the establishment of the post-war international order.
Since their strength is limited and their participation wouldn¡¯t be meaningful anyway, we might as well let them be.¡±
Without a doubt, these three neutral countries did not include Britannia. Ever since rtions began to sour between Ennd and Russia, the Austrian Government had subconsciously excluded the British from Europe.
Looking at the map, Franz nodded thoughtfully. The remaining neutral countries were now just Portugal, the Nethends, and the Nordic Federation. Even if they were to join the war, they no longer had the opportunity to enter the battlefield.
It wasn¡¯t just them; Franz didn¡¯t intend to give Russia, Spain, or Switzend a chance to participate in the decisive battle either.
Due to geographic circumstances, if Spain and Switzend reacted quickly, they might still have a chance to join in the thrashing of a foe already down, but other non-bordering countries shouldn¡¯t even think about it.
The French had deep reserves; participating in the decisive battle would indeede at a cost, butpared to the immense gains, it was hardly worth mentioning.
Being a leader was not easy, especially when it came to distributing interests; achieving basic fairness to satisfy everyone was essential.
Franz had already made ns to implement a principle of proportional share to contributions, securing war spoils in direct proportion to contributions made during the Anti-French war.
Those who contributed less would, apart from the initially promised benefits, have no share in the remaining spoils.
This was unavoidable; if Austria wanted to monopolize French African territories, it naturally couldn¡¯t allow too many countries to participate in the great battle, otherwise hogging all would appear quite unseemly.
Beyond that, another purpose was to flex its muscles to the outside world, letting everyone understand that this leader was truly meritorious and not just for show, and henceforth they should be more discerning in their actions.
¡
On the Central European Battlefield, the aged Marshal Patrice McMahon, dragged his weary body to mobilize his troops for onest time.
Anyone with clear eyes could see that the old Marshal was burning the candle at both ends. If not for his strong conviction, he might have already fallen.
Since the news hade that the Russians had entered the war, a sense of despair had spread through the French camp, especially among the Italian soldiers, some of whom even openly propagated anti-war sentiments within the camp.
To stabilize the morale of his troops, McMahon had ordered a suppression at the first instance, executing hundreds, which finally stabilized the situation.
Iron-fisted measures could intimidate people, but they could not restore morale. Perhaps the officials back home didn¡¯t understand, but the frontlinemanders knew all too well that the French Army was gued with internal and external troubles.
¡°I trust you are all aware that the international situation has suddenly changed, the Russians have dered war on us, and Spain and Switzend have also kicked us while we¡¯re down.
This is just the beginning. If we cannot defeat the enemy before us on the battlefield and crush their ambitions, more enemies will emerge.
France is now in its most perilous moment. It is time for us to take up arms and defend our homnd.
Don¡¯t be fooled by their numbers, they are merely a disorganized rabble. If we can defeat the leading Austrians, the international anti-French forces will retreat.
¡¡±
Marshal Patrice McMahon used his booming voice to instill what he himself hardly believed¡ªthe ¡®spiritual chicken soup¡¯¡ªhoping only to ignite everyone¡¯s belief and win a chance for survival for France.
As for the effect, well, that¡¯s subject to interpretation.
Perhaps the Russians were too far away to pose an immediate threat, but Spain and Switzend were right next door. Even if these countries did not send troops, they would still tie down a significant number of the French forces.
Spain was manageable, with the Pyrenees in between. Deploying a force of a hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand could secure the frontier.
Switzend was a different story, as the border region with France was t and open, and the natural defenses ally within Swiss territory. Once the Austrian troops marched through Switzend, they could directly enter the heart of France.
It wasn¡¯t a matter of ¡°if¡± but had already happened. The moment Switzend joined the war, an Austrian division had set out from the Liechtenstein Teritory into Swiss territory, clearly targeting France.
Unlike the overwhelming numbers of the Anti-French Alliance, France¡¯s mobilization for war was already pushed to its limits. The war had cost the French Army over two million troops, including between eight hundred thousand and nine hundred thousand buried in the African Continent and over a million lost on the European battlefield.
Although these men had not all died in battle¡ªmany were maimed or captured on the battlefield¡ªthe reality was the same: they could no longer return to the frontline.
Yet, this was just the beginning. From the moment the Paris Government had decided on a quick resolution, the French Army suffered daily casualties in the tens of thousands.
No matter howrge the enterprise, it couldn¡¯t withstand such depletion. In the face of such brutal losses, the morale of the troops on the front lines had long been low.
With his hands tied, McMahon could only rely on senior officers to work their way down through the ranks, doing ideological work to possibly inspire the soldiers¡¯ fighting spirit.
Before McMahon could finish his speech, he was interrupted by a young officer who burst in, ¡°Marshal, the Austrians haveunched an attack.
ording to telegrams from the frontline, this assault by the Austrian troops is massive. The hills are swarming with iron lump monsters; the power is tremendous, and there¡¯s simply no way to counter them.
Our first line of defense has been breached; the Seventh, Sixteenth, Twenty-Third, and Forty-Second Divisions, among other units, have all sent urgent requests for reinforcements.¡±
Upon hearing about the ¡°iron lump monsters,¡± McMahon¡¯s face darkened. It seemed that a previous report had mentioned that the Austrians had such a secret weapon.
Unfortunately, the Austrians had too many secret weapons, most of which turned out to be smoke bombs deployed before entering the battlefield, leaving their actual capabilities unknown. Coupled with iplete intelligence, McMahon had ignored them outright.
Naturally, even if he had known beforehand, it wouldn¡¯t have mattered. Without having seen the power of the armored troops, everyone imagined them as just a type of heavy cavalry, only more heavily armored.
At Franz¡¯smand, a hidden torrent of steel surged forth, with tanks and armored vehicles appearing from Southern Europe to Central Europe.
Since the outbreak of the war, a major decisive battle had erupted between France and Austria. On one side was the French Army wanting a quick resolution; on the other, the iron flood of the Austrian army yed out the most thrilling scene on the European Continent.
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Battle?
No, to be precise, it should be called a massacre.
The sh between the flesh and the iron flood was inherently unfair. Plus, as the French had always been the aggressors, their defensive fortifications were not very strong, which just led to tragedy.
Chapter 943 - 206: The Depressed Frederick
Chapter 943: Chapter 206: The Depressed Frederick
The roar of artillery, the whir of engines, and the asional screams of soldiersposed a march of hell.
At the French Command, Marshal Patrice McMahon couldn¡¯t help trembling as he looked at the steadily increasing casualty reports.
After collecting his thoughts, McMahon forced himself to calm down. He knew he couldn¡¯t panic now. If he couldn¡¯t stayposed, France was finished.
As one of the founders of the Second French Empire, McMahon¡¯s affection for his country even surpassed his own life.
¡°You are all aware of the situation at the front. Our top priority now is to find a way to deal with the enemy¡¯s armored troops. Only by neutralizing them does the great France have a future.
From now on, the fate of the Empire lies in our hands. Our homnd is right behind us, and there is no way back.
If you don¡¯t want the fires of war to reach our homes, if you don¡¯t want to see our families disced, then keep the enemy outside our national gates!
Time waits for no one, the international situation is getting worse, and France doesn¡¯t have much time left. You are the elite of the French Army, and the responsibility to counter the enemy¡¯s armored troops now rests on your shoulders.¡±
There¡¯s no escaping age, and the harsh reality taught McMahon a profound lesson. With military technology changing by the day, traditional tactics and strategies had been relegated to the rubbish heap, increasingly unable to keep up with the times.
Take, for example, the newly emerged Austrian armored troops. McMahon tried to fight them the same way he fought cavalry, with disastrous results naturally.
Against cavalry, you could shoot the men or horses; when it came to armored tanks, regr bullets were just a tickle and posed no threat whatsoever.
All past experience was unreliable, forcing McMahon to pool wisdom and seek countermeasures.
¡°Marshal, after several days of engagement, we¡¯ve found that the enemy¡¯s armored troops are impervious to bullet fire. We must use cannons to destroy them.
Regr cannons have a too low hit rate due to their angle of elevation. It would be best to produce a cannon specifically for t trajectory firing.
Besides destruction by force, trenches and mountains can stop the enemy¡¯s armored troops from advancing. Generally, the worse the roads, the more they can hinder the movement of the enemy¡¯s armored troops.¡±
To be precise, these should be considered battlefield experience, not countermeasures. They seem adequate on the surface, but in reality, they are not feasible.
In the fast-paced battlefield, it¡¯s toote to wait for the domestic production of t-trajectory cannons¡ªthe war would have been over by then.
Mountains are the natural wonders shaped not by human will, and the French Army couldn¡¯t possibly retreat to the mountains.
Digging trenches and destroying roads appear to be the most effective measures, but the biggest problem is that they are not feasible.
The French Army had expelled most of the poption from Belgium and the Rhinnd region, leaving only those who were either Francophile or German spies. The Allied Forces could easily make their move. If the roads were destroyed, they could just pass through the fields.
I¡¯m not sure about other areas, but the nders ins along the coast are passable for armored troops. No matter how hard the French Army tries, they couldn¡¯t possibly dig hundreds of kilometers of trenches in a short time.
Even if they managed to dig it out, it would be useless. Infantry apanied the armored troops, who could simply fill in the trenches.
Of course, it¡¯s possible to dy, but that¡¯s not what the French Army wants. Merely dying does not lead to winning the war.
Especially with the possibility of Russian, Spanish, and Swiss forces joining the war at any moment, the French couldn¡¯t afford to waste time.
¡°Do we have any other methods? Relying on these measures alone is not enough to turn the tide.¡±
McMahon asked, frowning. Victory was the only thing in his eyes now; everything else was negotiable as long as this battle could be won.
The middle-aged officer added, ¡°The enemy¡¯s armored troopse in two types, one with slow speed and high defense, real clunkers; the other is fast but lightly armored, like a car draped in ayer of armor.
The former requires cannons of at least 120mm caliber to be destroyed; thetter can be taken down with 60mm light cannons.¡±
The tanks were slow, and so were the heavy cannons¡ªneither had much advantage over the other, so the hit rate couldn¡¯t be relied upon.
Armored vehicles might seem easy to destroy, but they move quickly, making them very hard to aim at, and understandably, the hit rate is pitiful.
¡
A series of suggestions was more or less the same, none satisfying. The old Marshal McMahon waved his hand and said, ¡°Try ording to your methods first, and we¡¯ll see how effective they are.¡±
If it weren¡¯t for political pressure, McMahon would have truly liked to withdraw his troops back to the country and fight a homnd defense battle.
However, that was merely wishful thinking. If he actually did such a thing, the spit from his countrymen alone could take his life.
The people of France would not tolerate government failure, especially not in a war that was crucial to the fate of the nation¡ªthey simply could not afford to lose.
¡
The Central European battlefield was still hanging on by a thread, while the Southern European battlefield was aplete disaster. Influenced by favorable international conditions, the Italian national independence movement entered a new climax.
It wasn¡¯t just Victor Emmanuel III who came out daily to call on the Italian people to resist the tyranny of France. Members of the royal family from several Sub-States also made sporadic appearances to assert their presence.
Nobles and capitalists from the Italian Area also sent representatives to make contact with the Anti-French Alliance, to discuss the future of Italy together.
It was clear that everyone had a high political sensitivity, aware that it was time to take sides, and they decisively leaned over.
In line with the principle of ¡®the more allies, the better,¡¯ Austria naturally wouldn¡¯t reject the allegiance of these local power brokers.
With this group of guides, the good days for the French in the Italian Area were gone for good. Not only did they have tobat the Austrian army at the front, but they also had to deal with an endless session of uprisings in the rear.
If it were not for geographical limitations that restricted the full deployment of the Armored Troops, perhaps the Anti-French Alliance would already be parading through Turin.
In fact, the Austrian army wasn¡¯t far from parading through Turin, left with only thosest dozen kilometers or so, as the French Army stubbornly resisted.
Outside Turin City, the sky was aze with artillery fire. Staring at the billowing smoke in the distance, Crown Prince Frederick sighed.
Austria had inherited the traditions of the German Region, with a strong martial spirit, and every soldier had an affinity for the battlefield. Growing up in such an environment, Frederick was no exception.
After much effort, he had barely persuaded his father and managed to get an opportunity to go to the front line. Unfortunately, nomander was bold enough to risk putting the Crown Prince on the first line of the battlefield.
Not to mention dying wrapped in horsehide. Even the slightest bump or bruise on the battlefield would be a political disaster.
Under these circumstances, whether Frederick liked it or not, he became a glorified logistic officer, specifically responsible for the road maintenance from Mn to the Turin Area.
No matter how heated the battle at the front became, Frederick could only watch from afar; anywhere within twenty miles of the battlefield was off-limits to him.
Because of this, Frederick frequently protested to his superiors, but there was nothing he could do¡ªas a soldier, obedience was paramount, even for the Crown Prince.
Consequently, Frederick became the most unique presence on the Southern front, arguably the top seed in the gilded age, whose main job was to organize Civilian Husbands in road repair and material transport.
¡°Your Highness, a new batch of supplies has arrived. They need your signature for receipt.¡±
After saying this, the young officer took out a document and handed it over.
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Snapping back to reality, Frederick took the document and scanned it briefly before slowly saying, ¡°Wait a moment. I¡¯ll inspect it before signing.¡±
ording to the regtions of the Austrian army, officers in charge of material transfers had to inspect the goods, and once they signed off, they were ountable for it.
Of course, the inspection was performed by specialists; it was impossible for those in charge to do everything personally¡ªthere were simply too many materials to manage on one¡¯s own.
Inspecting every single item was impossible, but conducting random inspections was feasible. If any issues urred with the supplies,prehensive ountability would be enforced.
The security of strategic materials was crucial, directly affecting the oue of the war. Frederick¡¯s work might seem inconspicuous, but in actuality, it was a typical case of a low-ranking position with heavy responsibility.
This personnel appointment was clearly intentional by themanders. Others could be bribed, but Crown Prince Frederick could not be bought.
Not only could he not be bought, but one also had to handle dealings with him carefully. Should any issues arise, even those with influential backers would find no use for their connections here.
Since Frederick¡¯s rise to his position, all manner of gods and demons had retreated, and the unsuspecting graves had already grown over with grass. It wasn¡¯t just the individual¡¯s misfortune; their backers would also be ruined.
It was an era of war, and the Vienna Government had zero tolerance for those sticking out their hands where they shouldn¡¯t. For those recing good with inferior goods¡ªdeath, for embezzlers¡ªdeath, for those trafficking supplies¡ªdeath¡
There was no discussion of lesser or greater degrees of guilt; those whomitted the deeds were to lose their heads. Beyond those direct charges, they would also be hit with a charge of treason. Whether they colluded with the French or not, such acts were automatically considered suspect.
After this strong crackdown, those daring to y tricks in logistics were true desperadoes. People with significant wealth and businesses certainly didn¡¯t dare risk their lives by acting recklessly.
With fewer issues arising, Frederick seldom inspected personally anymore, but with the current idleness, it was natural for him to find something to do.
Chapter 944 - 207, The Battle of Turin
Chapter 944: Chapter 207, The Battle of Turin
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¡°Charge¡¡±
In a chorus of battle cries, the siege of Turin began. As the key node of the southern front, both France and Austria had invested their utmost efforts.
The allegiance of Turin not only decided the fate of the Kingdom of Sardinia but also affected the control over the Italian Area.
The leaders were ready, and all eyes were on the oue of the Battle of Turin. If the Austrian army sessfully captured Turin, everyone would act together to drive out the French. Otherwise, everyone would have to think thrice before proceeding.
To demonstrate their sincerity, those guys had already instigated multiple armed uprisings in the Italian Area, tying down at least two hundred thousand French Army troops.
For easiermand and control, General M?rck, the southern frontmander, had moved his headquarters to the frontline.
Urban warfare could not be taken lightly; perhaps it was the French forces¡¯ best opportunity to turn the tide, and they certainly would not give up this chance.
In the field, armored troops could dominate the battlefield, but it was different in the city where a few obstructions could block the advance of troops.
An immobilized armored division was like meat on the chopping board. If the French were willing to sacrifice lives, then a single explosive package could finish the job.
As a product of a bygone era, Austria¡¯s armored troops could be summed up in one word¡ªexpensive¡ªhence, they were jokingly called the nd cruisers¡± by the Austrian military.
This was no boast; the production cost of the most advanced tank was almostparable to the cheapest cruiser.
The cheapest armored vehicle cost tens of thousands of Divine Shields, and the most advanced tanks were priced at an eye-watering two hundred thousand plus Divine Shields.
Given Austria¡¯s resources, having only four tank divisions and eight armored divisions was quite telling of the situation.
In fact, even these twelve divisions were under-strength. Since there was no immediate need for anti-aircraft batteries, they were omitted, and motorcycle mechanized infantry regiments werepletely absent.
The number of tanks was also severely insufficient. Each division had between 150 to 260 tanks; armored divisions fared slightly better, with each having about 220 to 300 armored vehicles.
And that was just on paper. In reality, the number of tanks and armored vehicles avable to each division was even less, as casualties were inevitable on the battlefield.
Unfortunately, the tanks and armored vehicles of the time were prone to malfunction. Often after a battle, a third of armored tanks would be out ofmission, and the rest would require maintenance.
This was why the French could regroup and establish new defensive lines. It was not that the Austrian army did not want to press their advantage, but rather that the crucial armored troops were not equipped for blitzkrieg tactics.
Now, the situation for Austrian armored troops was such that nominally a division¡¯s worth of forces could barely muster a regiment¡¯s worth ofbat-ready troops, the rest being tied up in equipment maintenance.
The French, while stunned by the steel tide, were by no means stripped of their fighting capabilities. In fact, the battle prowess andbat will disyed by the French Army remained among the elite of the era.
Of course, the French¡¯s ability to rally was also directly rted to the orders from the Vienna Government. To weaken the French maximally on the battlefield, it was necessary to give them hope.
If the French main force was crushed outright, at most a few hundred thousand French soldiers would be killed with no further consequences.
Devoid of hope for victory, even if Napoleon IV did not wish to surrender, others would make the decision for him.
Proactively surrendering and being bombarded into submission were two different concepts. The former meant having nothing and resolving issues at the negotiation table, while thetter meant dealing with established facts, pending a contract to rify thew.
There were plenty of countries that did not want to see France¡¯s demise. If Austria wanted to realize its strategic goals, it had to invade French soil before France surrendered.
¡
One must adopt the appropriate attitude for the kind of enemy they face, and Austria undoubtedly had the credentials to be taken seriously by the French. After the outbreak of war in Europe, the Frenchmander Adrien had immediately ordered the fortification of defenses.
As a ce of strategic, traffic, political, and economic importance, Turin naturally received special attention. Fortresses rose from the ground, and in coordination with the buildings in the city, it virtually turned into a war monster.
Under the roar of artillery fire, Captain Adler was leading his Third toon in a charge. Actually, it was more of a crawl forward.
Bullets whizzed over Adler¡¯s head. One unfortunate got his head too high and was struck by a bullet in flight, managing only a single scream before meeting his Maker.
Death on the battlefield was nothing out of the ordinary. Up until now, three-quarters of the Third toon¡¯s soldiers had been reced, and Adler was already the fifth toon leader.
Of course, that doesn¡¯t mean that his four predecessors all ended up dead. Aside from one unlucky soul who met his Maker, three were alive and well¡ªone had been promoted while the other two were recuperating in a hospital.
That¡¯s how it is on the battlefield¡ªlife and death in dual extremes. Junior officers die quickly, but they also rise fast. Survive a few battles, and promotion is a natural course.
There¡¯s no need to worry about superiors obstructing advancement, for they are either promoted, in a hospital, or meeting their Maker. In any case, a position is vacated.
Here, the story of a soldier turning into a general isn¡¯t mythical. As long as the war drags on, anything could happen.
Captain Adler was not a military academy graduate, nor did he have any connections or background. In less than a year since the outbreak of war, he had be a toon leader.
Apart from a keen mind and solid military capabilities, luck yed a great part. If it weren¡¯t for having both parents and a harmonious family,cking a viinous foil, he might well be considered a favored child of fortune.
Although Austria had a surplus of reserve officers, they were mostly assigned to thepany and toon levels. In the background ofrge-scale military expansion, Adler, an experienced soldier, became a squad leader right away.
That wasn¡¯t all. On his first battle, Adler¡¯s unit suffered heavy losses. His direct superiors¡ªsquad leader and assistant squad leader¡ªeither met their Maker or ended up in the hospital.
Before the battle had even ended, Adler had already be the acting toon leader. It had nothing to do with promotion, as all the higher-ranking officers in his toon had left the battlefield, and ording to the rules of the Austrian Army, it was his turn to takemand.
Having sessfullypleted his mission and established his valor, it was only natural for his acting position to be official. After achieving several morebat sesses, Adler somewhat dazedly found himself promoted topanymander.
There was no defiance or extraordinarybat achievements. Adler, an ordinary young officer, had nearly exhausted his luck at this point.
There was no helping it, the demand for higher-ranking officers had greatly diminished, and they were no longer needed to lead troops in charges. This significantly reduced the probability of them being killed or wounded.
With fewer positions avable, the requirements became stricter. In peacetime, there were few who had made their mark inbat, so anyone with achievements could rise through the ranks, and their abilities could be developed gradually.
But now, that was no longer the case; those withbat achievements were everywhere. Unless one¡¯s achievements were exceptional and merited a special promotion, professional knowledge assessments were indispensable.
After all, the more troops an officermands, the higher the requirements for their abilities. Apart from a few geniuses, most people had to undergo postnatal training to bepetent.
The full counterattack had already begun, and the war was on the verge of ending. Demobilization would follow, and naturally, there would be no more basic officer training sses.
They couldn¡¯t possibly organize officer training, and then, before the coursework waspleted, issue them demobilization notices!
After all, Adler was not really the main character; there were plenty of simr cases in the Austrian military.
No matter how low the probability of urrence, once the quantity increased, it was no longer a minority. It could be said that every person who managed to survive unscathed in the hail of bullets was a legend.
Turning back to confirm the identity of the dead, Captain Adler cursed angrily, ¡°Keep your heads down, everyone, and don¡¯t be like that idiot Cole!¡±
Grief? Perhaps there was some, but after experiencing so much, one¡¯s nerves be numb. Perhaps to avoid sadness in such moments, Captain Adler consciously kept his distance from everyone around him.
Before Adler could finish his words, the bullets of the French Army erupted once again. Although the Gatling was not as useful as the Maxim, it was still a formidable weapon when installed in the fortress.
With Cole¡¯s fate serving as a warning, and the constant whistling of bullets near their ears, everyone instinctively kept their heads as low as possible.
Suddenly, a huge explosion boomed, and two soldiers to the right of Adler were blown apart into pieces. Half a headnded directly in front of Adler within reach.
Shaking his head to clear it from the sts, Adler awoke to the sight of the bloody, mangled head of hisrade in front of him and almost vomited.
Suppressing his nausea, Adler immediately ordered, ¡°The enemy has ntedndmines ahead, and we¡¯ve brought no mine-clearing equipment. Let¡¯s retreat for now.¡±
Without a doubt, this probing offensive had failed. It wasn¡¯t just aboutcking mine-clearing tools; even with a full set of equipment, one couldn¡¯t withstand the enemy¡¯s intense firepower!
This was a tactic started by the Austrian army, which the French were simply copying. Although they couldn¡¯t replicate the Maxim machine gun in time, the Gatling still served as an adequate substitute.
The enemy was so well-prepared that it would be very unwise to continue to sacrifice lives in this manner. The Austrian military did not advocate such reckless courage, blindly pursuing victory while disregarding the lives of soldiers would lead to military tribunal.
After the exploratory attack failed, M?rck didn¡¯t feel dejected. The sacrifice had not been meaningless, as the day¡¯s probing had allowed the Austrian Army to rify the French¡¯s outer firepower deployment,ying the groundwork for the next attack.
At the Allied Command, General M?rck asked, ¡°How is the organization of the Italian Corpsing along?¡±
The war for the liberation of Italy, how could it proceed without the participation of Italians? This was when the value of the Italian Independent Organization became apparent. Every time the Austrian Army upied a territory, they recruited soldiers under the banner of the Independence Organization.
To fully respect the feelings of the Italian public, these troops were divided by geographical regions. For example, there were the Sardinia National Independent Army, La National Independent Army, Modena National Independent Army, Parma National Independent Army, Tuscan National Independent Army, Papal State National Independent Army, Two Sicilian Kingdom National Independent Army¡
No matter the size, there was a national independent army for every Italian state, taking care of everyone¡¯s face.
As for whether the Italian Independent Organization was willing to ept this, it no longer mattered. If they epted, it would be good for everyone involved. If not, M?rck wouldn¡¯t mind directly appointing themanders.
After all, there was arge number of Italian nobles who had defected, and it was always possible to find someone willing to cooperate. The Italian Independent Organization was like scattered sand, influential among the public butcking a significant rallying power among the nobility.
Even Victor Emmanuel III, the senior figure, chose topromise for the sake of national resurgence. Not to mention the lower ranks.
A burly middle-aged officer replied, ¡°As of now, the Sardinia National Independent Army already has two hundred thousand men, the Papal Country Independent Army has eighty thousand men. The other independent armies are still like empty shells, collectively numbering less than ten thousand men.
In order to form up, we¡¯ll have to wait until we¡¯ve taken those areas. From the current situation, it¡¯s unlikely.¡±
As the war has progressed to this point, the Austrian army¡¯s major achievements on the southern front are mostly within the territories of the Papal State and Sardinia; thus, the independent armies formed are predominantly made up of people from these two countries.
To reflect the equal status of each Italian state, the troops of various states naturally could not be intermingled. This led to a huge disparity in the number of troops.
Empty-frame armies were certainly unfit for battle, no matter how much cannon fodder was needed, M?rck would not exhaust the ¡°allies¡¯¡± seeds.
Moreover, these seeds were the core of the future establishment of the various state governments. Austria was too busy providing support to spare any of them, so how could they possibly give them up?
After pondering for a moment, M?rck shook his head, ¡°Two hundred eighty thousand is still too few. Just taking Turin City might cost us tens of thousands. And there are a series of cities waiting for us to conquer afterwards.
Continue to ramp up recruitment locally. Besides promoting national independence, promises can also be made to soldiers, such asnd, tax exemptions, and pensions. You all decide on the specific figures, as long as they are tempting enough.¡±
To recruit more Italian cannon fodder, M?rck had already abandoned his bottom line, making promises directly on behalf of these state governments.
As to whether these could be fulfilled would depend on the integrity and governance abilities of these state governments. After all, this was a fight for Italian national independence, and Austria certainly was not going to foot the bill.
Chapter 945 - 208: In a Tough Situation
Chapter 945: Chapter 208: In a Tough Situation
Continued conscription was naturally no issue for Victor Emmanuel III. Only with sufficient troops could they drive away the French and then revive the Kingdom of Sardinia.
After struggling for so many years, they had finally seen the dawn of sess, and now there was no way they could give up. To win the final victory, paying a bit of a price waspletely worthwhile.
Moreover, the war was not fought in vain. The Vienna Government had long made a promise that all participating nations would share the spoils based on their contributions in the war.
Thanks to the prestige Franz had cultivated over the years, this promise was highly respected by everyone.
The French had vast enterprises and wealth, and just a bit leaking out was enough to satisfy the Kingdom of Sardinia. The only precondition was that they needed to havemendable achievements.
With the leader holding this attitude, it was needless to say for those below him. Quickly finishing the war and sharing the spoils was the ultimate goal; everything else was secondary.
To drive away the French as soon as possible, everyone was naturally very proactive about the recruitment issue.
As for the promises made during recruitment, they were even less of a concern now. It is worth noting that in the past, the conditions promised to mobilize the public to drive away the French were even more generous.
Whether those promises could be fulfilled was something they either hadn¡¯t considered, deliberately ignored, or perhaps had never intended to fulfill at all.
This was not important; there are rewards for efforts made. Seeing the Italians so cooperative, M?rck naturally reciprocated, granting them all powers except the highestmand.
Letting a groupposed of idealists, opportunists, and talkersmand a troop would ultimately lead to what happened next, and that was no longer M?rck¡¯s concern.
Though there were many Italian regional states, there was a huge disparity in strength between them. The economically most developed, Kingdom of Sardinia, alone was equivalent to the sum of several smaller states in central and southern Italy.
From an overall perspective, the best way to stabilize the situation in the Italian Area was to bnce the power among the Italian States, and weakening the Kingdom of Sardinia was absolutely necessary.
Now was the best opportunity, retracting the Sardinian Capital regardless of the situation, the Sardinian legion was undeniably responsible.
Recruitment was underway, but the war could not stop. Turin was a tough nut to crack, and beforepleting the cannon fodder recruitment, the Austrian army would not risk their own soldiers.
While the infantry could not advance, the artillery had free rein, along with airships and nes, the days of the French Army inside Turin City were tough.
For anti-aircraft needs, the French Command had already moved underground. This was a great disgrace for the highly esteemed Marshal Adrien.
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However, the issue now was not about pride, but whether they could hold Turin and maintain control over the Italian Area.
While the Italian Areacked industrial and resource strengths, appearing as a burden to France, it was equally a backbone supporting the French Empire, second only to the homnd.
Strategically, losing the Italian Area would mean the French Navy could only operate near its shores, and Mediterranean dominance would be out of their reach.
Economically, the Italian Area provided France with cheapbor and a market for goods. Losing Italy, the already struggling French manufacturing industry was not far fromplete shutdown.
The impact was massive economically, and even more fatal politically. Given the already pessimistic situation, another major defeat would further dampen any optimism towards them.
No optimism meant no investment. Considering that the French government was actively trying to drag the British into the conflict, losing the Italian Area would make it impossible even for the stubborn British Government to join in.
Moreover, a series of failures had already destabilized the domestic situation. Losing the Italian Area, who could guarantee that a revolution wouldn¡¯t erupt internally?
To avoid the worst scenario, the Paris Government had ordered an early defense of the Italian Area, and Turin was crucial to this defense.
Mashal Adrien asked, ¡°Is everything ready?¡±
The middle-aged officer confidently answered, ¡°Rest assured, Marshal. We are fully prepared. No matter how formidable the enemy¡¯s armored troops are, once they enter the city, they are just fish on the chopping block.
Every street, every alley, and every building in Turin will be the burial ground for the enemy.¡±
To hold Turin, the French Army also made thorough preparations. Not only did they deploy heavy troops and constructprehensive defense works, but they also had secret weapons prepared by the Paris Government.
War is the best catalyst for the development of military industry. Following the outbreak of the war in Europe, the French too had been busy. Various new weapons emerged, although overshadowed by Austrian nes and tanks.
Of course, new weapons weren¡¯t necessarily effective on the battlefield, as the vast majority of them were destined to be short-lived on the battlefield. Only those tested in realbat could be true weapons of war.
Mashal Adrien was not swayed by his subordinate¡¯s assurances; holding Turin would only ensure the enemy couldn¡¯t swiftly resolve the conflict. If the enemy chose, they could still push towards southern Italy. To win, they had to strike first.
Undoubtedly, striking was not an option now. Without a way to counter the enemy¡¯s armored troops, the French Army couldn¡¯t afford to face ughter.
¡
London, with the turn of events on the battlefields of Europe, the British Government was also left in a state of panic.
The Russians were already enough for them to handle. Before the British Government could act, Spain and Switzend joined in; and before they could respond, they were suddenly told that the French Army was about to be defeated.
Looking at the analysis report in his hand, dstone couldn¡¯t help but issue a soul-searching question from deep within, ¡°Is this the performance of the French?¡±
It¡¯s widely recognized that France imed to have the world¡¯s premier army. Before the war erupted, the military slogans of France were boastful, with ims like ¡°parading in Vienna within six months¡± and ¡°ending the war on the European continent in three months¡±¡
From the current situation, it seemed not that the French intended to parade in Vienna, but rather it appeared they were going to watch a parade instead.
Army Minister Rosario: ¡°I¡¯m sorry, Prime Minister. As unbelievable as it may be, this is indeed the fact.
The French performed atrociously on the battlefield, and aside from catching the Anti-French Alliance off guard at the start of the war, they haven¡¯t achieved anymendable military sess since.
ording to the analysis of the military observation group, thebat effectiveness of the French Army plummeted due to rapid expansion of troops after the war erupted. The originalbat advantage gradually became a disadvantage.¡±
By contrast, the situation for Austria was much better. They had arge reserve force and numerous reserve officers who could formbat strength in a short time.
Apart from an outdated mobilization system, the Frenchgged behindprehensively in the development of weapons and equipment. Aircraft, tanks, and modern machine guns were all innovations from the enemy.
In the face ofprehensive backwardness, the achievements of the French Army were already considered excellent.
As it turned out, modern warfare was no longer about just bravery; aprehensive development of the military was essential,¡± he added.
This was an honest assessment. Although Rosario might have seemed to be making excuses for the French Army, he wasrgely stating the facts. The French military failures were certainly due to both systemic issues and the inadequacy of their equipment.
As for the purpose, it was clear as day: besides asking for military funds, there was nothing else that could drive the Army Minister to exert such effort.
Times had changed, and now Britannia also had to face terrestrial threats. The Austrian threat to the Cape of Good Hope was negligible, barely enough to make the Vienna Government go mad; however, the Russian threat to India was different. The Tsarist Government would certainly not miss any opportunities.
Considering the lessons from the French, the British Government also had to strengthen its army construction, or else they would suffer great losses in the next Ennd-Russia war.
dstone frowned; he really had no patience for issues regarding military expenses at the moment, even though the Russian threat was significant, it wasn¡¯t going to explode immediately. Rather, the war on the European continent could drastically change at any moment.
¡°The issue of military construction can be discussedter. The French Government has asked us for help multiple times, it seems they can¡¯t continue fighting.
For the bnce and stability of the European continent, we must quell this war quickly to preserve the vitality of the French.¡±
¡°Ceasefire¡± was easier said than done. The Anti-French Alliance had gained the upper hand, and asking them to spare the French was obviously asking too much.
If the Anti-French Alliance hadn¡¯t achieved a significant advantage on the battlefield before Russia, Spain, and Switzend joined the war, the British Government could have strongly intervened with international mediation having a chance.
Now it was different; three of the top five European powers had dered war on France. Even if Britannia wanted to mediate, they couldn¡¯t muster a respectable force.
The conflicts among major powers weren¡¯t something minor nations should meddle in; a small country joining the fray might just get itself sacrificed. Apart from Britannia, no other state on the European continent could mediate.
Even if the scope was expanded globally, the situation was the same: if you weren¡¯t a major power, no one took any notice.
Foreign Minister George shrugged and said, ¡°This is hard to achieve. The advantage of the Anti-French Alliance is too apparent, and the Austrians definitely won¡¯t miss this opportunity to weaken apetitor.
The most troubling part is that the Habsburg dynasty is too adept at roping in allies; most of the major nations on the European Continent have be part of the Anti-French Alliance.
This is just the beginning; from what I know, they are also trying to bring Portugal, the Nethends, and the Nordic Federation into their ranks. Considering the performance of the French on the battlefield, whether these fence-sitters will join the Anti-French Alliance is uncertain.¡±
¡°Right now, to preserve the vitality of France, the only way is for the Paris Government to surrender immediately and use the bargaining chips they have to secure some benefits.
The French are known for their pride. Even if the Paris Government is willing topromise, the French public wouldn¡¯t ept it.
As the news of various defeats at the front continues, the reign of Napoleon IV has already started to be unstable, andpromising with the Anti-French Alliance at this time would likely lead to a revolution within France.¡±
This wasn¡¯t rmist talk; the domestic situation in France was indeed perilous. After the outbreak of the war on the European continent, Austria banned the export of grain and drove up international prices.
With international prices rising, France, being an import-dependent country, saw its domestic prices soar as well. Capitalists were taking advantage of the national crisis, leaving themon people to suffer the most.
If the French Army had continued to emerge victorious on the battlefield, it could have suppressed these conflicts; unfortunately, the French Army¡¯s setbacks meant that the previously suppressed issues could no longer be contained.
Chapter 946 - 209, The Tsarist Government with Wild Ideas
Chapter 946: Chapter 209, The Tsarist Government with Wild Ideas
The British Government was already in a state of panic, and there was even less to be said for the French government. They had long been at their wits¡¯ end,pletely clueless about how to bring the situation to a close.
As the man at the center of these events, Napoleon IV received even more bad news. Publicly, the French Army gathered its forces for another go after a major defeat, but outsiders were unaware of the heavy price the French Army had paid for this.
Retreating in a rout was no easy task. The enemy was not foolish and would certainly take the opportunity to expand their victories. To retreat sessfully, it was essential to sacrifice some forces to cover the retreat.
Moreover, those tasked with acting as the rearguard must be elite troops with high loyalty. If the rearguard was left to the newly formed units with a majority of Italians, they might switch sides as soon as the Austrian army arrived.
And then, one million French troops were gone. Casualties + wounded + deserters + prisoners, the French Army¡¯s total manpower reduced by over one million, including three hundred thousand elite troops.
The loss of manpower was severe, and the number of lost materiel and equipment was incalcble. In the rush to retreat, the French Army even had to destroy their own artillery positions.
Materiel could be bought again, weapons and equipment could be remanufactured, and manpower losses could be replenished, but time would not allow it.
No sooner had this battle ended than the Battle of Turin had already begun, and the Battle of Luxembourg followed in quick session, with the French Army only being able to react defensively.
Army Minister Luskinia: ¡°Your Majesty, yesterday morning the Spaniardsunched an attack on the Ruseiyong region. After a bloody struggle by our frontline soldiers, we finally defeated the enemy forces in the evening.¡±
A rare piece of good news failed to lift the spirits of Napoleon IV. Obviously influenced by the French Army¡¯s great defeat, the Spaniards had be restless.
Regardless of the Spaniards¡¯ strength, France had yet another battlefront to contend with, which only increased the military pressure they faced.
Seeing the hesitance in the Army Minister¡¯s demeanor, Napoleon IV felt a chill in his heart and said with a bitter smile, ¡°Continue, which battle has been lost now? I can take it. At this point, how much worse could it get?¡±
Despair, that was the most genuine reflection of Napoleon IV¡¯s inner state at the moment. The series of failures on the battlefield and the disastrous diplomatic defeats were all shaking Napoleon IV¡¯s confidence.
It was a despair others could notprehend, watching the Anti-French Alliance grow stronger day by day while the only ally wavered at this critical time.
Luskinia spoke slowly, ¡°Austria and Switzend have formed an allied force and haveunched an attack against us. The regions of eastern Burgundy, Auvergne, and others have be battlefields.
The enemy is fierce, and our forces stationed in the east are severely insufficient¡¡±
Before Luskinia could finish speaking, Napoleon IV interrupted, ¡°I understand. The Army Department can handle it themselves!¡±
Napoleon IV had recently grown too familiar with words like ¡®difficulty¡¯ and ¡®trouble,¡¯ and he was thoroughly tired of them. Solutions were wee, but the real fear was the insurmountable problems that for some reason still required his involvement.
Better not to listen at all than to listen and suffer a headache. After all, the ministers would solve any solvable problems on their own and report only the solutions; for problems that couldn¡¯t be solved, he was equally powerless.
In some ways, Napoleon IV was a good leader; even in the face of dual failures in military and diplomatic fields, he didn¡¯t shove his subordinates out to take the me.
Of course, pushing someone out to take the me would have no real effect. While it might relieve political pressure in the short term, it would also evoke a sense of shared dread and trigger turmoil within the government.
Prime Minister Terence Burke said in a low voice, ¡°Your Majesty, prepare for ceasefire negotiations! We¡¯ve reached a point where we can¡¯t continue fighting.¡±
¡°Ceasefire negotiations¡± also depend on timing. Earlier, when France had the upper hand, they naturally had the capital to negotiate terms.
Now it¡¯s different. France is at aprehensive military and diplomatic disadvantage. To propose ¡°ceasefire negotiations¡± now would basically be equivalent to ¡°surrender.¡±
If possible, Terence Burke absolutely did not want to surrender to the enemy. But there was no choice; France really couldn¡¯t continue the fight.
The mes of war had already reached French soil, and every day the war continued brought massive losses to France.
If they didn¡¯t take this opportunity to negotiate with the Anti-French Alliance while they still had some bargaining chips, by the time the enemy marched over, the conditions would be far from what they couldmand now.
After hesitating for a moment, Napoleon IV let out a sigh and slowly said, ¡°How shall we negotiate?¡±
He had no objections to a ¡°ceasefire.¡± If possible, Napoleon IV wouldn¡¯t mind an immediate ceasefire. The problem was that starting a war was easy, but ending it was difficult.
Some countries might be settled by giving them some benefits, but Germany, Belgium, and Austria would certainly not settle for that. Both sides had already shed rivers of blood. Now, to negotiate without paying a heavy price would be impossible.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets answered, ¡°The British agree to mediate. The London Government has made amitment to ensure the territorial integrity of France as much as possible.
ording to the current international situation, Austria will be even more powerful after the European war ends, which doesn¡¯t align with the interests of European countries.
On this point, even the Russians are our potential allies. The other countries haven¡¯t reacted mainly because the situation changed too quickly and theyck a reasonable excuse to intervene.¡±
Well, Karl Chardlets felt he couldn¡¯t keep up the pretense much longer. It was one thing for European countries not wanting to see Austria be too powerful, but quite another to actually lend France a helping hand; these were two different concepts.
In real life, reason often loses out to emotion ¡ª after all, people aren¡¯t machines and are influenced by feelings.
At least France¡¯s neighbors would be influenced by feelings. For Spain, Belgium, Switzend, and several Italian countries, whether or not Austria would be more powerful was irrelevant; the priority was to first eliminate France.
The so-called long-term interests were nonsense. History had taught them that if they didn¡¯t take the opportunity to defeat France, their formidable enemy, they wouldn¡¯t have good days ahead.
No matter how great the interests might be, they couldn¡¯tpare to the importance of one¡¯s own safety. For small countries, survival is the first priority, regardless of who the boss is ¡ª they¡¯re always the underling.
Against this backdrop, as long as Austria doesn¡¯t act alone, it won¡¯t be isted. With so many enemies present, France cannot expect to escape without shedding ayer of skin.
Self-deception or wishful thinking, the French government now needs hope, a hope that they can withdraw in one piece.
¡°Tell the British that we agree to negotiate, and we¡¯re also willing to pay the price for this war. We can do without the colonies, but the integrity of our homnd must be ensured.
The government should handle the pacification of the people well. Once the news of the negotiations spreads, it will undoubtedly cause a huge stir. France can¡¯t withstand any more turmoil.
¡°If necessary, I will abdicate at the right time to take responsibility for this war,¡±
Having said that, Napoleon IVy back in his chair, exhausted, and paid no further attention to those around him.
In the political games of the European Continent, losing territory and paying indemnities are quite normal. Unfortunately, nationalism had risen, especially in France, a bastion of nationalism, where the public¡¯s tolerance for defeat was even lower.
In themonly held view of society, colonies were seen as assets that could be lost; however, the homnd must never be ceded.
The double-edged sword of nationalism, forged by Napoleon himself, finally turned against his own house, bringing the greatest challenge to the Bonaparte Dynasty.
Only by preserving the integrity of the homnd, and with Napoleon IV¡¯s proactive abdication to ameliorate the people¡¯s fury, could the Bonaparte Dynasty find a glimmer of hope.
¡
St. Petersburg, influenced by the fluctuating situation in Europe, saw the stance of the Tsarist Government affected as well.
Without a doubt, the Tsarist Government would not lend France a hand at this juncture. Even if some recognized the strategic importance of preserving France, they would not act at this time.
Interest trumps all. If one imed strategic necessity required rescuing the French from their plight, then what was the purpose of diplomacy?
Marshal Ivanov said enthusiastically, ¡°Your Majesty, the situation of the war has rified. The French have suffered consecutive defeats in both Central and Southern European Battlefields and are now beyond the point of recovery.
Compounding their troubles, the Spaniards have alsounched probing attacks on their border. With the newly opened Swiss battlefield by the Allied Forces, the French are, in effect, fighting on four fronts.
If all goes as expected, within six months the French will be defeated, and it¡¯s time for us to make our move.¡±
ns never keep up with changes. Originally, the Tsarist Government had prepared to dere war without engaging and simply watched France and Austria exhaust each other¡¯s strength. Sadly, the French proved inadequate, showing signs of defeat almost from the start.
Since the n to deplete Austrian strength had fallen through, the Tsarist Government naturally considered how to maximize its own gains.
Cherry-picking was essential¡ª if not the biggest, at least the secondrgest fruit had to be seized.
If one did not mobilize troops, at the time of post-war division of spoils, the Russian Empire¡¯s influence would vanish.
Don¡¯t be deceived by Austria¡¯s promise that the Russian Empire could share twenty percent of the war indemnities. Fulfilling such a promise was not so simple.
Barely relying on a treaty and expecting the French to pay up without fuss? Forget it. The Tsarist Government had experience with defaulters; strength speaks, if you don¡¯t give, they won¡¯t pay.
Without the support of the Anti-French Alliance, the Russian Empire alone had no power to make France pay its debts.
And this was optimistic thinking; if Austria, disregardful of appearances, decided to divide and conquer France with a few lesser powers, leaving Russia without a penny in reparations, the Tsarist Government would be in a tragic position.
In a sense, mobilizing troops at this time was not only to weaken France but also to protect it.
Power is the true right of speech. Only with the Russian Army present on French soil during the post-war settlement could the Tsarist Government assert adequate influence.
Whether it be strategic necessity or the desire for substantial reparations, the Tsarist Government needed to preserve France¡¯s vitality. After all, only a great power could afford significant payments.
Alexander III hesitated. The tides changed too swiftly, leaving him somewhat stunned. Justst month they had decided to be spectators, and now they were contemting deploying troops.
He asked, uncertainly, ¡°Are the French really unable to hold out any longer?¡±
¡°Yes, Your Majesty! The actual situation might be even worse than we anticipated, what with two additional battlefronts opening up. Given the instability in the Italian Area, the French government no longer has sufficient troops to face the uing war,¡±
Ivanov affirmed. The Russian military had analyzed the situation thoroughly, and not even the most optimistic believed that France could turn the tide.
Foreign Minister Oscar Hemenes proposed, ¡°Your Majesty, if you¡¯re concerned about the losses involved in joining the war, we still have the option of taking an indirect strategy.
Like us, the British wish to keep France intact. We could leverage this shared interest to facilitate a connection directly with the French, and thennd our forces from the sea.
What matters most to Austria now is the unification of the Germany Region and the assimtion of recently upied French African territories. They will notplicate matters at this time.
As long as we upy France first, our voice in post-war negotiation will naturally grow stronger.¡±
This was a fact. Vienna¡¯s strategic ns were fully defined¡ªunify Germany, assimte French African assets, and Austria would be the world¡¯s preeminent power.
Inparison, all other matters, including the weakening of France, were of secondary importance. After all, Austria had managed to crush a France at its zenith; a diminished France posed no threat whatsoever.
After a long silence, Alexander III finally asked slowly, ¡°How can you guarantee that the French will trust us?
Moreover, even if the British can persuade the French government to agree, how can we ensure that this isn¡¯t a trap?¡±
Trust was a critical weakness; France and Russia were enemies, and no one in their right mind would ce their lifeline into enemy hands just on a promise.
@@novelbin@@
If the Russian army entered France and the Tsarist Government suddenly betrayed them, the French government wouldn¡¯t even have the chance toment.
The same concern existed for the Tsarist Government. No matter how pleasant the negotiations, if the British turned on them midway, and the Royal Navy sent the Russian forces to the bottom of the sea, the Tsarist Government would be theughing stock of the century.
Given the animosity between Ennd and Russia, the British Government had every motivation to do precisely that.
Alexander III didn¡¯t trust the British, no matter what anyone thought. Without assurance of the Russian Army¡¯s safety, he wouldn¡¯t venture to risk tens of thousands of troops.
¡
Chapter 947 - 210: The Cannon Fodder’s All-Out Mobilization
Chapter 947: Chapter 210: The Cannon Fodder¡¯s All-Out Mobilization
Franz could only smile at the Russians¡¯ fanciful notions. In fact, such oundish ns had always been emerging in real life.
Politicians are human, and since they are human, they can make blunders, especially when ites to interests, the probability of making a mistake increases even further.
On the surface, the Russians, under the guise of allies, took the first step to upy France, and indeed Austria was powerless, but the Vienna Government could stall!
Can¡¯t enforce the partitioning of France, can¡¯t dy the negotiation time either? If one year doesn¡¯t work, then two years, if two years don¡¯t work then three to five years. Would the Russian Army be able to live in peace with the French public over such a long time?
Austria could simply enjoy the show and consider what to do with France after the Russians retreated in disgrace.
If coordinating the rtionship between Ennd, France, and Russia weren¡¯t so troublesome, with almost no possibility of sess, Franz would really like to give a push and then sit back to enjoy the contest between the Tsarist iron fist and French nationalism.
¡°Send a telegraph to the front-line troops, telling them to end the war as soon as possible, the soldiers are waiting toe back for Christmas!¡±
It¡¯s only July now, almost five months until Christmas. It¡¯s not difficult to simply defeat the French, but to sign a treaty and withdraw the troops before Christmas, time is tight.
Typically, post-war conferences involving multiple nations¡¯ interests tend to be heated and protracted, possibly dragging on for two or three years.
Without a doubt, Franz didn¡¯t wish to dy any longer. Various signs indicated that the Hanover Government had be active again, with British influence behind it.
Know that an internal enemy is much more fearsome than an external one. Once these individuals sway the interest groups of the Sub-States, the troubles that follow would be enormous.
Franz had no desire to test human nature; in the face of interest, human nature is the most unreliable. Establishing a fait apli and a proper rtionship between sovereign and subject was of utmost importance.
With this status, Franz was not afraid of these individuals making trouble. Unable to touch the Kings below, can¡¯t the Sub-State Governments be changed? Whoever dares to make trouble would be brought down through gathered scandalous information.
As long as the armies, tariffs, diplomacy, and the issuance of currency of the various Sub-States were gathered up, and the judiciary and education system were unified, no matter how much they stir beneath, no big waves could be overturned.
Times have changed; at the beginning, in order to gather these powers, Franz fought wits with several Sub-State Governments for over a decade, taking control bit by bit. Now, it could all be done in one fell swoop.
As for the resistance of the Sub-State Governments, it could bepletely resolved through negotiations. As long as the interests are right, there should be nothing that couldn¡¯t be agreed upon.
Cheating, bribery, coaxing, and intimidating ¨C Franz was already adept at these tricks. Ultimately, it was all about rallying allies while concurrently taking down the enemy.
Compared to ¡°kill the chicken to scare the monkey,¡± sometimes ¡°kill the monkey to scare the chicken¡± produces even better results. The more one jumps now, the quicker they die in the future.
Franz wasn¡¯t worried about people making a fuss; he was actually more concerned about those who do nothing. After all, only when more actions are taken do more problems get exposed.
Should there actually be such a clean and wless politician, Franz was powerless, for even the Emperor had to follow the rules of the game.
However, such a public-hearted individual would not be a barrier to unification. After all, having gone through this war, the idea of a great unification had already taken root deeply in people¡¯s hearts.
¡
With Franz¡¯s order, war mes reignited, from Central Europe to Southern Europe, smoke of gunpowder was everywhere, with not an inch of cleannd to be found.
At the Southern line Allied Command, representatives from the Italian States were gathered together to attend this highly political and military-significant meeting.
Historically, the Italian Area had always been full of princes, and the situation was only second to the chaos of the Germany Region. With the unification of the Germany Region imminent, it was time for the Italian Area also to be sorted out.
Previously, in order to unite all possible forces and with the goal of wooing Italian nationalists, the Vienna Government had never made its stance public regarding the handling of the Italian Area.
Now that the general situation had been settled, there was no need to dy any further. Whether to jointly establish the Kingdom of Italy or to split into several Sub-States, a clear conclusion was needed at this time.
In a sense, this meeting was merely a formality. The important figures qualified to attend the meeting all understood the intention of the Vienna Government.
No one objected, not only because they couldn¡¯t resist the more powerful, but more importantly due to the distribution of interests. Establishing a unified Kingdom of Italy would be easy, but who would take the lead?
Leaving the specific benefits aside, the issue of who would receive the crown alone was a conundrum.
@@novelbin@@
Previously, the Italian Independent Organization dominated, and despite being divided into factions, there was, at least nominally, a leader ¨C Victor Emmanuel III.
Things were different now, with the royal families of the various States getting involved. None was nobler than the others, and behind all of them was a group of interest groups, with none likely to give way.
If we can¡¯te to an agreement, then we can only go at it alone. After all, there has never been unity, so ying separately is no big deal.
It¡¯s easy to break up the family, but hard to divide the property. There have always been territorial disputes among the Italian States, and now, due to the French upation, it has be a muddled ount.
The disputes were unresolved, so it fell to Austria, the ¡°big brother,¡± to arbitrate. Additionally, because the states hadn¡¯t truly restored their sovereignty, it wasn¡¯t appropriate for the foreign ministry to intervene directly, so the heavy task of mediating fell on General M?rck.
¡°The purpose of inviting everyone here today, I presume, is clear to all. With the French on the verge of defeat to avoid unnecessary trouble, the post-war arrangement of the Italian Area also needs to be rified now.
Firstly, each state will regain its independence, and it¡¯s the task of the new governments to form governments and restore production. How exactly to proceed will be handled by the future governments of each state.
What we need to do today is to preliminarily delineate the territorial boundaries of each state, primarily based on historical connections, while also taking into ount the contributions made by each state in the Anti-French war, and considering themprehensively.
Anyone with demands or suggestions can bring them up, and we can discuss them together, striving for a result that satisfies all parties.¡±
¡°Discussing¡± was wishful thinking. The so-called ¡°historical connections¡± simply meant restoring the pre-war boundaries, with perhaps minor changes, but generally maintaining consistency.
What could really be negotiated was the distribution of ¡°contributions.¡± Since everyone was aware of the times and had joined the Anti-French Alliance, the Vienna Government couldn¡¯t possibly allot the territory of one state to another.
Therefore, thend to be divided could onlye from the French. In a sense, this meeting was also a rehearsal for the post-war spoils division conference.
M?rck chose this time to hold the meeting primarily because the battle of Turin was about to begin. If benefits weren¡¯t offered to spark interest, aside from the Kingdom of Sardinia, other states¡¯ Italians weren¡¯t sufficiently enthusiastic!
Annexing French territory was certainly exciting news for Italians who had suffered under French rule.
As for the problem of Austria taking the opportunity to grow stronger after the division of France, that wasn¡¯t everyone¡¯s concern.
As enemies, the Italians naturally hoped for a weaker France, preferably one that could be divided and done with once and for all.
Victor Emmanuel III suggested, ¡°Excellency the Commander, the disputes among our states are not significant, and the key conflict is to drive out the French.
Since 1870, the French have been mercilessly exploiting the Italian Area, and we have the right to impensation from the French government.
As long as the French pay a sufficient price to make up for our losses, the minor disputes that exist among us can be easily resolved.
To drive out the French as quickly as possible, we, the Kingdom of Sardinia, are willing tomit all our resources. Three hundred thousand Sardinian Soldiers are already fully equipped and ready tounch an attack on the enemy at any time.¡±
Among the Italian States, only the Kingdom of Sardinia bordered France directly and therefore bore the greatest military pressure. Conversely, once France was divided, the Kingdom of Sardinia would be the greatest beneficiary.
After understanding Austria¡¯s intentions, Victor Emmanuel III naturally needed to cooperate, especially since the uing operation was to recapture the Sardinian capital, making it their unavoidable responsibility.
M?rck smiled slightly, ¡°Very well, the uing battle for Turin will be entrusted to you.
On behalf of the Austrian Government, I promise that after the war, everyone will receive at least 30,000 square kilometers of territorialpensation, as well as a substantial amount of war indemnities.
However, thesends and indemnities will only be distributed to states and individuals who have made contributions.
You don¡¯t have to worry about the difficulty of managing exves, we will coordinate territorial exchanges for the states; and for those awarded to individuals, they are allowed to form their own countries, with Austria providing security protection.¡±
Scanning the expressions of those present and seeing no fervor, M?rck was slightly disappointed.
It was understandable, though; after society¡¯s harsh ordeal, there was a burning desire for a strong nation. Any sagacious person would want to unify the Italian Area, and no one would foolishly venture out to establish a country independently.
Not to mention the soft-footed Italian Nobility, even the Military Nobility in Austria hadn¡¯t been heard of attempting to establish their own countries over the years.
It wasn¡¯t that people didn¡¯t want to be the boss, but rather that it was no longer the Middle Ages, long past the era when vige chiefs could im kingship.
In this world governed by legal and blood descent, having guns doesn¡¯t mean one can rule as a monarch. Without the support of citizens, forming an independent country is akin to seeking death.
Unless one is a member of the royal family with a legitimate im to the throne and has the support of the local popce, even thebined backing of all the great powers would not secure a stable kingship.
From this perspective, M?rck¡¯s promise to individuals was but a ¡°flower in the mirror, a moon on the water¡±¡ªvisible, yet untouchable.
The real beneficiaries would still be the states. Apart from the Kingdom of Sardinia, where the King himself was in attendance, the rest were merely representatives. Since they were essentially employees, theirck of excitement was normal.
Chapter 948 - 211: The Earliest Radio
Chapter 948: Chapter 211: The Earliest Radio
Outside Turin City, hundreds of heavy cannons had already gathered by now. Even the smallest of these had a caliber exceeding 150mm, not to mention the barrels, ranging from a few meters to as long as twenty meters, making their power formidable to imagine.
Among them, two massive cannons were especially unique. Whether it was the barrels stretching 24.7 meters, the 380mm caliber, or the 600 kg shells, all these features made them the most eye-catching on the field.
Undoubtedly, these powerful cannons all shared onemon disadvantage¡ªthey were inconvenient. Not only were they troublesome to transport, but they were also difficult to operate.
However,pared to the power of the cannons, these minor ws were hardly worth mentioning. After all, these cannons were not originally intended for army use; their true purpose was to serve as coastal defense artillery.
To quickly conquer Turin, M?rck had brought these behemoths here, specifically to target the French fortresses.
¡°Fire!¡±
Following themander¡¯s order, the booming sound of cannon fire rang out again. However, this time it was different; the sound of copsing buildings apanied the gunfire.
Time had been too rushed. A few short months were hardly enough to build a fortress city.
Perhaps it was due to rushed deadlines; perhaps because the Italian workers did not cooperate, adding substandard materials during construction; or perhaps abination of both.
At the outbreak of the war, the French government was quite optimistic, never believing that Turin would be threatened by war. Fortifying the city defenses and building fortresses were merely means for bureaucrats to make money.
In such a context, one could hardly expect capitalists to maintain integrity. After all, if the French Army won, Turin wouldn¡¯t need to endure warfare; if the French lost, the government could hardly protect itself, let alone hold anyone ountable.
Cutting corners was one thing, but the construction was specifically handled by Italians, who would be remiss not to cause some sabotage as per the propaganda of the Independence Organization.
By the time the frontline battle failed and the military began to focus on city defenses, it was already toote, and subordinates could only desperately try to cover up the mess.
Well-built city defenses could not withstand the attack of the massive cannons, so hurriedly assembled shoddy constructions were even less likely to survive. Especially those hit by the 600 kg specialized bombs, which were virtually reduced to rubble.
At the French Command, hearing the loud copse of buildings, Marshal Adrien, who personally oversaw themand, quickly asked, ¡°Send someone to see what is happening outside.¡±
After a moment, the adjutant replied, ¡°Marshal, the enemy has used heavy artillery. The buildings within the city couldn¡¯t withstand the attack and have copsed, including some of the fortresses.¡±
Clearly, the young officer tried his best to soften the impact, but the final result was still difficult for Marshal Adrien to ept.
The copse of buildings was one thing; after all, ordinary buildings were not designed to be bulletproof and could not endure the enemy¡¯s artillery fire, which was to be expected.
¡°Fortress works,¡± on the other hand, werepletely different. These were the weapons Marshal Adrien expected to bleed the Austrians dry with, but the n had ended before it even began.
After all, siege warfare was different from others. The Austrian army didn¡¯t need to ovee all of the city defenses, just create a breach and storm through.
ording to the original n, the French Army intended to use these fortresses to dy the enemy for at least a month and deplete a significant amount of enemy forces.
From the current situation, not to mention a month, it was questionable if they couldst until tomorrow.
Looking at the map, Marshal Adrien sighed resignedly, ¡°Send orders tomand all troops to enter urban warfare mode ahead of schedule. Also, send someone to investigate the reasons behind the copse of the fortress works.¡±
ns change faster than the situation. Since the city defenses couldn¡¯t dy as expected, urban warfare had to begin earlier.
War affects everything. The early onset of urban warfare also means it would end sooner. If a million French soldiers couldn¡¯t stop the enemy, Marshal Adrien didn¡¯t believe Turin alone could defy fate.
Anyone clear-eyed could see that, as the war progressed, a French defeat was merely a matter of time, and Adrien also had no confidence in winning the war.
Choosing to stand firm in Turin was not only a strategic necessity, but more importantly, it was about buying time. It was about buying time not just for France, but for himself as well.
A failed war always requires someone to take responsibility, and it¡¯s not enough just to me the Emperor and the government; the military also needs significant figures to bear the brunt.
No one wants to bear the infamy of being ipetent or useless, and Marshal Adrien was no exception. The current situation was clear; whichever front line copsed first, themanding officer would be the first one held responsible.
He wasn¡¯t aiming to turn defeat into victory, just to oust the allied forces for a bit longer. Ideally, he could hold out until the negotiations began. That would be perfect.
As for investigating the reasons behind the fortress¡¯s copse, that was just a routine matter. The French Army also had a thorough system; if there were problems, they definitely needed to find the reasons, and ountability was essential.
¡
The essence of war is that some rejoice while others despair. Inside the city, the French forces were shrouded in gloom, whereas the allied forces outside were naturally buoyant.
The French defensive line was not limited to a single one, but that didn¡¯t matter, as the outer fortress structures couldn¡¯t withstand artillery fire, and the subsequent lines of defense couldn¡¯t either.
In modern warfare, the impact of ¡°street fighting¡± had been greatly diminished. Unless it was a city specifically designed for fortification, any regr city could be taken down with enough artillery fire.
Buildings are the best cover in street fighting, but unfortunately, they are not effective against artillery. In terms of effectiveness, they might even be less useful than trenches.
The most suitable scenarios for street fighting are either cities that were designed for war, where buildings can withstand artillery, or due to political reasons, the attacking side couldn¡¯t fully exert their strength.
However, there are exceptions. For example: the original Battle of Stalingrad broke thismon sense, proving with facts that even if a city turned into ruins, it could still be defended vigorously as long as there were enough lives to sacrifice.
Without a doubt, Turincked these qualities. Although Turin held significant political, economic, and cultural historical importance, these elements had nothing to do with Austria.
It was unlikely to even restrict the Italians, since driving out the French was the top priority, and as for the damaged buildings, they could simply be repaired after the war.
The only uncertainty was whether the French Army was willing to sacrifice more lives. But this was no longer significant for the Austrian army, which already had arge amount of cannon fodder.
To closely observe the battlefield, M?rck had already boarded a zeppelin and was now using binocrs to appreciate the artillery¡¯s craftsmanship.
Seeing fortress after fortress copse, M?rck revealed a satisfied smile, ¡°Send a telegram to the Italian Corps,unch the attack in one hour.¡±
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Wireless telegraphy, this is another dark technology in European warfare. Of course, the practical value of wireless telegraphy in those days was not high. It was not just the unstable signal that was the problem, but the transmission distance was also extremely limited.
If it hadn¡¯t been for a spur-of-the-moment idea to watch the battle from a zeppelin, wireless telegraphy might not have appeared in the military so soon.
Theg in the development of wireless telegraphy also had something to do with Franz¡¯s poor understanding in his studies. He knew that wireless telegraphs used electromaic waves for signal transmission, yet he had no clue what electromaic waves were.
Beingpletely befuddled himself, he could only specify what was needed. How to actually achieve wirelessmunication would just have to be figured out slowly.
The progress merely proved that many methods didn¡¯t work until 1883 when a guy named Hertz in the Royal Academy of Sciences discovered electromaic waves, changing the situation.
With the medium of propagation found, wireless technology truly started to take off. From an initialmunication distance of just over two hundred meters to now a hundred kilometers, it could be said there was a qualitative change.
Regrettably, this hundred kilometermunication distance was merely theoretical. Obstacles, harsh weather, electromaic interference, and other factors could all affect the transmission of information.
With so many issues present, the value of wirelessmunication technology was naturally greatly reduced, and widespread adoption was still far off.
Chapter 951 - 214: Kicking Someone When They’re Down
Chapter 951: Chapter 214: Kicking Someone When They¡¯re Down
After entering the year 1891, Parisians had not seenfortable days. On the one hand was the increasingly scarce material life, and on the other hand, the ever-soaring high prices made life miserable for themon people.
If only the front lines could keep on winning, enduring a few hard days in the short term would be eptable to everyone. Unfortunately, the luck of the French Army seemed to have run out in the previous year, and bad news had been continuous since the start of the year.
With the loss of air superiority, Paris had also be unsafe. Especially since August, the Austrian air force had made almost daily visits.
The hit rate of high-altitude bombing depended entirely on luck. The direct damage caused by enemy air raids was not significant, and the threat to France¡¯s military was limited, but the adverse effects brought about caused the Paris Government much distress.
The more uncertain something is, the easier it is to cause panic. Regardless of how low the enemy air force¡¯s hit rate was, once you were caught, people would still die.
For the sake of their dear lives, apart from the politicians who could not escape, Parisians with a bit of wealth all fled to their country estates for refuge.
With the wealthy people gone, Paris¡¯s economy naturally fell into depression. If it were not for the war upying argebor force, the French government would probably have to worry about unemployment as well.
Inside the Pce of Versailles, Napoleon IV had already moved out of the basement and resumed normal office work. There was no other reason but that he was no longer afraid of death.
Well, the truth was, after a long period of observation, Napoleon IV realized that the enemy air force deliberately avoided bombing the Imperial Pce. Even if they attacked the Imperial Pce, it was mostly for intimidation.
Indeed, on the European Continent, unless there was deep hatred, there were generally very few who would harm a monarch.
The Bonaparte Dynasty, though harboring some grudges with the Habsburg dynasty, hadn¡¯t reached the point of a life-and-death struggle. Franz, careful of his reputation, naturally did not want to be branded with the infamy of regicide.
Without instructions from above, thebat troops below naturally did not dare to act recklessly. Whether officers or soldiers, no one could bear the guilt of killing a king.
Under Napoleon IV¡¯s protection, the Pce of Versailles, together with the surrounding area, had fortunately be a safe zone. Even during air raids, no one dared to drop bombs below.
When the ¡°woo-woo-woo¡¡± of the air raid rm sounded, Napoleon IV leisurely walked out and looked up at the sky.
Gazing at the leaflets falling from the sky, Napoleon IV sighed. Sometimes he even wished the enemy would drop bombs to send him to meet God sooner.
What choice did he have? It was too exhausting to be an Emperor. Yet, the family responsibilities prevented him from stepping back, and he had to endure even the most significant pressure. To die in an enemy air raid might even be a form of release.
Without going into details, at least the Bonaparte Dynasty would have made a clean exit. Dead people are the easiest to garner sympathy, especially those who die heroically and tragically.
Those below couldn¡¯t shift the me no matter what. They certainly couldn¡¯t make a child Crown Prince take on the responsibilities. Even for political reasons, Austria might support the Bonaparte Dynasty in stabilizing the situation.
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Catching a small piece of paper falling from the sky, titled ¡°Letter to the French People,¡± Napoleon IV deeply felt its content, which used capitalists and financial groups. Without the push from these interest groups, this continental war would never have erupted, at least Napoleon IV himself was initially opposed to this war.
But an individual cannot go against the tide. France had been forced onto the capitalist chariot, embarking on a road of no return.
It was bad enough that they had started this war, but these people had failed partway through. They resorted to extreme measures for exorbitant profits, not only affecting the front lines but also causing widespread discontent among the domestic poption.
If not for these dragging feet, even if France had to lose, it would not have lost so quickly.
¡°Your Majesty, the Prime Minister and the others have arrived.¡±
The maid¡¯s voice pulled Napoleon IV back from his reverie. Those dragging their feet existed in every country, and it was not unique to France. It¡¯s only because France was on the verge of defeat that the issue had be prominent.
¡°Bring them in,¡± Napoleon IV said indifferently.
Ever since it was determined that the surroundings of the Imperial Pce were safe, the French government¡¯s office location had been moved here. This mademunication between departments convenient, even saving telephone charges.
¡
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets: ¡°Your Majesty, the British have rejected our loan application, and they have also announced that all future transactions will require payment upfront.¡±
Allies, nonexistent. If not for the future international power dynamic needing France, the British would probably have kicked us while we were down long ago.
They had not kicked us while we were down before, but now it was not toote to do so.
The war hade to a point where France¡¯s foreign exchange reserves were already depleted. Even the reserves for issuing currency were mortgaged to the British, now kept in London.
By cutting off loans and demanding payment before delivery, it was clear that they were trying to force France into a corner.
¡°What do the British want?¡± Napoleon IV asked coldly. As if all this was expected, it did not cause the slightest ripple.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets: ¡°The British are eyeing our overseas colonies, primarily the Indochina Penins. They worry that these areas might fall into Austrian hands after the war, posing a threat to the security of their holdings in India.¡±
There is no such thing as unreasoned love or hate in politics, only eternal interests. Watching France on the brink of defeat, the British couldn¡¯t resist the temptation to plunder amidst chaos.
Austrian influence may not have reached the Indochina Penins, but the German Federation has upied the My Penins, and after the war, Germany is set to merge, inevitably extending its influence to the Indochina Penins.
If the French Indochina Penins also falls to Austria, the region of Southeast Asia would be dominated by Austria alone. By then, India would be strategically encircled on three sides by the Russian-Austrian Alliance, facing immense military pressure.
Napoleon IV sneered, ¡°Now you know to worry. What were you doing earlier? If it weren¡¯t for British meddling, we would have broken through the Rhine River by now and wouldn¡¯t be in this situation.¡±
People bowed their heads one after another, with no one willing to argue with the Emperor on this issue. Even though, everyone knew that Napoleon IV¡¯s statement was somewhat biased.
The British certainly hampered the French Army¡¯sbat efforts, but that wasn¡¯t the fundamental reason for its inability to win. The essential reason was the vast disparity in power between the two sides.
Had they actually crossed the Rhine River, the French Army might have suffered an even worse defeat. At least, now they had not encountered guerri fighters, and the upied areas were stable.
After a pause, Napoleon IV added, ¡°Enough, it¡¯s pointless to say more at this point. What price are the British prepared to offer?¡±
The War in Europe, unlike the historical Franco-Prussian War, saw Austria possessing a strong enough navy, meaning that postwar France would be unable to keep its overseas colonies.
Under these circumstances, Napoleon IV didn¡¯t mind selling to the British. What annoyed him was the British kicking France while it was down.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets: ¡°They¡¯re offering to deduct part of our previous debts and add a batch of material assistance. All in all, the total value is about 60 million pounds.¡±
Upon hearing this number, Napoleon IV mmed the table and demanded, ¡°Why don¡¯t they just rob us?¡±
The French Indochina Penins covered nearly 740,000 square kilometers ofnd, fertile and rich in natural resources¡ªa precious asset that brought a substantial wealth to France each year.
Such a high-quality asset would usually be in high demand, with offers far exceeding 60 million pounds, let alone just six times that amount.
Given the current exceptional circumstances, there weren¡¯t many daring to snatch territory from Austria¡¯s maw, but that didn¡¯t justify selling it for a mere 60 million pounds. The French government¡¯s cost of establishing French Indochina alone exceeded that amount.
Yet, even for this 60 million pounds, the British were not prepared to pay in cash but instead wanted to use it as a credit.
Considering current prices, 60 million pounds would at most purchase what would¡¯ve cost 30 million pounds before the war, meaning a severe loss for France.
Prime Minister Terence Burke reminded, ¡°Your Majesty, we have no choice at the moment. We¡¯re well aware that the British are extorting us, but we can¡¯t refuse.
After all, it is better for these regions to be in British hands than Austrian. Moreover, we will need British support in the postwar negotiations toe.¡±
There¡¯s nothing more sorrowful in the world than knowing one is being extorted and still having to submit willingly.
Fortunately, having been ground down by a series of societal hardships, Napoleon IV¡¯s arrogance had diminished. Had it been ten years earlier, he might have outright picked a fight with the British.
¡°Tell the British that if they want these regions, they need to show enough sincerity. Otherwise, we would rather leave Indochina to Austria than let them seed.¡±
Using the enemy as a threat against an ally was a difficult stance for Napoleon IV. He inherited the vast French Empire from his father and within a mere twenty years, it had been reduced to this¡ªa drop too steep for most to endure.
In the end, it was all because a war was waged at the wrong time, a mistake costing him everything. Overall, Napoleon IV was apetent Emperor; unfortunately, one misstep forfeited everything.
The Italian Area was lost; French African was cooling off, the defense forces in the Algeria Region were insufficient to hold for long; and now, French Indochina seemed likely to change hands, leaving France¡¯s territories as they were seventy years ago.
And that was not all. Judging from the formation of the Anti-French Alliance, keeping France¡¯s maind intact would be difficult, possibly ending in a worse scenario than that of 1815.
Prime Minister Terence Burke: ¡°Your Majesty, rumors have been flying around Paris these past few days. Those lurking underground are bing restless again.
If the situation continues to deteriorate, there might even be a rebellion. The Cab suggests tightening controls on public opinion and cracking down on those spreading rumors.¡±
Tightening control over public opinion was not a new approach, but while the government could control newspapers, it could not stop gossip; it could regte the dissemination of news but not prevent the distribution of flyers falling from the sky.
Without hesitation, Napoleon IV passed the piece of paper in his hand and said, ¡°Take a look. This is a letter of persuasion from the Austrians. What do you n to do?
On the back is a cartoon: the wealthy feast on fine food while ordinary people bleed on the front lines and suffer from hunger.
Mostly based on facts, the content is very likely to resonate with themon people. Once utilized by the maniptive, a disturbance is imminent.¡±
The truth often hurts the most. Without lifting the lid, everyone could still feign ignorance, but once exposed to the light, the situation changes drastically.
The patience of the people has its limits, especially when hungry, a single incendiary paper can spark an uprising.
There are only two paths before us: either stand with the financial conglomerates and share the public¡¯s outrage, or turn with the tide and swiftly pin the me, seizing the opportunity to eradicate the country¡¯s financial forces and using their wealth to cate the popce.
Chapter 952 - 215: Professional Montenegro Hand
Chapter 952: Chapter 215: Professional Montenegro Hand
Ever since the French Army had faced defeat at the front, internal conflicts within the nation had graduallye to light. The rising cost of living and meager ies of themon folk had be irreconcble social issues.
Stabilizing prices was impossible. Beyond capitalists hoarding resources, global price increases also yed a significant role in the intion within France.
After the outbreak of thend war, industrial and agricultural production in France had significantly declined, and it had be necessary to import a vast amount of resources to meet the basic needs of the people.
With prices rising and wages remaining stagnant, tensions arose. Regardless of the justifications for the price hikes, it was problematic if people couldn¡¯t afford to fill their stomachs.
ording to iplete statistics, in just the first half of 1891, the French working ss hadunched 126 strikes, three of which involved more than a hundred thousand participants. As the Revolutionary Holy Land, Paris nearly erupted in protests and demonstrations every week.
Given it had be a powder keg, it was natural that revolutions would burst forth. In the past month alone, the French government had quelled four riots.
It was clear to any discerning observer that France was bound to face serious troubles. The French government had attempted to intervene multiple times, but while recognizing the problem was easy, solving it proved difficult.
There was no alternative, as interests swayed the hearts of men. For the government to forcefully stabilize prices, it would inevitably have to cut into the profits of interest groups.
One might see the flyers from Austria ming the capitalists and syndicates and think it was all the fault of the bourgeoisie. If the nobility and bureaucracy hadn¡¯t been involved, the capitalists alone wouldn¡¯t have been able to manipte the system without being taken out and shot.
The number of people involved in this was unknown to anyone. In any case, the collusive interest groups between officials and merchants had be a chronic ailment in France.
To address these issues, the French government had made numerous efforts. Under Napoleon III, the power of the bourgeois syndicates had been limited, earning him the title of the ¡°Socialist Emperor.¡±
Unfortunately, the previous great revolution had destroyed the government¡¯s efforts. In making concessions to the syndicates, their influence had permeated every corner of France.
Today, every sector in France was filled with the shadow of syndicates, and France had surpassed other European nations, entering an era of major monopolies first.
No monarch liked uncontroble forces, and Napoleon IV was no exception. The seeds of discord had been nted from the beginning, just waiting to take root and grow.
The flyers that fell from the sky merely brought the various internal conflicts in France into the open and conveniently proposed a terrible idea to solve these issues.
By evening, Filt Manor was brightly lit. Under the guise of a banquet, the financial emperors of France were holding a secret meeting.
As the leading figure in finance, Maxim Sidolov was the undeniable chair of the meeting. Dispensing with lengthy speeches, he got straight to the point,
¡°I¡¯m sure everyone has felt it¡ªsince the outbreak of the war, our domestic economic situation has drastically worsened, and doing business has be increasingly difficult.
War bonds are not selling, and the British have refused to give us loans. The government is already penniless.
Even the most profitable arms trade has now be worthless. No one can guarantee whether the francs in our hands, in the future, will be currency or just a pile of scrap paper.
From the current situation, our chances of winning the war seem slim. Should France be defeated, we will also not be able to save ourselves.
I invited everyone here today to discuss strategies. We need to find a way out for France and for ourselves.¡±
People had no money left in their pockets, so business difficulties were inevitable. Behind hoarding resources, there was also a goal of preserving capital value, especially considering how rapidly the franc was depreciating.
Out of necessity, to raise enough funds for the war, the French government had to over-issue currency.
In fact, not only France but also Austria, as the enemy, was over-issuing currency.
The capital market is most sensitive and possesses its own judgmental power.
Austria had sufficient gold reserves and was thergest gold producer in the world. After the war broke out, it did not makerge-scale foreign purchases of resources, and the money spent by the government was still circting within its own economy.
Additionally, with continuous military victories, Austria was about to be the dominant power in Europe. With the Vienna Government also preparing to annex French African and the German Federation, these series of positive news was enough to offset the adverse effects of over-issuing currency.
Without significant loss of wealth and an increasing market for the Divine Shield, the current currency surplus was only temporary. Once the new markets were integrated, these problems would no longer exist.
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The market had confidence, so the value of Divine Shield currency was naturally not going to fall much. In contrast, the franc was utterly disastrous.
Everyone knew that once France was defeated, the Italian Area would be independent, and overseas colonies would change rulers, which would naturally lead the franc to exit these areas.
The market would shrink dramatically, and the francs issued would not decrease. When the time came, this currency would all flow back to the French homnd, triggering even greater intion.
International capital might choose not to hold francs, but domestic capital could not avoid it. Everyone present couldn¡¯t save themselves on their own.
In the face of escting intion, everyone had to hold more tangible assets, and those who originally yed with finance were now bing industrial magnates.
Everyone was aware of the crisis. Holding arge amount of tangible industries did increase their paper wealth, but correspondingly, their risks also increased.
Not to mention, the difficulty of fleeing had increased manifold. People could leave, but industries could not be taken along. Even liquidating at a discount was futile, as holding a pile of Francs was basically useless for exchange when going abroad.
Even if some were prepared in advance and had an escape n, who wouldin about having too much money?
Moreover, everyone had previously believed that France would win. ns for an escape route started only in recent months, leaving no time to transferrge amounts of assets abroad.
In a sense, everyone present had inevitably be bound together with France. Should the Allied Forces breakthrough, everyone would suffer heavy losses.
A middle-aged man sighed and said, ¡°Mr. Maxim, at this stage, even if we lend all our money to the government, we cannot win this war.
Since it¡¯s destined that we cannot win the war, to minimize unnecessary losses, we must cut our losses in time.
There¡¯s a rumor within the Anti-French Alliance that someone proposed: after the war, they would confiscate all our assets to serve as war reparations.
With the Austrians distributing flyers and considering the consistent behavior of the Vienna Government, I think it is very likely that this could happen.
If we don¡¯t want the worst-case scenario to ur, then we must end this war through negotiations before we lose all our chips.¡±
People know their own affairs; the more they know, the more desperate they feel about this war. Sure, the French government is short of money, but not Francs.
Foreign exchange and gold, everyone surely has them, but these are the most precious treasures at the moment, and nobody would want to part with them.
Unable to win, negotiating has be the European norm, so everyone feels no psychological pressure. The only headache for everyone is the rumor about ¡°asset confiscation.¡±
The Austrians are professionals at this. When suppressing rebellions in the past, the Vienna Government confiscated the assets of all involved, even those slightly implicated couldn¡¯t escape this fate.
Latter, when they wiped out the Ottoman Empire, this tactic was even more magnified, with assets from all levels of the Ottoman Empirepletely confiscated.
Given the friction between France and Austria, no one can guarantee that Austria wouldn¡¯t repeat its old tricks, letting the old fate of the Ottoman Empire recur in France. After all, France had applied the same tactics in Prussia and Germany, so retaliation from the Anti-French Alliance was not out of the question.
Maxim Sidolov nodded, ¡°Mr. Roman is correct; it is better to believe it could happen and not be caught off guard. Otherwise, it will be toote to regret it if it truly happens.
However, ending the war is not just up to us. Those parasites in the government are still daydreaming about turning defeat into victory, truly trying to push France into the abyss.¡±
Maxim Sidolov did not mention Austria¡¯s instigation and attempts to incite internal strife in France from beginning to end.
This is an open plot; even knowing it¡¯s an enemy¡¯s scheme, everyone is helpless to refuse it.
Failure in war always requires someone to take responsibility. Either let the Emperor and government take the me, or bear the brunt of public anger ourselves.
If we don¡¯t want to be that unfortunate person, we muste forward andpete for leadership. And we must act quickly, or we will only be left to feed the grass at our graves.
¡°Mr. Maxim, the current situation is very unfavorable for us. Had it not been for our continuous efforts to suppress public opinion, we might already have be targets for everyone.
Without public support, relying solely on our strength, once it starts¡¡±
Before the older man finished speaking, Maxim Sidolov interrupted, ¡°Your Excellency Siss, you are mistaken. This isn¡¯t our forte; directly getting involved would be irresponsible towards our own lives.
The public detesting us doesn¡¯t mean they can¡¯t be used. Paris is now a powder keg, just waiting for a spark to ignite.
All we need to do is provide that spark, detonate this powder keg, and let the Revolutionary Party handle the rest.
By the way, we can also talk to people from the Bourbon and Orleans Dynasties, I believe we will havemon ground.¡±
Starting a rebellioncks sophistication; such high-risk endeavors are not suitable for these distinguished gentlemen. Operating behind the scenes is what they should be doing.
Clearly, Maxim Sidolov is well versed in this craft. Gathering everyone was merely to have them contribute money and effort.
He had no ns to lead a revolt with a group of capitalists but instead delegated this task to the more professional Revolutionary Party. To ensure a foolproof n, he also prepared to incite the other two royal families.
Chapter 953 - 216, The Wind Rises and the Clouds Swell
Chapter 953: Chapter 216, The Wind Rises and the Clouds Swell
With the support of wealthy patrons, the French Revolutionary movement surged once again. The suffering life provided fertile ground for the spread of revolutionary ideas.
Without waiting for the French government to react, a massive anti-war, anti-hunger movement began in Paris and quickly spread throughout the country.
If someone observed carefully, they would notice something interesting: those who had initially supported the war were now the ones most opposed to it.
They were the same people, the only change being the many traces of years now etched upon their faces. It was clear that this past year had not been kind to anyone.
The war, once thought to be as swift as autumn winds sweeping away leaves, had be a protracted drain on national strength. Many young Frenchmen, including their rtives, were sent to the battlefield.
If there had been continuous victories on the battlefield, it might have been bearable, but the reality was a series of devastating defeats for the French Army. The suffering of life, along with concerns for their loved ones,pelled people to stand against the war.
If no idents urred, once the armistice was signed, the same people dissatisfied with the terms would likely be the ones calling for the punishment of traitors to the nation.
It could only be said that the government of Napoleon IV was unlucky to have coincided with the most chaotic era of French thought.
As the revolutionary movement swelled, a massive uprising erupted in Rome on September 1, 1891. Unlike any previous anti-French uprisings, this time the leaders were the Nobility and missionaries.
When the wall falls, everyone pushes it down. Seeing the French on the brink of ruin, the Italian local power factions, long dissatisfied with the French, finally took concrete action.
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From the outset, the uprising turned the Italian soldiers of the garrison and, with the Church as their cover, the Rebel Army soon took control of Rome.
After the uprising seeded, acting as the Religious Leader, Pope Leo XIII issued the ¡°Anti-Aggression Deration¡± from The Vatican, calling for all Italians to rise and drive out the French.
Upon receiving the news, Franz¡¯s first reaction was that the climax of the Italian independence movement had arrived. Without any hesitation, he immediately ordered troops to head south to support the Italian national liberation movement.
¡
At the Pce of Versailles, the deteriorating situation finally pushed Napoleon IV to the edge of the precipice; it was time to make a decision.
Army Minister Luskinia: ¡°With the fall of the Roman region, the situation in Italy has been set to rot. Currently, we do not have enough troops to deploy to Italy to clean up the mess.
The Army Department suggests temporarily abandoning the Italian Area, retreating to the Alps, and consolidating our forces for a homnd defense battle. This includes the intensely distressed defense of Turin, which is not worth continuing.¡±
The harsh reality was before their eyes; Italy, once the limitless glory of the Greater French Empire, had now be a quagmire. Continuing to be mired in it offered no value beyond the needless depletion of national strength.
Militarily speaking, falling back to the Alps was undoubtedly the best option. France could ensure the security of the southern line with minimal forces, then redirect the spared troops to other battlefields.
But what is best militarily does not necessarily equate to what is best politically. In some sense, France abandoning the Italian Area was hardly different from a direct admission of defeat.
After the loss of the Italian Area, the weakness of France would bepletely exposed; one could imagine the Anti-French Alliance would not miss the chance to kick France while it was down.
Those allies who previously made a token effort without realmitment would now scramble to tear off a piece of flesh from France.
Everyone knew it, yet no one opposed it. It was clear that the current issue was not whether to give up the Italian Area but how to manage the consequences.
After scanning the room, Napoleon IV slowly said, ¡°Mm, let¡¯s proceed with the Army Department¡¯s n.
It seems that Austria is prepared to restore those Italian States. You should know what to do next, right?¡±
¡°Your Majesty, please rest assured. We will handle it properly and will not leave the enemy¡¡±
Seeing the low spirits and seeming impatience of Napoleon IV, Luskinia¡¯s talk suddenly ceased.
Without saying it, they knew it meant sabotage. For a considerable time toe, the restored Italian States would be enemies of France. While there was still a chance, it was natural to weaken these potential enemies.
In a sense, the more devastation France wreaks now, the more reconstruction funds will be needed after the war. The Italian States naturally have no money, so the hassle falls on Austria¡¯s shoulders again.
As for France facing retaliation after the war, it¡¯s a joke to think that not acting now will somehow make the enemy show mercy.
Since the outbreak of the war, France and Austria had several secret contacts, none of which led to an agreement; otherwise, the war would have ended long ago.
To think that France is simply stubborn and won¡¯t cry until seeing the coffin. In reality, it¡¯s Austria¡¯s excessive demands that the Paris Government finds uneptable, which is why they¡¯ve held out until now.
Then, everyone reluctantly discovered that war is something you really can¡¯t drag on. As the French Army continued to suffer defeats on the battlefield, Austria¡¯s terms became increasingly stringent, and the gap between the two sides¡¯ bottom lines grew significantly.
If the Vienna Government were willing topromise and offer the ceasefire terms from six months ago, no, even the terms from three months ago, Napoleon IV would have epted them without hesitation.
But there was no way; six months ago, Austria had demanded France forfeit French Africa, restore the borders in Central Europe to pre-war lines, and pay a certain amount of war reparations.
With the French Army not yet defeated and most of French Africa still in their hands, the Paris Government naturally couldn¡¯t ept such terms.
Three months ago it was different. French Africa could no longer satisfy Austria¡¯s appetite; not only did they increase the war indemnity by a substantial amount, but they also demanded that France give up the Italian Area.
Such humiliating and sovereignty-reducing terms were, of course, too much for the Paris Government to ept. And before they could even react, the French Army suffered two major defeats at the front, followed by Russia, Spain, and Switzend being dragged into the conflict by Austria.
When they made contact again, Austria¡¯s conditions got even more outrageous, not only including the previous demands but alsoying territorial ims on maind France.
And it wasn¡¯t just a little bit. It wasn¡¯t just Austria wanting to reim the old Shinra territories, but the neighbors also wanting to cut themselves a piece.
Without a doubt, such conditions, which would reduce France¡¯s size, would certainly result in a change of ownership at the Pce of Versailles if Napoleon IV dared agree to them.
Prime Minister Terence Burke: ¡°Your Majesty, those fellows seem to have sensed something; they are all keeping a low profile, and some have even left Paris.
Moreover, the Revolutionary Party has suddenly be active. In the recent strikes and violent incidents, the shadow of the Revolutionary Party can be seen.
Just the Revolutionary Party alone doesn¡¯t have the ability to orchestrate so many actions; there must be other forces supporting them from behind.
Those who have the capability and motive to do such things could only be them. If we don¡¯t take action now, they probably will.¡±
It was clear that Terence Burke was extremely wary of the economic ns, even using euphemisms when discussing them in council.
There was no choice; thest politician who publicly advocated suppressing the economic ns has long been buried under grass.
Napoleon IV is partly to me; during his regency, he was busy seizing power and was exploited by the economic ns, leading to the marginalization of the faction in the government that was in favor of suppressing them.
By the time Napoleon IV realized, the political forces advocating for suppression of the economic ns had already crumbled under the economic ns¡¯ onught of money.
Pity the integrity of politicians is so grand. During the Napoleon III Era, with a strong Emperor in control, any politician who dared to cozy up to the economic ns would be sent back to farm theirnd, and anyone who wanted to make it in the political field had to be opposed to them.
The saying ¡°a new emperor brings a new court¡± might be a bit exaggerated for the European Continent. But Napoleon IV¡¯s ascension wasn¡¯t a normal transition of power; there was an interim period of ministerial regency, and the Bonaparte family had no one to control the overall situation. Power transition after personally leading a campaign was inevitable.
The young and impetuous Napoleon IV, with political skills far from mature and without a strong figure in the Bonaparte family to assist, inevitably left loopholes for others to exploit.
This was somewhat simr to Chongzhen, busy fighting for power and forgetting to maintain a bnce among political factions.
But Napoleon IV¡¯s political acumen was slightly stronger; in theter stages of political strife, he quietly supported the rise of direct political forces.
If not for the outbreak of the great revolution halfway through, he might have gradually yed the economic ns out. After all, the economic ns were just capitalists banding together for mutual benefit and could just as easily split due to interests, as their cohesion was very poor to begin with.
After hesitating for a moment, Napoleon IV nodded, ¡°Prepare tounch! At this stage, we can only gamble.¡±
Chapter 955 - 218: Civil War Erupts
Chapter 955: Chapter 218: Civil War Erupts
Therge-scale deployment of the government army naturally could not be kept secret. In fact, every move of the French government had always been closely watched by the capitalists, although no one had expected Napoleon IV to actually flip the table.
The human heart isplex. ¡°Be lenient towards oneself and strict towards others¡± is the norm in society. Although everyone was plotting a coup themselves, they were still extremely angry at the Emperor¡¯s act of flipping the table.
There was no doubt, an arrow on the string had to be shot. As the government army took action, the capitalists who had previously been hiding behind the scenes and pulling the strings were now forced into the spotlight.
¡°Fellow citizens, take up the weapons in your hands, overthrow the decaying Bonaparte Dynasty, end this misguided war, and establish a¡¡±
Maxim Sidolov, who had narrowly escaped a disaster, was now, with a stiff face, preaching revolutionary theory to the workers and inciting everyone to join the rebellion.
It was clear that he was a pseudo-revolutionary, advocating only the overthrow of the Bonaparte Dynasty,cking the theory of toppling the bourgeoisie.
There was no alternative; one could hardly expect the capitalists to rise up and start a revolution against themselves. Even if they were to spout sheer nonsense, it would easily give them away!
Maxim Sidolov keenly felt what it was like when ¡°schrs encounter soldiers and can¡¯t argue their point.¡± No matter how eloquently he spoke on stage, the mood of the crowd below just wasn¡¯t lifting.
¡°Revolutionary¡± thought was deeply rooted in the intellectuals, while ordinary people were struggling just for their daily bread and had no time to ponder these issues.
Moreover, the Bonaparte Dynasty hadn¡¯t reached the point of inciting universal wrath; despite the continuous bad news from the front lines, the war was mostly fought abroad and the Parisians didn¡¯t feel it deeply.
Domestic prices had soared, indeed causing widespread dissatisfaction. However, for the sake of maintaining public morale, the Paris Government had issued relief grain multiple times. Although it was not enough to satisfy hunger, at least it kept starvation at bay!
Many people were nostalgic for the good life during the era of Napoleon III, and the ¡°revolution¡± didn¡¯t leave a good impression on the Parisians. The most significant example was the notable decline in living standards after thest great revolution.
Seeing that moral encouragement was ineffective on this coerced rebel army, Maxim Sidolov reluctantly announced, ¡°For storming the police station across the street, each man will be rewarded with five thousand Francs, and the first one to break in will receive fifty thousand Francs¡¡±
Grand principles were never as effective as cold, hard cash. Although the Franc had devalued significantly, five thousand Francs was still an astronomical sum for the average person.
Looking at the invigorated rebel army, Maxim Sidolov no longer had any faith in the prospects of the revolution. Essentially, he had never wanted a revolution but sought to rece the government with one that would be obedient through a coup.
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But ns could not keep up with the pace of change, and the sudden move of Napoleon IV had disrupted their schemes. The insiders they had in the government had now be captives, and even the capitalists themselves were on the run.
If it wasn¡¯t ast resort, Maxim Sidolov would never have taken to the field himself, leading a ragtag bunch to stir up a revolution.
Chaos reigned, and Paris was inplete disarray. Faced with the government¡¯s raised cleaver, both capitalists and the Revolutionary Party struck back, inaugurating the revolution.
The sounds of gunfire, shouting, and crying melded together, resounding through the City of Paris. The sky gradually darkened, night fell, and the battle raged on.
By midnight, perhaps because everyone was exhausted or perhaps because it was too dark to see, the fighting gradually calmed down.
¡°Mr. Sidolov, the car is ready and can leave at any time.¡±
Maxim Sidolov nodded, ¡°Hmm! Notify the Revolutionary Party to take over the troops two hours after I leave. Once the mission isplete, you can freely decide whether to continue participating in the subsequent battles.¡±
Leading the revolution was out of the question for Maxim Sidolov. He was not so nobly grand; his sudden rebellious outbreak had beenpelled by necessity.
The government had already made its move, and he couldn¡¯t escape Paris without causing chaos. Once in the hands of the government, the fate of others was uncertain, but Maxim Sidolov¡¯s was surely sealed.
As for the great task of overthrowing the Bonaparte Dynasty, of course, that was left to the Revolutionary Party. For now, his identity had not been exposed, which was a relief. If everyone knew he was the boss of the capitalist bloodsuckers, he would have been torn to pieces alive.
Ever since the birth of the bourgeoisie, they had been synonymous with ¡°ruthlessness,¡± especially those involved in finance, who were the best of the best in this regard.
The world does not revolve around one individual; without Maxim Sidolov, the civil war in Paris would still continue.
It was not that the Revolutionary Army was so formidable; it was just that the government army was full of reservations. Often, what looked like warfare was really just shooting into the sky.
There was no choice¡ªFrench soldiers had always sympathized with the Revolution. They could arrest ruthless capitalists alright, but asking them to shoot at themon people was too much to bear.
Although most soldiers wereckluster in their efforts, there were still some who were loyal to the royal family and fought to the death, so on the whole, the government army still had the upper hand over the rebel forces.
¡
At the Pce of Versailles, watching the government army achieve victory after victory, Napoleon IV found no joy.
In the depths of the night, Napoleon IV sat alone in the garden, gazing at the star-filled sky, as if he could hear the heart-wrenching screams of the ancient City of Paris amidst the raging mes of war.
ns do not adapt as quickly as situations change. From the current standpoint, Napoleon IV¡¯s cleansing n had clearly failed.
Despite having arrested many important figures from the financial groups and seized a vast amount of wealth and materials, dealing a physical blow to the bourgeoisie, the civil war made these gains tasteless.
The Paris civil war was only the beginning. It was imaginable that in the days toe, the residual forces of the financial groups would certainlyunch a counterattack.
Under normal circumstances, Napoleon IV would not be concerned about a slight rebound. He was confident enough to handle these troubles.
However, things were different now. France was facing an attack by the Anti-French Alliance. The simultaneous outbreak of internal and external threats would make France, already at a disadvantage on the battlefield, even more difficult to sustain.
¡°Not ruthless enough!¡±
¡°If only I had been this decisive earlier!¡±
Napoleon IV muttered to himself. He knew he was deluding himself; violence couldn¡¯t solve the problem. Despite the financial groups being suppressed now, it wouldn¡¯t be long before they rose again from the ashes.
In essence, the financial groups were a body of interests; as long as there were benefits, this group would exist. Unless the government was strong enough topletely cut off their connections at the root.
This was the aspect of Franz that Napoleon IV envied the most. The Austrian bourgeoisie had ate start and hadn¡¯t had the chance to grow before encountering a formidable Emperor, who directly extinguished the possibility ofrge financial groups arising.
Energy and transportation were either in government hands or in the hands of the royal family; any capitalists who dared make trouble were taught a lesson.
From the very beginning, the financial industry and the real economy had been two parallel lines. Anyone who tried to cross over or group together would immediately face a crippling blow.
Not to mention the strictest inspections; that was certainly expected. Regr interruptions to water and power supplies were just routine; transporting goods would inevitablyck railcars; buying¡
In fact, not just in Austria, but nearly all European countries were limiting the power of financial groups. It¡¯s just that Austria was doing it most forcefully, while France was the most unsessful.
¡
Chapter 957 - 220: The Sky Pit
Chapter 957: Chapter 220: The Sky Pit
Interests move hearts, and while the British eyed the French warships, the Austrian Navy was simrly scheming to get their hands on France¡¯s fleet.
What seemed like an ordinary dispute over warships had in fact evolved into a struggle for naval supremacy, and the ultimate fate of the French fleet would directly impact the world order that followed.
At the Vienna Pce, facing the anxious crowd, Franz calmly asked, ¡°Do you think the French will just willingly hand over their warships to us?¡±
Truth be told, Franz had also considered seizing the French fleet. Directly inheriting France¡¯s naval legacy andbining the naval strengths of the two countries to surpass the British was a tantalizing vision.
However, harsh reality told him that this was impossible. The France-Austrian Navy were each their own system, and just integrating them would take more than a moment to achieve.
If it were just a matter of time, then perhaps it wasn¡¯t insurmountable. The trouble was that under Franz¡¯s butterfly effect, naval technology had far surpassed that of the original timeline, and it was only missing a concept before the advent of the dreadnoughts.
If Austria got hold of the French warships, the British, to maintain their naval dominance, would definitely increase their investment in the navy.
Once the dreadnoughts emerged, those costly irond ships would be promptly relegated to the dustbin of history.
Without a doubt, Austria would have to keep up with the development of dreadnoughts. What then should be done with these superfluous irond ships?
There¡¯s no question of selling them, and even if given away for free, no one could afford to maintain them. The world¡¯s secondrgest navy, even if the Anglo-Austrian two countriesbined efforts, would struggle, let alone other nations.
Keeping them might lend some prestige, but their practical value would be next to nil. Surely it¡¯s not feasible to precipitate a grand naval showdown before the Britishe out with their dreadnoughts, to overwhelm them through sheer numbers?
It wasn¡¯t that Franz was hesitant, he justcked confidence. On paper, thebined tonnage of the France-Austrian Navy did exceed the British, 1.5 to 1, which seemed advantageous, but in actualbat, the oue was unknown.
In those days, the Royal Navy was a force to be reckoned with. Franz wasn¡¯t very clear on the state of the French Navy, but he was certain the Austrian Navy was far from solid.
As one of the first nations to enter the era of irond ships, the Austrian Navy was at a juncture where a significant portion of its fleet was aging and requiredrge-scale renewal.
Aside from their capital ships keeping pace with the times, many auxiliary vessels were outdated, with even some sailing warships still in existence.
There was no other reason but to save money. Only those who¡¯ve experienced it themselves understand the hardship of simultaneously developing naval andnd forces.
Putting himself in their shoes, Franz had reason to believe the French Navy was also substantially inted. The world¡¯s three major naval powers were nominally on the same level, but that was rtive to other naval powers.
Essentially, the Royal Navy was a cut above, and theparison of the naval forces of the three countries was forced due to interests.
Withoutpetitors, how could one justify military spending? The slogan of the three great naval powers was initially shouted by the Royal Navy to exert pressure on parliament.
Compared to the obsolete fleets of France and Austria, the Royal Navy was in much better shape. As the king of the international naval trade market, the British could export batches of second-hand warships every few years.
Funds recouped from the arms trade,bined with the already highest military budget, allowed the Royal Navy to far outpace France and Austria in updating and recing ships.
¡°Your Majesty, civil unrest has broken out in France, and the Bonaparte Dynasty is in jeopardy. As long as we¡¯re willing to help them maintain their regime, Napoleon IV is likely topromise,¡± exined Navy Minister Castagni.
After some thought, Franz vetoed the idea, ¡°No!¡±
¡°Intervening in the French regime change seems like a brilliant move, but it¡¯s more loss than gain. It¡¯s no longer the Middle Ages; nationalistic French cannot ept a government propped up by foreign powers.¡±
¡°The war has uprooted the Bonaparte Dynasty; unless we hold back, no one will be able to clean up the mess afterward.
¡°That¡¯s impossible; even if we were willing to give up suppressing France, our allies would not easily relent. How can they sleep at night without crippling France?¡±
¡°Napoleon IV is not a fool; even if he¡¯s blinded by power, others will remind him. The best thing for the Bonaparte Dynasty now is to step down quickly and find a scapegoat to bear the brunt of the people¡¯s wrath.¡±
These are not the old days, and it¡¯s precisely the peak of hatred between France and Austria. Supporting a pro-Austria regime in France is clearly unrewarding.
If we were truly to support the Bonaparte Dynasty, then the best strategy for Austria would be to openly back theirpetitors, and the enraged French popce would handle the rest.
¡°However, this opportunity is too rare, and if we miss it now, it won¡¯t be easy to overtake the Royal Navy any time soon,¡± Navy Minister Castagni insisted.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, ¡°Calm down, Your Excellency. It¡¯s not impossible to get warships from the French. The key is whether the cost paid matches the benefits.
¡°The war has cost us dearly already, and we simply don¡¯t have the financial strength topete with the British for sea supremacy in the short term.
¡°After the war, we must first focus on economic recovery. Even if we get the French fleet, we can¡¯t afford to maintain it. Besides, we aren¡¯t the only ones eyeing French warships, and it would look bad for us to hoard them all.
¡°The Foreign Ministry suggests selecting a few capital ships to bring back and allocate the rest to allies, avoiding unnecessary trouble.¡±
Theoretically, this was the most rational approach. Austria biting off more than it could chew with the French fleet would be problematic, but if the whole Anti-French Alliance shared in taking the French ships, there would be no issue.
Dividing the spoils with everyone, any international pressure would vanish into thin air.
After all, the essence of the French Navy lies in its capital ships, something Austria does notck in auxiliary ships.
Navy Minister Castagni hurriedly objected, ¡°Your Excellency, please don¡¯t do that. The technology standards used by the French Navy and ours are different. If we can¡¯t get all of them back, then we might as well not take any of them.
It¡¯s aplete loss to provide specialized supporting facilities for just a few French vessels.¡±
Ever since Austriapleted its military reforms, standardization had been etched into everyone¡¯s minds. Everything, from naval vessels and ports to a single screw, had its specific standard.
If we can¡¯t acquire all of the French¡¯s main ships, then losing the strategic significance of surpassing the Royal Navy makes a few vessels insignificant to the Austrian Navy.
¡°If the Navy doesn¡¯t want them, then we might as well give up. Let¡¯s have a grand auction of ships after the war, inviting all countries to participate, using the funds raised as part of the war reparations.¡±
Franz made a resolute decision that immediately brought Castagni to the brink of tears.
Incurring additional logistical stress for a few French vessels was indeed not worth it, but if it were dozens of vessels, that would be a different story.
As the secondrgest naval power in the world, France alone had hundreds of irond ships. Even if Austria took dozens, there would be enough left to be distributed without any allocation issues.
Castagni was initially only trying to bargain, but the sudden turn of events naturally left him disheartened.
Clearly, Franz was not a leader who cared about his subordinates¡¯ feelings. After making a decision, he immediately moved on to the next topic, not providing Castagni any time to adjust.
¡
While the Vienna Government considered post-war issues, the battlefield once again underwent changes.
First, the French forces on the southern line couldn¡¯t withstand the pressure and voluntarily gave up the Italian Area; then, the French forces in Central Europe once again lost their equipment and armor on the battlefield, being forced back to their homnd; and even arge part of the Franche-Comt¨¦ region in the east was lost.
The only rtively stable front was in the west, where a bunch of second-tier French soldiers held back the Spanish attack through sheer courage.
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Of course, this did not prove theirbat strength. It was more due to the unreliable Spaniards ¨C everyone was seizing the chance to kick someone when they¡¯re down yet hesitated tomit fully.
Now Napoleon IV faced only two choices: either flee abroad himself or be exiled by the Anti-French Alliance.
No matter the choice, his personal safety was assured. Compared to Emperor Napoleon who had garnered hatred from all sides, Napoleon IV had offended far fewer.
Aside from the domestic capitalists, there were hardly any mortal enemies. If the Bonaparte family were good at public rtions, even exile could be avoided.
The most perplexing issue for Napoleon IV was whether to continue striving in exile or to concede defeat and leave politics, possibly restoring the empire in the future.
In the Pce of Versailles, the increasingly gaunt Napoleon IV asked, ¡°The war is bound to fail; what do you all think we should do now?¡±
Those present were staunch supporters of the Bonaparte Dynasty, and Napoleon IV had not acted counter to his own interests, so there was no question of them deserting him.
Moreover, it was the Anti-French Alliance advancing upon them. Even if someone wanted to defect, no one would wee them!
Prime Minister Terence Burke was the first to speak, ¡°Your Majesty, the situation is irretrievable. For now, we can only retreat temporarily and wait for a proper time to return.
However, we cannot bear the responsibility for the defeat, nor can we sign the harsh peace treaty. This war was initiated by the consortiums and it failed because of them; they must be held ountable.
ording to thetest investigation, among the suspects we¡¯ve captured, 485 have admitted to treason. Unfortunately, the mastermind behind this operation has escaped.
They¡¯ve confessed to a series of problems, including instigating this conspiratorial war, causing prices to soar during the war, and deliberately creating social discord, all under the direction of international forces.¡±
Certainly, Terence Burke nned to shift me away before fleeing, trying his best to preserve the reputation of the Bonaparte Dynasty and prepare for a future restoration.
Whether capitalists colluded with international forces didn¡¯t matter anymore. The crimes pinned on them were well-founded, and pushing them into the spotlight was just the right move.
Even if the truth came out, it was irrelevant, considering what these people had done. Their reputations were already tarnished, and there were plenty of eager citizens willing to testify.
Thepetition within the bourgeoisie was equally ruthless; no one would show mercy to defeat a rival. Even if there was any intention of vindication, it would have to wait until these individuals were long gone.
An uncertain Napoleon IV asked, ¡°You mean to leave Paris to the Revolutionaries, to deal with the Anti-French Alliance?¡±
Paris was now a hot potato. Whoever took it on would face a devastating issue: how to get the Anti-French Alliance to leave.
As the loser of the war, not paying a harsh price was out of the question. Ceding territory and paying reparations were inevitable.
Yet, whether ceding territory or paying reparations, the people of France wouldn¡¯t ept such treaties. Any such agreement was tantamount to political suicide for the signatory. Not signing wasn¡¯t an option either, as the millions-strong Anti-French Forces were not to be trifled with.
France could drive out the residents of upied territories, and the Anti-French Alliance was certainly capable of the same. With the example of the Ottoman Empire before their eyes, no one could guarantee that France wouldn¡¯t be the second Ottomans.
International pressure was non-existent. In this age of survival of the fittest, the mightiest Anti-French Alliance essentially represented the international order.
Terence Burke nodded, ¡°Yes, Your Majesty. Since the Revolutionaries have chosen to rebel at this time, then they must be able to bear the consequences.¡±
Chapter 958 - 221: The Difficult Birth of the Provisional Government
Chapter 958: Chapter 221: The Difficult Birth of the Provisional Government
Having set down the telegram, Marshal Patrice McMahon sighed deeply. He looked up at the window and, with his back to everyone, said, ¡°We must restore normal supply to the troops, we can¡¯t let the soldiers go hungry no matter what.¡±
¡°Marshal, our food supplies are low, and domestic supply can¡¯t keep up. If we don¡¯t ration¡¡±
Before the middle-aged officer could finish, McMahon interrupted, ¡°Don¡¯t worry, the domestic issue with supplies has been resolved. The government has confiscated the grain from hoarders, so we no longer have a shortage.¡±
Upon hearing this news, everyone showed a smile that had been absent for a long time. There was no help for it, as the recent days for the French Army had been truly difficult.
Not only were they being suppressed by the Allied Forces on the battlefield, but logistical issues had also arisen. With declining support from the British, the French government was no longer able to gather sufficient strategic resources.
Now it was a battle to defend our homnd, and retreat was not an option. The French Army was merely sustaining itself on determination alone. All things could be endured, except for a shortage of food.
The front had been lost too quickly, and the previously hoarded food could not be reimed in time. Domestic supplies had not kept up, and local support alone clearly could not sustain the army in battle.
To minimize consumption, Marshal McMahon had started reducing rations half a month ago. Apart from the front-linebat troops who barely managed to fill their stomachs, the rest could only eat to partially satisfy their hunger.
Knowing that the food issue had been resolved made everyone naturally happy. Except for the few who noticed McMahon¡¯s unnatural expression, the rest were immersed in joy.
After a pause, McMahon added, ¡°Alright, the food problem is resolved. Other logistical supplies have also been taken care of by the government and will arrive at the front in a week; you can now rest easy.¡±
The remaining issue is how to fight the defense of France effectively. Our homes lie behind us, and now we have no way back. If we don¡¯t want our families to be disced in these turbulent times, fight this battle well for me.¡±
¡°Now I order¡¡±
The military meeting abruptly ended, and only a few trusted officers, or rather, direct line officers of the Bonaparte Dynasty within the army, remained in the headquarters.
¡°Marshal, the enemy¡¯s air force has be increasingly rampant. The domestic stations and bridges are severely damaged. Even if the government has solved the food problem, they can¡¯t transport it over quickly, right?¡±
McMahon didn¡¯t directly answer, instead casually handing over a secret telegram, ¡°Take a look for yourself. After you read this, you will understand why.¡±
After a while, the middle-aged officer trembled and said, ¡°How¡ how is¡ it possible?¡±
McMahon grimly replied, ¡°I wish it were false too, but it really happened. Domestic rebels and the enemy colluded, stabbing the Empire in the back at the critical moment. Now, the situation can no longer be turned around.
No matter what, we can¡¯t let those rebels benefit. Since they dared to stab us in the back while we fought the enemy, let them deal with the aftermath.¡±
¡°The price we¡¯ve paid for this war is too high, and continuing wouldpletely deplete our young men. Now, what we need to do is end this war as soon as possible and preserve the strength of France.¡±
There¡¯s no help for it; the Bonaparte Dynasty is done for. As direct forces, they naturally have no love for the Revolutionaries.
Whether to preserve the strength of France or to deal a blow to the Revolutionaries, they must surrender to the Anti-French Alliance as soon as possible.
Though it¡¯s not popr in the European Continent to stubbornly resist to the end, surrendering must also be done skillfully; there has to be a proper reason, otherwise the spit of the public alone could kill them.
¡°Running out of food¡± is undoubtedly one of the best excuses for surrender ¡ª no one would expect an army starved of supplies to fight. In this respect, the French public is quite enlightened.
To strengthen everyone¡¯s resolve to surrender, Napoleon IV had even prepared everyone¡¯s way out. Along with the secret telegram, there was also a public telegram announcing the resolution of the food issue.
As for why the government-promised food and supplies didn¡¯t reach the front line, that would be a question for the Revolutionaries, especially since by that time, the Bonaparte Dynasty would no longer exist.
In theory, as long as there was no interference from the Revolutionaries, the food could reach the frontline. This me, the Revolutionaries couldn¡¯t shake off.
Being able to retreat without bearing any responsibility, aside from emotionally, was not something people inherently objected to.
After all, the war had reached a stage where defeat was only a matter of time.
Everyone¡¯s resistance was merely an effort to end this war for the Empire with dignity. Now that the Empire was nearly gone, there was obviously no need to persist.
After a moment of silence, an older officer with a beard slowly said, ¡°Even if we lift the restrictions, our food can onlyst half a month. To achieve our goal, we now need an unexpected event.¡±
Self-preservation is a human instinct. One could imagine the fate awaiting them if opposing forces came into power and they, as defeated generals, were held ountable.
Avoiding a bleak future meant they had to strike first. If a restoration was possible, that was for the best; even if it wasn¡¯t, they had to bring down the enemy first.¡±
McMahon shook his head, ¡°That¡¯s not necessary, the Austrians will do it for us; all you need to do is find an opportunity to reveal the location of our food storage.¡±
Exposing their own food storage locations to the enemy was unimaginable, but there was no choice; such was the absurd reality.
In this world where the strong prey on the weak, if one is not ruthless enough, they cannot stand firm.
Acting nefariously in the shadows can only be considered child¡¯s y; they haven¡¯t directly colluded with the Anti-French Alliance, so they are already considered to have some integrity.
Not just in the Central European Battlefield, but in various other battlefronts throughout, a simr story was unfolding. Following an order by Napoleon IV, the officers loyal to the Bonaparte Dynasty began to take action.
Instantly, the morale of the French Army surged; the previously despondent situation on the battlefield seemed to have reversed, and the frontlines stabilized abruptly.
¡
In Paris, the Rebel army, which had been at a disadvantage, was about to be doomed. The Revolutionaries were ready to flee, but a miraculous twist urred.
An unknown Rebel Army emerged from somewhere and captured the Pce of Versailles, turning the tide.
Regrettably, they let Napoleon IV escape, but this didn¡¯t detract from the overall sess; after all, they won the victory, and nobody was particrly intent on chopping off the Emperor¡¯s head for retribution.
Even the capitalists, who hated Napoleon IV to the point of grinding their teeth,cked the courage tomit regicide. There was no other reason; the Anti-French Alliance had already arrived at their doorstep.
The chaotic situation was already difficult to manage, and if an incident of regicide urred, the Anti-French Alliance would likely take advantage and chop them off in order to restore the monarch¡¯s dignity. At least the Vienna Government would be very pleased to do so.
This point, both the Revolutionaries and the capitalists firmly believed. The conservative enmps of the European world were no joke.
Merely with those thousands of Fief Aristocrats, Austria and Russia stood firm as the stronghold of ¡°Feudal Reactionaries,¡± despised by tens of thousands.
Regrettably, no matter how harshly they cursed, it had no effect. No way around it, the power of the two Reactionaries was considerably stronger, and it took courage to finger-point at them.
Well, overthrowing the Reactionary Monarch system was a concern for the future; the immediate priority was to figure out how to elect a leader to take charge of the overall situation.
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At this point, the once-aligned Revolutionary groups formally split. After all, there was only one leader, but there were dozens of factions in the Revolutionary Party.
Forming alliances, merging, in order to seize the fruits of victory, everyone demonstrated their abilities; in some local areas, skirmishes even erupted. In short, Paris was thoroughly lively.
The interim government was hard to establish, but the Parliament was born first. Regardless of how legal the inception of the deputies, it was better to have something than nothing, and atst, everyone could sit down and discuss matters.
Watching the endlessly arguing congress, Socialist Party Deputy Francois eximed sternly, ¡°Gentlemen, let¡¯s calm down for a moment. We can discuss the presidential election issueter.
Don¡¯t forget, France is in the midst of war. And we are at enmity with the entire European Continent, the Bonaparte Dynasty has been overthrown, and it¡¯s now our duty to fulfill the responsibilities of the government.
I don¡¯t know if you have noticed, but the frontlines¡¯ telegrams asking for reinforcements have piled up like a mountain. Requests for troops, food, ammunition, artillery, medical supplies, and winter supplies to fight the cold¡
In short, we arecking everything the battlefield needs. If we do not find a way to resolve these issues, it won¡¯t be long before the Anti-French Alliance reaches Paris.¡±
Francois¡¯ warning pulled everyone from their frenzy for power. If they could not hold off the enemy, it wouldn¡¯t matter who took power.
¡°Do we even need to consider it? Of course, we must end the war immediately. We have already sacrificed too much for this war, we¡¯ve even lost the Empire, how can the people continue to live if we keep fighting?¡±
By the tone alone, this was a Royalist Party Deputy, and perhaps even a supporter of the Bonaparte Dynasty. Unthinkable in other countries, but here in Paris, everything was possible.
While the Revolutionaries were the main force in overthrowing the Bonaparte Dynasty, most of the members of parliament after its establishment turned out to be from the Royalist party.
There was no other reason, the Revolutionaries¡¯ foundation was too shallow, theycked sufficient prestige to govern and had to rely on these ¡°respectable¡± individuals.
If it weren¡¯t for the Royalist party making up one-third, the Republicans would have had no role at all. After all, the Republican ideal wasn¡¯t yet deeply rooted in people¡¯s hearts, most were still apprehensive about the previous two failed Republican movements.
Francois sarcastically remarked, ¡°Dear Count, what kind of price do you think we need to pay to end the war?
If this opportunity has arrived, if you were the Austrian Government, would you show mercy at this time?
Even if Austria could be bought off with interests, what about Belgium, Switzend, Spain, and the German Federation that have joined the war, could they possibly be at ease?¡±
Three consecutive questions hit like soul-crushing blows, leaving Earl Glen speechless. It¡¯s not that there was no answer, but it was an answer that everyone was reluctant to contemte or face.
The international situation is so vtile. Just a few months ago, most European countries had hoped France could conserve its vitality to continue containing Austria; today is different from the past, now these nations have all be the death knell for France.
To make everyone feel at ease, only if France became weak enough to no longer pose a threat to its neighbors, could they possibly rest easy.
Chapter 959 - 222: Trouble Falls from the Sky Montenegro
Chapter 959: Chapter 222: Trouble Falls from the Sky Montenegro
The sess of the Paris revolution and the ensuing exile of Napoleon IV caused a major political earthquake across the European Continent.
Anyone with a bit of political sense knew that the emergence of a Republican Government at such a time was a disaster for France.
Controlling Paris and controlling France were two different concepts. Without the threat of foreign enemies, the Revolutionary Government could have adopted political measures to unify the nation and gradually purge the Bonapartist elements from the government and military.
Obviously, that was impossible. The Anti-French Alliance would not give them the time needed to integrate the nation. Facing the millions of troops from the Anti-French Alliance, the Paris Revolutionary Government in control of only Paris had no strength to wager.
Strength is the foundation of negotiation, and without sufficient strength, it was pure fantasy for France to hope to preserve its vitality after the war.
In London, upon receiving this sudden bad news, Prime Minister dstone was so furious he flipped his table.
What happened to France no longer concerned him; what was critical was that the timing of the fall of the Bonaparte Dynasty was all wrong.
It was known that they had just recently reached a secret agreement with Napoleon IV involving the purchase of the entire main fleet of the French Navy for eighteen million British Pounds.
Thinking they had gotten a great deal, they didn¡¯t expect that before the ink was dry, the Bonaparte Dynasty would be no more.
With the Bonaparte Dynasty gone, the previous secret treaty naturally went unenforced. This was no longer the era when Britain held supreme sway, even if the London Government wanted topel the Revolutionary Government to continue fulfilling the treaty, they couldn¡¯t use the secret treaty as leverage.
There was no way around it, the treaty contained too much about the Anti-French Alliance. If it were exposed, Britain could no longer operate in Europe.
If that was all, it wouldn¡¯t be such a big deal; they could simply act as if the secret treaty never existed. The problem was the money paid could now not be recovered.
Believing that the French were selling warships to fund their military against Austria, the London Government had promptly paid half the costs even before delivery.
Now there was no talking about it; it had directly be bad debt. Even knowing that the money had ended up in the hands of Napoleon IV, the London Government had no means to publicly demand it back.
Not only could they not im the debt, but they had to think of ways to keep the lid on this issue. Should there be any leaks, not only would their n to acquire French warships fall through, but it would also give their political enemies leverage over their rule-breaking operations.
By regtion, suchrge transactions had to be approved by Parliament. Clearly, such a secret deal was unsuitable to be debated in Parliament, so the dstone Cab had acted first and reportedter.
There had been simr incidents in Britain before. As long as they were sessful, they escaped criticism. Regrettably, dstone¡¯s handling this time had failed.
Once he calmed down, Prime Minister dstone said, ¡°Send someone tomunicate with Napoleon IV immediately. Promise him that as long as he returns the money, we will support his restoration.¡±
With a resigned exnation, Foreign Minister George said, ¡°It¡¯s no use, Prime Minister. We have already sent people to contact Napoleon IV. Currently, he¡¯s in a very bad state, and our people dare not provoke him too much.
To avoid any idents, our people can only talk with the exiled French government. Regrettably, they demand the continuation of the treaty¡¯s terms and immediately issued an order for the Navy to hand over the warships.
Considering that the exiled government has already lost control of the Navy, such a rash order is barely more valuable than waste paper, and we had no choice but to reject it.¡±
Even in his downfall, an emperor remains an emperor. Seeing Napoleon IV on his deathbed, the British representative who came prepared to use harshly was instantly silenced.
Unable to determine whether it was a real illness or a feigned one, the British representative naturally didn¡¯t dare take a risk. There was intense fear that any carelessness might provoke Napoleon IV to his death, cing the me of driving an emperor to his death on their shoulders.
Since Napoleon IV wouldn¡¯t show up, the exiled French government yed dumb. It was clear they didn¡¯t trust the promises of the British Government and were ready to swallow the huge sum of money directly.
Hearing this oue, dstone gritted his teeth and asked, ¡°Are they so sure we wouldn¡¯t dare retaliate? You know, dealing with an exiled government wouldn¡¯t cost much.¡±
Foreign Minister George shook his head and said with a bitter smile, ¡°Prime Minister, the French truly aren¡¯t worried we would take action against them.
Although Napoleon IV is exiled abroad, the roots of the Bonaparte Dynasty haven¡¯t been entirely lost. Because of their hatred, these people should now be considered France¡¯s strongest anti-Austria faction, with Napoleon IV as their natural leader.
Neither the Orleans Dynasty nor the Bourbon Dynasty would oppose Austria at this time. Once the Revolutionary Government surrenders to the Anti-French Alliance, all of France¡¯s anti-Austria forces would gravitate towards them.
By dealing with them, we would be dissolving France¡¯s internal anti-Austria forces, essentially doing a huge favor for Austria.
At this time, we not only shouldn¡¯t act against them but should find ways to enhance their strength or even support their restoration, lest Europe ends up with a single voice.¡±
From this perspective, as long as the Bonaparte Dynasty continues to oppose Austria, keeping the money in their hands wasn¡¯t too bad.¡±
Knowing he had been conned and not only unable to retaliate but having to increase support, dstone felt the world had gone mad.
However, such was the reality. For the national interest of Britain, the French exiled government had to exist; otherwise, France¡¯s anti-Austria elements wouldn¡¯t have an organization to rally around.
After pondering for a moment, Prime Minister dstone realized,menting, ¡°Napoleon IV has truly good tactics! Without showing his face, he swindled a huge sum from us.¡±
¡
¡°Since he¡¯s so powerful, why did he go into exile?¡±
¡
¡°That¡¯s wrong, there¡¯s a problem with the Paris revolution. The Bonaparte Dynasty isn¡¯t that fragile, it couldn¡¯t have copsed so quickly!¡±
The troops stationed in Paris were loyalists to Napoleon IV, if they hadn¡¯t been moved away, the Revolutionaries would never have seeded.
It seems we¡¯ve all been yed, the copse of the Bonaparte Dynasty was orchestrated by Napoleon IV himself, and the current Revolutionary Government is just a scapegoat he prepared.
This is bad, the war in Europe is going to end sooner than expected. Napoleon IV will not leave a chance for the Revolutionary Government, the problems are going to start now with the French Army at the frontlines.
There¡¯s no time left, we must immediately negotiate with the Revolutionary Government, to finalize agreements before the French surrender¡¡±
Sure enough, as the most sessful Prime Minister of the 18th century Britannia, dstone gleaned the truth through mere hints and traces.
Knowing is one thing, but Napoleon IV employed an overt strategy. Everyone knew it was a trap, yet they had to jump into it regardless, from the moment the armed uprising began, the Revolutionaries had no way back.
The responsibility for recklessly starting the war was thrown to the bourgeoisie, and the responsibility for defeat was shifted to the Revolutionaries, turning Emperor Napoleon IV instead into a victim.
To the public, there was an eptable exnation: the defeat wasn¡¯t due to the Emperor¡¯s ipetence, but mainly because of traitors. With internal and external troubles bursting simultaneously, it was too much to handle.
As soon as the peace treaty was signed, the public would turn their anger toward the submissively surrendering Revolutionary Government, thus diminishing the former government¡¯s responsibility.
¡
In the face of the overwhelming tide of history, individual power is trivial. While the Paris Congress was still arguing over food problems, the frontline troops had already run out of supplies.
On October 19, 1891, three days after the French Army ran out of supplies, the elderly Marshal Patrice McMahon publicly announced ¡°Your Conspiracy Seeded.¡±
The article recounted the bloody sacrifices made by the frontline French Army to protect their homnd and harshly criticized the Revolutionary Government for treachery and for crippling the army¡¯s logistics to force their surrender.
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Following that, he ordered the troops at the frontline toy down their arms and surrender. As if on cue,manders in the south, west, and middle sections of the French Army issued simr promations in session.
Suddenly, France was flooded with announcements, and almost every French general criticized the Paris Revolutionary Government before surrendering, making it seem as if not issuing such statements was out of touch with the times.
A devastating blow descended from the sky, crushing the bewildered Paris Revolutionary Government¡ª¡±treachery and selling out the nation,¡± they indeed nned to do so, but since the armistice negotiations hadn¡¯t even started, what were they selling?
Exnations were futile, Napoleon IV had craftilyid a mine, which had now detonated.
The military unified its stance, adamantly iming that the Revolutionary Government colluded with the Anti-French Alliance to cut off the frontline troops¡¯ food and fodder supply, forcing everyone to surrender to the enemy. The Paris Revolutionary Government didn¡¯t even have the chance to exin.
It wasn¡¯t that the Bonaparte Dynasty had such a strong influence in the army¡ªhad they been able to control the national military, Napoleon IV wouldn¡¯t have needed to go into exile.
Ultimately, it was all for interests, as defeat always needs someone to take responsibility. Particrly for the military after a defeat, one can imagine how difficult the postwar period would be for these generals.
To avoid being spat on by the public, they, like Napoleon IV, needed a scapegoat. And just at that moment, the Paris Revolutionary Government stepped up.
Wanting to take charge was no problem. With a few telegrams, the Paris Revolutionary Government nominally consolidated military power. Being in charge naturally meant providing support; the responsibility originally belonging to the Bonaparte Dynasty now fell on the Revolutionary Government.
Since they had already started nting mines, Napoleon IV naturally wouldn¡¯t leave too much strategic material in Paris, including the food supplies stored along the way, which were either sold or moved away.
By the time the Paris Government took over, it was exactly time to transport supplies to the frontlines. Cartloads of materials, prepared for shipment, were seized by the Revolutionary Army before they could even leave Paris.
If they continued to the frontlines, they themselves would go hungry. Without question, they took priority. This requisition made the me inescapable.
Unable to control local governments, and unable to gather enough food and supplies for the frontlines in a short time, this directly led to the starvation of the frontline troops.
The deed was done, and no matter how the Paris Revolutionary Government exined it, the frontline troops¡¯ starvation was their fault.
Chaos ensued, all over France. As one deration after another was made, the Paris Revolutionary Government was pushed into the storm¡¯s eye.
Initially, students and intellectuals who supported the revolution began to hesitate. Nobility, peasants, and some workers who were already opposed to the revolution now saw the Revolutionary Government even more unfavorably.
Even capitalists who had just been released from prison and were ready to usurp the fruits of the revolution paused their steps, opting to first observe the situation.
There was no choice: the Anti-French Alliance had already attacked. Paris¡¯s strategic position was inherently poor, not only difficult to defend but also close to the frontlines. Once the frontline troops surrendered, Paris would be the new frontline.
Taking control of the central power at this time, without the ability to counter the Anti-French Alliance, would only be asking for trouble.
Chapter 960 - 223: The War Ends
Chapter 960: Chapter 223: The War Ends
Before the bemused Revolutionary Government could react, the Anti-French Alliance had already advanced to the gates, turning ¡°surrender¡± into the new focus of heated debate in the French Parliament.
¡°At this point, we can no longer continue the fight. To preserve the vitality of France, I suggest we immediately end this war and address the subsequent issues through negotiation,¡± one elder proposed, instantly garnering everyone¡¯s support. Those who adapt to the times are true heroes, and the French Parliament was the result ofpromises from all sides. Those who could sit here were all flexible and resilient individuals.
The truly stubborn ones had either been snapped off by Napoleon IV or chopped down by the Revolutionary Party. Those who survived and thrived were all adept political minds.
Since the pit was already dug, Napoleon IV naturally wouldn¡¯t leave a rich inheritance for the Revolutionary Party. Not only did he take arge chunk of funds, but even the defensive cannons of Paris were packed up and sent away under the pretext of reinforcing the front.
With the Anti-French Alliance advancing to the gates, Paris was fundamentally indefensible. The enemy wouldn¡¯t even need toy siege¡ªthe City Defense Army would copse on its own after being encircled for just one or two months.
The pride of France had been mostly worn down in the war, and ¡°ceasefire¡± had already be the consensus among the wise. The War Party had long been extinguished.
Just as the proposal for surrender was about to pass, Socialist Party Deputy Francis urgently objected, ¡°We cannot surrender immediately, or else we will fall right into the enemy¡¯s trap.
If none of you want to carry the stigma of being a traitor for the rest of your lives, maligned by everyone, we must resist now.
We don¡¯t expect to defeat the Anti-French Alliance, but at the very least we need to show the public our determination to resist. The Revolutionary Government must prove through concrete actions that we are not traitors.¡±
Although history is written by victors, not every me can be shouldered. Ifbeled as traitors, the Revolutionary Government would notst long.
In Francis¡¯s view, the Revolutionary Government needed to put on this show to establish themselves, even if it meant heavy losses.
A young military officer retorted angrily, ¡°Mr. Francis, it¡¯s not about whether we want to fight or not. The fact is we really cannot continue to fight.
With the main forces having surrendered, what do we have to resist the enemy¡¯s invasion?¡±
Talking is always easier than doing. ¡°Resistance¡± is a light word on the lips of politicians who don¡¯t have to charge into battle, so naturally, they feel no pressure.
But for themanders of the Revolutionary Army, it was anything but light. No one knew better than them the level of their own troops.
It might seem like they had defeated the government forces and appeared mightily impressive, but it was all based on the premise that the government forces had deliberately pulled their punches.
The French Army might have been lenient with them, but that didn¡¯t mean the Anti-French Alliance would be soft-handed. Going into a bloody battle with a rabble was clearly a death sentence.
Feeling his dignity was challenged, Francis immediately warned, ¡°General Fick, watch your words. The Revolutionary Army is invincible, so why can¡¯t we resist the enemy¡¯s invasion?¡±
General Fick¡¯s young officer darkened his face in response. Politics were so peculiar. Knowing full well the Revolutionary Army was a ragtag bunch, they had to treat them as an ¡°elite force.¡±
¡°Invincible¡± was just a slogan to boost morale. Anyone who took it seriously was a fool. Yet now it had been put out in the open, bing a tool in the hands of the politicians.
This was also a result of the peculiar situation of the Revolutionary Government, where one group led the revolution, and another now held power.
Of course, seizing power also involved tricks; the opportunists exploited the simplicity of the revolutionaries by having themmand the Revolutionary Army. It seemed like maintaining the status quo, but they were actually using it as a chance to exclude them from the power structure.
Although the military held a not-so-low status in France, it wasn¡¯t particrly high either. Once their identity was confined to the military, they automatically lost the chance to vie for the highest political office.
¡°Poweres from the barrel of a gun¡± is true, but the problem was they didn¡¯t control all the military power. After the victory of the Paris revolution, the Revolutionary Government¡¯s armed forces didn¡¯t consist only of the Revolutionary Army, but also included the restructured Paris Defense Army and National Self-Defense Force.
Compared with the hastily assembled Revolutionary Army, the restructured forces were clearly strongerbatants. Power means voice, which was why the French Parliament was infiltrated by arge number of Royalist Party members.
Whether they liked it or not, the current state of the Paris Revolutionary Government was this: internally, the Royalist Party was stronger than the Revolutionary Party.
Francis seemed to be pushing the Revolutionary Army to fight to death, but wasn¡¯t he also using this as an opportunity to weaken the strength of the three major factions of the Royalist Party?
¡°Mr. Francis, how long do you think we can hold off the enemy? You should know that once the enemy reaches our gates, Paris will be an isted city.
We indeed need to show our courage to the enemy, to fight for favorable conditions in post-war negotiations, but that¡¯s based on achieving significantbat results.
This was clearly not something that could be aplished by sitting trapped in a besieged city. The resources inside the City of Paris were not plentiful, and after losing outside support, even if the enemy did not attack, we could not hold out for long.
If I were the enemymander, I would besiege Paris and send troops to upy other areas in France, then just drag out the time.
One can imagine the kind of destruction that would be wrought by the several million troops of the Anti-French Alliance once they spread out across France. Perhaps there would be no need for ceasefire negotiations; the enemy could simply strip France bare.¡±
This was not rmism but a reality that could happen. ¡°Looting¡± is a tradition of European armies, and if several million Allied forces were left to plunder France at will, it would be surprising if they did not strip it bare.
Financial losses are a minor issue; the real fear is the enemy not ying by the rules and inflicting a human tragedy where nine out of ten households are emptied.
By then, it wouldn¡¯t just be about bearing a bad name, but about whether or not France would even exist. After all, the members of the Anti-French Alliance are numerous, and about a dozen countries can vouch for each other, turning ck into white.
The harsh reality left the War Party speechless. Only now did they truly understand the government¡¯s predicament.
¡
On October 27, 1891, after a symbolic resistance, the Paris Revolutionary Government was forced to surrender to the Allied Forces, bringing the year-long European war to an end.
After epting the surrender of the French government, regardless of whether the French were willing, Albrecht ordered martialw to be enforced in Paris without dy.
Entering Paris once again, Albrecht was filled with emotion. ¡°Thirty years a piece, such is the shift of fortune.¡± In his wildest dreams, he had not imagined that one day he would enter Paris as a conqueror.
As the convoy entered Champs-¨¦lys¨¦es, Albrecht frowned upon seeing the majestic gate in front of him and indifferently ordered, ¡°Send someone to dismantle it!¡±
In February 1806, Napoleon defeated the Russian-Austrian forces at the Battle of Austerlitz. Tomemorate this glorious victory, the French government specially built the ¡°Arc de Triomphe¡± that symbolized France¡¯s splendor.
It was fine for it to represent the splendor of France, but the key issue was that Austria had been made a stepping stone. In Marshal Albrecht¡¯s eyes, this was a symbol of Austria¡¯s humiliation.
Before, there was no choice since Austria indeed lost at the Battle of Austerlitz, and the victory in the war against France was credited to the Russians.
After thest war against France ended, prideful Austria was too embarrassed to ask the French to dismantle it at the Vienna Peace Conference. Of course, this might also have something to do with the iplete construction.
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Now things were different; the Austrian army had marched into Paris, and naturally, there was no need to keep this irksome building.
¡°Wait!¡±
Lieutenant General Friedrich argued, ¡°Marshal, this gate was built tomemorate Napoleon¡¯s victory at Austerlitz, which marked our downfall and France¡¯s rise to its zenith.
History is history, even if we dismantle this gate, it cannot be changed. Instead of doing that, why not keep it as a warning for future generations?
Tomemorate this period in history, I suggest that all treaties after the war should be signed under the Arc de Triomphe.¡±
The fact that it could incite such deep-seated hatred in both men was not simply due to the defeat in a battle. Over the past several hundred years, the Habsburg dynasty had seen many defeats, yet none had stirred such a reaction.
The key issue was that after the Battle of Austerlitz, Napoleon forced the Habsburg dynasty to dissolve the Holy Roman Empire, humiliating the Habsburg family.
As Royal family members, there was no one who did not wish for vengeance. The Bonaparte Dynasty¡¯s inability to assimte into the European Nobility Circle was also not unrted to the Habsburg dynasty¡¯s strikes and retaliation.
It seemed as though Albrecht thought of something, and he slightly smiled, ¡°Friedrich, you are right. History should indeed be remembered.
On this matter, we even have to thank the French for helping us record it; without their assistance, perhaps we might have forgotten that period of history.
Without the spur of that humiliating history, Austria today would not exist. I will convey your suggestion to the home country. Issue an order to designate people to protect this gate, prohibiting anyone from damaging it.¡±
Without a doubt, the so-called ¡°historical remembrance¡± and ¡°historical incentive¡± were just pretexts. Perhaps it had a profound effect on the older generation like Albrecht, but not so much on the younger generation.
Time can dilute everything. If not for a mention in history books, many might not even know of these events. Emphasizing these points is simply a way to craft a glorious image for the Habsburg dynasty.
Including signing treaties under the ¡°Arc de Triomphe,¡± this was not just to humiliate the French but more importantly, to send a signal to the outside world¡ªthe once Holy Roman Empire wasing back.
Chapter 961 - 224: Peacekeeping Force
Chapter 961: Chapter 224: Peacekeeping Force
¡°The French have surrendered!¡±
After the news spread, all of Europe erupted in excitement. Although everyone had anticipated that the French were going to lose this time, as the Anti-French Alliance had been advancing victoriously, the abruptness of the surrender still caught them by surprise.
The reason was simple; the French had surrendered too quickly. ording to the mainstream expectations, most believed that France could hold out until the end of 1892, and some even optimistically estimated that they could persist until 1893.
The early end to the war was naturally good news for the general public. Without the need for governmental organization, civilians spontaneously held celebrations. Apart from the French, people across Europe were immersed in the joy of victory.
In the Vienna Pce, Franz became very busy as soon as the European Continental War ended. Although preparatory ns had been made in advance, politics required flexibility and adaptation to the actual situation.
At the very least, the internal power struggles within France caught Franz by surprise. Who could have believed that the clich¨¦s found only in novels would actually happen in the real world?
Putting down the documents in his hands, Franz rubbed his forehead with resignation, ¡°Does the current Paris Revolutionary Government have the capacity to control France?¡±
¡°Difficult!¡±
Foreign Minister Wessenberg analyzed, ¡°The situation in France is too chaotic. The Paris Revolutionary Government is only the French government in name. Their control over Paris is insufficient, let alone other regions.¡±
¡°Neither Napoleon III nor Napoleon IV were mediocre. In the three or four decades of their rule, the Bonaparte Dynastyid its roots in France.
Although the Bonaparte Dynasty has been overthrown now, the loyal officials in the regions have not been purged.
These people don¡¯t take orders from the Paris Government, and some regions have even raised the banner of regional autonomy, refusing to recognize the legitimacy of the Paris Revolutionary Government.
Especially after the Allied Forces entered France, they have further undermined the authority of the Paris Revolutionary Government, making it even harder for them to control the entire country.¡±
The Revolutionary Government¡¯s inability to control the nation and the ever-present risk of copse meant the ns set by the Austrian Government fell apart.
Signing treaties didn¡¯t mean everything was over; what mattered more was implementation. Undoubtedly, the weak Paris Revolutionary Governmentcked adequate enforcement power.
¡°If we withdraw our troops, could civil war possibly break out in France?¡±
Frankly, Franz didn¡¯t quite understand France either. In the original timeline, France also saw the Three Monarchical Parties and Revolutionary Party stand off against each other with no one party overpowering the other three.
Under normal circumstances, such a politicalndscape could explode into civil war with just a spark. However, in the original timeline, despite their disagreements, the French managed to keep the conflict confined to political struggles.
As a result, during a lengthy period of bickering, the rising bourgeoisie emerged victorious, gradually seizing power and ending traditional nobility politics.
Wessenberg shook his head, ¡°Theoretically, it¡¯s possible, but the situation in France is a bit special. After many years of evolution, the lines between the Three Monarchical Parties are not so clear.
If the situation continues to develop, it is most likely that the Royalists will overthrow the Revolutionary Government and then establish a new one.¡±
No further exnation was needed for Franz to understand. Affairs among the nobility were tangled andplicated.
Over the past hundred years, the nobility of France¡¯s Three Monarchical Parties had formed countless alliances through marriage, bing an intertwined web, indistinguishable from one another.
In this context, the identity of the Royalist Party was ever-shifting; today one might support Bonaparte, and tomorrow switch to Orleans. Apart from a few staunch supporters, the rest would decide their stance based on their interests.
Thus, the non-insider Revolutionary Government would be the first to be ousted. The bourgeoisie¡¯s rise in the original timeline didn¡¯t guarantee the same oue now.
Thest strike by Napoleon IV before fleeing greatly weakened the bourgeoisie, especially the financial elite, who suffered heavy losses.
Without ¡°money power,¡± the bourgeoisie were weaklings. Participating politically was not something that could be achieved overnight.
Without these disruptors, Franz couldn¡¯t see what the future held for France.
In any case, as soon as the armistice was signed, the end of the Paris Revolutionary Government was likely near. Faced with a group of old foxes, the fledgling Revolutionaries were still too green.
Prime Minister Carl spoke, ¡°If France¡¯s situation cannot be stabilized, we must be prepared to deploy our forces.¡±
One could imagine that for a long time toe, France would not be at peace. Continuous uprisings could even turn France into a quagmire.
For this war, we¡¯ve paid too much, and now it¡¯s time to let our allies shoulder some of the burden. It¡¯s not fair for them to enjoy the spoils without lifting a finger!¡±
¡°Enjoying the spoils without working for them¡± clearly referred to the Russians. Although the Tsarist Government had tried hard, the surrender of the French came too quickly, and Russian Army waste to the scene.
To win over the Russians, Austria had ced a heavy bet. At least twenty percent of the war indemnities weren¡¯t easy to secure.
Even if there was a prior agreement and Austria was to honor it, the indemnity payments could be deferred.
Unless the Tsarist Government was willing to wait a hundred and eighty years, they couldn¡¯t refuse Austria¡¯s reasonable demands now. To the Vienna Government, stationing troops in France was an unpleasant task, but that might not be the case for the Russians.
If word got out, many Russian soldiers would likelypete to sign up. It might be risky, but the rewards were substantial!
Compared to the icy Russian Empire, France was extremely wealthy. Scooping up some benefits there was a hundred times better than scraping by at home.
Franz nodded, ¡°The Foreign Ministry willmunicate with our allies and form a peacekeeping force. We will decide on the deployment of the garrison based on the actual situation.
Apart from Belgium and the German Federation, which suffered heavy losses and are free to decide whether to send troops, other countries must contribute troops to the peacekeeping mission if they want to partake in the distribution of the spoils of war.
In addition, the French Navy should also be dealt with, and I¡¯m sure the British are panicking by now. If we drag on, those fellows in the London Government might do something foolish again.
Divide the French warships into onerge and several small lots, selling the main ships together with the auxiliary vessels, inviting countries from around the world to participate.
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All bids will be one-off, and we shall enter thepetition as well. The British want these warships, so let them pay for them!¡±
Franz had realized that since France and Austria already harbored deep hatred, it was better to push things to the extreme.
Take advantage of the post-war instability in France to send in peacekeeping forces, further draining the French government¡¯s finances.
Without money, how can one develop armaments?
Without a strong army, what chance is there of rising again?
¡
All of Europe was celebrating the victory over France, except for Downing Street. Looking at the celebration parades waving their gs in the distance, dstone felt especially irritated.
Although the British Government also highly praised the Anti-French War, that was only due to political necessity, not an indication that they were happy with the oue.
Politicians and the public are often not on the same wavelength. The British Government did not wish for France¡¯s defeat to disrupt the bnce of Europe, yet the British public was thoroughly looking forward to France¡¯s misfortune.
As for the effects of France¡¯s defeat, the British public was very optimistic. The greatest enemy was gone, and it was cause for celebration.
A new threat?
Sorry, but no one really felt it. Throughout the long years past, there was never an instance where Austria posed a threat to Britain.
Even when the Habsburg dynasty unified with Spain, they were too busy fighting civil wars to bother Britain.
Austria may be fearsome, but is it as feared as France? Even the formidable Napoleon was subdued, and Austria hadn¡¯t unified the European Continent, so why worry?
After drawing the curtains, Prime Minister dstone, who sat back down, sighed with helplessness, ¡°It seems that the tragedy of the French was destined from the start. Too many people wished for their downfall, and too few were willing to support them.
Frankly, if it weren¡¯t for France¡¯s defeat upsetting the European bnce, I would have joined the celebrations myself.¡±
Within this ¡°sigh,¡± there was also a sentiment of sadness at another¡¯s misfortune. The French Empire was not well-liked, and Britain¡¯s poprity wasn¡¯t much better.
If it weren¡¯t for the Channel¡¯s protection, Britain¡¯s situation wouldn¡¯t be much better than France¡¯s. And now, even this Channel is no longer that safe.
After venting for a bit, dstone asked, ¡°How are things, is the Anti-French Alliance willing to ept our mediation in this war?¡±
George shook his head, ¡°I¡¯m sorry, but Russia and Austria have both clearly refused. You know, the rest of the countries are all fence-sitters, they won¡¯t oppose Austria, the new hegemon, on this issue.¡±
dstone eximed nearly yelling, ¡°Have the Russians gone mad? If Austria isn¡¯t countered soon, they¡¯ll have no relevance in the future of the European Continent!¡±
George countered, ¡°Prime Minister, do you think that Russia¡¯s strategic focus is still in Europe?¡±
This was a sad topic. The Tsarist Government¡¯s actual actions made it clear that Russia¡¯s strategic focus had shifted to the South Asian Subcontinent; it¡¯s just that no one wanted to believe it.
After a moment of silence, dstone sipped a little coffee before speaking slowly, ¡°So it seems that all of our previous ns have failed!¡±
In Europe, Britain aimed to suppress Austria, while in Asia, it struggled with Russia for control of India, effectivelybating two major powers on its own.
In this context, the idea of inciting conflict between Russia and Austria was a joke. With its capabilities, Britain became key to maintaining the existence of the Russian-Austrian Alliance.
George shrugged, ¡°Not all is lost. Austria hasn¡¯t swallowed up the French warships in one go but ns to auction them off.
Perhaps it¡¯s due to fiscal pressures, they can¡¯t afford to maintain so many warships; or maybe there are internal disputes over spoils, too much pressure from internal allies; or they might not want another naval race with us. In any case, half of our objectives have been met.
They say the Anti-French Alliance intends to invite every independent nation in the world to participate in the auction. If we want to prevent Austria from acquiring the French warships, we had better take part as well.
However, there are risks involved. If the Austrians can¡¯t afford these warships, and we step in, we would be taking on their burden.¡±
¡
Chapter 962 - 225: The Dividing Loot Meeting
Chapter 962: Chapter 225: The Dividing Loot Meeting
The autumn wind swept up yellow leaves, bringing joy of harvest. The war on the European Continent hadsted for over a year, but now it was time to reap the fruits of victory.
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The once elusive Vienna Grand Hotel was now overcrowded. An explosive increase in guests left Droste, the lobby manager, with a splitting headache.
Working at the world¡¯s most luxurious hotel, Droste was used to dealing with bigwigs from all walks of life on a daily basis.
It wasn¡¯t that the Vienna Grand Hotel had never been fully booked before; major events and celebrations had always led to a full house.
Anyway, the hotel had its rules: whoever booked first got the room, and no one dared to make a fuss here.
This time was different. Ever since the news spread that Vienna was to host a peace conference, reservation phone lines were inundated.
ording to iplete statistics, the confirmed guests already included seven kings, over a hundred nobles, and dozens of dignitaries from various countries.
Undoubtedly, those attending the conference wouldn¡¯t being alone; these big shots brought their delegations. Choosing to stay at the Vienna Grand Hotel, naturally, was a matter of prestige.
Despite seeming unattainable, the hotel¡¯s room rates targeted only the ordinary tycoons. For the significant figures staying at the hotel, it was naturally not the same price.
It was a mutually beneficial arrangement. Astronomical room rates and high-end service underlined the guests¡¯ noble status. As long as they kept it to themselves, no one would know about the discounts. The presence of nobles, in turn, elevated the hotel¡¯s status.
For top-tier nobles like kings and grand dukes, their stay had always beenplimentary. Luckily, in those days, the high nobility cared about face. If this were to happen in future times, there might be a bunch of exiled monarchsing to freeload.
With so many bigwigs gathered, problems arose. Nobility were human too and inter-personal conflicts were inevitable.
That aside, nobles cared about their reputation. Unless they were drunk, they would normally maintain their decorum. Should an actual conflict ur, it wasn¡¯t something that a hotel manager could intervene in.
Looking at the long list of names, Droste was so worried that he nearly went bald. There was no way around it; there weren¡¯t enough rooms that matched the status of the guests.
The big shots were also vain; if their status and amodations didn¡¯t match, they could flip out at any minute.
Despite the headache, the work still needed to be done. If Droste couldn¡¯t handle such a small issue, it would be the end of his career as a manager.
¡
At the Vienna Royal Opera House, members of the Anti-French Alliance gathered for a closed-door meeting. If nothing unexpected happened, this profit-sharing meeting would conclude before the arrival of the various national delegations.
As for the uing Vienna Peace Conference, that was merely a procedure to implement the contents of the profit-sharing meeting.
¡°Your Grace, the European war has just ended, and it¡¯s not right to auction off the French naval ships immediately,¡± questioned Spanish Foreign Minister Behedad Salimi. There was no other way; the European war had ended, but Spain¡¯s war hadn¡¯t!
As an old colonial power, although in decline, Spaniards still retained their pride. They could endure some humiliation on the European Continent; that was a consequence of their ownck of strength. But when the Japanese also started causing trouble, that was intolerable.
In recent months, the Philippine fleet had been nearly annihted, and the Philippine Inds werergely lost, but the Spanish government still hadn¡¯t given in.
Their confidence naturally came from the Anti-French Alliance. ording to the agreement, Austria had promised that after a victory in the European war, Spain would receive a portion of the French fleet.
When the promised ships suddenly turned into auction items, Behedad Salimi naturally found it uneptable. The Spanish government was awaiting these ships to teach Japan a lesson!
Wessenberg smiled faintly and assured him on the spot, ¡°Rest assured, Your Grace, Austria¡¯s previousmitment remains valid. The auction of the French ships is out of necessity.
As everyone knows, the size of the French Navy is enormous. Austria paid a heavy price in the recent war and has no ns to expand its navy in the near future.
If we don¡¯t partake in the division, and simply let everyone carve it up, the financial burden on the countries would be immense.
Moreover, the essence of the French Navy lies in about a hundred irond ships; the remaining auxiliary vessels are of little use. Without bundling them for sale, it would be impossible to find buyers.
If everyone wants a portion of the ships, they can simply acquire them during the auction. There¡¯s no need to worry too much about the price; we can manipte the process covertly.
Of course, if someone offers a sky-high price, there¡¯s no need for bidding wars. Should the auction fail, we could sell a batch of active-duty ships to you at a low price afterward.¡±
Wessenberg did not keep it a secret; Austria really wasn¡¯t interested in the French ships. As to whether the British would believe the news when it got out, no one knew.
But that was a minor issue. Tricking the British would be a win, but it was no loss if they weren¡¯t fooled. Sell as many as possible¡ªwhatever couldn¡¯t be dealt with could simply be kept from the French fleet.
¡°It may not increasebat effectiveness, but it can still be intimidating. As long as it¡¯s not pitted against the Royal Navy, there¡¯s no risk. The only downside is that it¡¯s rather costly.¡±
¡°The warship issue is a minor one, it can be dealt with in any way. Let¡¯s focus on discussing how to handle France instead!¡±
The speaker was the French delegate, and as the biggest victim of this war, Belgium was now inplete disarray.
Not only had the economy suffered tremendous losses, but even the popce had been worn down. At this moment, the Belgian government was busy calling on exiled citizens to return home and rebuild, having no time to concern themselves with warships.
Without sufficientpensation from France, Belgium would find it difficult to rebuild.
Scanning the room, Wessenberg stood up, took a pen, and approached the map on the wall, drawing a curved line directly on maind France.
¡°Let¡¯s start with territory. The map is here for all to see, whoever is interested can circle it first. If there are no objections, it shall pass, any dissent can be discussed afterwards.
This is Austria¡¯s goal¡ªwe wish to reim our ancestralnds previously upied by France, namely The Kingdom of Burgundy, the Grand Duchy of Lorraine, and the Alsace province.¡±
(The Kingdom of Burgundy: today¡¯s Franche-Comt¨¦ region)
In terms ofnd area, the regions mentioned total less than fifty thousand square kilometers, not even one tenth of maind France.
But in calcting value, you can¡¯t just look atnd area. Consider the economy and you¡¯ll see¡ªboth Alsace and The Kingdom of Burgundy are important industrial and resource areas for France, while Lorraine is a key agricultural area.
Should Austria acquire these regions, France¡¯s industry would shrink by one third, reducing her overall national power by at least a quarter.
Oscar Hemenes bit back his words. As a representative of the Russian Empire, he naturally did not want to see Austria continue to grow stronger, but it was clear that this was not the time to intervene.
The Russian Army was only a sideline yer in this war, and as such, did not have much say in the matter. Furthermore, Austria was not going solo¡ªthey had garnered the support of Belgium, Switzend, Spain, and other countries to partition France.
Speaking out now would only serve to create enemies, and it would be utterly pointless.
Oscar Hemenes watched helplessly as the others drew circles on the map, forcibly suppressing his own desires. There was no choice¡ªeven if the Russian Empire received an exve, they didn¡¯t have the capacity to manage it.
The expansion directions for everyone were along their respective homnds, with no conflicts of interest, and with nobody causing trouble, the atmosphere was naturally harmonious.
¡°If there are no objections, then this will serve as the draft for post-war territorial dispositions. The specifics will be determinedter.¡±
Dividing the spoils is aplex activity, not something just one or two people can aplish. Each country had brought teams.
Those present were the upper echelons of their nations, who had to maintain their status, setting overarching directions, while the specific details and exchanges of interests were left to their subordinates.
After a pause, Wessenberg looked up and took in theplex expressions of everyone present. He was unconcerned with what they were thinking, as long as there were no objections, that was enough.
¡°Now, let¡¯s move on to the next item¡ªwar reparations. In principle, we still respect the wishes of each nation, determining shares based on the actual situation, as well as the contributions made and sacrifices incurred during the war.
We will now establish the total amount of reparations, starting with the tally of each country¡¯s war losses. I¡¯ll start.
In the past year, Austria in the Anti-French war totaled: 742,300 dead, 2,141,600 wounded, 15.46 million tons of strategic materials consumed, and 66.98 billion Divine Shield spent on war expenses. The direct economic losses amount to 186 billion Divine Shield, with indirect economic losses reaching 564 billion Divine Shield¡¡±
Intion certainly exists, as Austria¡¯s losses were not fully tallied yet, so how could there be urate figures?
Aside from casualties, which are difficult to fabricate andrgely urate, the other figures were heavily inted.
The only certainty everyone could agree on was that, as the main force in the Anti-French war, Austria had indeed incurred substantial costs.
¡°Belgium in this war totaled two hundred thousand soldiers killed, over five million civilians disced, civilian casualties surpassing five hundred thousand, and economic losses that are incalcble, preliminarily estimated to be no less than one hundred billion Divine Shield¡¡±
Halfway through speaking, tears involuntarily began streaming down the face of the Belgian delegate. There was no helping it; post-war Belgium was just too miserable.
One could say they had been set back to primitive times overnight, cities turned into ruins, and now, where factories and mines stood against the evening sky, the grass was green and birds sang freely.
Compared to Austria¡¯s inted losses of over fifty billion, Belgium¡¯s hundred billion loss was the real deal.
It wasn¡¯t that they didn¡¯t want to inte their losses; it simply wasn¡¯t possible. The entire country was gone, the size of the loss was self-evident to everyone.
Out of sympathy for Belgium¡¯s tragic situation, those present wished to offer words offort but did not know how to begin.
Chapter 963 - 226, "Proposed Measures Against France
Chapter 963: Chapter 226, ¡°Proposed Measures Against France
After a series of haggling, on December 17, 1891, the Anti-French Alliance finally reached an agreement and signed the ¡°Proposed Measures Against France.¡±
By this step, the distribution of spoils was almostplete. All that was needed was to have the French sign at the Vienna Peace Conference to confirm its legitimacy.
Although the countries of the Anti-French Alliance had reached a preliminary understanding beforehand, the fact that they were able to reach a preliminary agreement in less than two months still demonstrated efficiency.
Upon receiving the signed treaty, Franz highly suspected that everyone wanted to speed up the process so they could go home for Christmas.
The ¡°draft¡± was indeed a ¡°draft¡±¡ªaside from agreements on the broader framework, the specific details werergely nk, with many uses being ambiguous.
For example, regarding the dissection of France¡¯s territory, there were only ce names, and specific boundary lines were not reflected in the treaty.
It appeared clear-cut, but in reality, there was a huge gap. Throughout a millennium of European history, the area governed by the same ce name was not unchanging. The treaty did not explicitly stipte the specific period to use as a reference.
As a beneficiary, this ambiguity was obviously favorable to Austria. Theck of a clear agreement meant there was more room for maneuver, and slight shifts or changes to boundary lines were not problematic.
The boundary lines were not definite, and neither were the amounts ofpensation fixed. Instead, the treatyid out proportions of the distribution for each country, with the specifics left open for further discussion.
In any case, some matters had to be left for the Vienna Peace Conference to resolve, and to hear the opinions of the countries involved, or else there would be no y to performter on.
The content of the treaty was as follows:
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In terms of territory
Austria recovered the Grand Duchy of Lorraine, Alsace Province, and parts of the Kingdom of Burgundy (Franche-Comt¨¦), totaling about 47,000 square kilometers;
The County of nders and the County of Artois (Northern Cis Channel Region) were assigned to Belgium, covering an area of about 12,000 square kilometers;
The Duchy of Sava (Upper Savoy Province and Sava Province) was allotted to Switzend, spanning approximately 10,300 square kilometers;
Parts of Provence were allocated to the Kingdom of Sardinia, covering roughly 30,000 square kilometers;
Corsica was granted to Tuscany, epassing about 8,682 square kilometers;
Spain reacquired the Ruseiyong region, an area of about 24,000 square kilometers;
Andorra achieved independence (468 square kilometers), and Monaco regained its former territory (20 square kilometers).
In terms of war reparations
Austria 33.4%, Russian Empire 20%, German Federation 25.5%, Belgium 15.5%, Spain 0.3%, Switzend 0.2%, Italian countries a total of 4.5%, Montenegro, Greece, and Armenia each 0.2%.
France was required to pay war reparations totaling 50 to 80 billion divine shields (the exact figure to be determined at the Vienna Peace Conference); a joint bank formed by the countries would provide loans to the French government to repay the indemnities, with a monthly interest rate of 0.5%, to be repaid over ny-nine years.
¡
Despite Austria¡¯s efforts, it was unable topletely divide France. Even pushing the French out of the Mediterranean was not achieved.
It was not a matter of inability, but impropriety. Losing territory after a war was eptable, but any territorial division had to have limits and preferably, a legal basis.
As the de facto hegemon of Europe, Austria had be the biggest beneficiary within the rules system, and naturally, it had an interest in maintaining the game rules.
Under these circumstances, Austria justified the partition of France by reiming lost territories, with thend obtained being ancient territories of the Shinra.
This reasoning was indeed a bit far-fetched, but it was better to have some legal basis than none. With sufficient might behind it, this was marginally legitimate.
Inparison, the distribution ofnd to allies was not as strict. Except for Spain, which managed to muster historical support, the rest could be counted asnd relinquished following defeat.
It was not that Franz was unwilling to give more; the issue was that the allies were of limited capacity, and forcing too much on them could cause them to choke.
Furthermore, the distribution of benefits had to be fair and eptable to all. Crossing the line risked tarnishing the hard-earned prestige of Austria.
A close examination of the benefit distribution revealed a treaty rife withpromise and transactional measures. Except for Russia¡¯s indemnity, which was predetermined, the rest was based on each country¡¯s contribution.
For instance, Spain, which had a minimal role on the battlefield aside from pre-agreed territorial recovery, received only a symbolic share of the war indemnities.
Belgium, which had suffered major losses in the war and made substantial contributions, received a fair amount of territory and indemnities.
The German Federation, having also made significant contributions, received the secondrgest share of indemnities, just behind Austria, due to not obtaining any territorialpensation.
Although the Kingdom of Sardinia seemed to have gained a lot of territory, that was on the premise that the Duchy of Sava was divided and given to Switzend, making it a form ofpensation.
Moreover, these benefits were not to be enjoyed by them alone; they still had to be divided with other Italian countries.
This was the result of Austria¡¯s deliberate consideration; otherwise, the Italian countries, which made limited contributions in the war against France, would have been lucky to remain independent, let alone desire anything more.
This also followed in the footsteps of the British, nting seeds of future contention. It was anticipated that Sardinia¡¯s rtions with Switzend, and probably with other countries as well, would turn sour going forward.
Having set down the treaty text, Franz asked, puzzled, ¡°Why is there nothing about the distribution of colonies?¡±
It was not that Franz was making a fuss over nothing. As the thirdrgest colonial empire, France owned numerous colonies, among them highly valuable assets. Logically, these should have been hotly contested by all, and yet they were not mentioned in the draft.
Wessenberg exined, ¡°Your Majesty, colonial issues have indeed been discussed. However, everyone was rather keen butcked the strength.¡±
Belgium was busy with post-war reconstruction andcked the extra energy to manage its colonies; Spain had to engage in the Philippine War and could notpete for colonies.
The Russians originally wanted to acquire French Indochina, but unfortunately, the British were eyeing it eagerly. We couldn¡¯tpete with the British in the Far Eastern region, and even less so could the Russians.
The remaining countries were all simr, limited by their national strength. Even if they secured colonial interests during the conference, theycked the capability to maintain them, so they simply set aside this portion of the content.¡±
The German Federation was not mentioned because the merger with Austrian was already in progress. The Federation was only participating independently in the post-war distribution of interests to bolster Austria¡¯s image.
Otherwise, Austria would have gained too much, easily leading to a sense of imbnce among everyone else.
In fact, there were already people feeling imbnced. Otherwise, there wouldn¡¯t be the issue of ¡°setting aside¡± the distribution of colonial territories.
The most coveted ¡°French Africa¡± was swallowed whole by Austria; the rest of the French colonies scattered around the world each had their uniqueness and were not something everyone could covet.
Since they couldn¡¯t acquire them, it was out of sight, out of mind. Allies not participating in the colonial distribution meant that Austria could not force everyone to endorse it.
Franz nodded, ¡°Since they are unwilling to participate, then we¡¯ll resolve the colonial issue ourselves.
In addition to the French Africa we have already taken, we also want to secure as many French overseas colonial inds as possible, as well as some parts of French America.
As for the French Indochina Penins, we can¡¯t afford to focus on it for the moment; if the British want it, let them have it, because we cannot stop them anyway.
These are minor issues; the real troublesome matter is the debt issue of France.
With the final war indemnities, whether it¡¯s 50 billion or 80 billion, the French can¡¯t pay. Inevitable defaults on the debt will ur.
We must consider these issues; once the French default on their debt, what measures should we take, what measures we can take, it would be best to specify them in the treaty.¡±
If it were a few billion Francs, perhaps the French government could scrape it together despite the hardship, but s, the Allied Powers wanted Divine Shields.
Even at the bare minimum of 50 Billion Divine Shields, that equated to 183,000 tons of gold, which might be impossible to umte even by selling all of France.
Not only was the principal impossible to repay, but even the interest was unaffordable. Calcted at a monthly interest of 0.5%, that would be 2.5 billion Divine Shields every month.
Not to speak of the French, even Austria, which printed the Divine Shields, could not bear such debt.
It¡¯s not a problem if they can¡¯t pay; Franz never intended to let the French pay it off. Having this debt hanging over them provided Austria with a sufficient reason to prohibit the French from developing armaments.
In fact, the n of the French in the original timeline to limit Germany was not wrong; the issue was that their implementation went awry and ended up backfiring catastrophically.
Prime Minister Carl reminded, ¡°Your Majesty, this amount of debt is too enormous, the French will simply never be able to pay it off.
Even if the Paris Government is willing to agree, the French public will oppose it. If every French citizen resists, we might not only fail to get the indemnity, but also continue to invest in military expenses.
For the Empire¡¯s benefit, it is best to set an indemnity amount within their capacity to pay. This can both limit the development of France and avoid public opinion pressures.¡±
If they can¡¯t pay, they won¡¯t; defaulting is nothing new. If pushed too far, France might enter a prolonged state of anarchy, with guerris everywhere.
This is the European Continent, where many extreme measures can¡¯t be used. If the worst scenario happens, Austria would actually be powerless to intervene.
The so-called military control over France is actually more of a threat than anything of concrete significance. The Anti-French Alliance might be strong, but if there¡¯s no return on investment, no one would be willing to join Austria in madness.
Franz nodded again, ¡°The Prime Minister is right; the French truly cannot afford this indemnity. Pushing them too hard would be unwise.
However, this indemnity amount was approved by the Anti-French Alliance conference, which means most of our allies recognize this figure, we can¡¯t easily change it.
In two months, the Vienna Peace Conference will start. At that point, we¡¯ll throw it on the table for discussion and let the French try to convince the other countries to reduce the indemnity amount.
As long as the French Government is willing to disband the army and ensure they do not develop armaments, we won¡¯t make things difficult for them over the indemnity.¡±
Frankly speaking, Franz had never expected such a huge indemnity amount to pass during the internal meeting of the Anti-French Alliance.
ording to the n beforehand, so long as France could sustain an indemnity of 3 billion Divine Shields, Franz would have been satisfied.
It wasn¡¯t that they couldn¡¯t demand more; it simply had no meaning. France, having lost its overseas colonies and with its homnd ravaged by war, was no longer the financially mighty French Empire.
An indemnity of 3 billion Divine Shields would result in monthly interest alone of 15 million. To make the monthly payments, the new French government would not only have to disband its army but also tighten its belt.
Proposing a massive indemnity was meant to provoke opposition from the allies¡ªspecifically, to entice Russia to oppose it, cing Russia against countries like Switzend, Belgium, and Sardinia.
But ns never keep up with changes. Whether the Russians uncovered the ruse or were enticed by the huge amount, the Russian representatives did not step forward to oppose it.
With no opposition, Austria couldn¡¯t possibly oppose it on its own. Taking the losses added up by all sides, a staggering amount of indemnity was thus produced.
Fortunately, this was just a draft, with room for amendment. If it became a formal treaty, it would be forcing the French government to feign death.
There was a simr case in the original timeline. After World War I, the French demanded indemnities of 600 to 800 billion Marks from Germany, which were then cut down to 132 billion Marks.
Ultimately, the defeated Germans still couldn¡¯t afford to pay the indemnities. To enable the Germans to make payments, the Allied Powers came up with the foolish method of epting industrial products as debt payment.
Not only did they save the enemy¡¯s industry, but they also allowed German-made goods to enter the British and French colonies unimpeded through indemnities. Capital magnates made a fortune in the process, which left the domestic economy depressed, and nobody invested in manufacturing anymore.
With such a precedent, Franz was naturally extremely cautious, reminding himself constantly that indemnities were merely a means to suppress an enemy, not the ultimate goal.
Chapter 964 - 227: Flexible Diplomacy
Chapter 964: Chapter 227: Flexible Diplomacy
The end of the war on the European continent signified not only that Austria had secured hegemony in Europe, but more importantly, the Sword of Damocles that had been hanging over Austria no longer existed.
Looking at the ¡°Proposed Measures Against France,¡± one can see that Austria had indeed fed its allies their fill, while also fully fostering animosity.
One can imagine just how terrible the Franco-Austrian rtions would be going forward. However, these were minor issues, as the burden of hatred was shared by many countries.
France, seeking to rise again, would first have to get the permission of its neighboring countries before it could cough up the territories it had swallowed.
Gone were the days when the French could look down upon these neighbors; things werepletely different after the war.
Declining Spain, despite its weak strength, had arge presence! Now having regained the rich Ruseiyong region, its strength would further develop.
Recently restored Kingdom of Sardinia couldn¡¯t be relied on for now, but it had significant potential for development and the support of the Italian Confederation on the anti-French issue. After an unpleasant experience, everyone definitely did not want a second round.
Belgium, greatly weakened, was not much in strength, but had a deep-seated hatred for France, firmly bing the vanguard of anti-French efforts.
Switzend, a mountainous country, might not be powerful, but everyone knew of the renowned Swiss mercenaries, undoubtedly a tough bone to chew.
If France wanted to rise again, breaking through from any direction would be as difficult as reaching the heavens. Especially with Austria watching like a tiger, any significant movement would lead to another anti-French war.
ording to the think tank¡¯s analysis, thebined strength of Spain, Switzend, Belgium, and Sardinia post-war equaled that of France. As long as they prevented France from defeating them individually, the blockade was imprable.
With the threat from the west gone, peace would prevail across the European continent. As long as Austria did not initiate trouble, no one else could stir up issues.
As a pacifist, Franz decided to spend theing years less involved in external affairs, preferring to stay home and farm.
Well, all this was just a ruse. The truth was that Austria was too full and needed to digest.
War is a gold-eating beast. Despite Austria¡¯s victory appearing effortless, the Vienna Government had actually umted a towering debt.
To support the war, Austria had not only emptied the national treasury but had also borrowed 800 million Divine Shields from banks, issuing three rounds of war bonds totaling 760 million Divine Shields.
If it was just a matter of adding a debt of around ten billion, Franz would not have worried. After all, the financial situation of the Vienna Government was solid, and it could handle this debt without any pressure.
The problem was the integration of Germany and Austria had already begun. Other regions did not require much support from Austria, but substantial spending was needed for the reconstruction of the Rhinnd region.
In this matter, one could not expect the German Federal Government to dish out money; they had already been overwhelmed by debts.
Recently, due to dys in paying sries, there was a significant strike by public officials. George, the rubber-stamp Emperor of Hanover, had long since washed his hands of the matter.
ording to the previous agreement, after the Vienna Peace Conference, George I was supposed to announce the dissolution of the federation, then abdicate the throne. Since it no longer concerned him, he was naturally indifferent to the fate of the federation.
Ultimately, it was Franz who couldn¡¯t stand by and watch, providing financial support that allowed the government to continue functioning.
The real losers were the creditors of the German Federal Government. With no debtors left and no sessors to take on the debt, their ims naturally disappeared.
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The sub-state governments below would not acknowledge the debt, and Franz likewise would not recognize it. No matter where thewsuit was taken, no one could im the Holy Roman Empire was the sessor to the German Federal Government.
Debt might not be inherited, but territory had to be received. The Rhinnd region was a direct jurisdiction of the German Federal Government, belonging to no particr sub-state, so naturally, it would be a direct jurisdiction of the Vienna Government after the merger.
It goes without saying, since it was a direct jurisdiction of the central government, it naturally had to be funded by the Central Government for reconstruction. The sub-states might provide humanitarian support at most, but they were not legally responsible.
The resettlement of millions of people, from food and clothing to jobs, all needed to be addressed by the Vienna Government, which was an overwhelming thought.
Inparison, the construction of newly upied territories was trivial. Although the costs were enormous, there was no time requirement for it!
After deporting the locals, it became an uninhabited area, and the Vienna Government could develop it whenever they wished.
Beyond these expenses, there was another huge deficit to fill. The war had exacted a severe toll on the Austrian army, and thepensation for casualties was an astronomical figure.
Up to now, the Vienna Government had already disbursed 460 million Divine Shields inpensation. This was not the end; costs exceeding one billion were just a matter of time.
Now, it depended on how much military meritnd could offset. If the soldiers all chose cash, the Vienna Government was not far from bankruptcy.
Adding up all the expenses, because of this war, the final costs that the Vienna Government needed to bear would not be less than fifty billion Divine Shields.
The direct economic loss caused by the war was even higher, reaching seventy billion Divine Shields, and the indirect economic losses even surpassed one hundred and fifty billion Divine Shields.
Just calcting the economic costs, making France pay several hundred billion Divine Shields was absolutely justified.
However, reality was very harsh. No matter how much was demanded, if people had no money, they had no money. No matter how high thepensation amount was set, in the end, only what was in their pockets could be taken.
If it were not for acquiring arge number of colonies and clearing the obstacles for the unification of the Germany Region, as well as establishing Austria¡¯s hegemonic position on the European continent, this war would have stripped the Vienna Government bare.
From this perspective, Franz had to thank the French for their deep pockets. Just look at World War I in the original timeline; as victors, the United Kingdom and France both lost everything.
With this unpleasant experience, Franz finally understood why the UK and France opted for appeasement policies before World War II. It wasn¡¯t that politicians were unaware of the risks; they simply could no longer afford to fight.
¡°Peace is won through war.¡± The meaning of this saying was truly manifested here.
No matter what others thought, Austria could no longer afford to fight. Fortunately, the war hadsted only a year. Had it gone on for three or five years, it would have truly shaken the foundations.
Thinking of this, Franz had to admire the Tsarist Government. Starting from when Franz ascended the throne, the Russian Empire had never had peace, facing a war almost every decade.
After enduring so many wars, the Tsarist Government not only survived but its ruling foundation remained unshaken, even presenting fewer domestic contradictions than initially.
Of course, the easing of domestic contradictions came at a cost. The poption of the Russian Empire was a full twenty million less than that of the same period initially, and the industrial output was far less than in history, with only its territory and agriculture likely exceeding the original timeline.
The overall national power declined, yet the regime stabilized. It should have been a joke, but it really happened.
However, a detailed study of history would reveal that such urrences were not singr in the annals of history.
Every time there was a change of dynasties, it would lead to massive poption deaths, then social contradictions eased, and as long as the ruling ss didn¡¯t act foolishly, a golden age arrived.
The situation in the Russian Empire was simr, the Tsarist Government withstood the most dangerous war periods and emerged as victors, now naturally enjoying the fruits of victory.
From this perspective, the frequent wars in medieval Europe were not merely due to the nobility¡¯s belligerence, it also included the intent to reduce the poption through warfare.
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As one wave settled, another rose.
While the Anti-French Alliance was reveling in the victory of the anti-French wars, the British were not idle, taking advantage of the French¡¯s defeat and theirck of attention overseas, boldly sending troops to invade French Indochina.
No, it cannot yet be confirmed as an invasion. The British produced a colonial transfer agreement signed with the Bonaparte Dynasty; if the content is true, then it was merely an ordinary colonial transaction.
Undoubtedly, with such a disastrous defeat on the European continent, the far-off French colonial governments naturallycked the resolve to resist the British.
Upon seeing the colonial transfer agreement, regardless of its legitimacy, one colonial government after another surrendered.
No, it should be said they underwent territorial transfer. Although the British took over the colonies, the French Army was not disarmed, nor were they sent to prisoner of war camps.
The overseas advances did not bring any constion to the British Government. As the date for the Vienna Peace Conference approached, dstone¡¯s smile faded more and more.
Eating more overseas only amounted to cold leftovers. These areas were beyond the reach of the Anti-French Alliance, allowing them to pick up a bargain.
Such a bargain held no significance in the current international situation. Already isted, Britain became even more isted.
The former allies and subordinates now all ceased to exist. It was simply that the Anti-French Alliance was too overwhelmingly advantageous, no European nation stood with them, regardless of how much the London Government tried to allure them.
dstone, originally prepared to cause trouble at the Vienna Peace Conference, now also lost his enthusiasm. The current international situation was very clear, as long as the Anti-French Alliance did not dissolve, the European continent would not have their say.
Foreign Minister George: ¡°ording to information from the Vienna Embassy, the closed-door meeting of the Anti-French Alliance has ended. The specific contents are not yet known, but they have already expelled the French.
Austria, Belgium, Switzend, Spain, Sardinia, and other countries have taken action, expelling the French from border areas.
Preliminary estimates suggest that the Anti-French Alliance has reached an agreement to partition France. The current expulsion is mostly in preparation for the subsequent territorial annexations.
Since the French Army previously undertook simr actions in the Germany Region, the Anti-French Alliance now seeks retaliation, and we are not in a position to condemn them morally.¡±
In this day and age, the notion of a Holy Virgin is not popr, but blood debt is paid in blood, which is the mainstream of the times. The wars in Europe were instigated by the French invasions, so retaliation by the Anti-French Alliance was to be expected.
Of course, it¡¯s mainly because the Anti-French Alliance was ¡°a bit¡± too powerful. Most European countries were members of the Anti-French Alliance, and the few neutral nations also took sides with it.
With Europe united in stance, Britain¡¯s erstwhile transcendental status was no longer existing. Standing directly opposite the Anti-French Alliance, even the London Government backed down.
Receiving this bad news, dstone¡¯s frown deepened: ¡°Spare no expense to rify the contents of the treaty, and before that, hold off on dering our stance.
Continuemunications with both the East and the West. An overly powerful Austria does not align with their interests; incite them toe out andpete for the spoils of war.¡±
This was an overt plot, each great nation in Europe dreamed of being the continental hegemon, East and West were no exceptions.
Austria had be their biggest stumbling block on the road to hegemony, and they would certainly not mind kicking it aside if the opportunity arose.
George shook his head: ¡°Prime Minister, that¡¯s impossible to achieve. Spain has declined and is now busy counterattacking the Philippines, needing Austria¡¯s support more than ever, turning against them is simply not an option.
The Russians indeed have great ambitions, but their pathway westward ispletely blocked. Without adequate confidence, they will not turn against Austria.¡±
The ¡°potential¡±petitors were just that¡ª¡±potential.¡± Spain¡¯s power was too weak topete for hegemony; the Russians were capable, but the Tsarist Government was not foolish either.
Competing for spoils of war is easy, but digesting them is the challenge. Whether dividing France¡¯s homnd orpeting for overseas colonies, a strong navy is needed as backup.
This is exactly what the Russian Empirecks. To turn against allies for unobtainable goals would only happen if one were delusional.
dstone mmed the table fiercely: ¡°Even if it¡¯s impossible, we must do it. The Anti-French Alliance is too powerful, we cannot directlypete with them, we can only dissolve them from within.
If we can¡¯t persuade both East and West against Austria, then we must find a way to join the Alliance. After all, Britain cannot be isted by the European world.¡±
If unable to defeat them, join them¡ªthis has been a traditional skill of Britain. Recall when France and Austria were allies, yet after Britain joined, the two quickly became estranged.
If there were international rtions schrs studying this period, they would notice a clear turning point in France-Austria rtions.
Before the establishment of the Tripartite Alliance, the two countries were in their honeymoon phase; after its establishment, contradictions intensified, leading directly to the disintegration of the alliance.
In this sense, Britain also yed a disgraceful role in this European war, only miscalcting the strengths of both parties, leading to a copse in theter stage.
Chapter 965 - 228: Entangled...
Chapter 965: Chapter 228: Entangled¡
The British Government was not only troubled by the international situation but also by the apanying economic issues.
If nothing unexpected urred, the markets abandoned by the French wouldrgely be taken over by Austrian industrial andmercial products, leaving Britannia to pick up only scraps and leftovers.
Thew of ¡°the strong get stronger¡± applied here as well. Austria, already an industrial powerhouse, now captured the French markets, ensuring further development of its domestic industry andmerce.
Anyone with a bit ofmon sense knew that the more industrial andmercial products were produced, the lower the cost would be, thus strengthening marketpetitiveness.
The market being finite, the further development of Austria¡¯s industry andmerce was bound topete with Britannia.
Not to mention other regions, Britannia¡¯s market share in Europe would definitely be squeezed.
With the market shrinking, corporate profits would decrease and the money invested in product research and promotion would also be reduced, forming a vicious cycle.
Of course, these were long-term issues. Britannia had the world¡¯s richest colonies and could hold up for a short period.
At worst, they could slowly transition economically, moving away from the low-profit manufacturing industry to vigorously develop finance and services. This had been done in the original timeline and could naturally be done now.
The long-term problems were for the next or the following Prime Minister to address. dstone need not worry about them, as he already had enough immediate troubles.
As the world¡¯s leading financial empire, high-interest loans were inevitable. Everyone knew that those who yed in finance were audacious and utterly unscrupulous.
As long as the profit was substantial enough, regardless of the risks, there would always be takers.
Britannia, which promoted a free economy, did not interfere in private lending. During the European wars, these spectors were inevitably active.
While some made a killing, others suffered great losses. Following the end of the European wars, financial groups that bet on the French government were now trapped.
If it were the consortium¡¯s money that was trapped, dstone would only be popping champagne and celebrating, not bothering about the survival of these vampires.
Regrettably, the vampires were shrewd and had meticulously nned everything, profiting themselves while losses were solicited from the public.
From the end of the European wars until now, over three hundred financial institutions in Britannia had dered bankruptcy, conveniently dumping the mess onto the government¡¯sp.
Recovering debts was impossible. From the current situation, even if the French government had money, it was looted clean by the Anti-French Alliance. It seemed unlikely they could pay these debts for decades.
The French rotten debts had yet to be dealt with when the German Federation exploded with a debt default, delivering another blow to the London Government.
This time, it wasn¡¯t just private loans¡ªmany of the loans had the British Government¡¯s assurance of safety.
With no other option, the German Federal Government dered bankruptcy. In an effort to save on expenses, they even closed the London embassy, entrusting their affairs to the Austrian embassy in London.
It wasn¡¯t that the German Federal Government intentionally ¡°defaulted¡±; they genuinely had no money. The sub-states withheld taxes, the central zones were destroyed, the government lost all its ie, and even public servant sries had to be fronted by Austria, let alone repaying debts.
Approaching year-end ounting, unable to meet its debts, the government had no choice but to dere bankruptcy.
Indeed, it wasn¡¯t just the German Federation that went bankrupt. The government of Belgium, devastated back home, also dered bankruptcy at this time.
Being broke meant being broke; they didn¡¯t even pretend to be poor. It wasn¡¯t a specific move against Britannia but rather a default on all debts. But since Britannia had lent out the most, it became the biggest victim.
¡°Have the governments of the Prussian and German countries given any exnation?¡±
dstone directly ignored the French government; obviously, he did not believe he could extract money from under the nose of the Anti-French Alliance.
The governments of Prussia and Germany had no money, which was a well-known fact, and dstone did not expect them to immediately produce money.
Having no money was fine; Britannia had a professional financial team. As long as there were enough coteral assets, securing another loan wouldn¡¯t be a problem.
The key was the attitude toward resolving the issue, whether it was a temporary cessation of payment due tock of funds or an outright refusal to pay.
¡°The Belgian government proposed a n to dy payments for five years, using the French war indemnities as security and prioritizing the reimbursement of war indemnities paid by the French after five years toward us,¡±
The German Federal Government proposed a debt transfer, directly deducting from the war indemnities, making the French bear this debt.
Theoretically, the proposals from both the Prussian and German governments could work. The only issue was whether the French possessed the capacity to pay.¡±
It wasn¡¯t that George was soft-hearted; it was just that the situation was special. Belgium was now destitute with government coffers so empty they needn¡¯t even have a front door; extracting oil by bombing them was impossible.
The German Federation seemed to be in a slightly better state, but its government was too weak, potentially closing down at any moment.
If the debt issue wasn¡¯t resolved quickly, and Austria dered the restoration of the Holy Roman Empire and dissolved the illegal German Federation, then the creditors themselves might disappear altogether.
No country would pay for an illegal government established by rebels unless Britannia could persuade Austria to recognize the legitimacy of the German Federal Government.
This was obviously impossible. Recognizing the legality of the German Federal Government meant the division of the Empire. Vienna resisted the pressure thirty years ago and now it wouldn¡¯t venture such recognition.
¡°Problematic indeed!¡±
¡°From the current situation, the Anti-French Alliance will definitely extract a hefty sum from the French. The war reparations are unlikely to be one billion British pounds,
Belgium made great sacrifices in this war, and logically Austria should offer some constion, ensuring a significant proportion of thepensation isn¡¯t low.
With five years as a buffer, the French should have also recovered somewhat, and even if unable to pay the full amount of indemnities annually, the portion ruing to Belgium should be enough to cover our debts. If there was a shortfall, Belgium could make up for it.¡±
The proposal from the German Federal Government is problematic; the debt transfer might seem lossless, but the risks we must bear are immense.
Not only do we have to worry about the French¡¯s ability to pay, but we also have to consider political risks. If Russian-Austria meddles and causes the French to deliberately dy, or ces the transferred debtst in line for settlement, I estimate we won¡¯t see the money by the end of the century,¡±
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dstone couldn¡¯t help being concerned, as Britannia had yed simr tricks before, and now the tables have turned, putting them in a reactive position.
epting the debt transfer from the German Federation means taking on high risk; rejecting the debt transfer means missing even the chance to take risks.
The current German Federal Government is like a limited liabilitypany about to go bankrupt, registered with the minimum required capital.
Anyway, everyone is only liable within the registered capital, and both legal persons and shareholders have opted to cut losses promptly, with no intention of rescuing thepany.
As the creditor, Britannia faces a tragedy; they must either press for collection of thepany¡¯s bad debts from abroad or wait for bankruptcy liquidation.
Foreign Minister George added, ¡°Not just us; other creditors of the German Federation are receiving the same treatment, including the Austrian Royal Bank.
George I has already closed his doors, leaving all matters to the German Federal Government, and the Kingdom of Hanover and the German Federation havepleted their separation.
In order to stop losses, the Foreign Ministry proposed using colonies as debt payment, but they were rejected. Ewald even boasted that if we dared touch their colonies, they would dere war on us.¡±
None of them are easy to deal with, even Britannia¡¯s own offspring are now rebelling. Regardless of past rtionships, they are not going to take on the debts.
Even though they know this would offend Britannia to death, they are now fearless. After all, the revived Holy Roman Empire is the master of Europe, and with the Central Government to support them, there¡¯s really no need to show submission.
¡
It¡¯s not only the British Government that is in a quandary; the Japanese Government in Tokyo is also having a hard time. Even though the Japanese Army has upied the Philippine Inds, it brings nofort to Emperor Meiji.
There¡¯s no helping it; ns do not change as quickly as circumstances do. They were ready to take a chance once the situation rified, but unfortunately, due tomunication difficulties, the Japanese Government¡¯s news was dyed by several days.
However, just in those few days, the French surrendered, making it impossible for the Japanese Government to even deliver the prepared derations of war.
They can¡¯t even make a forced issue. The French Indochina Penins was snatched up by the British, and several small inds in the Southeast Asia region fell into Austrian hands; there wasn¡¯t a single one they dared to provoke.
The spective failure has put Japan in a particrly awkward position, especially unfavorable given theing Vienna Peace Conference.
Spain is a European country and a member of the Anti-French Alliance; it¡¯s clear whom everyone will support at the Vienna Peace Conference.
Without international recognition, their upation of the Philippine Inds is like duckweed without roots, vulnerable to being taken at any moment.
In the days toe, they not only have to worry about a Spanish counterattack but also be wary of underhanded moves by Anglo-Austria.
The reason Spain managed to hold onto the Philippine Inds previously wasn¡¯t just because of its strength; looking solely at strength, neither Spain, the Nethends, nor Portugal were qualified to hold onto their colonies; it was more about political factors.
Now, with the major changes in the situation in Europe and the Philippine Inds falling into Japanese hands, the previous political factors are no longer applicable.
Having missed the chance for spection, the Japanese Government can only rely on its strength to hold onto the Philippine Inds.
¡°Prime Minister, what is the stance of European countries?¡±
Ito Hirobumi looked tense and with some difficulty said, ¡°The situation is not optimistic; I personally visited the envoys of various countries. Even when the Empire made concessions, we received clear support from none of these countries.
Among the major powers, the British are ambiguous, as ifpletely indifferent to our upation of the Philippine Inds; the Russians also lean more towards Spain, and after the Empire made concessions, we still didn¡¯t get their assurances.
Austria¡¯s stance is the most unfavorable for us; Ambassador Antonio explicitly conveyed their wish for us to give up the Philippine Inds and stop our expansion into Southeast Asia.
The only good news is that Austria¡¯s stance is not too firm, with no intent of military intervention. Their opposition to our upation of the Philippine Inds is probably because Spain is their ally.
ording to news from Europe, the Spaniards have already begun assembling an expeditionary fleet, currentlyprising three new battleships and ten ironds, all from the French Navy,¡±
Minister of the Navy Saigo Tsugumichi asked doubtfully, ¡°Weren¡¯t all French warships supposed to be auctioned off? How did they end up in Spanish hands?¡±
Ito Hirobumi exined helplessly, ¡°The French warships are trophies of the Anti-French Alliance, and Spain is a member of the alliance. Borrowing them before the auction is not a big deal.
Even if they were to be auctioned, it would just be a formality; these warships would still end up in Spanish hands. The really purchasable warships by the outside world are just what¡¯s left over by the countries of the Anti-French Alliance.¡±
Backdoor deals are only natural. As a member of the Anti-French Alliance, it would be strange if they did not have privileges.
Saigo Tsugumichi fell silent. The century¡¯s navy is not to be underestimated; despite Spain¡¯s decline, their naval heritage is still intact. As long as there is money and warships, a fleet can be quickly assembled.
The Japanese Navy¡¯s resources are limited, their most advanced warships being a few ironds or cruisers, and their most advanced battleships are virtually non-existent.
Warships are notmon weapons and cannot be purchased simply with money. Warships avable on the international market are all second or third-rate, and might even be simplified versions ¨C something the British excel at.
Putting a pre-dreadnought of over ten thousand tons against a cruiser of a few thousand tons is less a battle and more a ughter. The navy relies not on braveness but on technological gaps that can¡¯t be bridged with a few slogans.
However confident, Saigo Tsugumichi did not believe that the Japanese Navy¡¯s few decrepit ships couldpare to the cream of the French Navy.
Seeing the navy cower, the Imperial Japanese Army¡¯s General Ozan quickly interjected, ¡°Don¡¯t worry, Your Majesty. The Imperial Japanese Army fears no challengers, and with us present, we will definitely hold onto the Philippine Inds.¡±
Unlike the navy¡¯s concerns, the army was brimming with confidence. In the prior battles for the Philippine Inds, the Japanese Army had soundly defeated the Spaniards.
Chapter 966 - 229, Central Asia Railway
Chapter 966: Chapter 229, Central Asia Railway
Being able to rise from being a figurehead to bing a true Emperor, Emperor Meiji was not someone who could be easily deceived. The army¡¯s sworn ¡°guarantee¡± not only failed to reassure him but instead made him feel even more uncertain.
As an insightful Emperor, Meiji was very aware of the sort of troops that European countries dispatched to their overseas colonies. Defeating a colonial army primarilyposed of native soldiers was not an aplishment worth boasting about.
Moreover, the army was not the main actor in this war. Diplomacy was the true determinant of victory or defeat, followed by the navy.
Ignoring Ozan¡¯s assurance, Emperor Meiji spoke with measured caution, ¡°Only three months remain until the Vienna Peace Conference convenes; we too should begin our preparations.
Prime Minister, this time you will lead the delegation personally. We do not expect the Anglo-Austrian two countries to support us, but at the very least, we must ensure their neutrality.
The Empire¡¯s rise or fall hinges on this moment¡¡±
Upon hearing this, Ito Hirobumi¡¯s expression changed. Based on his understanding of Emperor Meiji, he could be certain that Meiji¡¯s confidence had been shaken.
Sending him to Europe was not just for attending the Vienna Peace Conference but also to look for a way out, preparing for the worst-case scenario.
Anyone with clear sight could tell that attending the Vienna Peace Conference was a joke. With Japan¡¯s current international standing, they didn¡¯t even have the qualifications to sit at the negotiation table.
It was evident from the contents of the invitation that the Anti-French Alliance had only invited them to attend the naval auction.
When it came to establishing a new international order, it wasn¡¯t Japan¡¯s turn to speak. They were expected simply toply with the oues once the dust had settled.
Due to the Philippine War, even for this naval auction, the Japanese Government could only y a trivial role.
This was not a matter of money. As a member of the Anti-French Alliance, the Spaniards were also one of the sellers; under no circumstances would they sell a warship to their enemy.
Even if they managed to purchase one, it would be useless, as the Spaniards would surely find ways to throttle them. The warships would not be able to return to their country before the war ended.
In this context, the Vienna Peace Conference was utterly superfluous for the Japanese Government; there was no need for the Prime Minister to get involved personally.
¡
In January, St. Petersburg had donned its silver mantle. The biting cold wind rendered the streets and alleys nearly deserted.
The usually bustling Fick¡¯s Star Cafe was now quiet. In the expansive lounge, there were only a sparse six or seven people.
From the demeanor and air of the individuals, it was clear that aside from the two main characters, the rest were bodyguards.
¡
Russian Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes, ying one of the protagonists, gestured dismissively and interrupted, ¡°Your Excellency, the Envoy, there¡¯s no need to repeat these unconstructive remarks.
We have never had a friendship with your country, and now Austria is our ally. It is impossible to start from us and attempt to destroy the Russian-Austrian Alliance.¡±
Richard, far from being offended by the interruption, instead revealed a satisfied smile.
Indeed, it was difficult for Britain and Russia to rte to the concept of friendship; over the past thirty years, the two nations had fought in two wars, resulting in hundreds of thousands of deaths on both sides.
By contrast, the Russian-Austrian Alliance, which hadsted for decades without significant conflicts, was worthy of the term ¡°friendship.¡±
However, appearances can be deceiving. If the Russian-Austrian rtionship were as close-knit as it seemed, there wouldn¡¯t be a need for this secret meeting in these freezing conditions.
Richard, adept at reading people, had detected the problem during the earlier conversation.
Of course, it was more likely to be a signal intentionally released by the Russians; otherwise, Oscar Ximenes wouldn¡¯t have emphasized the word ¡°now¡± during his statement.
¡°Your Excellency, the Minister, I understand that there are many misunderstandings between your country and Britannia, but those are things of the past. We need to look forward.
With the end of the war on the European Continent, France¡¯s decline has be inevitable. If we don¡¯t act now, the new master of Europe will be Austria.
Just because your country is currently allied with Austria doesn¡¯t mean it will always remain so. True allies only exist in the context of equal strength. Once the bnce is disrupted, the situation changes drastically.
Even if your country abandoned its ns to expand westward, there¡¯s no guarantee that Austria won¡¯t expand eastward. After all, the only power on the European Continent that can influence Austria¡¯s dominion is your country now.
Your true ally is Austria of thirty years ago, not the newly revived Holy Roman Empire.¡±
In the game of internationalpetition, one¡¯s gain is often another¡¯s loss. With Austria bing stronger, byparison, the Russian Empire is weakened.
The British have sensed the threat from Austria¡¯s rise, and so has the Tsarist Government. Arguably, due to proximity, the Tsarist Government¡¯s concern is even greater.
For the sake of the Russian Empire¡¯s interests, or rather for the Tsarist Government¡¯s peace of mind, this secret meeting took ce.
However, after making contact, Oscar Ximenes was very disappointed. The British were still employing the same old tactics of sowing discord, always asking what the Russian Empire should do and not what Britannia should do.
Breaking the Russian-Austrian Alliance isn¡¯t out of the question, but the condition is that the benefit must be sufficiently substantial. Clearly, the British, known for wanting something for nothing, hadn¡¯t put forward an attractive enough offer.
¡°You¡¯re right, Your Excellency, but those are merely possibilities. The future has yet toe, and no one can predict it in advance.
At least for now, the Russian-Austrian Alliance remains unbreakable, and we are not going to abandon our ally just because of a possibility. So, Your Excellency, please state your purpose directly; there¡¯s no need to beat around the bush here.¡±
The Russian-Austrian Alliance had developed to such an extent that it had prated into all areas of both nations¡¯ affairs. It was not something that could simply be dissolved. If the rtionship turned sour, both sides would suffer substantial losses.
In this context, despite wanting to curb Austria¡¯s development, the Tsarist Government had restrained itself and taken no overt action against them. Instead, they pinned their hopes on their adversaries, expecting the British to step in and curb Austria¡¯s growing momentum.
In this regard, Britain and Russia had simr thoughts; neither wanted to be the one to make the first move at this stage, to draw Austria¡¯s ire and let theirpetitors benefit as fishermen.
¡°Your Excellency, the Minister, Austria¡¯s growth is a serious threat to us both, and I believe your country would not want to live in the shadows of Vienna.
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To alleviate this threat, we propose that our two countries join forces to sabotage the Vienna Peace Conference, shatter Austria¡¯s ambition to establish a new international order, and return the international situation to an era where power is divided among three major entities, with our three nations jointly dominating the world.¡±
Oscar Hemenes shook his head, ¡°We¡¯ve felt the sincerity of your country, but it is far from sufficient.
If we sabotage the Vienna Peace Conference, the Russian-Austrian Alliance will head towards its end. The price we would have to pay is too great; it could even lead to an economic copse within our country.
If your country backs outter, we¡¯ll have to bear the wrath of Austria alone. The risks involved are too great, already exceeding our capacity to bear.¡±
Envoy Richard assured, ¡°High risk brings high reward. As long as we can break Austria¡¯s burgeoning momentum, all investments are worth it.
Regarding the losses your country would suffer, we can think of ways topensate for some of it. Rest assured, we have no intention of letting our friends suffer losses.¡±
¡
In the Gatchina Pce, holding the conditions from both Russia and Austria, Alexander III was engaged in a difficult internal struggle.
The terms given by the British suggested that, once the immediate shock had passed, the Russian Empire could possibly soar to new heights, recing Austria as the new master of Europe.
However, the greater the potential gain, the higher the risk. In case of failure, or if the British reneged on their promises, the Russian Empire might well be doomed.
Even without suspecting the British of reneging on this issue, who could be certain in politics?
The London Government also changes every few years, and with bad luck, they might encounter a dolt who¡¯d wreck havoc, leaving the Russian Empire in distress.
Such incidents weren¡¯t without precedent in history; the Russian Empire itself had been a victim. If it weren¡¯t for Peter III¡¯s divine intervention, the Russian Empire would have be the master of Europe long ago, without all these troubles.
Of course, for Alexander III, these troubles are somewhat a blessing in disguise. After all, if Peter III hadn¡¯t caused chaos, he wouldn¡¯t have had the chance to sit on the Tsarist throne.
By contrast, the conditions offered by Austria were much safer, and naturally less profitable. Europe¡¯s master was out of the question, but hopes could be pinned on bing the master of South Asia.
Looking out the window, Alexander III asked, ¡°How much money is needed for the Central Asia Railway, has it been assessed yet?¡±
Finance Minister Alisher Gurov said, ¡°The main line of the Central Asia Railway is 3,864 kilometers long, with auxiliary lines exceeding 15,600 kilometers in total.
Not only does it have to withstand harsh climates, but it also passes through many difficult terrains. The construction is projected tost 12 years, with an initial cost estimate of 1.276 billion Gold Rubles.¡±
Railway construction has always been a pain for the Russian Empire. Not topare with the well-developed countries of Europe, even the railways of neighboring British-India were better.
It¡¯s not that the Tsarist Government hasn¡¯t tried; their capacity just didn¡¯t allow for more. Not only is the Russian Empire expansive, but its climate is also daunting.
Other countries can start construction directly after exploring and drawing up ns.
The situation is different for the Russian Empire; their railways must be guaranteed to operate normally even under ice and snow. asionally extreme weather might see temperatures plummet to minus forty or fifty degrees Celsius.
You get what you pay for, and with high standards for their railways, the construction costs were naturally higher for Russia.
Even after a railway is built, the greater challenge lies in subsequent operations and maintenance. The harsh natural climate directly increases the operational maintenance costs¡ªeffectively a bottomless pit.
In other countries, investors flock to fund railway construction; there¡¯s no need to worry about funding. In contrast, in the Russian Empire, it¡¯s only the government that has to pay for railway construction because the operation has been losing money for years. No profit-driven business would take part, hence the slow progress of railway construction.
If it hadn¡¯t been for Austria¡¯s instigation and the potential French reparations, the Tsarist Government would never havemenced the Central Asia Railway at this juncture.
¡°Can the construction period be shortened?¡±
He didn¡¯t request a reduction in the construction costs because Alexander III knew all too well what the domestic bureaucracy was like. If costs were cut, no one could guarantee that the resulting railway would operate smoothly.
Such folly had happened before. Previously, during railway construction, some idiot, in an effort to save expenses, had unterally shortened the track gauge and sleeper length.
If one carefully examined the sessfully opened railways, they all had one thing inmon¡ªbudget overruns.
To put it simply, they quote a low cost to start the project. Then, when the work is half done and money runs out, they force the government to invest more.
¡°If we let the Austrian Railway Company take on the contract, the total project time can be reduced by a quarter, with the main line able to extend to the Afghan border within eight years.
However, their bid is very high, even with us providing thebor force, it amounts to 1.886 billion Gold Rubles; if they handle the entire construction, the budget is as high as 3 billion Gold Rubles.¡±
Alisher Gurov was frustrated by such a pricing difference. Domestic railwaypanies did offer lower bids, but they invariably failed toplete the work satisfactorily. Not only was it impossible to guarantee the timeline, but additional budget was frequently required.
Austrian railwaypanies might ask for higher prices, but they provide reliable schedules and quality output, with a once-and-for-all price quotation. Any incremental costster were not too excessive. In the end, the total costs might even be slightly lower.
Given this, the Tsarist Government should have brought in the Austrian Railway Company to reduce construction costs. In reality, it was quite the opposite; Austrian railwaypanies scarcely took on projects under the Tsarist Governnment.
It was not that the Tsarist Government was unwilling to outsource, but simply that no Austrian railwaypanies were willing to take orders. The reason was starkly pragmatic: the Tsarist Government was poor and payment was not secure.
So much so that nowadays, building a railway with Tsarist funding had be a bargaining chip for Austria, and a highly enticing one at that.
As long as the railway was extended to the Afghan Region, the Russian Empire would have opened its gateways to India.
For a project of such significance, the Tsarist Government naturally couldn¡¯t afford to be careless. Misced trust could lead to squandered investments.
The biggest advantage ofmissioning the Austrian Railway Company was safety. Everyone knew the Vienna Government wanted the Russian Empire to move south and engage in a showdown with Britain, so they would certainly ensure the quality of this railway.
In case budget issues arose mid-project, there was no worry about work stopping, as the Austrians would, with their fearless internationalist spirit, cover the costs andplete the project for them.
Chapter 967 - 230: High Risk
Chapter 967: Chapter 230: High Risk
The behind-the-scenes insider trading continued, and the casualty report of the war on the European continent was finally released. Without a doubt, both sides suffered heavy losses, with the war¡¯s brutality reaching historical heights.
ording to the statistics of the Vienna Government, this war directly led to a poption decline of over 12 million on the European continent. Aside from the more than 4 million who emigrated, the rest died in the war.
Statistical data:
The Anti-French Alliance lost 2.377 million soldiers and 1.92 million civilians dead. The specific data are as follows:
Austria: 742,000 soldiers dead, 28,000 civilians dead; (including colonial warfare)
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German Federation: 582,000 soldiers dead, 587,000 civilians dead;
Belgium: 273,000 soldiers dead, 556,000 civilians dead;
Spain: 21,000 soldiers dead; (civilian deaths negligible)
Switzend: 6,000 soldiers dead; (civilian deaths negligible)
Kingdom of Sardinia: 176,000 soldiers dead, 465,000 civilians dead; (including guerris and local insurrectionary forces)
¡
France: 3.206 million soldiers dead, including 1.368 million from the colonial troops, 417,000 Italian soldiers, and 1.421 million from the domestic forces, with 886,000 civilian deaths. (including civil war)
Looking at the group of cold numbers in hand, Franz sighed. Except for the slightly shorter duration, the brutality of the war was by no means less than that of World War I in the original timeline.
Especially the number of civilian casualties, which far exceeded that of World War I in the original timeline. Apart from the widespread conflict zones, what mattered even more was the discement it prompted.
Even though the Vienna Government acted promptly to provide relief, it did little to reduce the death toll.
The old, weak, sick, and disabled couldn¡¯t endure the hardship, and many citizens who were not strong enough fell by the wayside while fleeing, unable to wait for rescue.
The statistics only ount for civilian deaths on the European continent. If the civilian deaths in the colonies were included, the final number might double.
With so many deaths, the injuries and casualties were not even worth mentioning. Since injuries can be cumtive and lead to duplicated counts, the Vienna Government didn¡¯t bother to calcte them precisely.
After a while, Franz remarked, ¡°Looking at the current situation, France is essentially ruined! Unless something unexpected happens, they won¡¯t recover their vitality for thirty years.¡±
From any perspective, the French situation now is even more dire than in the original timeline.
In the original World War I, although they also suffered heavy losses, France emerged as a victor and gained war benefits, with neither the colonies nor the homnd suffering losses.
But now it¡¯s different, not only did they suffer heavy losses, but they also lost all their wealth, and what awaits them next is a long period of debt repayment.
Even if they wanted to emte the revival of the German Three from the ashes, Francecks the capital for revival. Not to mention the copsed domestic economy, the key point is they don¡¯t even have the poption for it.
As a main actor in the European war, France¡¯s poption losses are not small. Just the direct deaths alone amount to over two million, and the number of injured and disabled is likely not much lower. Add the emigrants to that, and the number bes even more staggering.
With experience as his guide, Franz could assert that France would face abor gap, especially with a severe shortage of malebor.
Without solving these issues, France¡¯s poption is set for a long period of negative growth in the future.
This situation is evident when one looks at neighboring Russia. Once the top country in Europe for birth rates, after several wars, its birth rate plummeted, even experiencing negative growth at one point.
Russia¡¯s ability to recover in just a few short years is due to the Russians¡¯ high eagerness to reproduce, which is not matched by the French enthusiasm for procreation.
If the economy cannot be revived, it¡¯s probable that France¡¯s post-war birth rate will plummet to a historical low.
The poption growth rate of France after World War I in the original timeline is highly indicative; in twenty years, they only grew by over one million. Excluding the increase from immigration, France¡¯s poption growth rate effectively turned negative.
In the era of industry 2.0, if there is a shortage ofbor, then nothing else matters. Austria became the world¡¯s top economic power because of its poption far exceeding that of itspetitors.
If Austria, like France, had fallen into a poption bottleneck in the 19th century, even if Franz worked his hardest, he couldn¡¯t have built a great empire.
¡°The French still have some foundation left, as long as this war ends, they can still sustain themselves.¡±
Now, Belgium and the recently independent Italian States are the most miserable, their economies havepletely copsed in the war, a thorough mess.
If it weren¡¯t for our support, they would already be starving. To recover economically, the difficulty is no less than waging another European war.¡±
It was clear that Prime Minister Carl was suffering from a severe headache. When waging a war, having many allies is always better; swarming the enemy is certainly more advantageous than fighting alone.
But after the war ended, the situation was entirely different. No matter what, we all crouched in the same trench, carried guns together, and bled together. If younger brothers are struggling ande to us for help, it¡¯s tough to justify not lending them a hand.
Lending a hand isn¡¯t a problem, the key is that this isn¡¯t something that can be pulled off with just one try. The trauma left by the war is too profound; both Belgium and the Italian States are now impoverished.
When they could be self-sufficient, no one can answer that question. Anyway, without a few years of effort, don¡¯t even think about catching a breath.
As the biggest victor of the war, the outside world only sees Austria¡¯s glory; no one knows about the Vienna Government¡¯s empty coffers.
The war may be over, but the Austrian Government¡¯s debt is still rapidly climbing. Post-war domestic rehabilitation costs money, reconstructing the Rhinnd region costs money, unifying the Germany Region still costs money, and supporting the younger brothers still costs money.
If it weren¡¯t for bearing the title of a ¡°hegemon,¡± the confidence of the capital market in the Austrian Government has been raised to an unprecedented level, and the Vienna Government would already be close to a financial crisis.
Franz rubbed his forehead, ¡°We can¡¯t just give money directly anymore. The war is over, they must learn to be independent. Wait till the Vienna Peace Conference is over, then we¡¯lly it out for them.
If they want to get funding, they must follow market rules. We can issue bonds for them, or we can issue bonds on their behalf, but the interest must be determined by the market.¡±
In fact, the aid provided by Austria was never free. Butpared to the capital market, the funds offered by the Vienna Government were the ultimate show of a capitalist¡¯s conscience.
¡°Interest-free loans,¡± and those without any conditions, one wouldn¡¯t find such a conscientious creditor anywhere else in the world.
However, this ¡°conscience¡± had a time limit. During the war, in order to strike at the French, the Vienna Government was naturally full of ¡°conscience.¡± Now that the war is over, the ¡°conscience¡± has been spent.
To be frank, if it wasn¡¯t because the banknotes were printed in excess before and there were concerns about the repayment ability of various countries, even continuing to issue interest-free loans would be fine.
After all, what was lent out was the Divine Shield, not gold. Since they have taken the Divine Shield, post-war reconstruction of these countries cannot do without Austria.
Through trade means, most of this money would still flow back, promoting the economic development of Austria, and the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t lose out.
Regrettably, during the war, the Vienna Government had already started the printing press, and there¡¯s now a bit of an oversupply of the Divine Shield in cirction.
ying this game any further would clearly be inappropriate. Should any link in the chain break, intion would be minutes away.
To stabilize prices and the value of the Divine Shield, the Vienna Government also had no choice but to think of ways to recall the excess banknotes from the market, for example: issuing bonds.
In this context, the debt of the Vienna Government is naturally increasing by the day. However,pared to the currency hegemony of the Divine Shield, this little price isn¡¯t worth mentioning.
After all, there is still apetitor¡ª¡±British Pounds¡±¡ªand it¡¯s far from the time to act with reckless abandon.
Economy Minister Reinhardt reminded, ¡°Your Majesty, the current intelligence is very special. Due to the war, the outside world is skeptical about Belgium and the Italian States¡¯ ability to repay their debts.
Furthermore, with the recent news of France¡¯s debt default and the German Federation¡¯s debt default incident, the capital market has been agitated, and the overall market is in a cautious state.
Unless we provide a credit guarantee for them, they would be unable to obtain financing on the capital market.¡±
The risk involved is enormous. Based on the data we¡¯ve gathered, Belgium and the Italian States have a ny percent chance of defaulting on their debt.¡±
Even though Franz was prepared and knew this was a high-risk deal, he was still startled by the ¡°ny percent chance of default.¡±
Gambling doesn¡¯t even go that far; no wonder no one on the capital market showed any interest.
If Austria provides a guarantee, the chance of default is as high as ny percent; if it were an ordinary financial institution, wouldn¡¯t the chance of default be a hundred percent?
After a moment¡¯s hesitation, Franz still decided to take on this risk. After all, they are allies, and the Vienna Government couldn¡¯t just watch them die!
If these younger brothers were to copse, and we were to support new ones, who could guarantee that the new government would continue pro-Austria policies? If the British manage to cheat them away, the losses for Austria could be tremendous.
Chapter 968 - 231: Financing
Chapter 968: Chapter 231: Financing
In order to help the younger brothers recover economically, an Austrian version of the ¡°Marshall n¡± was formted. Its core purpose was to revitalize the economy of Europe and to snatch themodity sales market, the only difference being that the content had undergone a slight change.
At this moment, Austria was far from being as wealthy as the Americans after World War II; the Vienna Government couldn¡¯t conjure up massive financial aid on short notice.
To provide post-war reconstruction funds for various countries, it was inevitable to rely on the financial markets for financing, so interest could not be avoided.
Before the outbreak of the war in Europe, the four major financial centers of Europe were London, Paris, Vienna, and Frankfurt. As a titan in the financial world, the capital market in London was almost equivalent to the sum of thetter three.
Because of the war, Paris was essentially ruined. The counterattack before Napoleon IV fled had severely injured the French finance group, and it was already difficult enough for them to survive.
Austria¡¯s development period was still too short. Franz particrly valued the real economy, and most of the domestic capital had flowed into industry, leaving not too much circting in the financial markets.
Vienna and Frankfurt were able to be among the major financial centers of Europe not because they were incredibly powerful, but rather because theirpetitors were subpar.
If the currency circting in the European financial markets was 100%, the London Financial Market ounted for 48.7%, with Paris in second ce holding 19.6% (pre-war), followed closely by Vienna and Frankfurt with 14.1% and 13.7% respectively.
Looking further down, the disparity bes pronounced, with Mn ranking fifth and not even reaching two percentage points, not to mention Madrid and St. Petersburg.
This ranking was valid not only in the European Continent but also globally. Any one of these top four financial centers possessed more capital than the total capital of all the other financial marketsbined.
From the data, it was evident that the British had a truly solid foundation. The umtion of a century of the Colonial Empire was not something that could be overtaken overnight.
Even if Austria fully deployed the suction effect, aggregating capital from Central Europe, Southern Europe, Eastern Europe, and Northern Europe, it was still a lesser yer.
This was even after seizing Gold from South Africa; otherwise, the gap would have been even more pronounced. It is known that at this time, the London Financial Market possessed more than half of the capital of the entire world.
With this solid foundation, John Bull endured two World Wars and continued until the 21st century, where London couldpete with New York for the position of the world¡¯s financial center.
Now, not only did Austria need to finance itself, but it also had to help its younger brothers finance, and a rough estimate concluded that it could not be done without thirty billion Divine Shields.
@@novelbin@@
Trying to find all the solutions from the domestic financial market would inevitably drain the funds, potentially even triggering a stock market crash. Naturally, the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t do such a foolish thing.
If it couldn¡¯t be managed domestically, then the only option was to look abroad. After all, capital knows no borders, and to Franz, money was money, no matter whether it came from domestic or foreign debt.
¡°Your meaning is that the British would use this as leverage to negotiate terms with us?¡±
Wanting to finance through the London Financial Market naturally meant not shaking off the British Government. Although the British mored for a ¡°free economy,¡± such significant international financing still inevitably involved government participation.
ording to John Bull¡¯s style, it was entirely possible that he would find an opportunity to negotiate terms with Austria.
¡°Yes, Your Majesty!¡±
Prime Minister Carl, ¡°Without affecting the economy, the domestic financial market can at most provide half of the funds; adding in other financial markets, it¡¯s estimated we could resolve only about twenty to thirty percent.
If we were using the money ourselves, it would definitely be enough. But considering the allies¡¯ funding gap, that would be far from sufficient.
Now it¡¯s not just Belgium and the Italian States that are short of money; Switzend, Spain, and the Russians are also poor and need our financial support.
If they can¡¯t get the money from us, they are very likely to lean towards the British, which would be very disadvantageous for us.¡±
Franz had personally experienced the power of ¡°financial strength.¡± Not to mention that these allies hade together initially for mutual interests, even truly close allies couldn¡¯t withstand the onught of ¡°financial strength.¡±
The essence of international politics is interest, and the absence of betrayal is simply due to insufficient interests. If one talks about ¡°loyalty,¡± then one has already lost.
In some sense, Austria was able to gather so many alliesrgely because it applied ¡°financial strength.¡± The Vienna Government had more money than the Paris Government and was more willing to make an offer, so Austria won.
No choice, who would let Austria¡¯s allies all be so impoverished? Even if they were not poor before the war, they had be poor now.
Let¡¯s not even mention Belgium and the Italian States; both were troubled by the war.
The mountainous country of Switzend had never been wealthy. It had been umting capital for the Industrial Revolution up to this day, not yet bing the ideal nation that everyone would envy inter times. It was impossible to integrate new territories without borrowing money.
Spain could only say its ancestors were impressive; since the 19th century, they had always been in a financial crisis. Now, not only did they need to integrate the fruits of war, but they also had to go to Southeast Asia and wage war against the Japanese, and being broke was absolutely uneptable.
The Russians were an old difficulty case; the history books would reveal that the Tsarist Government was always short of money.
The only constion for Franz was that the Anti-French Alliance was still rtively stable and couldn¡¯t be easily swayed by minor British inducements.
Due to geopolitical reasons, apart from Spain, Austria held significant deterrent power over its other allies. Thinking of bing turncoats, they first had to consider whether they could afford Austria¡¯s retaliation.
In this aspect, continental countries were stronger than maritime countries. Especially for small countries like Belgium and Switzend, the consequences were even more ruthless.
If they offended the maritime hegemon, the British, the Royal Navy couldn¡¯tnd, and at most, it would mean a disadvantage in overseas trade; but if they offended the continental hegemon, Austria, it could directly lead to the destruction of their nation.
After pondering for a moment, Franz said coldly, ¡°This financing is primarily to solve everyone¡¯s difficulties; it makes no sense for our family to bear it alone. Bring in the Anti-French Alliance and the British to discuss.¡±
¡°We can use the French¡¯s war reparations as coteral, with all the countries of the Anti-French Alliance jointly guaranteeing the safety of the debt and sharing the responsibility for default.¡±
¡°If the British are not reassured, the Anti-French Alliance could maintain an army of no less than five hundred thousand in France to urge the French government to fulfill its debt obligations.¡±
¡°By the way, let out the news that we are preparing to establish a European Customs Union and are considering whether to let Britain join.¡±
¡°As for other conditions, you decide. As long as they do not harm our core interests, they are negotiable. I believe the British Government will make the right choice.¡±
When you are in their shoes, Austria wants the markets of the countries in the Anti-French Alliance, and there¡¯s no reason for the British not to be intrigued. Under such circumstances, helping the countries to recover economically is essentially beneficial for everyone.
If the British Government wants to use the loan as leverage, Franz wouldn¡¯t minding to a mutual destruction, creating a ¡°European Economic Community¡± ahead of schedule and excluding the British from the European economic system.
¡°Lacking money¡± simply means that the economic recovery would be a bit slower, but the Anti-French Alliance is not short of food. As long as the people are fed, there won¡¯t be any major chaos.¡±
¡°Lacking markets¡± is different though. These days, the European Continent is arguably the most purchasing power-heavy region in the world, ounting for more than half of Britain¡¯s total foreign trade volume.¡±
Losing such arge market all at once means it would be difficult to find new markets for recement in the short term. India does have great market potential, but potential does not equate to purchasing power.¡±
By the time the market has been cultivated, too much time will have passed. Without Europe, in the short term, Britain would have to face an increase of millions of unemployed, and an economic crisis would be inevitable.¡±
Though the conflicts between Anglo-Austria are significant, the hatred is not. Even if they sh, it happens behind closed doors, while the public rtionship between the two nations remains reasonable.¡±
Franz did not think that the British Government would risk mutual destruction to confront Austria head-on, which would not align with the politicians¡¯ interests.¡±
Simrly, it does not align with Austria¡¯s interests. Considering the potential for development, Austria clearly surpasses Britain, and slowing down development is simply wasting its own advantages.¡±
One could say, for each day that passes, Austria¡¯s advantage increases by a bit. Especially after the annexation of the German Federation, there will be a qualitative leap.¡±
To achieve his goals, Franz even used the ¡°troops stationed in France¡± as a negotiation condition.¡±
If the debt enforcement is to be guaranteed, there must be some troops present. Otherwise, if the French government defaults, another Anti-French war cannot simply be started again, can it?¡±
However, the number of troops present is indeed a question. ¡°No less than five hundred thousand¡± is certainly impossible; if there really were that many troops in France, not to mention a French revival, just feeding them would bankrupt the French.¡±
If the military discipline worsens, then the French government wouldn¡¯t need to do anything but daily clean up after the troops.¡±
The British people want to maintain the French¡¯s vitality, and they still fantasize about France rising again, so they must keep the Anti-French Alliance¡¯s troop numbers down.¡±
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: ¡°Your Majesty, other issues are negotiable, but using France¡¯s reparations as coteral for financing is something the British will likely find hard to agree to.
Even if the countries of the Anti-French Alliance jointly provide a security backing, it only ensures that the French Government doesn¡¯t default maliciously.¡±
Based on the current situation, it will take France a long time to recover economically after the war. If the economy does not recover, the government won¡¯t have money to pay off its debts. Without money, no one can do anything.¡±
Not long ago, when the German Federal Government suggested a transfer of ims, the London Government required the governments of the states within the German Federation to provide an advance guarantee that the French would be able to pay the reparations before they would ept the transfer of ims.¡±
Clearly, the British have already recognized the risks and it won¡¯t be easy to trick them.¡±
As a protagonist of the war, no one knows better than the Viennese Government what the French lost during the war.¡±
ording to the ¡°Proposed Measures Against France¡± drafted by the Anti-French Alliance, unless the French collectively start cheating, defaulting on the debt is just a matter of time.¡±
If they epted the guarantee, once the French defaulted on the debt, would the British pursue the debt, or not?¡±
Pursuing the debt would undoubtedly be like stabbing the French and pushing them into an abyss, cutting off their chances of rising again.¡±
Not pursuing the debt would indeed help the French, but capital wouldn¡¯t agree. Financial syndicates cannot consider the big picture; repaying debts is necessary.¡±
Franz shook his head, ¡°No matter, we don¡¯t need the British Government¡¯s approval, just that the financial institutions providing funds to us recognize it.
High risk brings high returns; just increase the interest a bit, and the bankers won¡¯t resist.
Moreover, we have provided a guarantee for debt security. If the French Government indeed cannot repay, the countries will have to share the repayment responsibility.¡±
They are not lending their own money after all, as long as the profits arerge enough, and they have sufficient reason to convince the investors, they won¡¯t mind taking the risk.¡±
Things are definitely not as simple as Franz made it sound, the premise of ¡°shared repayment responsibility¡± must be based on France¡¯s inability to pay.
Just determining ¡°inability to pay¡± is a huge pitfall. Repaying debts in cash counts as repayment, so does repaying in kind.¡±
Driven to desperation, they could even carve out a chunk ofnd from maind France to offset the debts.¡±
Chapter 969 - 232: Each Takes What They Need
Chapter 969: Chapter 232: Each Takes What They Need
¡°Three million!¡±
¡°Three million one hundred thousand!¡±
¡
¡°Three million seven hundred fifty thousand!¡±
¡°Three million seven hundred fifty thousand Divine Shields, are there any higher bids?¡±
¡°The world¡¯s most advanced cruiser fleet,plete with a full set of shipbuilding technology, also offering 20 professional engineers, now going for three million seven hundred fifty thousand, absolutely worth more than its cost. Any more bids?¡±
¡°Okay, congrattions to the Chilean representative for sessfully acquiring the third cruiser fleet.¡±
The host, Wester, feltpelled to make the sale lively.
To sell these military ships at a high price, the French¡¯s second-hand cruiser fleet, in Wester¡¯s words, had be the world¡¯s most advanced fleet.
If you just looked at the ships alone, the Chileans definitely lost out. However, with the inclusion of the full set of shipbuilding technology and engineers, the deal suddenly became a bargain.
It might seem like there¡¯s no technology embargo these days, as if you could buy anything with money, but that¡¯s only formonce technologies.
Shipbuilding technology has always been the prized possession of major shipyards. Even technology that¡¯s two or three generations outdated would cost a fortune to acquire.
As the world¡¯s second-strongest naval power, the French¡¯s shipbuilding technology was naturally world-ss. If it weren¡¯t for the auctioning process distributing many copies of the technology, just these technologies alone wouldn¡¯t be avable for 3.75 million.
Wester had made another sale and no longer felt the initial excitement. He picked up a ss, took a sip of water to moisten his throat, and continued:
¡°Next up for auction is the A fleet of battleships, also including a full set of shipbuilding technology, and an additional 100 shipbuilding engineers. The fleet includes 3 ten-thousand-ton new battleships, 4 cruisers, 6 destroyers, 2 coastal defense ships¡
The starting bid is 5.8 million Divine Shields, and as usual, each bid must be at least 1 thousand Divine Shields higher. If anyone disrupts by shouting random numbers, their deposit will be confiscated, and the Anti-French Alliance reserves the right to seek ountability.¡±
As soon as his words ended, the Spanish representative perked up. There was no doubt, this specially selected fleet was their target.
¡°Six million!¡±
¡°Six million three hundred thousand!¡±
Seeing the Spanish bidding, Ito Hirobumi decisively decided to follow suit. Although he knew the Spaniards would engage in shady dealings, he still wasn¡¯t willing to give up his final effort.
Before the auction began, delegates from all countries had visited the French military ships. It was clear that everyone knew what was up for auction.
Whether there was shady dealings could be discerned by looking at theposition of the ships. All fleets were temporarily finalized by the Anti-French Alliance, generally consisting of a mix of high-quality and scrap ships sold together.
However, the A fleet of battleships was different; all its ships were top-quality, not just a coincidence.
¡°Six million five hundred thousand!¡±
Not only the Japanese delegation had wishful thinking. The allure of interests, let alone the most advanced battleships.
The key lies in theplete set of shipbuilding technology and the shipbuilding engineers. Acquiring these could almost replicate the French Navy. For countries aspiring to develop their navies, these were invaluable.
¡°Eight million!¡±
¡°Eight million five hundred thousand!¡±
¡
Watching the continuously refreshed bids, the atmosphere among the Japanese Delegation grew tense. The n couldn¡¯t keep up with the changes, and there was no way around it¡ªthere wasn¡¯t enough money.
Saigo Tsugumichi anxiously said, ¡°Prime Minister, we can forego the ships, but we must acquire the shipbuilding technology. With this technology, we could advance thirty years ahead.¡±
This was no exaggeration, with Japan¡¯s current shipbuilding capabilities, tinkering with sailing warships was feasible, but constructing ten-thousand-ton battleships was out of the question¡ªthey wouldn¡¯t even find a dockyard capable.
Around the world, only Ennd, France, and Austria had dockyards of twenty thousand tons and had built Pre-Dreadnoughts. Other countries were still exploring.
This included the United States, which, affected by the butterfly effect, had an economy far behind from its original timeline. With the government broke, naturally there were no resources to pour into the navy.
Ito Hirobumi nodded, ¡°Thepetition is too fierce now, we don¡¯t have much money, let¡¯s wait for the next batch.¡±
ns couldn¡¯t keep up with changes; originally not expecting much from the military ship auction, now, impressed by the Anti-French Alliance¡¯s extensive offerings, Ito Hirobumi grimly decided to follow.
There was no choice; opportunities to acquire the most advanced shipbuilding technology were rare. Missing this chance would mean an unimaginable cost to acquire these technologies in the future.
After all, ships might be detained by the Anti-French Alliance under a neutral guise, but shipbuilding technology would definitely not be detained. The Spaniards didn¡¯t have that much clout to make everyone disregard their international reputation.
In a sense, acquiring these shipbuilding technologies was as valuable as upying the Philippine Inds.
¡
In the upstairs box, the British delegation also became uneasy. Originally thinking that the Austrians were just throwing in some outdated shipbuilding technology as a bonus, they didn¡¯t expect the opponents to be so unorthodox, almost making shipbuilding technologymonce.
¡°The Austrians must be mad, once these technologies spread, they will cause big trouble for us in the future!¡±
A naval officer eximed.
¡°We¡± also included Austria, as a fellow member of the Colonial Empire, the spread of shipbuilding technology would also impact Austria. Not to mention the business of exporting military ships, it¡¯s feared that it wouldn¡¯t be as profitable as it is now.
Again, technical data and engineers, and if the Austrians were to further sell off the French shipyards, George wouldn¡¯t find it strange at all.
With so many assets, any slightly wealthy country could afford it and then produce their own warships.
Who would want to import if they could build their own? Even if the performance was slightly behind, it was nevertheless more reliable than a stripped-down version of a warship.
Once all the countries in the world possessed the capability to build ships, the golden days of the Colonial Empires woulde to an end. No longer would a few ships force a great nation to submit.
¡°It¡¯s useless, shipbuilding technology has long spread. From the time the Anti-French Alliance upied France, shipbuilding technology hasn¡¯t been a secret.
Perhaps big countries like Spain and Russia would still keep their shipbuilding techniques confidential for their own interests, but nations like Belgium and Sardinia, which have nothing, would sell anything for money.
Under-the-table deals are unstoppable. Since the technology would eventually spread anyway, might as well make a profit from it.
Moreover, shipbuilding reflects the industrial strength of a nation; it¡¯s not something that can be aplished with just a set of documents. Even if everyone had the shipbuilding technology, there are few who would actually be capable of independently building a battleship.¡±
ustomed to tough situations, George soon recovered from his brief shock.
What seemed like precious shipbuilding technology was actually just a pie in the sky offered by Austria. Most countries didn¡¯t have the conditions to build battleships; even if they got the technology, at most they could have an assembly nt while the high-techponents would still need to be imported.
The real powerhouses capable of digesting and replicating these technologies could develop them on their own anyway, and the greatest value was merely for reference or inspiration.
¡
At noon, the auction entered its final phase, and thest and most anticipated items were presented. Wester loudly announced, ¡°We are now at the final lot of this auction, which is of greatest interest to everyone.
Fifteen battleships, twenty-one cruisers, thirty-two destroyers, and various auxiliary vessels totaling 157, with abined tonnage of 364,000 tons.
To put it mildly, this fleet could be considered the world¡¯s third naval superpower. Whoever bids sessfully on this fleet will significantly increase their strength and be an important force for maintaining world peace.
Everyone understands its importance, and the auction also includes the shipbuilding technology for the aforesaid naval vessels, plus 300 engineers. The bidding starts now at 45 million Divine Shields, and each increment must be no less than 10,000 Divine Shields.¡±
Everyone¡¯s eyes turned to the representatives of the Anglo-Austrian countries, as it was clear that this was prepared for the two big bosses; other countries simplycked the funds to participate.
¡°50 million!¡±
Not disappointing the crowd, Wester, as the host, was the first to bid, raising it by 5 million Divine Shields instantly.
It was only the first round of bidding, and as the representative of Britannia, George naturally wouldn¡¯t back down and immediately countered with a matching bid.
¡°30 million!¡±
The figure might have decreased, but the amount had actually increased because the unit had changed to British Pounds; 30 million British Pounds, which is equivalent to 60 million Divine Shields.
Laymen watch the fun; experts watch the techniques. This moment in the auction wasn¡¯t just a mere sale, it was a confrontation between Ennd and Austria for maritime supremacy.
On paper, if the Austrian Navy acquired these fleets, they would suddenly surpass the British in numbers of principal vessels and total tonnage.
Doubling the bid was George¡¯s way of striking back on behalf of Britannia, showing that Britannia feared no challenge.
As for whether to secure this basket of warships, the London Government hadn¡¯t yete to a firm conclusion.
After all, no one¡¯s money is swept in by the wind; if Austria was just inting the price, the British Government couldn¡¯t afford to y the fool.
¡°30 million British Pounds¡± brought a hush over the room. Everyone waited for Austria¡¯s response, many with a look of anticipation, as if they were just missing a bag of seeds to eat.
@@novelbin@@
The bidding was supposed to be in Divine Shields, but the British switched to British Pounds, giving Wester, the host, tremendous pressure.
To not intervene would be to lose face; to intervene seemed unnecessary since British Pounds were as valid as Divine Shield. The customer is king, and as the seller, it seemed pointless to quibble over such minor issues.
Ultimately, professionalism prevailed, and seeing no further bids, Wester loudly dered, ¡°30 million British Pounds for the first time, any more bids?
This is the core of the French Navy; obtaining this fleet would immediately elevate any country to a world-ss naval superpower.¡±
¡
¡°30 million British Pounds, sold! Congrattions, Mr. George, for acquiring a world fleet for Britannia!¡±
As the host announced the final result, the stunned audience finally realized what had happened. Clearly, this wasn¡¯t the script they expected.
Every new hegemon lights three fires, how could the rise of a new overlord be so quiet? Failing to challenge Britannia¡¯s supremacy at sea waspletely out of everyone¡¯s expectations.
Including British Foreign Minister George, who was now onstage, still visibly shocked. It went too smoothly,pletely unexpected.
¡°30 million British Pounds¡± may seem a lot but depends where it is spent. If it were to build new ships, 30 million British Pounds would approximately cover the cost, but buying second-hand warships with that much seemed a bit of a loss.
However, ording to the global market prices for warships, 30 million British Pounds was a bargain. Britannia, given the same price, would not sell its warships abroad.
Beyond the warships themselves, the attached political significance was extraordinary. The confrontations at the auction also sent a political message to all the delegates present ¡ª Austria had no intention of disputing maritime supremacy with Britain.
This was a disappointment for those countries looking forward to the drama; with the two major powers not shing, opportunities for others to take advantage were missed.
Coming to his senses, George smiled with joy, knowing the game was set.
Through one auction, Britannia had demonstrated to the outside world that ¡°the top dog remains the top dog,¡± and in the years toe, everyone else would need to be on their toes.
Chapter 970 - 233: Farce - Scapegoat President
Chapter 970: Chapter 233: Farce ¨C Scapegoat President
The auction had ended, but the impact it brought was still ongoing. Naval trade had always been intertwined with politics, and this time was no exception.
The temporarypromise between Ennd and Austria took center stage. Other countries took an active part in the auction, signaling politically their recognition of Austrian hegemony.
Tending to advantages and disadvantages is human nature. Now that the dust had settled, pleasing the Vienna Government might not guarantee its favor, but those who did not attempt it would definitely be ¡°viewed differently.¡±
Under these circumstances, regardless of whether they needed to buy warships, representatives from each country made at least one bid, creating an absolutely heated atmosphere.
Of course, this was mainly because the auction was divided, and the starting price was only 200,000 divine shields, which everyone could afford. If it had all beenrge fleets, it wouldn¡¯t have been as lively.
Who would dare to bid recklessly without money? What if the bid was sessful? Losing a deposit was the lesser concern; being used of deliberately causing trouble would be a major issue.
The world¡¯s secondrgest naval fleet, along with shipbuilding technology and engineers, had a final total transaction price of only 130 million divine shields. This included a deduction of 30 million divine shields from insider trades among the Anti-French Alliance countries¡ªa price that practically fell to the floor.
However, Franz was satisfied. Unlike inter eras with widespread wealth, back then, there were few countries with purchasing power.
Apart from the defeated France, only Ennd, Austria, and Russia had financial revenues exceeding 100 million divine shields, and less than ten countries had revenues over 20 million divine shields.
After deducting 60 million from the British, being able to gain nearly 40 million from other countries was more than satisfactory.
¡°Once the settlement ispleted, distribute it ording to thepensation ratio to our allies. They are all waiting to make bread from the flour,¡± Franz decided.
Sharing profits was necessary, as Austria was never one to monopolize benefits. A consistent good practice of sharing was also a major reason Austria maintained a favorable international reputation.
¡
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, ¡°Yesterday afternoon, I met with the Spanish representative. The Spaniards hope we honor our previous promise to support them in the uing war in the Philippines.
Considering the need to rebuild the international order, the Foreign Ministry suggests fulfilling ourmitment to aid Spain in severing the Japanese reach into the Southeast Asia area.¡±
A verbal promise naturallycks binding power. If it were normal times, Austria would not mind if Japan seized the Philippine Inds.
Vienna had long coveted the Philippine Inds but could not act due to political repercussions.
Should the inds fall into Japanese hands, that pressure would cease. Austria could simply wait for Spain to give up the Philippines, then find an excuse to punish Japan and take the inds.
Whether the Japanese were lucky or unlucky, it¡¯s hard to say. They showed up just as Austria was restructuring the international order.
The Anti-French Alliance hadn¡¯t even disbanded yet. Once Spain brought the Philippine war to the Vienna Peace Conference for discussion, Austria would undoubtedly support its kin before supporting what was right.
The tragedy for Japan was that they had neither kinship nor the upper hand; not to mention the Vienna Government, it was likely that no European country would support them.
The only ones who might have hoped for Japan¡¯s victory were perhaps the French. Sadly, the defeated France no longer had a voice.
Once the Vienna Peace Conference made a decision, as both the rule-maker and the beneficiary, the Austrian Government was bound to support Spain, upholding the authority of the conference.
Seeing the opportunity slip away, Franz grimly stated, ¡°Tell the Spaniards that we can support them, but we will not participate in the war.
Let them prepare thoroughly, and bring Europe¡¯s might into y¡ªdon¡¯t be like the French, who embarrassed themselves in Vietnam.¡±
There was no doubt that the Spaniards had precisely calcted Austria¡¯s stance toe asking for support so brazenly. If they had offered some benefits, Franz¡¯s reminder would have been more subtle.
¡
On April 2, 1892, at the Austrian Royal Opera House, the Vienna Peace Conference officiallymenced.
There were no flowers, no apuse, and certainly no opening ceremony. Just a cold, round table and several rows of chairs.
Undoubtedly, not just anyone had the privilege to sit at the negotiation table. Aside from the countries of the Anti-French Alliance, only regional powers of significance could be present.
¡°This gathering is primarily to have you all bear witness, to address the aftermath of the Anti-French War and to establish a new international order.
We will discuss the order in detailter; for now, let us start with the aftermath of the Anti-French War.¡±
Weisenberg emphasized the word ¡°witness¡± heavily, clearly conveying: don¡¯t meddle in the aftermath of the Anti-French War; the Anti-French Alliance will handle it themselves. If there are issues, we¡¯ll discuss them when we establish the new international order.
This forthright attitude undoubtedly hurt many representatives. After all, they were part of an international conference, yet they were not allowed to express their opinions, which was simply¡
Before anyone could react, a prepared representative from Belgium began using France of atrocities.
A heap of evidence wasid out, even reinterpreting the soldier disappearance and murder case France had used as a pretext for dering war.
After the Belgian representative, the German Federation followed, then the Italian States took turns using.
Eyewitnesses, historical documents, photographs, and testimonies from French soldiers were all presented. In a way, the long dy of the Vienna Peace Conference allowed time for the collection of evidence.
As shocking evidence after evidence was presented, the scene became profoundly moving, bringing many representatives to shed trembling tears.
Of course, whether they were truly moved or feigning emotion, no one could tell; after all, multiple cameras were recording this historic moment in the hall.
Listening to the usations, President Robert, representing France, bowed his head very low, trying to minimize his presence as much as possible.
There was no option; the more tragic the content of the Anti-French Alliance¡¯s usations and the more evidence they presented, the more detrimental it was for France and, subsequently, the greater the price France would have to pay in the aftermath.
To refute?
¡°Let¡¯s not even consider whether he would have the opportunity to speak. Even if he were allowed to speak, he wouldn¡¯t know where to start.¡±
As a Revolutionary, Robert¡¯s understanding of the war was limited to the information left behind by the previous government and domestic media reports.
The records by their own people were naturally embellished, and many critical details were glossed over. It was impossible to find the parties involved to understand the specific details.
Robert had always thought this was just a typical war for European dominance, simr to many others recorded in history.
Looking at the extent of the war, the French Army had only reached Central Europe and the Italian Area, far less than during Napoleon¡¯s era when they pushed all the way to Moscow.
In President Robert¡¯s view, the current consequences were somewhat more severe thanst time, but he believed things would settle down after a few years.
However, reality was brutal. Just from the list of losses drawn up by the Anti-French Alliance, Robert realized that France was in big trouble this time.
After the Anti-French Alliance defined the nature of the war as ¡°aggression¡± and ¡°counter-aggression,¡± Robert couldn¡¯t hold back anymore. He knew very well that if he didn¡¯t speak up now, it would be even harder to rify thingster.
¡°Protest!¡±
¡°France too is a victim of this war. It was Napoleon IV who initiated it. We cannot let the mistake of one person be paid for by all the French people.
We demand that the council issue a warrant to apprehend the war criminal Napoleon IV, and give justice to the millions of people who died in this war¡¡±
Before Robert could finish, Weisenberg, presiding over the meeting, sharply cut him off, ¡°Shut up!¡±
¡°Mr. Robert, when faced with issues, you refuse to take responsibility and try to shift the me onto the Emperor you pledge allegiance to. Don¡¯t you feel ashamed?
Sorry, I forgot you had already revolted. Being rebels by nature, shame is foreign to you.
But such disgraceful actions, you might carry them out, but we certainly could not. Issuing a warrant for an Emperor, even an exiled one, is not permissible by the internationalmunity.¡±
¡°Shameless wretch!¡±
¡°Disrespectful of monarchy!¡±
¡
A series of insults erupted in the meeting room. Clearly, Robert had chosen the wrong target for me shifting. Representatives at the meeting mostly came from monarchies, and ming an Emperor like this was deeply taboo.
Especially with cameras recording, for political correctness, the delegates from each country feltpelled to state their positions.
Even the few Republican representatives that Robert had high hopes for joined in the mud-slinging.
Support?
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What a joke, to oppose so many monarchies for the sake of France¡ªthat would be asking for death.
Before the slow-to-react Robert could think of a response, a cup had already flown toward him, brushing past him, followed by documents and pens raining down.
Chaos ensued, the scene devolved intoplete disorder once someone started using violence.
Clearly, there were many clever people present. With cameras recording everything, how could they miss such a great opportunity?
To be frank, if it wasn¡¯t for the moderator, Minister Weisenberg, he wouldn¡¯t mind joining in. After all, this was a rare opportunity to show loyalty which should not be missed.
Regardless, Robert was still the President of France, and if something happened to him in Vienna, it would be embarrassing for Austria.
¡°Guards, maintain order!¡±
By the time everyone was pulled apart, Mr. Robert, naive as ever, was already bruised and battered, with a bloodied head.
Fortunately, the injuries were not deep and Austria¡¯s medical facilities were good, so he was saved in time, or else the Vienna Peace Conference would have turned into a joke.
¡
At Vienna Pce, upon receiving the news Franz momentarily suspected that France had sent a suicide attacker to create trouble to lessen the war penalties.
His conjecture was based on evidence, as the first cup thrown hade from the British delegation.
Instantly, Franz imagined a scenario where Britain colluded with France, using a suicide attacker to preserve France¡¯s vitality.
But as it turned out, he was overthinking. Under the watchful eyes of the Allied Forces, the French had no capacity to manipte such matters.
The intelligence gathered showed that President Robert was also an important leader of the Revolutionary Party, having led various workers¡¯ uprisings and yed a critical role in the Paris Revolution.
Aside from hisck of political savviness, this fiery and courageous Revolutionary had almost no ws in his personal and professional life.
It made sense, the Paris Revolutionary Government had dyed in selecting a president because no one wanted to handle this hot potato.
Excluded from the power center right after the revolution¡¯s sess, Robert¡¯s ability to be elected as a president was to be the fall guy.
As for national interests, that was painfully overthought. With the Anti-French Alliance so dominant, France simply had no bargaining power.
Whether sending the world¡¯s most skilled diplomat or a pig, the oue would ultimately be no different.
Anyone with a bit of political sense wouldn¡¯t have taken on such a tarnished role when everyone else was backing away.
Chapter 971 - 234, "Vienna Convention
Chapter 971: Chapter 234, ¡°Vienna Convention
The Earth keeps spinning without anyone, so the President¡¯s hospitalization didn¡¯t affect the normal progression of the conference.
Without Robert, there could be Libert, Lambert; simply throw someone from the French delegation into the fray, and the script can continue.
Although the cameras recorded everything that happened at the venue, the pursuit of the culprit was still a nonstarter.
Those involved were representatives from various nations, each with diplomatic immunity; with over twenty countries involved, holding anyone ountable was not feasible.
Ignoring the French protests and escorting the representatives involved in the violence out of the conference room was deemed the end of the matter.
¡
¡°No, this treaty is too harsh, and has exceeded France¡¯s capacity to endure; we request revisions.
We can ept ceding some colonial territories, but the uses pertaining to the cession of homnd must be deleted; war reparations are eptable, but the amount must be reduced; the punishment of war criminals is permissible, but the list of war criminals does not reflect reality and must be re-determined.
¡¡±
After the change in personnel, the performance of the French delegation obviously normalized considerably. It was evident that aside from President Robert, the scapegoat, the Paris Government had indeed sent a professional negotiation team.
¡°Mr. James, there¡¯s always a price to pay for wrongdoing. Your country instigated this deranged war, and now you wish to shirk responsibility?¡±
In international negotiations, the interests of small nations are always the first to be sacrificed. Don¡¯t think that just because the Anti-French Alliance has reached an agreement internally, things couldn¡¯t change before the official treaty is signed.
Belgium paid a great price in this war, and received sizeable spoils. In order to secure these benefits in the treaty as soon as possible, Prime Minister Jul of Belgium had to take the lead urgently.
James shook his head and replied seriously, ¡°No, I am merely stating a fact.
The war reparations of 80 billion Divine Shields, calcted at a monthly interest rate of 0.5%, amount to 400 million Divine Shields in interest alone.
Not to mention now, even France¡¯s prewar annual fiscal revenue did not reach 400 million Divine Shields. Even selling off France wouldn¡¯t cover it; with what shall you have us repay?
No great nation can tolerate the partition of their country, France included. We cannot ept any use that cedes our homnd.
If you insist on seizingnd by force, then the European Continent will never have peace.¡±
¡°Is that a threat?¡± Jul inquired, equally adversarial. These are not the old days; deep-seated hatred for France wasn¡¯t an issue. On the contrary, not taking the opportunity to weaken France was the real danger.
James reiterated with a firm tone, ¡°No, I am merely stating a fact!¡±
Although his words carried an implied threat, openly acknowledging it wasn¡¯t possible. Damaging one¡¯s own position in an act of despair could indeed trouble the Anti-French Alliance, but France would suffer the most.
If the Anti-French Alliance were provoked to act ruthlessly, France would truly have no future.
The best recourse now was to rely on the Anti-French Alliance¡¯s desire to cut their losses. As the war continued, further fighting wouldn¡¯t yield greater gains; the most beneficial move was to cash in and stop.
Without France, not only would there be no resolution for the war reparations, but the Anti-French Alliance would also cease to exist.
Without the alliance, Austria¡¯s dominance over the European Continent would be far moreplicated.
Without the threat of the French, Switzend, Belgium, Spain, and the Italian States would not be as obedient as they were now.
In some ways, Austria was replicating the strategy of the United States post-World War II in the original timeline¡ªusing the threat of the Soviet Union to keep the European nations tied to its own interests. Once their dominant position was secured, they would kick the Soviet Union to the curb.
This was an overt plot. As neighbours, each nation coveted a piece of France, but constrained by their own might, they were unable to act. In this context, they had no choice but to rely on Austria.
Seeing the situation potentially spiral out of control, Wessenberg spoke calmly, ¡°Mr. James, being unable to afford or ept the consequences is a problem for your country. The losses brought by war are substantial, and it is your duty to bear them.
Of course, we will consider the actual conditions and set reasonablepensation standards.
The world is developing. We must look ahead; if you cannot afford it now, that does not mean you cannot in the future.
Since entering the Industrial Age, the wealth created by humanity has grown exponentially. 80 billion Divine Shields certainly is a lot, but I believe in your country¡¯s abilities.¡±
Haggling was necessary; everyone knew France couldn¡¯t afford the 80 billion Divine Shields reparations. Should the value of Divine Shields remain unchanged, the sum would be insurmountable for any country.
The so-called future repayments, if excluding interest, would indeed be possible. Unfortunately, this involvedpound interest, umting to an astonishing rate.
Fiscal revenue and economic growth are linked; in order to outpace the interest, economic growth had to exceed 7 percentage points.
The Second Industrial Revolution was ongoing and every country¡¯s economic growth was unsatisfactory. If they made an effort, 7 percentage points could be possible; however, there was this thing called ¡°economic crisis¡± in the world.
Once devoid of hope, people be self-destructive. The same applies to nations; a lifetime of working for others without seeing any returns makes anyone weary.
To motivate the French to repay the debts, hope had to be left intact. So, while the debts were negotiable, ceding territory was non-negotiable.
Once consumed by other nations, it was practically impossible to negotiate for regurgitation at the conference table.
James bowed politely and analyzed with a self-deprecating tone, ¡°Thank you for your trust, but you really overestimate us. If France were really that powerful, I wouldn¡¯t be here.
France¡¯s Colonial Empire has copsed, the Italian Area has be independent, and our homnd has been heavily affected by the war, with our economy on the brink of copse.
At present, France¡¯s overall national strength is less than a third of what it was before the war. Just handling our internal mess will keep us busy.
If we manage to restore our economy to pre-war levels within twenty years, that will be a godsend.
Numbers don¡¯t lie; France¡¯s current annual fiscal ie will not exceed 50 million Divine Shields, which isn¡¯t even enough for domestic expenses, let alone paying reparations.
No matter howrge the reparations, if they cannot be collected, they are just a nebulous figure,cking any tangible value.¡±
The tone was earnest, and the content was all substance. The current state of France was truly aplete mess.
A mixed bag of a temporary government, starving citizens moring for food, local strongmen opposing the Revolutionary Government, the Anti-French Alliance¡¯s million-strong army, and the ongoing negotiations for a colossal amount of indemnities all posed difficult challenges for the Paris Government.
Any misstep in any one area could potentially lead to the copse of the fledgling Paris Revolutionary Government.
In fact, had it not been for the Anti-French Alliance¡¯s troops suppressing the local unrest, France would have already descended into chaos.
A chaotic France definitely did not serve the interests of all parties involved. Not only would indemnities be unattainable, more importantly, chaos equaled uncertainty.
Chaotic times did not necessarily produce heroes, but the emergence of an overlord was certain. Should another military genius like Napoleon arise, it would mean the beginning of a new European war.
¡°Mr. James, we have considered all these issues. After the war, your country will need to make a one-time payment of 30 million Divine Shields, with the remaining debt being paid in installments thereafter.
From 1893 to 1895, your country will only need to pay 10 million Divine Shields annually; from 1896 to 1900, the indemnity increases by 1.5 million Divine Shields each year; from 1901 to 1910, it increases by 3 million Divine Shields each year¡¡±
The debt, increasing incrementally each year, when it would be paid off, only God could answer, for Wessenberg, the author of this n, certainly did not know.
The only advantage, perhaps, was that the amount of the indemnity was within the French government¡¯s capacity to bear. As long as the Paris Government economized, such as by downsizing the military and reducing administrative expenses, it could afford to pay the indemnities.
Seemingly thinking of the horrific consequences, James protested anxiously, ¡°No, with this mode of payment, we won¡¯t be able to pay off the debt in a hundred years.
The responsibility of our generation cannot be imposed on the next, they are not obligated to bear a burden that isn¡¯t theirs.¡±
¡
Since the y had begun, it had to continue. In the face of interests, both French representatives and those of the Anti-French Alliance insisted on their points.
As the scene heated up, the representatives of various countries, acting as witnesses, gradually became lubricants, seemingly doing their utmost to reconcile the differences between the parties.
It could only be said that everyone was an excellent actor, able to catch their lines even without having read the script.
After over a month of bickering, no consensus had been reached, until the appearance of President Robert, the scapegoat, who concluded this war of words.
Tossing the treaty drafted by the Anti-French Alliance to the ground, Robert asked with a heavy heart, ¡°Mr. James, is this what you have achieved these days?¡±
The territorial concessions were essentially unchanged, the colonies were definitively gone, the maind area to be ceded hadn¡¯t shrunk, the only worthwhile change was a reduced indemnity.
Reduced from 80 billion to 40 billion, it seemed like a halving on the surface, but there was no essential change; the Paris Revolutionary Government still couldn¡¯t afford to pay.
Compared to the original treaty, the most significant change was the war criminals list. Finally, the main leaders of the Revolutionary Party had been removed from the list and reced with high-ranking members of the Exiled Government.
Unfortunately, thiscked any substantial meaning; the Exiled Government had long since fled far away, apart from Napoleon IV who was still publicly active, the rest had changed their identities and could not be brought back.
The Revolutionary Government had just gained power, and no matter how much they shifted me, they couldn¡¯t possibly bear the war crimes. The Anti-French Alliance also abided by rules; even if the leaders of the Revolutionary Party were brought to a war tribunal, they would ultimately be released as innocent.
The Revolutionaries had escaped, but their financial backers had not all managed to get away. Consortiums, arms dealers, bankers, and other capitalists, those who had been struck once by Napoleon IV, were once again targeted by the Anti-French Alliance.
Overall, they were not wronged, for the war had indeed been instigated by them. Beingbeled as war criminals waspletely justifiable.
Even though they hindered the French government during the war contributing to the Anti-French Alliance¡¯s victory, who could resist when they were too ¡°fat¡±?
Napoleon IV had only taken the cash from their hands, but they still held vast amounts of mines, factories, and real estate, this small group controlled at least half of France¡¯s wealth.
The member countries of the Anti-French Alliance were basically pennyless, how could such immense wealth be overlooked?
It was impossible to seize all of it, but taking a portion topensate for their own losses in the war was doable.
The Allied Forces stationed on French soil had already taken action early on; apart from a few lucky ones who escaped, the rest went from the frying pan into the fire.
They were faced with only two choices: either pay a considerable amount of ransom or take a trip to the war tribunal.
For politicians, the moment the revolution seeded, the value of these financiers greatly diminished. If the Anti-French Alliance could help get rid of them, many would likely be secretly pleased.
After all, France¡¯s te was already small. Without dealing with these vested interests, how could the sessors rise?
Of course, this did not include President Robert. In his view, it was a highly immoral act to betray hisrades.
James shook his head, ¡°Your Excellency the President, nobody wanted things to get to this point, but we have to face reality.
The Anti-French Alliance has issued an ultimatum, if we refuse to sign the treaty, the Revolutionary Government will have no reason to exist. They will militarily manage France and take over the government¡¯s duties.
At the conference, the Russian representative even proposed an idea of dividing and upying. If ites to that, France will be a colony of theirs.¡±
¡°Having no reason to exist¡± did not equate to disbandment; should ite to the partition of France, the Paris Revolutionary Government would be an obstacle.
Obstacles had to be removed, and the Revolutionaries, having rebelled their way to power, wouldn¡¯t sleep well without eliminating them.
When the executioner¡¯s de was raised, the Paris Revolutionary Government¡¯s resolve was weakened. Aside from President Robert, the scapegoat, everyone else was prepared topromise first.
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Robert¡¯s resolve, shaky to begin with, wavered again as he inquired with concern, ¡°Could Congress agree?¡±
Holding himself to be a president elected democratically, Robert had great respect for Congress. That they had elected him, a president so concerned for the country, spoke volumes about the French Congress¡
Faced with the deeply worried President Robert, James felt a pang of pity, but ultimately reason prevailed. Better for others to bear the brunt than oneself.
¡°Your Excellency the President, while you were injured, Congress had already sent a telegram. I took the liberty of withholding it to allow you to recuperate in peace.
The Anti-French Alliance¡¯s troops have been running amok in our country, and the people are living in dire straits. The domestic pressure is enormous right now, and the most important thing is to send these upying forces away.¡±
¡
Chapter 972 - 235: Harsh Conditions
Chapter 972: Chapter 235: Harsh Conditions
President Robert, with weak resolve, ultimately could not resist the persuasive efforts of many. On June 6, 1892, Robert, on behalf of France and Weisenberg representing the Anti-French Alliance, signed the ¡°Vienna Convention.¡±
The contents of the treaty are as follows:
1. France recognized its defeat and assumed responsibility for the war.
2. France abolished its suzerainty over Andorra, Monaco, and the Italian States, recognizing their independence.
3. France ceded the Grand Duchy of Lorraine, Alsace Province, parts of the Kingdom of Burgundy, the County of nders, the County of Artois, the Duchy of Sava, parts of Provence, Corsica, and the Ruseiyong region to the Anti-French Alliance. (Total area of 125,000 square kilometers)
4. France was to pay the Anti-French Alliance war reparations of 40 billion Divine Shields, with the provision to pay over 99 years at a monthly interest rate of 0.5%.
(Note: Repayments were to be made in an increasing annual increment, initially paying 15 million Divine Shields, increasing by 1.5 million annually from 1893 to 1900, by 3 million from 1901 to 1910, and by 5 million from 1911 to 1920¡)
5. The active French Army was limited to no more than 50,000 personnel, and the reserve militia to no more than 100,000. The army was forbidden from equipping tanks, armored vehicles, and artillery with a caliber exceeding 100mm; the naval staff was capped at 5,000 personnel, main battleships were not to exceed 5,000 tonnes in discement, and total tonnage not to exceed 50,000 tonnes; development of any aerial force including zeppelins and airnes was prohibited.
6. All domestic armaments factories were to be closed, and no engagement in military industry R&D and production was allowed. Land and naval equipment had to be purchased entirely from countries like Auoebide.
7. Until the full payment of reparations was made, the Allied Forces had the right to station troops in France, not exceeding 250,000 in peacetime, with the French government bearing 80% of the costs.
8. France ceded its Overseas Colonies such as French African and French American territories to Austria.
¡
Looking at the document before him, a replica of the ¡°Versailles Treaty,¡± or rather, an even harsher version, Franz was speechless for a long time.
Up to this day, the historical memories from his past life had lost their value. Whether this decision was right or wrong, Franz did not know. In any case, this was the collective will of the countries in the Anti-French Alliance.
It could only be said that the French were unfortunate to encounter an alliance all eager to weaken them, unlike in the original timeline where the Anglo-Americans still wanted to preserve Germany¡¯s vitality.
The Russian Empire initially also wanted to reserve some vitality for the French to bnce against Austria, but unfortunately, the Tsarist Government could not forego the war reparations.
Twenty percent of 40 billion Divine Shields amounted to 8 billion Divine Shields; such a massive amount of money was impossible to forsake without Russian nobility calling for someone¡¯s head.
With this huge amount of money, the funding for marching south to India was secured. Whether bncing against Austria mattered became irrelevant with India under control.
The only regret was that this huge sum was not paid in one lump sum, dying their major southward endeavors. However, a steady flow was equally beneficial, providing a long-term solution to the Tsarist Government¡¯s fiscal shortfall.
Due to taking the money, when the others were partitioning France, the Russians naturally found it awkward to object.
Of course, objecting would have been futile. On the issue of weakening France, all the countries had a firmer stance than Austria,pletely unyielding to the Russians.
Unless the Tsarist Government was willing to give up the reparations, ready to overturn the table regardless of consequences, and team up with the British.
This was clearly impossible. With interests foremost, the Tsarist Government was rational and would not fund France through self-sacrifice.
Regardless, with the dust settled on the European wars, Franz finally felt relieved.
After many years of effort, Austria, situated amid the turmoil of four battles, had finally escaped the awkwardness of multi-front warfare.
Reflecting on this, Franz found it incredible. Over the past forty years, Austria had sequentially resolved three great enemies ¨C Prussia, the Ottomans, and France.
Without the pressure, Franz felt a weight lift off his shoulders. After quietly reflecting in his heart, Franz quickly made a decision, ¡°Let¡¯s arrange troop withdrawals ording to the treaty! However, the transfer of prisoners of war should be dyed until after the situation in France haspletely stabilized, to prevent unnecessary turmoil.¡±
The treaty was undoubtedly to beplied with, but the specifics required careful consideration.
Franz¡¯s worry wasn¡¯t unfounded; given the current circumstances, once the main Allied Forces withdrew, instability in France was almost inevitable.
Once the prisoners of war were returned, it was uncertain whether the troops remaining in France could maintain control.
Should the situation copse, it would necessitate reassembling the Allied Forces for intervention. While Austria¡¯s national strength was barely sufficient, its allies could not afford such repeated engagements.
Franz was acutely aware of the horrors of a people¡¯s war. He did not doubt the revolutionary determination of the French public in the least.
Given the stringent uses in the ¡°Vienna Convention,¡± just a spark was enough to detonate this powder keg.
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Once the situation deteriorated, it wouldn¡¯t be a simple intervention that could resolve it. The endurance of the countries in the Anti-French Alliance was limited; after a few more upheavals, public support would likely wane.
To avoid the worst-case scenario, the best method was still to keep a tight hold on the millions of prisoners of war they had. Without these men serving as the main force, even if the old, weak, sick, and disabled caused amotion, the threat would be limited.
Prime Minister Carl said, ¡°It would be better to withdraw the troops sooner; we¡¯ve been supplying the Allied Forces¡¯ logistics all along. Withdrawing early would also let the government reduce some expenses.
Postponing the release of the prisoners of war would be troublesome. Up to now, the Allied Forces have captured 4.12 million prisoners of war, and just feeding them is a problem.
Now that the war is over and the internationalmunity is watching us¡¡±
This was more than just a problem; it was a ticking time bomb. The prisoners in the Region of Africa were manageable, as they were currently contributing to reforestation efforts, which was a stable job.
The prisoners in the European Region were different; due to hatred, they had to be kept separated from the public, and they weren¡¯t allowed to participate in post-war reconstruction.
Now these fellows could only stay idle in the camps day by day, often causing somewhat ludicrous problems.
Franz rubbed his forehead and said helplessly, ¡°Let¡¯s start by releasing the prisoners of Italian nationality and let the government of the Italian States take their people. Release the French prisoners who behave well first, 5000 a day.
Trouble with the prisoners? The enemy has surrendered; are we still scared of a group of prisoners? If we worry about the political impact, we can delegate the management to the Russians.
They¡¯re experienced in this regard. Even the stubborn Ottomans have been subdued by them, haven¡¯t they?¡±
Sometimes, Franz truly envied the Russians; they did as they pleased, tantly ignoring international opinion.
He had initially thought that when the Ottomans moved into the Russian Empire, they would stir up some trouble. Franz had even prepared to offer the Tsarist Government condolences subsidies.
Reality pped him hard; perhaps it was because of the harsh winters making it hard to cause trouble or maybe they had learned to adapt after being socially ¡®beaten.¡¯
In any event, the Ottomans who entered the Russian Empire were very peaceful. After all, two-thirds of the Ottoman immigrants who entered Siberia years ago had decreased in number, the restless ones now few.
With a sessful track record, Franz didn¡¯t mind outsourcing thebor once more, perhaps even at a lower cost than managing it himself.
From military spending alone, it was clear that Russian officers had a lot of experience in cost control, skilled at getting the most done with the least money.
¡
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, ¡°Your Majesty, here are the troop numbers of the various countries¡¯ forces stationed. The total strength stands at 249,000, with the Russians deploying 120,000, Spain 70,000, Belgium 30,000, Switzend 11,000, Sardinia 8,000¡¡±
The Austrian army didn¡¯t need to worry about the stationed troops in France; the members of the Anti-French Alliance nearly fought among themselves over the spots. Although it seemed like the French only bear 80% of the military expenses, the calctions couldn¡¯t be done that way.
The military cost base was determined by the average level of the Austrian army, and the presence of Armored Troops directly raised the average, not all countries had such expensive armies.
For instance, the Russian per capita military spending was less than half of the Austrian army. Stationing troops in France not only helped maintain the army, but the Tsarist Government could also make a profit.
Especially for neighboring countries, the significance was immense. Directly stationing their own army on the border, someone else paid for their upkeep without affecting their own use.
Besides these direct, overt benefits, the covert profits were what everyone truly vied for.
The wealth of France was substantial; although plundered by the Allied Forces, the remaining spoils were still plentiful.
Of course, direct plundering was a lesser strategy. The greatest benefit from the stationed troops was actually smuggling.
As long as they carried thebel of transporting military supplies, the French had no authority to intervene, perfectly avoiding tariffs.
However, smuggling had its limits; to maximize benefits, moderation was crucial. With so many member states in the Anti-French Alliance, without regtion, the market would soon be destroyed.
Now, the struggle wasn¡¯t just for the spots for stationed troops but equally for the smuggling quotas in the underground market.
Austria didn¡¯t participate, not because they disdained the market but because the Vienna Government had already taken away the most precious asset¡ªtalent.
Had it not been for the chaotic situation, everyone would have noticed that France¡¯s top scientists and engineers had emigrated en masse with their families.
In this aspect, Franz was very domineering; whether or not he could use them, he took the people first.
It could be said that after this confrontation, the high-end talent in France was directly depleted, unable to recover even in thirty years.
Such a significant move didn¡¯t cause a stir externally, naturally thanks to the cooperation of allies. In return, Austria renounced the underground smuggling market in France.
Chapter 973 - 236, Detaining a Warship
Chapter 973: Chapter 236, Detaining a Warship
To the Austrian Empire, the greatest significance of the signing of the Vienna Treaty was not to limit France, but to clear thest obstacle for the unification of the Germany Region.
Russia and Spain among others had been bought off, and remaining countries like the Nethends and Portugal, Nordic Federation, even if they wanted to oppose, had to consider whether they could withstand the retaliation.
With European countries not objecting, overseas nations were even less concerned. In those days, only European powers interfered with overseas affairs; there were no instances of overseas countries meddling in European matters.
Unable to find supporters with shared ideals, the British were helpless. Diplomatic protests were ineffective; they surely couldn¡¯t intervene militarily, could they?
With no other option, the British Government had to choose topromise, exchanging recognition of Austria¡¯s annexation of the German Federation for the Vienna Government¡¯s recognition of their annexation of French Indochina Penins.
Clearly everyone knew that such recognition made little difference. Britannia couldn¡¯t stop the German-Austrian merger, and Vienna couldn¡¯t intervene in the British annexation of French Indochina Penins; mutual recognition was merely for appearances.
On June 12, 1892, under the witness of the internationalmunity, the Austrian Empire and each German Nation jointly signed the ¡°Holy Roman Treaty.¡±
Almost simultaneously, the German Federal Parliament announced the dissolution of the North German Empire. In the afternoon, George I issued a deration of abdication.
As witnesses to history, the copse of one country and the rebirth of another in one day no doubt had a huge impact on the people.
Anyone with a bit of political sense knew that the times had changed; Europe had once again returned to the era of the Holy Roman Empire, and the international situation had changed from three giants to two strong powers co-existing.
Fortunately, the Anglo-Austrian conflict had not escted; otherwise, just taking sides would have been exasperating. But everyone was clear that this stability was only temporary, and for the sake of global hegemony, an Anglo-Austrian face-off was just a matter of time.
¡
As night fell, sighs echoed through the Japanese embassy in Vienna.
¡°If you don¡¯t go out and take a look around, you won¡¯t know how fast the world is changing. There¡¯s an old Chinese saying that puts it well: ¡®Thirty years on the east bank of the river, thirty years on the west bank.¡¯
It hasn¡¯t been long, and the once invincible French Empire has fallen. We thought our development was fast enough, butpared to the great powers, we are still far behind.
It seems that reforms cannot stop. Once this war is over, we must continue to deepen systemic reforms and strive to catch up as soon as possible.¡±
After all, it was Ito Hirobumi, who quickly regained his confidence after the contemtion. However, the worry between his brows lingered and would not dissipate easily.
Political spections have always been high reward, high risk ventures. The Japanese Government made an error in previous maneuvers, failing to switch sides in time, and now had to pay the price for it.
Thankfully, they were cautious in their spection and didn¡¯t directly jump onto the French ship, or else they would be sinking with it now.
¡°Reform? Isn¡¯t Austria the most conservative country in Europe? Apart from the Russian Empire, they are the most conservative,¡± Saigo Tsugumichi asked with doubt.
This was also the impression of outsiders;pared to the ¡°liberal¡± France, Austria indeed qualified as ¡°conservative.¡±
Now ¡°liberal¡± had lost to ¡°conservative,¡± and many were reflecting whether France had been too ¡°liberal.¡± The causes and consequences of the European wars had been disclosed by the newspapers, and everyone knew that France was steered into war by capital and ¡°public opinion,¡± eventually leading to a one-way path to destruction.
Ito Hirobumi shook his head: ¡°Where do you see conservatism in Austria? Aside fromcking a bunch of bbermouths, the absence of ubiquitous strike and protest crowds, election manifestoes stered everywhere else, what do theyck?¡±
Thanks to the strict implementation of the pressws, the press had to be ountable for the authenticity of their newspaper content, and the social climate captivated by money was being turned around.
In this context, it did not matter if people vented, but they had to adhere to reality; articles that ranted without basis simply would not be published in newspapers.
Strikes and protests still urred but not as often as in France, especially not in Vienna. After all, with factories relocated, where would thebor movemente from?
Due to the long-term recruitment of immigrants in the colonies, Austro capital owners also had topete with the colonies for people and dared not overly exploit the workers.
There were also negative examples. Like that certain¡ factory, due to severebor disputes, the workers collectively up and left, and with no one to fulfill orders, the owner was nearly driven mad by breach of contract penalties.
As for ¡°election manifestos¡± flying everywhere, there was even less need to talk about it. Such actions were explicitly prohibited by Austrianw. If you put up a small advertisement, you¡¯d pin yourself in with it, naturally no one would do it.
In Ito Hirobumi¡¯s eyes, this was a disy of order. With Eastern and Western cultures differing, Japan especially valued regtions.
Especially when paired with Austria¡¯s current prosperity and bloom, these advantages were further amplified. Ito Hirobumi, adept at learning, naturally wanted to emte.
After contemting for a while, Saigo Tsugumichi gave a thoughtful nod.
Austria was now vast in territory, rich in resources, industrially developed, economically prosperous, militarily strong, and politically stable. Specifically, what did they ck¡±?
This question, probably not many could answer. If one must point out a deficiency, it would only be that their navy was not the first in the world.
However, this could not be considered a shoring, for Austria did notck the ability to develop a navy;pared to the Royal Navy, theycked only in terms of quantity and experience.
These issues could be resolved, quantity with money and experience with time. There was no qualitative difference between the two parties; this second ce was not far off from first ce.
For Japan, the prospect of having the world¡¯s second navy was unimaginable. No matter what, Austria¡¯s navy could not be consideredcking.
After some time, Saigo Tsugumichi slowly said, ¡°Ito-kun, are you nning to restart the Vienna route?¡±
In the early stages of the Meiji Restoration, Japan surveyed various European countries and thus developed several reform routes; the Vienna route, emting Austria, was among them.
However, due to various factors, the Vienna route was rejected in the end, and the Meiji Restoration was mainly based on the model of Ennd, France, and Prussiabined with real conditions to establish its own development route.
The reform route of the original time-space Japanese, except for politics, was basically considered sessful. Now it was different; with the sessive failures of Prussia and France, doubts had arisen within Japan about this reform route.
Ito Hirobumi waved his hand: ¡°No! Austria¡¯s development route cannot be replicated; we don¡¯t have their profound foundation, and even if we wanted to learn, we couldn¡¯t!
You must know that even at their weakest, they were one of the four great powers of the world. After Emperor Franz ascended to the throne and resolved internal problems, he immediately joined the colonial surge.
Consecutively opening up Austro-Africa, Austro-American, and Austrian Nanyang, their strength grew and blossomed, then turned to annex the Ottoman Empire, resulting in today¡¯s Austrian Empire.¡±
In a certain sense, the Japanese Government¡¯s strategy also imitated Austria, but unfortunately, they had bad luck, running into tough opposition as soon as they stepped out of their country.
In the past, when European nationspeted for colonies and secured territories, as long as they disyed sufficient strength and made their opponents realize the cost was not worth the gain, issues could be resolved at the negotiation table, rarely resulting in fighting to the bitter end.
From the current situation, even if the Spaniards were able to recapture the Philippine Inds, the price they¡¯d pay would be grievous. The risk involved was tremendous, with the return on investment not proportional to the costs.
Logically, it was now time for negotiations. As long as the Japanese Government paid a certain price, the matter could be settled.
Unfortunately, these experiences were nowpletely inapplicable. Losing to European countries was one thing, but losing to the Japanese¡ªwhat was that? Spain could not afford to lose face.
Especially after defeating France, Spanish nationalism surged, and the cries for revenge reached the heavens.
Leveraging their gains from the war against France, the Spaniards quickly assembled an expeditionary fleet, acquiring the means to seek revenge.
This first step had met with a hard barrier, dealing an unprecedented blow to the Japanese Government. Continuing to emte Austria¡¯s colonial strategy was something Ito Hirobumi dared not even think about.
If possible, he would rather pack his bags and head home now, cease the strides of expansion, and slowly umte wealth through farming.
Japancked resources; relying solely on farming would mean very slow development, but it was safe!
Aggressive development was indeed fast, but so was the death rate. Recent years had seen Prussia and now France as cautionary tales, falling on the path of expansion.
Saigo Tsugumichi said, ¡°Indeed, we can¡¯t learn from them; our foundation is too weak. If it were our old neighboring country, there might be some chance of sess.
Let¡¯s not talk about this anymore. We need to focus on the present. The Anti-French Alliance proposed to conduct maintenance on the warships before delivery, which will take a month.
If nothing unexpected happens, the Spanish expeditionary fleet will also set off within a month. Hoping to have the warships returned before the war breaks out is looking hopeless.¡±
Ito Hirobumi replied, ¡°It¡¯s as expected. As a member of the Anti-French Alliance, the Spaniards still have that bit of prestige. Even if the Anti-French Alliance doesn¡¯t detain them, we would still find it hard to send these warships back home before anyone else.
Here¡¯s today¡¯s newspaper; the Suez Canal has resumed navigation. With the demise of the French, all rights to the canal have fallen into Austria¡¯s hands.
Based on the Austro-Western Port Agreement over thirty years ago, Spanish warships could dock in Austrian ports and pass through the Suez Canal without an issue.
We can forget about it. Let alone our previous inclination towards the French, even if we go back a few more decades, our rtionship with Austria has always been cold.
The matter with the warships can now only be hoped for from the British. Happily, they have disputes with the Spaniards and would love to see them in misfortune.¡±
The cold rtions between Austria and Japan were mainly for two reasons: Firstly, Japan¡¯s reforms mainly emted those of Ennd, France, and Prussia, with trade orders also flowing to these three countries, making trade with Austria negligible.
Secondly, Franz¡¯s inability to perfectly control his emotions at the beginning of his reign had him showing indifference towards the Japanese.
Without sufficient economic interest, the rtionship between the two nations naturally could not deepen. Coupled with the emperor¡¯s cool attitude, bureaucrats would naturally not bother with a dispensable Japan.
At that time, Austria was not nearly as formidable as it is now, and after the cold reception, the Japanese Government no longer made efforts to improve bteral rtions.
Without worshipping regrly, it¡¯s not so easy to suddenly seek Buddha¡¯s help when you¡¯re in trouble.
Were it not for the British¡¯s concern about Spain recovering the Ruseiyong region and threatening the safety of the Strait of Gibraltar, Japan would truly be in a tragedy now.
Upon hearing that the warships had a chance, Saigo Tsugumichi rxed the anxiety he had been holding, uncontrobly saying, ¡°That¡¯s great, with the support of the British, defeating Spain will not be difficult.¡±
With experience in one engagement, the Japanese Navy did have a psychological advantage over the Spaniards; the only concern was the vast difference in the strength of both fleets.
Ito Hirobumi replied with a bitter face, ¡°It¡¯s not that simple. Spain is a member of the Anti-French Alliance, and even after the war is over, the harmony remains.
If the British get involved in the war, the Anti-French Alliance would not sit idly by, and it¡¯s even less likely for the British to turn against the Alliance for our sake.
In order not to provoke the Anti-French Alliance, the level of support the British can offer us will certainly not be significant. If we want to win this war, we¡¯ll still have to rely on ourselves.¡±
Once again, the fact was proven: for a country seeking sess, finding allies is very crucial.
The British clearly represent the unreliable kind. Ito Hirobumi had not forgotten how the French were sold out in the recently concluded European war.
Keep in mind that at the onset of the war, Anglo-France were allies; while the British Government indeed stood on the side of France, they never gave up any opportunity to profit from the situation.
They seemed to be supporting France but were actually striving to maintain the bnce of power between thebatants, wishing for France and Austria to both suffer heavy losses.
Unfortunately, ns cannot keep up with changes. The London Government did not expect Austria to hide its strength and deal a fatal blow to France at the critical moment.
As France¡¯s situation deteriorated, Britain¡¯s first reaction was not to assist its ally but to unterally tear up the alliance and kick them while they were down.
There are many simr cases, such as Belgium, which initially was with the British but turned to Austria after being betrayed.
If allies can be betrayed, then Japan, which hardly qualifies as an ally, would be even less stressful for the British to betray.
Knowing this, Ito Hirobumi still had no choice, or rather, the Japanese Government had no choice. Although Spain has always been the bottom line for the powers, a great power is a great power, and their international influence is extraordinary.
Apart from the British, there was virtually no country willing to risk offending the Spaniards by selling warships to them at this time.
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What¡¯s more tragic is that if they can¡¯t get a batch of warships back from the British, the uing battles can¡¯t even be fought.
Saigo Tsugumichi pondered and after a while spoke slowly, ¡°No matter what, the British being willing to provide support is better than nothing.
As long as we can win the war, we can agree to any conditions for now; everything can be discussed after the war is over.¡±
The two exchanged a look and ended this heavy topic. The content that followed was too startling; if any word leaked, Japan would be doomed, so they had to keep everything unspoken.
Chapter 974 - 237: Treat the head when the head aches, treat the foot when the foot hurts
Chapter 974: Chapter 237: Treat the head when the head aches, treat the foot when the foot hurts
Recognizing the trend was one of the critical reasons Japan had seeded.
Since the Meiji Restoration, the Japanese Government had been trying to cling to the British, even though John Bull did not take much notice of them and did not ept this eager junior partner.
But decades of consistent effort always earned some impression points. However, in internationalpetition, impression points alone were not enough; what mattered more were opportunities.
For the Japanese, the current situation was undoubtedly the best opportunity. With the international situation changing rapidly, the British, isted by European society, were in desperate need of allies.
A hegemon has the dignity of a hegemon; Britannia needed allies, not pets, and could not ept just any Tom, Dick, or Harry.
Originally, in the original timeline, Japan had proven its strength in the Jiawu War and was valued by the British, bing the vanguard against Russia in the Far East.
Now was no exception. In the battle for the Philippine Inds, Japan had demonstrated its strength, which made the British take another look and opened the door for further contact.
¡
From Downing Street, since the resolution of the European wars, Prime Minister dstone had not had a good night¡¯s sleep, aging what seemed like ten years.
The recently concluded Vienna Peace Conference had dealt a fatal blow to Britain. The pompous French Empire was now crippled, having had its limbs cut off, and couldn¡¯t be relied on in the short term.
Unsurprisingly, Britain¡¯s biggest fear, the German-Austrian merger, still urred, and the revived Holy Roman Empire had be the new hegemon on the continent.
And this hegemon was not like the inferior hegemons of the past; its strength was so formidable that challengers were deterred.
It proved true that there was nothing worse, only things more so. As a supporter of France, Britain had early on positioned itself on the opposing side of the Anti-French Alliance.
Even if they turned against it at thest moment, that didn¡¯t mean things were over. Protected by the Channel, the Anti-French Alliance naturally didn¡¯t have the capability to settle scores directly with them.
Not settling scores directly didn¡¯t mean they had given up on retaliation. At thest moment of the Vienna Conference, the Anti-French Alliance pursued their goals relentlessly, and the ¡°Continental Alliance,¡± centered around Austria, emerged.
As the name suggests, the ¡°Continental Alliance¡± was naturally an alliance formed by the countries of the European Continent. Although Britain belonged to Europe, being a maritime nation meant the Continental Alliance was none of their business.
Simply put, dstone also understood that Austria¡¯s gathering of countries to form the ¡°Continental Alliance¡± was to seize the power of discourse.
Willingly or not, the excluded Britain lost its right to speak on the European Continent.
And that was not the worst part; worse yet, nobody said that the ¡°Continental Alliance¡± could only handle matters on the Continent. If the Vienna Government wished, it could easily use this alliance to meddle in international affairs.
The strength of the Continental Alliance far exceeded the sum of the remaining countries; in this age where might makes right, the power of the word naturally became iparable.
In other words, Britain¡¯s hegemonic status was shaken, although they still possessed the world¡¯s number one Royal Navy, facing this abnormality, the ¡°Continental Alliance,¡± they still felt utterly unconfident.
What was originally thought to be an Anglo-Austrian hegemony unexpectedly turned into a script mix-up by the director, evolving into a struggle between Britain and the ¡°Continental Alliance.¡± Fortunately, filming had not yetpleted; otherwise, Britain would have been done for.
¡°The Foreign Ministry has been in contact with Russia, Spain, the Nordic Federation, and several other countries; overall, it is not optimistic. Everyone¡¯s confidence in the Holy Roman Empire is much higher than we anticipated.
Now we can only wait for the enemy to make mistakes and then look for opportunities to divide the Continental Alliance. As long as this alliance does not disband, we will always be in a passive position and can do nothing about the Holy Roman Empire lurking behind.¡±
It was evident that George was in a very bad mood. As Britain¡¯s Foreign Minister, with international dynamics having developed to this point, earning the title of ¡°Britain¡¯s Worst Foreign Minister¡± was almost guaranteed.
Political adversaries did not take advantage of¡ì this situation, not because they understood or because they had integrity, but because no one wanted to take over this mess. Once all settled, it would be his time to go.
Inparison, the other members of the Cab were in a much better situation. Regardless of how much the international situation deteriorated, Britain still reaped substantial benefits from the continental wars.
The wealth umted by the French flowed into Britain through trade, and the British Isles were now experiencing their most prosperous economic period.
Although in the long run, the poor decisions of the London Government had put Britain in an awkward position; in the short term, all social sses benefited significantly, and the public¡¯s perception of the government was still rtively favorable.
In fact, George was overthinking it. The title of ¡°the worst foreign minister in history¡± would only be bestowed by future generations; the British public currently had no idea what they had lost.
Since obtaining the French warships through diplomatic means, consolidating the position of the Royal Navy as the leader,
the voices criticizing the Foreign Ministry had significantly diminished.
dstone gestured, ¡°Let¡¯s take it slow; we are not in a hurry. The Holy Roman Empire has just been reestablished, and there are still many internal issues. For a long time toe, the Vienna Government will be busy tidying up internal affairs and won¡¯t have time to focus on us.
The Anti-French Alliance is not monolithic; now, it is only because of the temporary union caused by the short-term threat of the French. France was significantly weakened at the Vienna Peace Conference, and the threat it poses to other countries has greatly reduced. Once others no longer feel threatened by the French, this alliance will meet its natural end.
Despite the Holy Roman Empire¡¯s current impressive facade, the more they stir, the easier it is to provoke the apprehension of other countries; France is a lesson from the past.¡±
¡°I¡¯m afraid what would happen if they don¡¯t stir things up. If the Vienna Government continues to maintain their current international image and doesn¡¯t cause trouble on the European Continent, that would really be troublesome.¡±
The defeat of France had a great impact on Britannia, both the public and the government were analyzing the reasons. The conclusion they finally arrived at startled them themselves.
There was no way around it, the reasons for France¡¯s defeat applied to Britannia as well¡ª¡±they had offended too many people.¡±
The French had offended many, and Britannia had also offended its fair share. Thankfully, the Channel provided protection; otherwise, whether Britannia would still exist was an unknown.
Despite the reflection, the London Government did nothing to turn this situation around. With the formation of the Continental Alliance, no country on the European Continent would ally with them anymore.
Including the recently defeated France. Nowadays, many French believe that their defeat was due to betrayal by the British, and the Paris Revolutionary Government was seen as a puppet supported by the British.
In a sense, it wasn¡¯t an unfair usation. The first destination of the French Revolutionary Party in their foreign exile was London, and without the protection of the British Government, they would have been eliminated by the Bonaparte Dynasty long ago.
On the surface, if the British Government had not stabbed them in the back at thest moment but had fully supported them, the French might have been able to end the war in a dignified manner.
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After the defeat, many proud French still refused to admit that the defeat was due to their insufficient strength. They urgently needed an eptable excuse.
Under the guidance of some, conspiracy theories began to flourish. Britannia just met all the criteria, bing the focus of attention.
Of course, these were minor issues. Post-defeat France was no longer of concern to the British Government; other than making some noise, they couldn¡¯t really do anything.
Foreign Minister George said, ¡°There¡¯s another issue: the Japanese want to buy warships from us tobat the Spanish expedition fleet.
The Foreign Office suggests we agree. With the European wars ending and the victorious Spaniards bing restless, there have been calls in Madrid¡¯s newspapers to reim the Strait of Gibraltar.
Although it¡¯s not quite an immediate threat, we still have to be vignt. If Vienna provokes them, the overconfident Spaniards might do something foolish.
To prevent the worst-case scenario, it would be best to find an opportunity to give the Spaniards a wake-up call.
Since the French Navy has effectively been obliterated, the burden on the Royal Navy has significantly decreased. Soon we will be acquiring arge number of French warships, and for a long time toe, the Royal Navy will face the problem of having too many ships.
Taking this opportunity to dispose of the surplus warships to the Japanese would not only use them to wear down the Spanish¡¯s strength but also save a significant amount of funds.¡±
The trouble of having too many warships was a problem only the British were enjoying at the moment. The Royal Navy already had a plethora of ships, and now with the additional French ships, the next problem facing the Royal Navy was having ships with no one to man them.
Since there had just been a major auction of warships, the international arms market was saturated. Other than Japan, there was basically no other buyer.
The Minister of the Navy, Astley, cursed, ¡°Don¡¯t talk to me about French warships, damn Austrians just dumped a pile of junk on us, with nearly one-tenth of the ships nearing retirement.
And their promises of engineers and shipbuilding technology, all bullshit. Those so-called engineers were just manualborers.
The transfer of shipbuilding technology was mixed up, most of them about sailing warships, even if there was core French technology, we couldn¡¯t find it easily.¡±
As the world¡¯s secondrgest naval power, the French Navy had a very strong foundation; although generally notparable to Britannia, they were still the best in certain areas.
No one would let apetitor grow unchecked, Austria included. To strike at apetitor, they would use every means possible.
From the start, the Royal Navy never expected to get the core technology from the French; even if the Austrians dared to give it, they wouldn¡¯t dare to use it directly.
Though it was just a trick yed on them, Astley still felt terrible. Especially after finding out they were the only ones who received special treatment, Astley felt even worse.
¡°The main warships are fine, we won¡¯t mention the minor ws. Whatever the case, these warships have solidified the dominant position of the Royal Navy.
In the long term, Austria might be our biggest enemy; but for the short term, it¡¯s the Russians.
The Tsarist Government has already announced the initiation of the Central Asia Railway. After confirming that they couldn¡¯t break through on the European Continent, the Russians have shifted their strategy towards India.
Merely being reactive isn¡¯t enough; we must find a way to take the offensive. Everyone knows howplex the geography of Afghanistan is. To strike at the Russians, it would be best to open a new front.
We don¡¯t have many options left, and we can¡¯t count on the Nordic Federation. Apart from continuing to support the Persians, we should also find an enemy for the Russians in the Far Eastern region to keep the Tsarist Government on their toes.
Of course, we can¡¯t give up on Southeast Asia. With the formation of the Continental Alliance, we¡¯ve been put at a disadvantage in Southeast Asia. If the Spaniards regain the Philippine Inds, the situation will be even more unfavorable for us.
The Navy Department has sent people to assess the Japanese¡¯s strength; if possible, we will make them a thorn in the side of Southeast Asia.¡±
Making such a decision was very reluctant for dstone. Knowing that it was treating the symptoms and not the cause, but having no choice, Britannia could only opt to treat the symptoms for now.
Chapter 975 - 238: Switching to a More Obedient Leader
Chapter 975: Chapter 238: Switching to a More Obedient Leader
International dynamics were constantly changing, but Franz could no longer manage to pay attention. The Holy Roman Empire had just been re-established, and there were piles of problems waiting for his attention.
The situation with each German nation was easy to resolve, as they were highly autonomous and did not require the Central Government to intervene in local affairs. After agreeing on the rights and duties of both sides, the matter was almost settled.
The Rhinnd region had turned into ruins, with nothing left but a group of refugees. Post-war reconstruction became the main task of the Vienna Government in 1892.
The newly acquired Grand Duchy of Lorraine, Alsace Province, and the Kingdom of Burgundy were even worse. Although historically these regions had been territories of the Holy Roman Empire, the French had ruled there for centuries and their influence was deeply entrenched.
There were those who weed the Holy Roman Empire, but they were a very small minority; most of the popce sided with France.
inly put, such troubles were not something the Vienna Government would handle. Since the Austrian army had upied the aforementioned areas, they had continuously deported French civilians.
Clearly, things were not going to be smooth. The French could be deported, but the civilians of the Holy Roman Empire could not be expelled.
This was a bad debt, as historically many of their ancestors had been part of the Holy Roman Empire. If someone spoke even a bit of German and imed to be a remnant of the Holy Roman Empire, there was really no way to verify.
It¡¯s hard to leave one¡¯s homnd; to avoid deportation, those who could sneak in did so. Among them were also some anti-Austrian elements, who took the opportunity to hide.
Fortunately, the acquired territories were notrge and had few deep forests, which were unsuitable for guerri survival. Otherwise, with the help of locals, it would not have been easy for the Austrian army to eliminate the guerris.
The absence of guerris did not equate to stability in the area. Perhaps inheriting the tradition of France, as soon as Vienna had released the appointment of local government officials, there erupted demonstrations and protests.
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¡°How many people participated in the demonstration?¡±
Franz asked indifferently.
It was apparent that he was really angered. He had encountered uncooperative attitudes before, but never to such an extent.
If the officials appointed by the Central Government were not performing well and the locals wanted to resist, Franz could ept that. But to start causing trouble immediately after the announcement of personnel appointments was far beyond his tolerance.
Compromise was out of the question. If he were to back down, the authority of the Central Government would be finished. Who knows how many other ces would follow suit.
Prime Minister Carl said, ¡°About 200,000 people participated in the demonstrations, especially in the Burgundy region, where there were mobs storming government buildings.
ording to the intelligence gathered, the nning of this action was carried out by a few small local parties. They wanted to coerce the Central Government into abolishing the pressw and opening up voting rights through demonstrations to achieve regional autonomy.
After the situation escted, the military took control of the locality immediately. Many political party members are currently being arrested, unfortunately, their leaders had left the country before the incident.¡±
¡°Autonomy¡± was no new term. The Holy Roman Empire naturally had a bunch of sub-states and autonomous regions due to historical legacies or special circumstances, making them unsuitable for direct governance by the Central Government.
Clearly, the three border provinces of Lorraine, Alsace, and Burgundy were not suitable for autonomy. Although the locals now imed to be citizens of the Holy Roman Empire, that was on the premise of expelling the French, and many epted this unwillingly because they did not want to leave.
Time was a butcher¡¯s knife. It had been over a century, and no one could guarantee how strong the locals¡¯ sense of belonging to the Holy Roman Empire was.
If they were granted autonomy, who knows when these people might collude with the French again.
Franz rubbed his temples and slowly said, ¡°Issue a highest-level arrest warrant for these fugitives, dead or alive.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be ready, at the next meeting of the Continental Alliance, to propose a treatybating transnational crime. We cannot allow overseas territories to be outside thew.
As for the people participating in the protests¡¡±
Well, Franz hesitated. The number involved was toorge; it would be a headache for anyone to handle.
¡°Reassess the identities of the local people, root out any French spies that have infiltrated, execute those with serious charges on the spot, and deport the rest!
The assessment criteria should not be limited tonguage. Any anti-government or anti-society speech, behavior, criminal records, failing to report known information, or intentionally concealing enemy spies should be scrutinized.¡±
¡°Scrutiny,¡± of course, was impossible. The remaining poption numbered in the millions. To inspect each individual could take till the end of the century.
In this context, extreme measures were naturally the only option. In a nutshell, any citizen of the Holy Roman Empire was deemed supportive of the Empire, the Emperor, and determined to resist the enemy, possessing excellent traditional virtues.
Such actions that attempted to divide the country and harm state security were definitely not something the people of the Empire would do. The participants must be French spies.
There was no question of implicating others. In an era focused on lineage, if one was French, naturally the entire family was French, including all direct and coteral rtives. Anyone who did not actively expose this was a French spy.
Expanding this was not what Franz intended, but there was no choice. If these people were not deported now, it would be difficult to clear these hidden dangers in the future.
Just with the banner of the Holy Roman Empire, millions of French were willing to switch allegiance, which clearly seemed like the treatment bestowed upon a Child of Destiny. If there really had been such strong appeal, the Habsburg dynasty would not have been defeated by Napoleon.
After political measures had failed, Franz decisively chose to initiate the backup n. From the start, the Vienna Government had not nned to obtain a poption from France.
The seeds of hatred had long been sown; now it was simply a case of deepening the conflict between the two nations. To resolve this hatred and ease the conflict before this generation had died off was utterly out of the question.
Deep inside, Franz also felt a lingering fear. If these people hadn¡¯t lost their nerve and exposed themselves early, they might truly have be a threat to Austria.
It goes without saying, just the influx of chaotic thoughts is more terrifying than any weapon.
Of course, that was impossible. If France were still powerful, their ideas might still tempt intellectuals, but now all anyone could learn from them were lessons from their failures.
In this regard, everyone was very pragmatic. They aimed to learn from sesses; failures served only as warnings.
Not just outsiders were reflecting, but the French themselves were also introspecting. Consequently, the French intellectual world became even more chaotic.
There were those who cursed the Paris Revolutionary Government, those who vehemently denounced the monarchy, those who criticized the capitalist consortiums, those who med the British, those who despised the overwhelming forces of the Anti-French Alliance, and even those who attributed the defeat to ¡°excessive freedom¡±¡
With a plethora of ideas flourishing in Paris, it was a tangled mess to decide which could save France, and it wouldn¡¯t be settled anytime soon.
Had the Anti-French Alliance just begun to withdraw, Paris might have already erupted into full-scale war. If the Vienna Government so wished, they could spark a civil war among the French at any moment.
Amidst such internal chaos, who had the time to trouble the Holy Roman Empire? Even if there was a desire to act, they were more willing than able butcked the strength.
Prime Minister Carl: ¡°Your Majesty, the situation in France is very dire. If we implement the backup n, the Paris Government might not be able to hold on.
ording to the intelligence we¡¯ve gathered, France¡¯s unemployment rate has already surpassed fifty percent, and the number of refugees has exceeded five million, most of whom are deportees from various countries.
If we deport the remaining millions back, France¡¯s refugee numbers might well surpass seven million.
The war drained France¡¯s lifeblood; what the Paris Revolutionary Government inherited was a disaster, and they simply do not have the capability to manage the aftermath.¡±
The reality was even grimmer than what Carl described; the Paris Revolutionary Government was not only short of money and supplies, but its control over the local governments was virtually non-existent¡ªit was merely a facade.
Including the current refugee relief, it was managed by local governments and the nobility, many of whose finances were also on the brink of copse.
Once they exceeded limits, local governments would stop refugee relief, and this ticking time bomb would detonate.
Franz was keenly aware of the horrifying consequence of refugees turning into bandits; it was like a ck hole. Countless dynasties had been swallowed by this ck hole in history.
¡°France¡¯s poption must have dropped below thirty million, right?¡±
Prime Minister Carl confirmed: ¡°It reached that point long ago! Since the war started, France lost over a million migrants, countless died in battle, and even more from starvation.
The Paris Revolutionary Governmentcked the capacity for governance, did not take timely measures in response, and watched the crisis worsen.
To stabilize the region, the Allied Forces stationed in France have had to repeatedly strike out to eliminate rebel forces.¡±
Franz nodded, pondered for a moment, and then slowly said, ¡°Since the Paris Revolutionary Government isn¡¯t worth propping up, might as well push for a rebuild.
Implement the backup n, and after the Paris Revolutionary Government copses, support a royal restoration. It saves them from dithering, as they¡¯ve been unable to select a king for so long.¡±
Where one stands depends on where one sits; as a beneficiary of the monarchic system, Franz naturally sought to maintain this system.
Luckily, France¡¯s royal family was abundant; after the fall of the Bonaparte Dynasty, the Bourbons and Orleans were still avable.
After forming the Continental Alliance, the first resolution was to order the restoration of the French monarchy. As a defeated nation, the French naturally had no strength to refuse.
But in implementation, this resolution, severely detrimental to the interests of the Paris Revolutionary Government, met resistance.
Unable to refuse openly, the Paris Government pushed forward the parliament to bear the brunt. With the parliament¡¯s efficiency being what it was, it was normal not to have any results for three to five years.
As a rule-abiding leader, the Vienna Government naturally couldn¡¯t interfere with another country¡¯s internal affairs just because the French were slow, and so, the mater was dragged out.
With the matter unresolved, the Continental Alliance¡¯s humanitarian aid n for France was also put on hold. Initially, Franz was prepared to wait it out, using food to force the Paris Revolutionary Government topromise.
But s, the Paris Revolutionary Government stubbornly refused to cooperate, acting as if they were blind to the crisis, clinging to power tenaciously.
It seemed as if they believed that by merely holding out, the Vienna Government wouldpromise just to ensure regr reparations payments.
Such threats naturally did not scare Franz. The reparations the French needed to pay were indeed substantial, but right now, only about ten million Divine Shields were due, with only a few million falling on the Vienna Government¡¯s share.
Such a sum, while significant for other countries, was but a day¡¯s revenue for the Holy Roman Empire.
A loss was just a loss. Even missing a day¡¯s revenue, the Vienna Government could carry on as usual without facing famine.
For his own peace of mind, Franz decided to kick out that disobedient, ineffectual Paris Revolutionary Government and rece it with one that would listen.
Chapter 976 - 239: The Style of Great Powers
Chapter 976: Chapter 239: The Style of Great Powers
The setting sun sank in the west as a massive fleet slowly made its way toward New Frankfurt Port, causing quite a stir among the dockworkers.
As one of the Holy Roman Empire¡¯s most important military ports in Southeast Asia, the presence of fleets was nothing unusual. However, this time was different; the iing fleet¡¯s gs were wrong.
A young man pointed ahead, his hands trembling as he eximed, ¡°What is going on here? Which son of a bitch was so careless as to get the military gs mixed up?¡±
New Frankfurt Port was one of the homes to Austria¡¯s Southeast Asian Fleet and was a military stronghold. Even if foreign warships asionally passed by needing supplies, they were sent over by a small boat, as docking was out of the question.
This was the unspoken agreement between the Colonial Empires. For the safety of the ports, unless invited or in cases where the warships encountered damage en route and needed repairs, it was generally not allowed for another nation¡¯s warships to enter.
Especially after Japan sessfullyunched a sneak attack on the Philippines, all the great Colonial Empires heightened their vignce. Such a massive fleet was not only barred from docking but even from obtaining supplies unless they stayed several miles away.
The middle-aged foreman next to him scoffed, ¡°Don¡¯t talk nonsense, who would hang the wrong military g? Just look at the shape of the battleships, it¡¯s obviously not ours.
That¡¯s the Spaniards¡¯ g; they¡¯re at war with the Japanese. I heard they had suffered a significant loss recently. It seems this fleet must be reinforcements they¡¯ve sent.
The only thing is I don¡¯t know why they have ended up here.¡±
After a pause, the middle-aged man seemed to think of something and,ing to a realization, he immediately scolded, ¡°Get back to work, don¡¯t even think about cking off. Do you think you¡¯re in a position to worry about the affairs of these important people?
Do you still want your wages or not? Let me tell you, if today¡¯s work isn¡¯t finished, no one¡¯s going home.¡±
Suddenly, a short man clutched his stomach with both hands, showing an expression of pain which quickly caught the attention of the middle-aged foreman.
¡°Little Monkey, what the hell are you up to?¡±
It was clear that the foreman was genuinely concerned. But whether he was more worried about Little Monkey¡¯s health or thepletion of today¡¯s work, that was known by no one.
¡°Boss, my stomach hurts. Can you advance me some money so I can go to the hospital to have it checked out?¡±
As he spoke, the young man who was Little Monkey crouched down, appearing to be in unbearable pain.
The middle-aged foreman¡¯s brow furrowed. Illness strikes like a falling mountain, particrly among those who did heavy physicalbor at the docks. Once someone fell ill, there were very few who could get back up again.
Not because they couldn¡¯t be cured, but because they didn¡¯t have the money for it. Although dockworkers¡¯ earnings were rtively substantial, what was left after taking care of an entire family¡¯s expenses was next to nothing.
If one didn¡¯t seek medical treatment, it meant death; but actually being admitted to a hospital meant you might not know if you¡¯d survive, but one thing was certain: your family would be ruined.
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¡°Fine! But you don¡¯t need to go to the hospital, that¡¯s not a ce for people like us. Just go to Old Liu and get some medicine; that will do.¡±
The poor had their own way of getting by. Aside from the expensive hospitals, there were barefoot doctors scattered about.
The quality of their medical skills was debatable, but they were undoubtedly cheaper.
Generally speaking, these barefoot doctors gathered their own herbs, only purchasing what they couldn¡¯t find on the ind, keeping the costs much lower than the hospital¡¯s.
However, as they say, you get what you pay for. There weren¡¯t many skilled barefoot doctors in Southeast Asia. If they had any abilities, they would have been recruited by hospitals long ago.
Hospitals were private enterprises, where money reigned supreme. As long as they could make money, capitalists didn¡¯t care if it was traditional Chinese or Western medicine.
Driven by profits, the first hospitalsbining Chinese and Western medicine quietly came into being.
Little Monkey nodded continuously to show he understood. After receiving money from the foreman, he staggered away.
Everyone for himself and God for us all. In these precarious times, unless it was family or friends, no one cared about other people¡¯s business.
Little Monkey had joinedter and had no rtives, not even fellow vigers among them. Aside from a few sighs, the rest went back to their work.
Once out of sight of the others, Little Monkey, who had seemed to be at death¡¯s door, instantly recovered his energy and bolted towards the telegraphpany with the greatest speed.
¡
In the early hours of the morning, the Imperial Pce remained brightly lit. Emperor Meiji, who should have been resting, was woken up by an urgent telegram and hastily convened an imperial court meeting.
¡°The enemy is moving faster than we anticipated, and they have already arrived at Swesi. Right now, they are at New Frankfurt Port, only a step away from the Philippines.
The enemy is about tounch an attack, and we still haven¡¯t received the warships that the British promised. We muste up with a n to respond,¡±
Emperor Meiji dered, leaving no room for doubt.
The situation was far worse than he had expected. ording to international convention, as a neutral country, the Holy Roman Empire was not supposed to provide assistance to Spain during wartime.
Generally, countries would provide support to warring nations ndestinely for the sake of their reputations, but the kind of tant backing provided by the Holy Roman Empire was a rarity in the European world.
The usual conventions suddenly became ineffective. It seemed as if the Holy Roman Empire no longer cared about its international standing, permitting Spanish warships to pass through the Suez Canal and even providing harbor services to the Spanish Navy.
Without any surprises, it wouldn¡¯t be a shock if they were to offer repair and maintenance services for the Spanish warships next.
Such support might seem insignificant, yet these were the very factors that impacted navalbat effectiveness directly.
The Russian Pacific Fleet of the original timeline had theirbat ability severely reduced due to theck of logistical support¡ªunable to even harness half of their strength and were decisively defeated by the Japanese. Otherwise, the oue would remain uncertain.
Navy Admiral Ito Yohiro questioned angrily, ¡°What is the Foreign Ministry doing? The Austrians imed neutrality, didn¡¯t they? Why are they suddenly supporting Spain now?
Why haven¡¯t we received any information about this earlier? This is dereliction of duty. Do you realize how much this unexpected event could cost the Empire?¡±
¡°Ito-san, please calm down first. No one wanted this to happen. Also, our Foreign Ministry isn¡¯t cking off.
The Vienna Government announced their neutrality long ago, which is a well-known fact. The current incident primarily urred because we overlooked a secret treaty from forty years ago.
Before Austria ventured into maritime affairs, it signed several port-sharing agreements with various colonial empires, including Spain.
It was thanks to this treaty that the Austrians were able to survive the supply difficulties in the early stage of colonization, establishing the second colonial empire in the world.
ording to the treaty, in situations that threatened their own interests, the signatory nations were obligated to provide logistics support and port ess within their means,¡± exined Kimochi Saionji with a sense of resignation.
It wasn¡¯t really their fault, after all. Forty years ago was still the Bakufu/Shogunate era, and they were just children; who would care about a treaty that had nothing to do with them?
Especially since this treaty existed in the form of a secret agreement. If it weren¡¯t for negotiations with the Holy Roman Empire Envoy, he wouldn¡¯t even know about the existence of such a treaty.
Ito Yohiro, filled with anger, asked, ¡°So what if there¡¯s a secret treaty? Hasn¡¯t the Foreign Ministry demanded an exnation for this action, which vites international conventions, from the Austrians?¡±
Saionji replied with bitterness, ¡°We did ask for an exnation. As soon as we learned that the Spanish Navy had entered New Frankfurt Port, I met with the Holy Roman Empire Envoy immediately.
He provided a reasonable exnation, though I believe you won¡¯t like it.¡±
After a brief exchange of nces and seeing that everyone firmly wanted to know, Saionji slowly said, ¡°Ambassador Antonio expressed regret and on behalf of the Vienna Government, he made a promise to bear all the consequences this might bring.
He also indicated that if we insist on pursuing the matter, we could dere war on this basis, and the Holy Roman Empire would willingly assume the moral responsibility for such a war.¡±
It was better not to exin, as the exnation only upset everyone further. Even Emperor Meiji, who always valued the dignity of the monarch, was enraged to the point of fuming.
A seemingly responsible statement about bearing the consequences was really an exercise in frustration.
¡°Dere war¡±?
If Japan possessed that kind of strength, Emperor Meiji wouldn¡¯t mind having a proper war with the Holy Roman Empire, letting them know that the Empire of Japan was not to be trifled with!
Unfortunately, reality was cruel. The ipletely established Holy Roman Empire was now a half-world hegemon, capable of crushing the Japanese Empire with a mere finger.
Weak nations have no diplomacy. The adage was exemplified here. Despite admitting to viting international conventions, the Japanese Government nowcked the courage to hold them ountable.
Moreover, by this incident, the Vienna Government had once again proved its credibility to the outside world. Just for a secret treaty from forty years ago, they would breach international norms and offend others¡
Well, the influence of Japanese were still considered too light by the world¡¯s standard. If this had been the British, perhaps the oue would have been better.
Having been ustomed to facing stern challenges, Emperor Meiji, seeing the meeting spiraling out of control, immediately admonished, ¡°Silence! Save yourints for when you¡¯re home and don¡¯t make a scene here.
I know that the Holy Roman Empire has acted very indecently, but what can we do about it? They are the most powerful nation in the world and have the right to be domineering.
If you have the strength, then remember this grudge, and wait for a future opportunity to reim it, to wipe clean this humiliation.¡±
Towards the end of his words, even Emperor Meiji seemed to lose his confidence. Nothing could be done; the power disparity between the two sides was simply too great.
The strength that the Holy Roman Empire possessed in Southeast Asia alone was enough to annihte the Japanese Empire. If one were to talk about theprehensive national power of the two countries, the gap was at least a double-digit multiple difference.
Chapter 977 - 240: The British-Japanese Secret Agreement in Southeast Asia
Chapter 977: Chapter 240: The British-Japanese Secret Agreement in Southeast Asia
¡°A blessing in disguise, politics is sometimes just such aedy,¡± he reflected. The British Government had originally harbored doubts about supporting the Japanese, fearing that it was like trying to prop up a failing wall, unable to recoup the investment cost.
But once the Holy Roman Empire supported the Spaniards, the British Government had no other choice. If they did not act, they would soon have no foothold in the Southeast Asia region.
Britain did not have many interests in Southeast Asia, and it seemed that being squeezed out would not cause much loss. However, things are not always what they appear on the surface.
A nce at the map revealed that Southeast Asia was perfectly situated between the Far East and India. Once pushed out, Britain¡¯s dominant position in the Far East would also bepromised.
Of course, they had another option¡ªAustralia. But that would involve a major detour!
Britain could not afford such a distraction. The Royal Navy was unable to navigate through the Suez Canal, and the existing pressure was already immense; taking a roundabout route would make life intolerable.
Under these circumstances, Britain could only bring in external forces to bnce the powers in the Southeast Asia region and alleviate its own pressures.
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¡
As the Spaniards arrived at New Frankfurt Port, Ito Hirobumi, representing the Japanese Government, signed the ¡°Anglo-Japanese Southeast Asia Secret Pact¡± with British Foreign Minister George in London.
The treaty stipted:
1. Both contracting parties mutually recognize their right to protect their interests in Southeast Asia. If Japan¡¯s ¡°special interests¡± in Southeast Asia are threatened by another country, both nations have the right to intervene.
2. If one contracting party goes to war with a third country to protect the aforementioned interests, the other party shall remain neutral and provide assistance within its capacity.
3. If one contracting party is attacked by two or more countries, the other shall provide military support.
4. During peacetime, the navies of the two countries shall coborate to maintain their advantages in the seas of Southeast Asia and the Far East.
¡
Supplementary Agreement: In view of the needs of the Japanese-Spanish War, Britain will sell 3 battleships, 5 cruisers, 7 destroyers, and several auxiliary warships to the Japanese Government.
The treaty is valid for five years. Thereafter, based on the specific circumstances, the two countries will decide whether to renew the agreement.
Apart from the different targets, this Anglo-Japanese secret pact was essentially a replica of the historical ¡°Anglo-Japanese Alliance.¡± The only difference was that the situation in Southeast Asia was even moreplex, making both Britain and Japan reluctant to publicize the news of the alliance.
Though the Royal Navy was considered the best in the world, when it came to the speed of deploying fleets in Southeast Asia, they were still no match for the Holy Roman Empire.
If the fleets of both countries set sail from their home countries simultaneously, the fleet of the Holy Roman Empire would arrive at least half a month earlier, highlighting the strategic importance of the Suez Canal.
To avoid this disadvantage, the only solution was to station significant forces. Theoretically speaking, as long as the Royal Navy was twice the size of the Shinra Navy, they could maintain their advantage.
As long as the Royal Navy could block both the Strait of Gibraltar and the Red Sea, they could confine the Shinra fleet within the ¡°Mediterranean bathtub.¡±
After all, the Royal Navy had superiorbat strength, and under equivalent fleet sizes, the Shinra Navy was no match for them.
Of course, this was only in theory. In practice, it would prove to bepletely ineffective.
A maritime blockade was only effective against smaller nations. Against a behemoth like Shinra, the Royal Navy¡¯s blockade would at most cause some economic losses.
Apart from infuriating the Vienna Government andpelling the Shinra Empire to invest more in shipbuilding, it would hardly be deterrent.
Though they couldn¡¯t win, Britain couldn¡¯t lose either. With the Royal Navy¡¯s strength, they inherently held an unbeatable position.
The eventual oue would likely be that Britain would lose its colonies in Africa, while Shinra would likely lose its colonies in Southeast Asia and America.
Perhaps the two countries would even engage in an aerial duel, bombing each other back and forth. It¡¯s possible that several sub-states along Shinra¡¯s coast would suffer the ravages of war.
But overall, both sides would be big losers, and the only winners would be the uninvolved bystanders.
Without turning against each other overtly, if the Anglo-Japanese secret pact were exposed, it would force countries like the Dutch and the Spaniards to band together with Shinra.
Two against three felt like a loss to the British, while the Japanese simply didn¡¯t dare to join the fray. Though both were great powers, the Spaniards, as a kind of gatekeeper of great powers, were simply not in the same league as the Shinra Empire.
If things really went south, who could guarantee that the British would be reliable? If they suddenly decided to send a fleet straight to Tokyo, the Japanese Government would not be able to cope.
Even if the British Government were willing to help, by the time the Royal Navy arrived, it would only be able to help collect the dead.
¡°Revenge, what¡¯s the use of that?¡±
¡°With the Japanese Empire¡¯s resources, losing once means no chance of recovery. There will be no ¡®next time.¡¯ One can¡¯t expect the Holy Roman Empire to admit defeat and pay reparations to help them rebuild their navy, can they?¡±
¡
The Spaniards, who had just arrived at New Frankfurt Port, were currently holding a celebration banquet. After drifting at sea for so many days and finally docking, it was time to rx.
¡°Sir Witte, hasn¡¯t Governor Chandler arrived?¡±
Halfway through the banquet, Admiral Falkenhein, the fleetmander, realized that one important guest had not arrived.
As a foreign affairs officer, Sir Witte smiled and replied, ¡°I¡¯m very sorry. His Excellency the Governor had some urgent matters and couldn¡¯te. He asked me to convey his apologies.¡±
From his sincere smile, it was apparent that he was truly apologetic, but that was not what Admiral Falkenhein needed.
Spain wanted to defeat the Japanese and regain the Philippine Inds; they greatly needed the support of the Governor of Austrian Nanyang. Governor Chandler¡¯s absence indicated his reluctance to get further involved in the Japanese-Spanish war.
Although the two nations were allies, national interests still had to be spoken of. The Vienna Government fulfilling the treaty it had previously signed with Spain was already a considerable gesture of friendship.
For further support, it depended on what the Spanish Government was willing to offer. Unfortunately, Spain¡¯s resources were too limited to afford the price.
Otherwise, Spain would have long ago bought the support of European countries, persuading the Continental Alliance to pass a resolution demanding the Japanese to withdraw from the Philippine Inds.
Even if it were the British Government instead of the Japanese Government, it would have to think thrice before acting against a collective decision from the Continental Alliance.
In fact, Spain had opportunities. If they had joined the Anti-French Alliance before Russia entered the war, they could have exchanged that decision for full support.
Unfortunately, the Spanish Government¡¯s indecision cost them that chance, and they were a step behind Russia in entering the war, significantly lowering their leverage.
Though they obtained the position of a victorious nation and received some spoils of war, expecting the Holy Roman Empire to help regain the Philippine Inds was now evidently insufficient.
After a brief awkward moment, Admiral Falkenhein quickly recovered and politely responded, ¡°No problem, it¡¯s understandable that His Excellency the Governor is very busy. However, concerning the maintenance of the battleships, when can we begin?
Sir Witte, as you know, our fleet has traveled thousands of miles from our homnd, and we¡¯re about to engage in another major battle. The battleships urgently need maintenance.¡±
The fact that the fleet had traveled thousands of miles and only required ¡°maintenance¡± and not ¡°repair¡± proved the quality of the French battleships and also showcased the professionalism of the Spanish Navy.
Compared to the miserable Russian fleet of the original timeline, the Spaniards were much luckier.
¡°The repair yard is ready and could start at any moment. However, due to therge scale of your fleet, one repair yard might struggle toplete the maintenance quickly.
If you are in a hurry, I would personally rmend distributing the fleet among several yards for maintenance. With our technical capabilities, if split, it could be done in a week.¡±
Money on the table is money earned. Whether providing logistical support or performing naval maintenance, it¡¯s all paid for.
In dealing with clients, Sir Witte always offered warmth akin to the sun. As long as the customer could pay, he would do everything possible to meet their needs.
Regarding the oue of the war, it wasn¡¯t actually that important. If the Vienna Government wished, even if the Spanish Navy suffered aplete loss, they could immediately help them construct an even stronger fleet.
The enemy was the same. As long as the British were willing, no matter the losses sustained by the Japanese, recements could be arranged immediately.
In a sense, the key to deciding the oue of the Japanese-Spanish war wasn¡¯t on the battlefield anymore but depended on the maneuvers between great powers.
Admiral Falkenhein joyfully said, ¡°The sooner, the better. The people of the Philippines are waiting for us to rescue them!¡±
Even though he was unaware that Britain and Japan had already colluded, Admiral Falkenhein understood the rationale that ¡®the longer the night, the more dreams will ur.¡¯
The Philippine Inds were a treasure trove, not only coveted by the Japanese but nearly every Colonial Empire had fantasized about them.
For a short period, everyone had tacitly recognized the Philippine Inds as Spanish colonies, but due to political elements, it wasn¡¯t convenient for nations to make a move.
However, if the situation dragged on, things would be different. Once the internationalmunity believed Spain couldn¡¯t reim the Philippine Inds, their ownership ims would be lost.
With a change in ownership, the original political factors would vanish, and everyone could make their moves without reservation.
Especially the Anglo-Austrian countries, both powerful enough to take the Philippine Inds from the Japanese, were particrly concerning to Admiral Falkenhein.
Chapter 978 - 241: Losing Money Deal
Chapter 978: Chapter 241: Losing Money Deal
As the Allied Forces continued to withdraw, the public security in France deteriorated sharply. The newly empowered Paris Revolutionary Government clearlycked governance experience, and their measures wereughable at best.
For instance: the ¡°Economic Recovery Law,¡± the ¡°Employment Law,¡± the ¡°Social Assistance Law¡±¡
These measures seemed admirable, yet they overlooked feasibility. Whether it was economic recovery, employment boosts, or social assistance, all depended on one thing¡ªmoney.
Unfortunately, France was broke. The continental wars had not only bankrupted the French government, but had also severely weakened civilian financial groups who were powerless to provide funds to the Paris Government.
Printing money was someone¡¯s brilliant idea when there was none. Small denominations like 1 franc and 2 francs had long disappeared from history; since the sess of the Paris Revolution, zeros on the francs had only multiplied.
In this France where everyone was a billionaire, carrying a bag of money to buy bread was no longer newsworthy.
No matter how hard ordinary people tried, they couldn¡¯t keep up with the intion. As The Times described, the franc added a zero every month.
The economy had already copsed, but the Paris Revolutionary Government was still engaged in constant infighting. President Robert, the scapegoat, had long been ousted by the furious French popce, and now in charge was the seventeenth president of the French Republic¡ªPresident Batiste.
Changing governments every two months truly embodied the notion of ¡°everyone gets a turn to be emperor, next year it¡¯s my turn.¡± Put simply, any political faction with a modicum of power had produced a president.
s, the ultimate oue was always the same, no one in powersted long, let alone controlled the situation.
Holding a cigar, and after a puff of smoke, President Batiste asked, ¡°When can we expect assistance from the Continental Alliance?¡±
France was out of money, the only option left to escape the financial crisis was to seek international help. Unquestionably, the only yers left capable of providing support were from the Continental Alliance.
Although the British also had money, taking John Bull¡¯s money was like holding hot coals! The current dominator of Europe was the Holy Roman Empire; getting entangled with the British was akin to seeking death.
Foreign Minister Fernandes said regretfully, ¡°I am very sorry, Mr. President. The Continental Alliance has issued their ultimatum already, ordering us to determine the candidate for king within a month to restore the monarchy.
If we cannot meet their demands, not only will we lose international aid, but we may also face sanctions from the Alliance.
Just yesterday morning, the chairman of the Food Committee of the Holy Roman Empire, Chekhov, issued the Grain Export White Paper, reducing our nned grain import for the second half of the year by one million tons.¡±
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Theoretically, after giving up the Italian Area, France shouldn¡¯t havecked food. However, that was just in theory. Due to the war, French agricultural production had suffered devastating blows, and the nation had to rely on international imports.
Monopoly over the European grain trade by the Holy Roman Empire wasn¡¯t a recent development, and with the birth of the Continental Alliance, this monopoly had reached new heights.
As an upgraded version of the European Union, the Customs Union was naturally indispensable. American countries wishing to export agricultural products to France had to pay hefty tariffs.
If these tariffs were collected by the French government, there¡¯d be no issue. Unfortunately, as part of a debt repayment fund, France¡¯s right to impose tariffs had long fallen into the hands of the Anti-French Alliance.
Evading taxes was impossible. The Vienna Government kept a tight watch on the import of foreign agricultural products and industrial goods. Even if someone wanted to smuggle goods, they¡¯d have to take them from their own stock.
Under these circumstances, the reduction in grain exports by the Holy Roman Empire was undeniably a fatal blow to the Paris Government.
Once grain imports were insufficient, a severe famine could break out and devour the Paris Revolutionary Government in moments.
¡°Have all our efforts really been fruitless?¡±
With that, Batiste closed his eyes. The reality was stark; if several alliance countries had spoken for them, they wouldn¡¯t have ended up in such dire straits.
As a member of the Republicans, Batiste simply couldn¡¯tpromise on the restoration of the monarchy.
In fact, even if the Paris Revolutionary Government was willing topromise, results wouldn¡¯t emerge overnight.
Although it appeared that the Republicans held power, in reality, the Royalist Party was still the majority in the government. If not for the nearly equal strength and mutual checks of the Three Monarchical Parties, the Republicans wouldn¡¯t even matter.
Foreign Minister Fernandes waved his hand helplessly and said, ¡°It¡¯s all because of the Bonaparte Dynasty; they offended all European countries, making our current diplomatic efforts difficult to advance.
Changing this situation isn¡¯t something that can be done overnight. Unless the climax of a European revolution emerges again, otherwise¡¡±
The Bonaparte Dynasty had offended many countries, and the Paris Revolutionary Government had simrly managed to offend numerous states. Merely the term ¡°Revolutionary Party¡± was enough to provoke strong dissatisfaction.
Revolution was contagious, and the enthusiasm of the Continental Alliance to promote the restoration of France was essentially to curb the spread of revolutionary thoughts.
Batiste interjected, ¡°Stop, now is not the time to export revolutionary ideas. If we start exporting revolutionary thoughts, the Russians outside of Paris will immediatelye to kill us and send us to the guillotine!
It¡¯s not that I¡¯m scared, but currently, the monarchic feudal system is too powerful. We don¡¯t have the capacity to sh with them yet, and there¡¯s no need to make needless sacrifices.¡±
Prime Minister Michael warned, ¡°Mr. President is right, it¡¯s really not the time to face off against the enemy.
Right now, our most pressing issues are solving the refugee and unemployment crises. Especially the refugee crisis has be a malignancy threatening national security.¡±
Many local governments could no longer hold on. If we could not quicklye up with measures, they would direct the refugees toward Paris.
In fact, some ces had already started to do so. I took a tour around Paris and the actual situation was ten times worse than we had previously anticipated.
The relief food distributed by the government simply couldn¡¯t cover everyoneprehensively. Many ces were in chaos; within just one morning, I personally witnessed three robberies.
This was still Paris; the public order in other domestic regions could only be worse. If we could not think of a way to quickly restore order, I feared¡
The problem was right before our eyes, visible to everyone. Unfortunately, how to solve it left everyone dumbfounded. If it were easy to fix, France wouldn¡¯t be frequently changing governments.
¡
In the distance, a group of raggedly dressed people appeared on the horizon. Men, women, the elderly, and children alike; it was clear that this group resembling a ¡°beggar army¡± was fleeing hardship.
The leading middle-aged man, panting, said, ¡°Ahead is Paris; once we get there, we¡¯ll have bread to eat!¡±
¡°Really? They won¡¯t make us eat grass roots and tree bark again, will they?¡±
The youthful face of a teenager disyed a skeptical gaze, which embarrassed the middle-aged man greatly.
¡°Of course, it¡¯s true. This is Paris, our capital. The richest ce in all of France, we¡¯re bound to find something to eat!¡±
In reality, the middle-aged man had no confidence in his heart. Along the way, they had faced too many hardships, almost bing numb to them.
Local residents saw them as a cmity, and so-called local government relief provided merely a ck loaf of bread or a potato each day¡ªhardly enough for one meal, let alone a whole day.
For survival, they reluctantly fed on wild vegetables. Unfortunately, with the overwhelming numbers of refugees, wild vegetables were quickly consumed, leaving them tost on tree bark and grass roots.
Not wanting to sit and wait for death, the middle-aged man resolutely led his family towards Paris, theirst hope.
The family of the middle-aged man wasn¡¯t the first to head to Paris, nor would they be thest. Since the prime forces of the Anti-French Alliance had withdrawn, refugees had been flooding into Paris.
Outside the city of Paris, at themand center of the Russian Army, General Yevgeny suddenly let out a sigh.
¡°The number of refugees in Paris is increasing; I don¡¯t know if the French government can hold on.¡±
His concern for the French government didn¡¯t mean he favored France. In fact, General Yevgeny was a staunch anti-French figure.
The reason for this was that his father and brother had both met God during the battle in Crimea. National and personal grievances mixed together, prompting Yevgeny to join the stationed forces actively.
Rather than being concerned about the French government, it was more about the reparations the French government had to pay. Even though Russia would only receive a few million Divine Shields in the first year, this was still significant ie for the Tsarist Government.
The fundamental purpose of Russian forces stationed in France was to ensure the regr payment of reparations. If France fell into chaos, General Yevgeny would not be able toplete his mission.
¡°Commander Sir, you are worrying too much. If the French government can¡¯t endure, just let another take over. No matter who wins or loses, as long as they continue to pay the debt.
With this idle time, it would be better to think of ways to trade some specialties back to our country to make some spending money.
I think French mechanical equipment is pretty good. Seize the opportunity to confiscate a few factories and take their equipment back; it would definitely make a lot of money.
By then¡¡±
Before the middle-aged officer could finish his words, General Yevgeny interrupted, ¡°General Andrey, if your brain has waterlogged, go ahead and do it! This loss-making deal, don¡¯t involve me.
Trading mechanical equipment, it¡¯s impressive you could think of that. Do you not know that our domestic industrial standards are Austrian, who would buy French machinery if you brought it back?¡±
Industrial standards were a hard obstacle. It¡¯s one thing whether domestic engineers could operate French machinery, but key issues includedpatibility with the industrial chain.
Raw material specifications, spare parts recement, whether products met market standards¡ªthese were all considerations.
If French machinery were really brought back home, it would necessitate moving the entire industrial chain, which was clearly impossible.
Relocation, instation, and production startup would not only require time but also significant capital investment. The funds needed to change the national industrial chain would be enough to bankrupt the Tsarist Government a hundred times.
Being unable to relocate the industrial chain meant treating just some industrial equipment as nearly worthless as scrap metal. Taking machinery from Paris to sell as scrap in Russia would surely be a loss.
Of course, low-tech industries with lesser demands on the industrial chain could still do this, though these industries were generally saturated.
Capitalists wouldn¡¯t switch out machinery in their factories for cheaper plucked ones; this didn¡¯t align with their interests.
Chapter 979 - 242: Gunshots in Paris
Chapter 979: Chapter 242: Gunshots in Paris
While the Russian Army Command discussed ns for amassing wealth, the situation in Paris hadpletely fallen apart. Faced with a constant influx of refugees, the Revolutionary Government was proving to be very ineffective.
The old order was shattered, and as the new order was being established, this period happened to be when people¡¯s hearts were most in disarray. If the Paris Revolutionary Government had been strong enough, it could have taken swift and fierce measures to deter the public. Unfortunately, that was precisely what the Revolutionary Governmentcked.
There was no helping it; after all, the Revolutionary Government had not fought for power. It couldn¡¯t even be considered a coup! It appeared to be an armed takeover, but in reality, it was handed to them voluntarily by Napoleon IV.
Even the Revolutionary Army, which could hardly be called a cohesive force, was unable to hold together and was disbanded during the subsequent political struggle.
Officially, the army was under themand of the Central Government, but in reality, that was far from the case. Napoleon IV had actively fled, making arrangements before his evacuation, and the army¡¯s main officers had long been reced by those of the direct line.
With the fall of the Bonaparte Dynasty into exile, it was unclear how loyal these officers were to the Emperor, but they certainly held no fondness for the Revolutionary Government.
Under normal circumstances, the new government would slowly purge the Bonapartist elements from the military and rece them with their own allies.
Unfortunately, the Paris Revolutionary Government did not have that luxury of time, as the Anti-French Alliance had already pushed in right after they took power.
By the time the main force of the Allied Forces had withdrawn, the Revolutionary Government had a terrible reputation. There was no time left even to stabilize the military¡¯s morale, let alone to purge it.
Without military power in hand, the Revolutionary Government naturally could not assert itself. The weak government could neither deter the bureaucrats nor the capitalists.
The government¡¯s relief orders were rendered virtually meaningless at the local level, and even when they were reluctantly carried out, most of the resources were skimmed off. Coupled with the capitalists¡¯ predatory profiteering, the lives of ordinary people were unsustainable, not to mention those of the refugees.
Without a point ofparison, there would be no harm felt; although life before the Paris revolution was hard, it was still bearable ¨C at least having enough to eat was not an issue.
But after the revolution¡¯s sess, the situation took a drastic turn for the worse. Not only was the mighty French Empire gone, even securing enough food had be a problem.
With public support gone, the Revolutionary Party also began to split internally. The Radical faction, led by the Socialist Party, believed that the Paris Government was colluding with capitalists domestically and betraying France¡¯s interests internationally, having thus betrayed the revolution.
As the situation in Paris continued to deteriorate, the calls for a second revolution grew louder. More and more enlightened individuals realized that the Paris Revolutionary Government could not save France and wanted to overthrow the Paris Government to establish their own vision of an ¡°Ideal Nation.¡±
¡
Affected by the influx of refugees, Paris in the evening was the most terrifying, with theft, robbery, murder¡ various crimes continuously guing the city. Ordinary people, let alone police officers, dared not walk the streets alone.
In an effort to save on electricity costs, the City that Never Sleeps was now plunged into darkness. The night facilitated crime and also for¡
¡°Is everything ready?¡±
¡°Don¡¯t worry, two hundred volunteers are in position, and one hundred thirty-seven rifles and handguns have all been distributed. We¡¯re just waiting for themand from headquarters to attack the armory!¡±
¡°The more critical the moment, the more cautious we have to be. Lately, the reactionary government has not only expanded the police force but also added a Security Surveince Bureau specifically to eliminate dissenters.
If the news leaks out too early, it was all for naught. They¡¯ve never been soft on opponents.¡±
¡°Knock, knock, knock, knock, knock¡¡±
The knocking at the door interrupted their conversation. A young man casually called out, ¡°Who¡¯s there, making such a racket in the middle of the night?¡±
¡°Open up, it¡¯s an inspection!¡±
The two exchanged a nce, realizing the trouble that was imminent. If the police were so diligent, patrolling in the middle of the night, the security situation in Paris wouldn¡¯t have degraded to this extent.
¡°Checking what without sleeping for half the year? Do you have a search warrant from the court? Or are you trying to pretend to be the police andmit robbery?
I¡¯ve seen this trick too many times, and it¡¯s useless! If you¡¯re smart, you¡¯ll get lost quickly; otherwise, you¡¯ll taste how fierce a bullet can be!¡±
While speaking, the young man took out a gun and purposely made a sound as if chambering a round, the atmosphere suddenly bing tense.
The original knocking policeman had lost his temper and took two steps back to the leading police chief, suggesting, ¡°Chief, what do we do now? The people inside think we¡¯re robbers. Should we withdraw first ande back with a search warrant tomorrow?¡±
In France, the homeowner had the right to shoot and kill someone who trespassed into their private dwelling without legal authority, and even the police could not force entry into a private home without a court-issued search warrant.
Although things had changed since the Revolutionary Government took over, thew still specified this. While higher-ups might not hold them ountable, the staff on the ground were still very much affected by this.
After all, their lives were on the line; if the homeowner killed them, it would not be worth it.
The middle-aged police chief shook his head, ¡°That won¡¯t work. We¡¯ve received a tip-off that there¡¯s a meeting of Rebels in this area, and we must root them out.¡±
¡°To those inside, listen up, the police are capturing a serious criminal. Open the door immediately for inspection, or we¡¯ll force our way in!¡±
The two inside exchanged a nce, and the young man took out a gong from under the table, and while striking it, he shouted loudly, ¡°Robbers disguised as police are robbing us,e out and help!¡±
Normally, ordinary people would certainly want to avoid fully armed ¡°robbers,¡± but this was an extraordinary area.
@@novelbin@@
On the surface, it was a neighborhood inhabited by workers, but in reality, it was a secret stronghold of the Socialist Party, with young men responsible for making connections and the main force of the uprising.
The sound of gongs and drums was the agreed upon signal, regardless of whether the thieves outside were real or fake. In any case, the surrounding ¡°residents¡± all responded.
Clearly, the gongs and drums had enraged the police outside, and Chief James Ryan, who had not yet realized the danger, immediately ordered, ¡°Breach the door, and if anyone resists, shoot them on the spot!¡±
Human lives are the cheapestmodity in chaotic times. Things that couldn¡¯t be imagined in peaceful times became stress-free in such moments.
¡°Bang, bang-bang, bang-bang-bang¡¡±
As the police were ramming the door, gunshots also began to ring out continuously. In the darkness, the gasmps in the hands of the police became the best reference points, guiding the gunmen¡¯s aim.
Seeing people continually getting shot and falling, Chief James Ryan, who realized something was wrong, urgently roared, ¡°Turn out the lights, get down!¡±
Obviously, by the time he reacted, it was already toote. The call for uprising had been sounded prematurely, and now it was too much to hope for a stop. The dozen or so policemen who had stumbled into the vortex of the uprising became the first sacrifices.
Chaos is contagious, especially under the cover of night. No one knew the scale of the rebel army, which only intensified the panic.
As with all previous uprisings in Paris, in addition to those dissatisfied with the government who joined the rebel army willingly, many more joined in confusion.
Paris was in disarray. Shouts and screams filled the air, and in the homes of the wealthy, everyone except the children was fully armed.
If one observed closely, they would notice that even new weapons that the French Army had not yet managed to equip, such as the Mark machine guns and mortars, appeared in some of the nobility¡¯s homes.
It was only astonishing how powerful the nobility¡¯sworks were. The war in Europe had barely ended, and they had already obtained equipment from their former enemies.
If it weren¡¯t for the concern about the consequences, it¡¯s likely they could have managed to get their hands on armored vehicles too. After all, as soon as the Anti-French War ended, the Vienna Government had started a major sale of equipment. The difference was the transactions were with states, not individuals.
In the Presidential Pce, President Batiste was as agitated as an ant on a hot pan.
Since taking office, he had been incredibly busy, bending over backward for France. Despite his efforts, the situation continued to deteriorate, culminating in the current step.
Prime Minister Michael, who rushed over, didn¡¯t hesitate at all and said directly, ¡°Mr. President, the military refuses to deploy troops to suppress the rebellion. The situation is critical, and relying on the police alone is unlikely to solve the problem.
To get through this, we can only ask for help from the Russian Army outside the city.¡±
It was a tough decision. During the period when the Allied Forces governed France, there was no issue with them suppressing a rebellion.
Now that the power had been passed to the Paris Revolutionary Government, asking the Russians for help would mean ¡°inviting foreign troops to suppress domestic rebellion,¡± which was an entirely different matter.
Once done, the already infamous Paris Revolutionary Government would be even more reviled. The stigma of being a ¡°traitor to the nation¡± would likely never be shed.
¡°Alright, I¡¯ll call the Russians abroad immediately!¡±
In a crucial moment, President Batiste still showed decisive action. No matter how severe the consequences, one had to get through the present difficulty first.
If the rebel army became significant, others might not know their fate, but he, as the President of the Revolutionary Government, was certainly doomed.
¡
Chaos erupted within the City of Paris, and naturally, the Russian Army outside the city could not be kept in the dark. To maintain control of the situation in a timely manner, the Russian Army Command was still brightly lit at this time.
Including General Yevgeny, many Russian military leaders were watching the development of the situation, preparing to choose an appropriate point to intervene.
¡°Commander, a telegram from the Allied Command!¡±
Taking the telegram and reading it twice, General Yevgeny said helplessly, ¡°Alright, everyone can rest now. No matter how chaotic Paris is tonight, it has nothing to do with us.¡±
If he hadn¡¯t seen it with his own eyes, General Yevgeny would have had a hard time believing that the Allied Command had actually issued a non-intervention directive.
However, a military order was a military order. Since the Allied Command had issued the order, no matter how unreasonable, all they could do was obey.
Disobey?
General Yevgeny wasn¡¯t tired of living yet; he didn¡¯t want to step out and challenge the authority of the Allied Command, at least not until he had the support of the Tsarist Government.
Without further exnation, Yevgeny passed the telegram for everyone to read. Whether they understood or not, they had to execute the orders.
¡°Commander, a phone call from the French President.¡±
General Yevgeny frowned and said irritably, ¡°Tell President Batiste that I¡¯ve gone to sleep. I¡¯m not taking anyone¡¯s calls now, we can talk about it tomorrow.¡±
Without guessing, Yevgeny knew that the Frenchman¡¯s call was a plea for assistance.
He surmised that the situation in Paris had deteriorated to the extreme and that the Paris Revolutionary Government must rely on outside forces to stabilize the situation. While normally this would be a good opportunity to drive a hard bargain, it had nothing to do with him now.
Chapter 980 - 243: Prelude to the Restoration
Chapter 980: Chapter 243: Prelude to the Restoration
The chaos in Paris continued, and the victor was yet unknown, but Franz had already begun worrying about the selection of the new King of France.
The candidates would undoubtedlye from one of the three major royal houses, a point that was beyond question. Anyone else ascending to the throne simply wouldn¡¯tmand enough respect.
The first to be ruled out was the Bonaparte family. Despite having the most support within the military, who could ignore that Napoleon IV was the leader of the French resistance movement?
It turned out that passing the buck wasn¡¯t an easy task. Political slogans aren¡¯t to be shouted at random, and since Napoleon IV was unwilling to take on the responsibility of defeat and treason, he had no choice but to firmly hold on to the banner of ¡°internal purge of national traitors, external defense of sovereignty.¡±
To seek apromise, even if Napoleon IV was willing to switch his stance, the Anti-French Alliance wouldn¡¯t agree!
Despite the short rule of the Bonaparte Dynasty over France, aside from the short-lived Napoleon II who didn¡¯t stir up trouble, the remaining three emperors were all tricky characters.
The lessons of history were still fresh; nobody wanted another anti-French war. In this context, the troublesome Bonaparte Dynasty naturally became the first to be excluded.
The choices were reduced by a third, yet the difficulty in selection hadn¡¯t decreased in the slightest. Theoretically speaking, the Bourbon and Orleans Dynasties were pretty much the same. However, in reality, Franz had to support the legitimate imant, at least outwardly¡ªhis station demanded it.
If France were calm and a mere rubber stamp would stabilize the situation, Franz wouldn¡¯t need to fret, he could just randomly appoint someone and be done.
Unfortunately, the current French crown was a hot potato that no ordinary person could handle. If not a person of great talent and strategy, then at least one had to be a master of internal struggle.
History had not told Franz which of the two French Dynasties possessed such a capability. Both had been reduced to exile, it was likely that the ¡®Emperor of academics¡¯ had long vanished. Unless there were an innate prodigy self-taught in governance, the crown was simply unmanageable.
Setting aside status, in Franz¡¯s view, Napoleon IV was most suitable. Despite being a loser, he had a strong innate talent for internal struggle!
From grabbing power as soon as he took control, to suppressing domestic revolution, attacking internal interest groups, and skillfully absolving himself of me before the final defeat¡ªthese actions were sufficient proof of Napoleon IV¡¯s personal capabilities.
If the roles were reversed, Franz didn¡¯t think he could have performed any better. France¡¯s special circumstances had never given Napoleon IV the chance to establish his authority¡ªall political struggle relied on clever strategies.
Regrettably, the most capable person was precisely the most inappropriate candidate.
Europe was a world that valued legitimate session. Both the Bourbon and Orleans Dynasties seemed to have many members, but only a single digit had the right to the throne. Finding a ¡°qualified monarch¡± from this scant number was an extremely slim chance.
Had time been turned back twenty years, Franz could have backed Henry V from the Bourbon Dynasty. Yes, the one who gave up the throne over a ¡°piece of cloth.¡±
Not to mention other things, at the very least he was smart enough. A single test was all it took to know that the crown was a hot potato and he decisively chose to give up,
Unfortunately, this clever man had already met God. Even more tragically, he didn¡¯t leave any descendants. The closest bloodline to the Bourbons was the Spanish royal family.
This didn¡¯t mean that the Spanish royal family now had an opportunity. When the Spanish royal family restored its power, to obtain support from France, they had cut a deal with Napoleon III, voluntarily giving up their rights to the French crown.
Although the French Traditionalists imed that this was announced under coercion by the Bonaparte Dynasty and held no legal effect, other political factions didn¡¯t agree!
In the original timeline, with the situation tense, the Bourbon and Orleans Dynasties were both eager for restoration, leading to the two major political factionspromising and jointly supporting Henry V.
The current situation was different. It was clear to any intelligent observer that without the support of the Continental Alliance, the Revolutionaries who were most excited were doomed to fail. With the Bonaparte family ousted early, it left only these two vying for the throne.
The Orleans Faction insisted that the Spanish royal family had renounced its rights, and the other Bourbon imants were distant rtives, so they supported Philippe, Count of Paris from the Orleans Dynasty for the throne.
The matter of the right of session had confused the French themselves, and Franz was even more bewildered. Now the problem was: no suitable candidate was forting, not even those who had many supporters.
¡°Pressure the French from the Foreign Office to force the Royalist Party to reach apromise as soon as possible and choose a king. Otherwise, when the Revolutionary Party grows stronger, they¡¯ll have cause to weep.¡±
If no candidate was forting, then let the French freely y their hand. After all, things had reached this point; it couldn¡¯t get much worse.
Minister Weisenberg exined, ¡°Your Majesty, I fear the Royalist Party is not intimidated by the rise of the Revolutionary Party. They are already prepared, with no fewer than ten thousand Aristocratic Private Armies within the City of Paris.
Plus, as they control the army, even if all the Republican Armed Forcesbined, they would not be their match, not to mention that the Revolutionary Party is still in the midst of infighting.¡±
The real reason the Royalist Party was powerful was that the French popce was not yet prepared to ept a republic, the main reason being ¡°there is never a worst, only worse.¡±
Given the Paris Revolutionary Government¡¯s current poor performance, even if all the French were supporters of the Republicans, they¡¯d now be turning Royalist.
¡°The country isn¡¯t mine; once I¡¯ve made enough money, I¡¯ll leave, and after I¡¯m gone, let the floodse.¡±
In less than a year of ruling, the Revolutionary Government perfected the transformation from revolutionaries to bureaucrats. The worse things got, the more fiercely the bureaucrats looted, because they knew there would be no more chances if they did not make haste.
Wise members of the Republican Faction, driven to a second revolution, had been forced into a corner. The Paris Revolutionary Government had decayed, and the Royalist could restore power at any moment. It was toote for internal reforms; they had no choice but to rebuild from the ground up.
Remembering the performance of the French Royalist Party, Franz could only feel ¡°exhausted¡± now. They were like a bunch of pig teammates; did they really think the throne of France was easy to upy, that anyone could withstand the pressure?
The several million refugees outside were still desperately in need of aid, while the domestic economy was on the brink of copse. The whole of France was a powder keg, a single spark could set it aze.
If it weren¡¯t for the Anti-French Alliance holding arge number of prisoners of war, the mes of civil war would probably have risen already. Now a big group was still intent on ceaselessly fighting over the sessor.
¡°Hmph!¡±
After snorting coldly, Franz said fiercely, ¡°Tell them, by all means, we must establish a sessor within the year, or else they can all wait to starve!¡±
If it were another target, Franz wouldn¡¯t have resorted to this y. Threatening someone with food is like forcing them to be self-reliant or to find a new exporting country for grain, no matter how high the cost.
But France was different. If not for the war, they would have had enough food of their own. Even with their reduced territory, feeding the current poption would not be an issue.
This meant France was only a short-term client; regardless of whether their food security was threatened, they would eventually be self-sufficient with their food supply. Offending them was a given.
If the Royalist Party didn¡¯t get the hint, then it would be time to instigate a civil war within France, letting them fight until the skies turned dark, and thene in to clean up the aftermath.
¡
Not only Vienna was monitoring the situation in France; all the countries of Europe were closely watching the developments in Paris. The fact that the Allied Forces didn¡¯t intervene immediately was very surprising.
Even though nobody believed the French could turn the tides at this moment, if the Paris Revolutionary Government were to fall, and a new government failed to uphold the treaties, another storm would likely ensue.
London, Downing Street.
Unusually, amidst the turmoil in Paris, the British Government seemed exceptionally indifferent, as if it was none of their business.
In fact, it was true. Even if the British Government wanted to intervene now, they didn¡¯t know whom to support or who they could support.
To put it bluntly, even if they were willing to provide help, the French wouldn¡¯t dare to ept it. With the Allied Forces stationed just outside of Paris, anyone who colluded with the British would be the first to perish.
Not being able to intervene didn¡¯t mean ack of preparation, however. Napoleon IV¡¯s Exiled Government was currently the British Government¡¯s biggest chess piece. But this chess piece was a little too clever; simple deception wouldn¡¯t work.
It should be known, Napoleon IV also had the experience of a sessful restoration, having once sessfully quelled a major revolution. Were it not for the fact that the Allied Forces hadn¡¯t fully withdrawn, he would have returned long ago, and the Revolutionaries alone couldn¡¯t have stopped him.
Prime Minister dstone: ¡°The Bonaparte Dynasty shows no signs of acting, and Napoleon IV has more patience than we expected.
Now we must see if the Revolutionaries are up to the task. If a second revolution seeds and seriously weakens the domestic Royalist Party, then we might still have a chance.¡±
The Anti-French Alliance disliked the Bonaparte Dynasty, but they disliked The Republican Government even more. If the situation became unmanageable and the Bonaparte Dynasty had to be restored, they would have to hold their noses and ept it, just like they did with Napoleon III¡¯s restoration.
Once the Bonaparte Dynasty was restored, Britain would once again have a foothold on the European Continent. Although it couldn¡¯t y a role in the short term, nationalpetition isn¡¯t about overnight victories; it¡¯s about decades and even centuries of struggle.
¡°Prime Minister, I think it¡¯s best to put this matter aside for now. Vienna is pressuring the Royalist Party topromise and determine King candidates.
Though the French Royalist Party is split into three factions, they are united against the Republicans. If theypromise under Vienna¡¯s mediation, the Bonaparte Dynasty will lose its chance.
In this context, it¡¯s not suitable for me to jump the gun prematurely. If we misjudge, the already strained Anglo-French rtions could be utterly irreconcble.¡±
It wasn¡¯t overreacting on George¡¯s part. Mainly because France is the most likely, or rather, the only country on the European Continent that would oppose Austria.
As for the remaining countries, regardless of their strength, theyck the motive for opposition. Without hatred or significant conflicts of interest, who would bother to challenge the hegemon without reason?
Repairing Anglo-French rtions is almost the first step to Britain¡¯s return to Europe and the most important one. If they backed the wrong side in the session, they could forget about taking that first step for decades.
¡°The situation indeed needs meddling right now. Just because we cannot interfere openly doesn¡¯t mean we can¡¯t maneuver behind the scenes.
There are plenty of people in France unhappy with Vienna. Let¡¯s send someone to secretly contact them and invest in a selected few as a side move.
As long as the seeds of hatred are sown, they will eventually take root and sprout. Perhaps at some point, they will y a crucial role.¡±
Deep down, dstone didn¡¯t want to go through all this trouble either. But there was no choice; Britain needed to protect itself.
@@novelbin@@
Watching the Holy Roman Empire thrive while The Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets had its difficult days, withoutying the groundwork, Britain might witness its own sunset.
Although this trouble might fall to the next officeholder or even the one after, as apetent Prime Minister, dstone still hoped to extend Britain¡¯s hegemonic status for a little longer.
Chapter 981 - 244, The Guillotine Revisited
Chapter 981: Chapter 244, The Guillotine Revisited
The most distinctive feature of the French Revolution was its speed. Once an uprising began, it either seeded immediately or failed just as swiftly; there was never a protracted battle.
This time was no exception. Just as the countries of Europe received the news, the striking Second Revolution came to an end.
Without any surprises, the discredited Paris Revolutionary Government stepped off the stage of history, and the Radical faction seized power.
As the leader of this revolution, Daniel was now full of pride, directing affairs. He indeed had reason to be proud as he had taken control of the might of a country before even reaching the age of thirty.
¡°Mr. Daniel, we¡¯ve captured the traitor Robert. When do you n to execute him?¡±
A tree falls and the monkeys scatter. With the copse of the Paris Revolutionary Government, politicians who sensed danger had long since vanished. In this regard, the Revolutionaries were professionals, all except for the unfortunateter¡ªRobert.
As the scapegoat put forward by everyone, Robert¡¯s sole aplishment during his presidency was to sign the armistice treaty in Vienna.
As soon as the treaty came into effect, the political life of this unlucky president was over. Labeled a traitor and having lost his presidency, Robert naturally found himself shunned and out of the loop with information.
As it turns out, all the high-ranking government officials had sessfully fled, leaving only him, thest to realize the danger, in the hands of the new government.
¡°Andrew, there¡¯s no need to rush. He¡¯s in our hands and can¡¯t escape.
Regardless, Robert was once the President of France, a founding revolutionary who overthrew the Bonaparte Dynasty. We must ord him the necessary respect.
First, send someone to guard him strictly and make sure no idents happen. After the public trial, we can send him on his way.¡±
While others may not know why Robert, a revolutionary founding father, suddenly became a traitor, Daniel, as one of the participants, knew perfectly well.
But knowing was one thing; the killing still had to be done. Having learned from the failures of past revolutions, Daniel concluded that a revolution must be bloody.
Without bloodshed, it was not possible to quell public anger; without bloodshed, it was not possible to deter the hearts of the people. Robert, a big name whose reputation was tarnished, was just the right person to establish authority.
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Killing is the same, but the manner in producing different effects can be very different. Simply killing Robert would certainly satisfy the Radical faction, but it wouldn¡¯t dismay the public.
The situation in Paris was extremelyplicated, and as the leader of the Second Revolution, Daniel was well aware of what the Revolutionary Army was made of. If he couldn¡¯t dismay the nobility within the city, the nascent Second Revolutionary government could be overthrown at any moment.
In fact, the former president Robert was still somewhat of a lightweight; the final figures to be made examples of would still have to be a few of the high nobles.
However, Daniel could only dream of such actions. Not to mention whether the Russian Army stationed outside the city would interfere, the private armies of the nobility themselves posed a tough bone to chew.
If a battle truly broke out, he might not seed in making a statement and instead bury himself first.
¡
March 11, 1893, was a day of gentle breezes and beautiful sunshine, with golden light spilling across the earth, touching the newly sprouted grass, and filling the entire world with vitality.
At Versailles Square, the ce was already bustling with noise. The French popce, who had rushed in from all directions, were anxiously awaiting the execution of the traitor¡ªformer, former¡ President Robert.
Looking at the scene before him, General Yevgeny, who was there to watch the excitement, shook his head and thought to himself, ¡°The guillotine has been set up already, but I wonder if it¡¯s the same one that executed Louis XVI. Too much time has passed, and there has been a restoration in between; it¡¯s likely not the same one.¡±
A president is different from a monarch, and during the era of monarchs, such a position was not well-regarded to begin with. No matter how the French kill him, the internationalmunity will not have any objections, so General Yevgeny naturally didn¡¯t mind watching the show.
As the creaking sound of cartwheels rose, all eyes converged in that direction. The prepared French Soldiers quickly took action, forcibly clearing a path through the crowd for the prison cart to pass.
There were no rotten vegetables or stinking eggs, of course. The French people were so starved they were almost reduced to eating dirt; how could they afford to waste precious food on a ¡°traitor¡± about to be sent to the guillotine?
Without rotten vegetables or stinking eggs, Robert still couldn¡¯t dodge the attack of hidden weapons. A group of unruly civilians had prepared their ¡°hidden weapons¡± to throw.
Due to the distance, General Yevgeny couldn¡¯t see clearly what exactly was thrown, but it certainly wasn¡¯t anything good.
Whether it was deliberate or just poor aim, as the main character, Robert wasn¡¯t hit many times. Instead, it was the civilians and soldiers on either side who were more unlucky.
If it weren¡¯t for the escorting officers giving orders to stop it in time, a ¡°civil war¡± among the onlooking civilians might have erupted.
As the highestmander of the Allied Forces stationed in Paris, General Yevgeny naturally knew what was going on. Paris hadn¡¯t been peaceful recently; after the second revolution seeded, the new government immediately undertook arge purge of Paris.
Every day countless people were executed, whether for crimes, political reasons, or simply bad luck, creating a very tense atmosphere in Paris.
Sometimes Yevgeny even wondered if the new government was deliberately using political struggles to reduce the poption to ovee the food crisis.
This wasn¡¯t a baseless suspicion. Although the war had ended, the flow of food into France was still not abundant. Especially after the Vienna Government cut down on food exports to France, the food crisis in Paris became even more severe.
Preliminary estimates suggested that in 1893, France¡¯s food gap would reach 6 million tons, and through imports and smuggling, about 3.2 million tons could be resolved, with 2.8 million tons still unmet.
In theory, this shortage of food wasn¡¯t insurmountable. If everyone tightened their belts, for instance, reducing livestock and pets and stopping extravagant waste, the crisis could almost be weathered.
However, reality was incredibly harsh. The rich continued to feast in luxury, worsening the food crisis, while the starving were only the lower-ss citizens.
Right now, the only way for the French Government to get through the crisis, apart from making nobles, farm owners, and capitalists hand over their surplus food, was to reduce the poption.
Yevgeny had to admit he was thinking too darkly. ording to the current situation in France, if they really relied on reducing the poption to survive the crisis, it wouldn¡¯t be just tens or hundreds of thousands dying, but rather millions.
Had the crisis not been so serious, the French Government probably wouldn¡¯t have resorted to such extreme internal purges. It seemed like a way to eliminate opponents, but in fact, it was more about struggling through the crisis.
At least in Paris, the hoarding grain merchants were ¡°snipped¡±, and the confiscated food was used to aid refugees.
Compared to the previous Revolutionary Government, the current French Government was evidently doing a much better job. Through a series of measures, they rapidly restored order in Paris.
Throughout the entire execution process, President Robert had not opened his mouth from start to finish, much to the disappointment of General Yevgeny, who had wanted to enjoy the spectacle.
Clearly, it was a performance. As for the poor wretch, Robert, who was sent to the Guillotine, he had been tampered with and didn¡¯t even have the chance to cry injustice.
Yevgeny lowered his binocrs, ¡°Let¡¯s go, Andrew. There¡¯s no spectacle to see now!¡±
Major General Andrew shook his head by his side, ¡°Commander, to be precise, there is a spectacle, but we can¡¯t see it anymore.
The New French Government has yed such a big game, the nobility of France will probably have trouble sleeping tonight. If this continues unchecked, it¡¯s quite possible the de will fall on them one day.
You must remember, there is a precedent for this. The French Revolutionary Party has chopped off a king¡¯s head and killed no small number of nobility. Now, they can¡¯t help but make associations with this scene.
Next, it will be interesting to watch their struggle; it¡¯s a pity the Allied Forces prohibit our intervention, otherwise, there wouldn¡¯t be this much mess now, making things difficult for us¡¡±
Yevgeny interrupted, ¡°Enough, Andrew! These issues are for the politicians to worry about. You and I are both military men and shouldn¡¯t get overly involved.
Moreover, Mister Dagnell is not a simple character. Being able to restore order in such a short time and temporarily intimdating the nobles within the city, he¡¯s definitely a tough opponent. Had we actually sent troops to intervene, it wouldn¡¯t have been easy.¡±
Defeating the Revolutionary Army would be easy, but the question was what to do afterwards.
General Yevgeny was not one to boast¡ªif the Russian Army were to really sweep through the City of Paris, the French would not only worry about their current food problems but also have to consider whether they needed to move their capital.
To maintain Russian Army discipline, General Yevgeny had been working hard since his appointment. For example, he vigorously developed the smuggling side business. The money earned not only increased officers¡¯ ies but also subsidized the soldiers¡¯ rations.
That was the Tsarist Government¡¯s fault; logistics support was the same as for domestic Russian troops, so what would the ¡°Paris Russian military officers and soldiers,¡± ustomed to grand scenes, think?
Surely, as the military of the victor nations, they couldn¡¯t be treated worse than the defeated French Soldiers, could they?
Despite the dissatisfaction, the loyalty of the grey beasts was beyond doubt. As long as their bellies were filled, there would unlikely be major problems.
It didn¡¯t matter if they couldn¡¯t get rich off their military pay; Russian military personnel were best at making their own living. Paris was still wealthy even after the turmoil, and it was easy to collect benefits¡
The Allied Command forbade Russian intervention, not only to pressure the French nobility but also out of fear that once the Russians entered the city, they would lose control and turn Paris into a hell on earth.
If it ever reached that point, talk of war reparations would be the least concern; nobody knew when the situation in France could be stabilized.
Every coin has two sides, though. Despite being unwieldy to use, the Russian Army had a great deterrent power.
It was a clear message to the French: you have a huge time bomb ced beside you, and with a simple press of a remote control, Paris could be rubble.
As for the consequences?
At worst, the war reparations wouldn¡¯t be collected, and the Allied Forces stationed in France would suffer heavy losses. This could scare most of the countries in the Anti-French Alliance, but not the mastermind behind it all¡ªEmperor Franz.
Just get through these few years of economic difficulties, and the war reparations would be neither here nor there for the Holy Roman Empire; as for the losses of the Allied Forces, they were not his troops, so he had no reason to feel the pinch.
The guillotine hadn¡¯t fallen because having this ¡°Sword of Damocles¡± overhead was more beneficial than detrimental to the Holy Roman Empire.
Not only could it use the Allied Forces to limit French development, but it could also use the interests of France to unite the countries of the Anti-French Alliance, solidifying Shinra¡¯s position in the Continental Alliance, while simultaneously bolstering Russia¡¯s confidence to advance into India.
¡
The Paris Presidential Mansion was transformed from the Prime Minister¡¯s Residence of France, and it¡¯s unknown if it¡¯s cursed, but anyone who moved in seemed to say goodbye to peaceful days.
Of the seventeen consecutive French presidents, not a single one managed to stay for a month, with the most unfortunate one going straight to the Guillotine.
The arrival of Dagnell broke this record; it was now his 34th day of residence. However, what the final oue would be remained an unknown.
Puffing on a cigar of unknown origin, President Dagnell looked at his trusted aides and asked, ¡°Buck, what is the reaction of those noble lords now?¡±
¡°The nobles are intensifying theirmunication, and the high echelons of the Orthodox, Orleans, and Bonaparte factions have secretly held meetings. Our people¡¯s status was not enough, so they couldn¡¯t learn the contents of their discussions.
From the current situation, it appears they have not yete to an agreement, otherwise it wouldn¡¯t be this quiet.¡±
The sess of the Second Revolution had still not changed the control of the military by the nobility. Once the Three Monarchical Parties reached a consensus, Paris could change hands at any moment.
Dagnell nodded, ¡°Notify our people not to provoke these noble lords for now. As long as they don¡¯t make a move, we also shouldn¡¯t rush.
The most important thing now is to intensify our infiltration of the military. Without control over the military, our revolutionary cause will not be secure for a day.
Also, don¡¯t forget to gather the prisoners of war released by the Allied Forces. Don¡¯t judge these people for being defeated and captured; it was not their fault.
Once they are armed again, they will still be the most capable militaries of France. The current regr forces in the country were all second or third-tier units, and simply can¡¯t match these elites.¡±
People are good at learning. Having the example of the previous Paris Revolutionary Government, Dagnell was aware of the importance of the military early on.
¡°Military personnel do not interfere in politics and should remain neutral in domestic political struggles.¡± Such nonsense, Dagnell never believed in it.
Without control over the national military and a private army, would the Three Monarchical Parties be in their current position?
Once the Royalist Party reached a consensus internally, the supposedly neutral French Military would immediately tear off its disguise and support the enthronement of a new King for restoration.
With the example of Napoleon III, the Royalist Party only needed to replicate the process. Even now, they wouldn¡¯t need to go through so much trouble; the united Royalist Parties were far stronger than Napoleon III back then; a simple coup could achieve their goals in one step.
Chapter 982 - 245: The Fisherman with a Covetous Gaze
Chapter 982: Chapter 245: The Fisherman with a Covetous Gaze
¡°Fire!¡±
¡°Change formation!¡±
¡
A great naval battle that caught the attention of the world unfolded in the Philippine Sea. The dense smoke rose, clearly visible even from dozens of miles away.
With a booming st, the ¡°Naniwa¡± unfortunately became the first victim, and the sound of gushing water began at the stern, signaling the start of its sinking.
An officermented, ¡°Captain, the ship is severely damaged, it¡¯s beyond salvation, we¡¯re going to sink!¡±
The ¡°Naniwa,¡± struck by the main guns of the enemy battleships as soon as it entered the battle and cursed by ill fortune, was inevitably doomed. As a thinly-armored cruiser, ¡°Naniwa¡± had obviously taken on a burden it was not meant to bear.
As Captain Togo Heihachiro found himself almost in tears, who would have known that the Spaniards, instead of attacking the battleships, would bully their ¡°little bean¡±?
¡°Shut up, order the troops to keep firing for me. As long as the ship hasn¡¯t sunk, the shelling cannot stop!¡±
The severely damaged warship couldn¡¯t withstand much, and the more it insisted on firing, the faster it sank.
Togo Heihachiro was well aware of this simple fact. However, there was no choice, being on the battlefield and considering the position of the ¡°Naniwa,¡± even a retreat would be toote.
Since ¡°Naniwa¡± was doomed anyway, it was better to fire a few shots in the hope of possibly taking down an enemy vessel with it.
As for cutting losses and abandoning ship to escape, such actions weremon in European nations, but not feasible in Japan.
The honor of the military decreed that they could not do so; if they abandoned ship now, they wouldn¡¯t be able to lift their heads for the rest of their lives.
The officers and soldiers of ¡°Naniwa¡± chose to fight to the end. However, General Ito Yohiro, themander of the entire fleet, couldn¡¯t just stand by and watch. The navy was not like the army; they couldn¡¯t just get as many soldiers as they wanted at any time. Training a qualified naval soldier was very expensive.
¡°Naniwa¡± was already destined to be lost, but the hundreds of officers and sailors aboard couldn¡¯t simply be forsaken.
Now they were in a decisive battle with the Spaniards, and it was unknown how many more ships might sink thereafter. If they all went down with their ships, it was uncertain how many would remain in the Japanese Navy after this battle.
¡°Send orders down, any ship that is severely damaged and beyond saving must abandon ship and escape. Order Togo Heihachiro to execute themand immediately.¡±
This minor episode didn¡¯t affect the unfolding decisive battle. The oue of the war still depended on the main fleet¡¯s sh: lightly-armored cruisers raiding the enemy only contributed to their list of achievements.
The sinking of the ¡°Naniwa¡± was not the end but rather a beginning. Soon, the ¡°Fuso¡± followed in its wake, starting its own sinking prelude.
Ito Yohiro watched helplessly as all of this happened. If possible, he too didn¡¯t want to do this. But reality was cruel; the Japanese only had two pre-dreadnoughts while the enemy had three.
There was no choice. To save time, the Japanese Government had to buy the British Far East Fleet, which was invincible in the Far Eastern region but essentially second-rate.
The most advanced warships were upied by the home fleet, leaving the Far Eastern Fleet with older vessels, including just two pre-dreadnoughts.
Facing British ships from a decade ago against French new-generation warships that had been in service only three or four years, there was an obvious gap in performance. Add to that the Japanese Navy¡¯s recent acquisition of these ships and its forced rush to battle, making its operations less than proficient, exacerbated their disadvantages.
The current advantage of the Japanese Navy was concentrated on numbers. With their original fleet plus the purchased British Far East Fleet, both in terms of the number of ships and total tonnage, they far exceeded the Spanish expeditionary fleet.
¡°If quality isn¡¯t enough, make up with quantity.¡±
The principle of ants overpowering an elephant was equally applicable on the sea, albeit at a considerable cost.
That was now being proven: the ordinary warships sent to entangle the Spanish main fleet were currently enacting the most tragic scene.
The booming of the artillery fire continued. Regardless of the brutality on the battlefield, not a single Japanese warship chose to retreat, while several Spanish warships withdrew frombat after being damaged.
On the observation ship in the distance, Governor Chandler, who was at the forefront, watched the battlefield through binocrs, with a clerk beside him continuously recording everything on paper.
A simr situation was urring not far away. Everything happening on the battlefield was valuable experience, crucial to the Holy Roman Empire Navy thatcked navalbat experience.
Navy-trained Governor Chandler had long recognized this point. Now, the Shinra Navy¡¯s observation ships were deployed in every direction on the battlefield, with hundreds of officers gathering data from various angles.
If one observed carefully, they could also notice dozens of airships overhead, looking down from mere hundred-meter altitudes. If not for the loud cannon fire, one might even hear the ¡°click¡± of the cameras.
These actions, which seemed to ignore both warring parties below, naturally elicited discontent from the Japanese and Spanish navies, who then unanimously decided to ignore these nuisances.
¡°Your Excellency, it¡¯s time to dine.¡±
The attendant¡¯s voice brought the absorbed Governor Chandler back from his ¡°hobby.¡± There was no doubt that collecting data was not part of his job, and leaving the governor¡¯s mansion to join the buzz was clearly beyond his work scope.
However, Austrian Nanyang was always calm, with no serious threats present and no opportunities for expansion, so the governor¡¯s work was minimal anyway.
Taking some time to patrol the maritime domain was justifiable. As for whether the Philippine Sea counted as part of the Holy Roman Empire¡¯s sphere of influence, as long as Governor Chandler said it did, it did.
Simply nting a g on an uninhabited islet or rock, marking the territory with a ship, was considered enough.
If anyone objected, they could discuss it with the Holy Roman Foreign Department or have friendly consultations with the Shinra Navy.
Checking his watch, Chandler nodded. ¡°Indeed, it¡¯s time. Let¡¯s dine then! Have theds take turns eating; every scene from the battlefield must be recorded.¡±
Naval battle experience umtes just like this, even if it¡¯s not as effective as personal battlefield experience, valuable lessons can still be learned through observation.
A bearded officer in his fifties or sixties jokingly said from not far away, ¡°Has our great Governor be forgetful with age, even forgetting about the rota system?¡±
¡°Enough, Ares. Don¡¯t forget you¡¯re one day older than I am. If anyone¡¯s memory should be fading due to old age, it would be you first.¡±
¡°Not one day older, but fifteen minutes! You even got that wrong, which really shows your memory is declining.
Makes sense, I guess. After all, I travel around the whole world, unlike you who stay nestled in a gentle nest surrounded by a bunch of sycophants all day. No wonder your memory is declining faster.¡±
¡°It¡¯s a new day after midnight, so stop your quibbling. And which eye of yours saw me in such a cozy spot? Everyone knows I detest those who curry favor, and I wonder who sent you here.¡±
¡°Idiot, it was obviously me who made the decision. Could it be that serving as Governor for so long has muddled your understanding of the naval hierarchy¡¡±
¡
The quarrel between the two was nothing new to those around them. Childhood friends andrades-in-arms, who had both risen to high ranks, they were a legend within the Holy Roman Empire.
It¡¯s just that the two main characters of the ¡°legend¡± seemed inherently at odds. When at home, good manners dictated by their nobility had prevented any conflicts; overseas, with fewer inhibitions, their true colors would show, and they¡¯d bicker whenever they met.
As much as they squabbled, it didn¡¯t affect their rtionship. Any attempt to mediate between them would assuredly lead to a joint berating by both.
¡°Forget all that pointless talk. Have you noticed the performance of the Japanese Navy waspletely prized? Some of the warships performed excellently, while others seemed to be floundering.¡±
Governor Chandler smiled slightly, ¡°That¡¯s because you¡¯re not aware of the situation. You need to know that just half a year ago, the total tonnage of the Japanese Navy was barely over thirty thousand tons; now it has suddenly ballooned to nearly a hundred thousand tons.
The process of modernizing the Japanese Navy has taken less than twenty years from its inception, and where can they find so many qualified officers in such a short time?
To get this massive fleet operational, the Japanese Government has not only called up retired naval personnel but also deployed teachers and students from naval academies, and it¡¯s said they¡¯ve even conscripted some sailors from the civilian poption.
Do you think Ito Yohiro is foolish for daring to take such a fleet into a decisive battle?¡±
Ares shook his head, ¡°On the contrary, I think Ito Yohiro¡¯s decision is very smart. In peacetime, one could train their soldiers before considering engaging the enemy.
The current situation is very clear, the Spaniards have already arrived, leaving no time to train troops.
If they avoid battle now, not only will it put the army on the inds in a passive position, but the morale of the Japanese Navy, which has been hard to build up, would also bepletely lost overnight.
With the quantity of their warships, the Spaniards can¡¯t swallow them all at once. The recently conscripted officers and sailors might not be qualified, but most still have a naval background. The biggest issue now is unfamiliarity with their ships. After fighting one battle, they¡¯ll be ustomed to them, which is far more effective than half a year of training.
Just look at the battlefield the Japanese chose¡ªit¡¯s only forty nautical miles from L¨¹zon Ind. Even if they lose, they can withdraw their main forces.
The situation is quite favorable now. Although the Japanese losses were somewhat bigger, the Spaniards also suffered significantly. Don¡¯t be deceived by the lower number of ships they lost; many were damaged.
After one battle, most of the Spanish warships will need repairs, and it will be hard for them to regainbat readiness in the next two months.
If it weren¡¯t for our help, even if they had won a battle, the Spaniards would still be at risk of losing the war due to an inability to maintain their ships.
As for the final oue, it¡¯s undecided; it mainly depends on what the home government wants, as well as how much support the British will provide to the Japanese Government.¡±
¡°Your analysis is correct. One side has embarked on a long expedition, and the other fights close to home¡ªtime is on the side of the Japanese.
The Philippine Inds are richer than many imagine. Since the 16th century, this has been a transit hub for trade, with tens of thousands of tons of silver, thousands of tons of gold, as well as spices, tea, silks, and porcin flowing into Europe from here.
Besides that, the resources of the Philippine Inds themselves are very rich, whether it¡¯s agricultural or gold and silver mines, theyck nothing. In terms of value, it won¡¯t be much less than the entire Governor of Southeast Asia.
Spain has operated here for over three hundred years; their bureaucrats have taken root for that long. Apart from a portion that was sent back to Europe, the rest remained here.
@@novelbin@@
The Japanese have made a killing this time, otherwise, they wouldn¡¯t have had the money to purchase warships from the British. Let¡¯s set aside the directly plundered wealth for now; the Japanese Government itself isn¡¯t clear about it.
Just consider the visible gains. By upying the Philippine Inds, Japan¡¯s domestic food crisis is resolved, and the shortages of coal and ores like copper and iron have also been resolved.
With just these resources, Japan could save tens of millions of Divine Shields in foreign exchange expenses annually. If managed well, the revenue from the Philippine Inds alone could catch up to half of Japan¡¯s fiscal ie.
In a sense, the Japanese are now using Spanish money to fight Spain.
Given the Spanish Government¡¯s poor financial situation and their corrupt bureaucratic system, if the war continues this fiercely, it is likely the Spaniards who will falter first.¡±
Even Governor Chandler couldn¡¯t help but salivate while discussing. It¡¯s inevitable, the riches of the Philippine Inds were simply too tempting¡ªaside from the Dutch-controlled Java Ind, there was no ce in Southeast Asia topare.
As a qualified colonist, it was impossible not to be moved by such wealth. It was clear from the analysis that even the resources of the Philippine Inds were well understood¡ªthere was clearly preparation.
Before, when they were under Spanish control, due to political influence, Governor Chandler could not act. But now, a glimmer of opportunity had emerged.
As long as the Spaniards were defeated, and renounced their im to the Philippine Inds, the Governor of Southeast Asia would have the chance to gain them. After all, seizing from the Japanesees without political pressure.
Not only was this Governor Chandler¡¯s hope, but all colonists in the Governor of Southeast Asia were anxiously waiting for this to happen.
If not for the orders from the Vienna Government, the Spaniards would struggle even to secure repair docks, let alone receive supplies and logistics support.
Chapter 983 - 246, All Winners VS No Winners
Chapter 983: Chapter 246, All Winners VS No Winners
As time ticked by second by second, the war grew fiercer, and Admiral Falkenhein¡¯s smile had long vanished, reced by a deeply furrowed brow of worry.
The battle hadmenced at ten in the morning and hadsted until five in the afternoon; being hungry was one thing, but the key issue was that the enemy refused to retreat despite heavy losses.
Because of their inadequate training and poor uracy, the Japanese continually closed the distance during the battle, attempting to engage in close-quartersbat.
When their ships were severely damaged, the first reaction of the Japanese was not to leave the battlefield but to elerate forward, attempting to collide and perish together.
The Japanese were mad, while the officers and soldiers of the Spanish Fleet were still rational. After their ships were severely damaged, they chose to withdraw from the battlefield immediately.
Logically speaking, these severely damaged ships should no longer have posed a threat, yet the Japanese pursued them relentlessly.
The main fleet was too busy for a decisive battle and couldn¡¯t spare the effort to strike a fallen enemy, but the Sailing Warships staying in the rear could.
Once the Spanish warships withdrew from the battlefield, the Japanese Sailing Fleet swarmed in. The cannons of the Sailing Warships were originally limited in power and could not threaten Irond ships, but this didn¡¯t include the damaged ones.
The Japanese were willing to sacrifice lives and a few Sailing Warships, which invariably took down at least one severely damaged Irond ship.
Aside from these regr attacks, the Japanese Navy also had suicide attack ships loaded with explosives that would detonate upon rushing forward, forcing the Spaniards to divert their firepower to handle these smaller vessels.
This tactic of trading lives for lives was a unique invention of the Japanese Navy; such tactics had neither been encountered nor even heard of before.
Facing such a group of madmen would give anyone a headache. Admiral Falkenhein was no exception. The initial disdain hadpletely evaporated, leaving only deep apprehension.
¡°Report: the Battleship ¡®Madrid¡¯ has been hit, the hull is leaking, and repairs are underway. Major General Alfondas has died in action; now Colonel Winterger is taking over themand!¡±
Another piece of bad news arrived, and Falkenhein¡¯s heart sank, yet his expression remained indifferent as he said, ¡°Understood!¡±
At this point, the battle was a test of resilience. The Spanish Fleet had suffered heavy losses, but the losses of the opposing Japanese Fleet were even more severe.
The gap in the quality of the ships and the caliber of the soldiers was vast, relying merely on numbers meant that the bloodshed was inevitable.
For the Spanish Fleet, the most crucial task now was to crush the enemy¡¯s frenzy; otherwise, the rest of the war would be a disaster.
¡
A loud ¡°boom¡± resounded, and the ¡®Tokyo,¡¯ having been unfortunately struck, violently shook. General Ito Yohiro fell to the ground whilemanding the battle.
Ignoring the pain from the fall, Ito Yohiro urgently ordered, ¡°Quick, get people to repair the ship!¡±
Soon, a young officer, panicked, ran over: ¡°Commander, the ¡®Tokyo¡¯ is severely damaged; it must be pulled back to the shipyard for repairs immediately, or it will be in grave danger.¡±
There was no choice, the British-built ships with their thin hulls were not built tost. They suffered severe damage after just a few hits. In contrast, the ships built by the French were much more resilient.
Of course, this was directly rted to the construction time. The ¡°Tokyo¡± was born more than a decade earlier than its counterpart, the ¡°Madrid.¡± If its performance had not surpassed that of the ¡°Madrid,¡± the French would not have had the capability to challenge Britannia¡¯s naval supremacy back then.
Receiving this bad news, General Ito Yohiro, who was usually calm andposed, could no longer contain his agitation. He could ept the sinking of other warships, but the ¡°Tokyo¡± was different¡ªit was not only the gship of the Japanese Navy but also one of their only two Pre-Dreadnoughts.
Affected by the butterfly effect, the development of the navy had elerated by more than a decade, but the old power countries benefitted the most. For emerging nations like Japan, the gap had only widened.
Finally, they had managed to purchase two second-hand Pre-Dreadnoughts from the British. If these were now lost, recing them would be difficult.
¡°Pull it back, do you mean to say that the Tokyo¡¯s propulsion system is damaged and it cannot sail back on its own?¡±
The young officer exined, ¡°Yes, from the start of the battle until now, the Tokyo has been hit by the enemy seven times; its propulsion system has copsed.¡±
Looking at the battlefield, Ito Yohiro shook his head, ¡°The Tokyo can¡¯t retreat now, nor can it be towed. Unless we hold out until dark, the enemy will not let us leave.¡±
The choice of this battlefield was due to its proximity to the port, facilitating a quick escape in case of defeat. Unfortunately, ns did not adapt quickly enough, and the desperate Japanese fleet unexpectedly matched the enemy blow for blow.
¡°Severe casualties,¡± for Ito Yohiro, were not a problem. As long as they could win this war, any loss would be worth enduring.
You must understand, this war was not just about fighting; it was also about making a statement to the major powers.
Observers from more than ten countries, including the Holy Roman Empire, Anglo-American, Russia, Nethends, Belgium, and Qing, were stationed in ships far away. At this moment, the performance of the Japanese Navy would directly influence these countries¡¯ future stance toward them.
Otherwise, why would Ito Yohiro bother to amass such a force to sh fiercely with the Spaniards? Allowing some of the Spanish Army tond and contribute would¡¯ve been easier, wouldn¡¯t it?
From the beginning, Ito Yohiro¡¯s aim was to leave an impression of daring and madness among the nations, only by doing so could he deter the major powers and dispel their covetous gaze toward the Philippine Inds.
Otherwise, with Japan¡¯s current strength, even if they defeated the Spaniards, they could not secure the Philippine Inds.
The effect was indeed very clear. Governor Chandler, who was observing the battle, had already decided to revise his strategy for seizing the Philippine Inds. Before securing support from his homnd, he was not prepared to let the Southeast Asian Fleet take risks.
The British, who had harbored doubts about the Japanese fighting capability and were hesitating to provide support, would likely make up their minds after this war.
¡
As the weather gradually darkened, both parties withdrew from the battlefield under the cover of night. With the end of the naval battle, telegrams were sent from Southeast Asia to all corners of the world.
At Vienna Pce, watching the oue of the first irond ship battle in human history, Franz felt an indescribable sense of satisfaction.
Who won between Japan and Spain?
This question, perhaps no one could give a precise answer. Judging solely from the number of casualties and sunken ships, the Spanish Fleet was clearly the big winner; however, from an overall strategic perspective, it was the Japanese Navy that truly won this maritime battle.
Breaking the myth of white invincibility, with such a significant achievement, any great loss was eptable.
¡°The naval battle is temporarily over. ording to the intelligence sent by the Governor of Southeast Asia, both Japanese and Spanish navies are severely damaged and are unlikely to engage in a major battle again soon.
¡°Now it¡¯s time for the army to show its capabilities. How effective is the Spanish Army, and do they have the ability to take the Philippine Inds from the Japanese?¡±
The coastline of the Philippine Inds is incredibly long, making it impossible for the Japanese Navy to defendprehensively without defeating the Spanish expeditionary fleet.
Given the poor rtionship between the Japanese Army and Navy, the Navy might even take pleasure in the Army¡¯s misfortunes. If the Army were defeated, and they had to step in to clean up, it would be even more perfect.
¡°We haven¡¯t delved deeply into thebat effectiveness of the Japanese Army. However, judging by their military expenditure, theirbat strength should not be very strong.
Thebat effectiveness of the Spanish Army is mediocre, and judging by their performance in the Anti-French Wars, it could be said to be very poor. Like their international status, they are certainly at the bottom among the major powers.
Nevertheless, they should still be stronger than the Japanese Army. With equivalent forces, I favor the Spaniards more.¡±
It isn¡¯t that Fev underestimates both the Japanese and Spanish. After entering the Second Industrial Revolution, the factors determining absolute military strength have changed. To use the most popr phrase of the day, ¡°Strong armies are fed by military spending.¡±
No ttery or nder, the spirited valor of the Japanese Army is indeed formidable, but it¡¯s ineffective before the onught of steel.
Not to mention the Spanish Army. If not for their victory in the Anti-French Alliance, the Spanish Army wouldn¡¯t have evenpleted their rearmament.
If stuck with the same outdated equipment, the Spanish wouldn¡¯t have much advantage over the Japanese Army. Although they¡¯ve now updated their equipment, Japan is much closer to home!
With Spain¡¯s national strength, they can¡¯t afford the steel onught even at home, let alone in the Philippine Inds.
The greatest advantage for the Spaniards now is probably that their army equipment and ammunition are all war trophies, saving some military expenditure.
¡°The Foreign Ministry is closely monitoring Spain¡¯s internal situation; we cannot allow this war to affect the peace and stability of the European Continent!¡±
There¡¯s no doubt, Franz does not have a high opinion of the Spaniards. There¡¯s no plethora of reasons, just one¡ªdistance.
If the Spanish Government were more assertive and deployed the main forces of both the army and navy, they might be able to decide the war quickly.
Now, with the navymitting the majority and the army only deploying around one hundred thousand men, it seems impressive butcks the ability to deliver a fatal blow.
They can attack the Philippine Inds, so why not attack maind Japan? The current Japanese Government isn¡¯t crazy; if the war reached Tokyo, their likelihood ofpromise would be greatly increased.
Instead, fighting a war of attrition against the Japanese in the Philippine Inds doesn¡¯t profoundly affect the Tokyo Government, not only failing to deter the Japanese, but also likely to spur their madness.
Of course, such a strategy requires much from Spain. Unless the Madrid Government spends heavily and gains support from various European countries, it would be challenging to implement.
Franz was preparing for the aftermath, yet the main actors of the war dered themselves as the victors. The Spaniards asserted their victory through battle achievements, while the Japanese rallied public and military morale by ¡°breaking the myth of white invincibility.¡±
They speak boldly, but their actions reveal the truth. After the naval battle in the Philippine Sea, both Japanese and Spanishunched diplomatic offensives simultaneously.
¡
Swesi, harassed to no end, Governor Chandler still met with Admiral Falkenhein. Compared to their previous encounters, the Spaniards were much more sincere this time.
There was no choice, as the fate of the expedition fleet nowy in the hands of the Governor of Southeast Asia. While the Japanese could tow their damaged warships back home for repairs, the Spaniards had no way to bring their ships back to Europe.
Over such a great distance, their damaged ships would sink before they could make it back. In fact, on their retreat, the Spanish fleet lost two more ships due to running aground, including the severely damaged ¡°Madrid.¡±
Of course, they weren¡¯t the only ones at a loss, as the Japanese Navy, their enemy, didn¡¯t gain any advantage either. On its way back to the homnd, the gship ¡°Tokyo¡± also tragically sank.
@@novelbin@@
The sinking of a ship does not mean it is irreparable; if the hull damage is not too substantial, it might still be salvaged.
Admiral Falkenhein¡¯s visit this time was specifically to rescue the ¡°Madrid.¡± Although the Vienna Government had shown them support, the actual execution still depended on the Governor of Southeast Asia.
Whether the ¡°Madrid¡± could be rescued, and how long the ship repairs might take, were questions that still depended on the support from the Governor¡¯s Mansion of Southeast Asia.
Colonists in Southeast Asia could not help but eye the Philippine Inds, and without the involvement of the colonial government, Admiral Falkenhein dared not imagine what might happen next.
Surely one couldn¡¯t expect any integrity from these repair yards? After all, they were in for long-term business, and a fleet like the Spanish, being short-term clients, did not carry as much weight as the local colonists.
¡°Commander, you must understand, this is Southeast Asia, not Europe. Repair yards here are not the same as shipyards; it¡¯s normal for there to be some deficiencies in the skills.
If perfection is desired, I personally suggest that your country should consider pulling the warships back to Europe for repairs. Here, we truly cannot guarantee the quality.¡±
This work was to be done, as decreed by treaties. But how it was to be done needed negotiation.
From Governor Chandler¡¯s perspective, he hoped for a situation where both the Japanese and Spanish would suffer heavy losses, with the Japanese continuing to hold the Philippine Inds.
Even if the Spaniards took legal actions to Vienna, he would maintain this stance. As the Governor of Southeast Asia, expanding colonial territories was part of his duties. As long as he acted within the rules, no one could say it was wrong.
Admiral Falkenhein shook his head, ¡°The repair yards of your country in Southeast Asia are not ordinary repair facilities. Not to mention simple ship repairs, if needed, they might even be capable of building warships. The technical prowess disyed now clearly does not match the real capabilities of the repair yards.
We have agreements with your country, and both Madrid and Vienna have reached a consensus on this matter. The current performance of your repair yards, I fear, might be an attempt to sabotage the friendship between our two nations.¡±
Chandler gestured dismissively, ¡°Sorry, sir, but you might be talking to the wrong person. Regarding the technical issues of the repair yards, you should discuss this with the capitalists, not with me as a governor.
Perhaps the capitalists want to exploit the situation. As you know, this kind of maniption is their specialty, even extorting our own fleets.¡±
Had it not been for his proper upbringing, Admiral Falkenhein would have lost his temper. Not to mention in the heavily regted Holy Roman Empire, even in other European nations where capital had more influence, he had never heard of any shipyard daring to ¡®extort¡¯ its own navy.
Let alone in the colonies, if they offended the navy and got consistently targeted for inspections and raids, even the most influential shipyard would struggle to survive.
Military dealings did not involve so much beating around the bush, and Admiral Falkenhein did not remember so many diplomatic niceties, nor did he have the time to waste here.
¡°What do we need to provide to gain your assistance?
Chapter 984: Chapter 247, Game
Chapter 984: Chapter 247, Game
¡°Since ancient times, interests have always been the best bridge for friendships, and as long as the interests are aligned, friendships are formed. It¡¯s not that Governor Chandler likes to be crafty; he waspelled by the realities of his situation.¡±
¡°As the greatest victor of the continental wars, the Holy Roman Empire, though seemingly formidable, was actually in its most vulnerable state.¡±
¡°The established national policy of the Vienna Government was to focus on consolidation; consideration of expansion was fully off the table. Though the Philippine Inds were fertile, they were still insufficient to make the Vienna Government alter its national policy.¡±
¡°As a colonial governor, while considering national strategies, Chandler also had to mindful of the interests of the colonial consortium. In such a context, skillful management was required.¡±
¡°The original n to seize opportunities was based on Spain¡¯s defeat and Japan¡¯s weak capabilities. Now, the situation has obviously shifted; Spain is indeed struggling to win the war, but the capabilities of the Japanese turned out to be unexpectedly strong.¡±
¡°Perhaps theirbat effectiveness was not impressive, but they were willing to fight desperately! Just with the Empire¡¯s power in the Southeast Asian region, even if it were possible to defeat the Japanese, it would result in heavy losses.¡±
¡°To the Holy Roman Empire, Japan was never a significant threat; the real danger was the British, lurking in the shadows, biding their time.¡±
¡°One misstep, and they¡¯d turn this into a war where the British supplied the arms and the Japanese supplied the troops on their behalf.¡±
¡°The pitfalls of proxy wars, just think of the First Near Eastern War, the two Prusso-Russian Wars, and the recent British-Russian Afghan War, all of which demonstrate the traps scattered through them.¡±
¡°One by one,petitors were either utterly devastated or significantly weakened, even those who survived were greatly impaired.¡±
¡°Neither Britain nor Russia made moves against the Holy Roman Empire at its weakest moment, not because their governments appreciated the virtues of restraint, nor were their rtions without conflict, but because they too were not at their best.¡±
¡°A war in Afghanistan caused both Britain and Russia to lose hundreds of thousands of troops and reaped negligible benefits while incurring significant financial burdens. Under these circumstances, even if they wanted to cause trouble, they had to maintain restraint.¡±
¡°In a sense, the Holy Roman Empire¡¯s re-establishment owed much to the covertly manipted proxy wars managed by the Vienna Government.¡±
¡°Perhaps when Franz initially traveled through time, he might have entertained the thought of thoroughly crushing the Japanese in a fit of energy. Now that was no longer possible. As a seasoned politician, any military action must be driven by interests.¡±
¡°Nowadays, Japanese were so impoverished that even a smooth conquest wouldn¡¯t recoup the war expenses; a mishap could lead to severe losses.¡±
¡°If one does not want to enter the fray personally yet covets the fertile Philippine Inds, Spain¡¯s value bes apparent.¡±
¡°Britain supports the Japanese; Vienna supports the Spaniards, and no matter who wins or loses, there is a profit to be made; it¡¯s merely a question of how much.¡±
¡°From the perspective of the Vienna Government, the greater the support the British Government lends to the Japanese, the better, as it esctes the tensions between Ennd and Spain.¡±
¡°A Spain that¡¯s antagonized both Ennd and France yet retains certain strength indisputably makes for the best ally for the Holy Roman Empire.¡±
¡°It doesn¡¯t matter if Spain was on a downward trajectory as long as it didn¡¯t crash too quickly. If Spain were on the rise, Franz would dare not take it under.¡±
¡°Compared to the strategic gains, the interests in the Philippine Inds pale into insignificance. If it weren¡¯t for the Spaniardsing forward, Governor Chandler could achieve nothing.¡±
¡°Commander, your worries are overblown; with the friendship between our countries, no shipyard would dare engage in reckless action.
¡°However, Southeast Asia differs from Europe; all the repair shops¡¯ tools and spare partse from our homnd. Specifically, the specifications for your country¡¯s warships are different from ours, requiring custom-made parts, so the costs are slightly higher.¡±
¡°We¡¯re not exploiting the situation. As you know, stockpiling spare parts is a considerable risk, and capitalists do it to turn a profit, so this price¡¡±
After this exnation, Admiral Falkenhein had nothing to say. Exclusive spare parts and maintenance tools were fully prepared, revealing the obvious intent to exploit.
If it was just the higher costs of repairs, Falkenhein was willing to pay more. After all, time was critical on the battlefield, and the fuller the shipyard¡¯s spare parts stock, the faster the repairs could proceed, making it justifiable to earn a little more.
Now it was clearly not just about the money; mere high repair costs were not enough to make Admiral Falkenhein plead submissively.
Seeing Governor Chandler not speak straightforwardly, Falkenhein understood it was for the sake of face. As the leader of the Continental Alliance, plotting to take a subordinate¡¯s colony, if word got out, Vienna couldn¡¯t show its face.
The best method was undoubtedly to have them volunteer the offer. Then, the Vienna Government could pay a ¡°reasonable price,¡± saving face for everyone.
Suppressing his displeasure, Admiral Falkenhein hically said, ¡°Governor, for our countries¡¯ friendship, and to thank your government¡¯s substantial support, we are willing to open up the Philippine Inds¡¯ market.
¡°As you know, our financial situation has been horrible. If your empire could offer help, we are willing to sell some inds.¡±
¡°You misunderstand us, Governor; we harbor no covetous thoughts towards your empire¡¯s colonies, nor does the Holy Roman Empire eye any ally¡¯s colony.
¡°If your country is indeed financially troubled, we are also happy to offer help. For the sake of world peace and stability, the Empire is initiating a global strategy, and if you don¡¯t mind, we could lease a few military ports from you.
¡°Rest assured, Governor, our troops would only be there to maintain regional peace and stability and would not interfere with your governance of the colonies.¡±
Chandler¡¯s heart bled to let this opportunity go unabated. But there was no choice; the Holy Roman Empire must appear conscientious, otherwise, it would trigger panic in the European world.
With Spain opening the market, it was enough for the colonial consortium; there was no chance to covertly seize the Philippine Inds.
Even if Spain would willingly give them up, the Holy Roman Empire couldn¡¯t take them now. Even considering purchasing the inds was out of the question, especially not at this time.
Don¡¯t forget, the Philippine Inds were still in Japanese hands! Once purchasing the territorial rights, the Holy Roman Empire would be dragged into the mire by Spain.
Governor¡¯s Mansion of Southeast Asia was unable to reaprge benefits, but that did not mean the Holy Roman Empire gained none. After all, Spain, an old colonial power, still possessed numerous inds of strategic value, despite its decline.
Limited by power, many inds were insignificant in the hands of the Spaniards, but they became priceless once in the hands of the Holy Roman Empire.
Since the end of the war in Europe, a global strategy had been put on the agenda. It had not yet been implemented, primarily due to financial constraints. However, after digesting the spoils of war in a few years,unching aprehensive global strategy was imperative.
¡
Austria and the West were making trades, and neither Britain nor Japan were idle. The Japanese, having proven their strength, had evidently risen in status in the eyes of the British Government.
Downing Street
Foreign Minister George, ¡°Judging from the strength disyed by the Japanese in the naval battle in the Philippine Sea, they have already managed to bnce the Spaniards.
Even due to the strong intervention of the Japanese, the dominant position of the Holy Roman Empire in Southeast Asia was also impacted.
The Vienna Government will not let this situation continue. If we do not intervene, it will only be a matter of time before the Japanese are forced out of Southeast Asia.
Once the strategy in Southeast Asia fails, the Japanese will only have the option to move northward, inevitably leading to a war with the Qing Empire. Then, we will have to make a choice.
For the sake of the Empire¡¯s interest, our best option is to support the Qing Empire in the Far East to restrain the Russians and support the Japanese in Southeast Asia to bnce Spain and the Holy Roman Empire.¡±
Undoubtedly, this was the most optimistic scenario. By supporting these two lesser powers, Britain would emerge from its current awkward position, achieving an ideal state.
However, a n was always just a n and actualizing it was not that simple.
Although Spain was in decline, it was not devoid of the ability to fight. Despite its corrupt bureaucratic group, itsprehensive national strength was still above Japan¡¯s.
Especially since Spain was part of Europe, backed by a Continental Alliance, once the Spanish Government managed to diplomatically mobilize support from other countries in the alliance, the southward move by Japan was doomed to fail.
The London Government was currently striving to join the alliance and had achieved certain results; it was impossible for them to directly confront the alliance for Japan.
The n for the south was riddled with uncertainties, and the n for the north was even more tragic. The biggest characteristic of the Far Eastern Empire was its timidity; the Russians would be content as long as the Russians did not trouble them, and actively looking for trouble with the Russians was extremely difficult for them.
Watching Britain and Russia fighting like dogs in India, they were too happy to get involved.
With so many problems, it still did not prevent this ¡°n¡± from bing a strategic part of the London Government¡¯s diplomacy. If it seeded, it would be a huge gain; if it failed, there was nothing to lose¡ªwhy not employ such a n?
Though termed as support, all the arms and equipment were bought by them with real silver and British Pounds. What the British Government truly offered was merely diplomatic verbal support.
The response of the stock market was telling; since the London Government implemented this strategic n, domestic armament industry stocks had risen by eighteen percent, and machinery equipment export industry stock prices had also increased by nine points.
Prime Minister dstone nodded, ¡°Agree to the Japanese request. Since the Holy Roman Empire can help the Spaniards repair warships, our shipyards in the Far Eastern region can also help the Japanese repair warships, but we must keep a limit, the Empire cannot directly participate in the war.
Meanwhile, the Foreign Office should elerate our arrangements in the Far Eastern region, provoking a Qing-Russian conflict as much as possible to lessen our pressure in India.
Command the Governor of India to increase support for the guerri teams in Central Asian Countries, raising the ruling costs for the Russians.
When necessary, we can offer a certain amount of loans to the Japanese Government, or issue war bonds for them, with an amount set at no more than 20 million British Pounds. Let them mortgage their customs duties; the risk should not be too high.¡±
It was urgent, as the Russians¡¯ Central Asia Railway had already begun construction. The contractor was the Austrian Railway Company, and as long as there were no major disruptions, thepletion was just a matter of time.
Everyone knew that once the Central Asia Railway waspleted, it was time for the Russians to move south again. Although the railway would not bepleted during dstone¡¯s term, if they did nothing now, they would bear the political stain in the future.
For the sake of their reputation, both present and posthumous, the dstone Cab had been extraordinarily industrioustely. One seemingly perfect strategic n after another was being rolled out.
As for whether they could seed, that was not within their consideration at the moment; as long as it seemed feasible, it was enough. If it failed in the future, it would be the fault of an ipetent sessor government, not theirs.
Foreign Minister George, ¡°ording to intelligence collected from various sources, the Vienna Government is busy handling domestic affairs and has no n to directly intervene in this war.
Now the naval battle has reached a stalemate, and soon the fight will shift tond. The Japanese are willing to fight desperately. As long as Vienna stays out of it, theboriously far-reaching Spaniards cannot oust them.
The Foreign Office is looking for a suitable opportunity to mediate this war, to have the Japanese withdraw while they are ahead, to avoid escting the war.¡±
Compared to Spain, Japan¡¯s greatest advantage was its poption. If it weren¡¯t for the fact lying before us, who could imagine that Spain, which had a poption of eight million in the 16th century, now had a total poption of less than eighteen million.
Looking at the poption, it¡¯s clear why Spain¡¯s decline was not unreasonable. What happened in between is not worth mentioning; they were essentially self-destructive, leading Britain, which once had less than half their poption, to now almost double theirs.
In contrast, Japan¡¯s situation was much better, with a poption of over forty million, meeting the requirements for a contemporary great power.
It could be said that Spain had already lost half the battle at sea before it was even fought. In the uing battles, the Japanese Government would definitely leverage its own advantages, luring the Spaniards tond for a decisive battle.
After all,pared to the precious navy, there was an endless supply of cheapnd forces; the Japanese Government could afford to lose them.@@novelbin@@
Chapter 985: 248: Astonishing Politics
Chapter 985: Chapter 248: Astonishing Politics
Even though Japan and Spain each gained the support of their respective major allies, repairing their warships still required time. The naval battles paused temporarily, but the curtain ofnd warfare had just begun to unfurl.
Whether to call the Spaniards eager for victory or stubborn was debatable. In any case, the expeditionary forceunched a full-scale counteroffensive and initiatedndings on multiple inds.
The specific oues were not publicized, but the Spanish Expeditionary Army advanced triumphantly, recapturing all but a few of therger inds still held by the Japanese forces.
What exactly was happening and whether the Japanese had any schemes, Franz dismissed entirely. All that mattered was dragging out the campaign in the Philippines, and the longer it dragged on, the better.
It wasn¡¯t about war profiteering. Both Japan and Spain were impoverished, and no amount of squeezing would get much oil out of them. What was crucial was that the restoration from the war wounds needed time; the more it dragged on, the more significant the Vienna Government¡¯s voice would be.
What was currently troubling Franz was not the situation in Southeast Asia, but rather the restoration issues in France. Due to the matter of the sessor, the Three Monarchical Parties had nearly devolved from human to primate level brains, allowing the new government to grow right under their noses.
When the nobility finally caught on, they miraculously discovered that the enemy had extended its reach into the military. If high-ranking officers couldn¡¯t be won over, it didn¡¯t mean that low-ranking officers and soldiers couldn¡¯t be either.
Aware of the danger, the Royalist Party finally understood the need to put aside their prejudices, but by then it was toote. The Revolutionaries had already taken action and several high-ranking members of the Royalist Party met with idents, leaving the party headless for a time.
Apart from cursing his pathetic allies, all Franz could do was bite the bullet and help clean up their mess. In other words, he had to gather representatives of the three dynasties together to discuss who would take care of this debacle.@@novelbin@@
Even the exiled Napoleon IV attended the meeting in Vienna with the legitimacy of an emperor, something ordinary people wouldn¡¯t dare dream of.
Yet, all of this did indeed happen. In order to clean up the mess in France as soon as possible, the Vienna Government also had to makepromises.
For example, the role yed by the Bonaparte Dynasty in the Continental Wars was redefined.
Napoleon IV, originally the main culprit but not held ountable due to his monarch status, was now turned into a pure and spotless ¡°little white flower.¡±
War responsibility?
Non-existent. Clearly, capitalists had held the Emperor hostage and made decisions. How could one hold the Emperor responsible?
The greatest responsibility of Napoleon IV was ¡ª ipetence. Being coerced by capitalists as a monarch was indeed a disgrace.
However, he ascended to the throne at a young age, and his ministers supporting the regency were bribed by syndicates, resulting in the emperor¡¯s power being sidelined and leading to subsequent events.
Out of monarchic duty, His Majesty Napoleon IV took responsibility for this and had already decided to abdicate soon.
To avoid another situation of weak monarchs and strong subjects, the Bonaparte Dynasty voluntarily gave up the session rights this time due to the heir being too young.
No matter how absurd this exnation was, Franz now believed it. Of course, this also meant he needed a few more drinks to ease his conscience! As for how many people outside would believe it, that was not his problem.
In the end, the Bonaparte Dynasty gave up the anti-Austrian g, and the Vienna Government recognized their right to the session of the French throne.
Yes, ¡°throne¡± not ¡°imperial throne,¡± as France itself is a kingdom, and proiming oneself emperor was clearly illegal. With the illegal government overthrown, it was natural to restore legitimacy.
This contradictory exnation was undoubtedly ¡°unreasonable,¡± but politics have never been reasonable.
To stabilize the situation in France, the new King could not do without the support of the Bonaparte Party, and making apromise was inevitable.
Then, the son of Napoleon IV became the third in line for the French throne. Should any idents befall the heirs put forth by the Bourbon and Orleans dynasties, or if they became extinct, it would be his turn, and other members of the two dynasties could notpete.
Funny, right?
But this is politics!
It seemed like a struggle for the throne, but it was actually a redistribution of interest. The crown alternated turns, marking apromise between the Three Monarchical Parties.
At first nce, with such a session order, the Bonaparte Dynasty undoubtedly suffered a significant loss, potentially being cut off from the throne forever.
In reality, though, an exiled monarch could live veryfortably. However, it would be different if they brought along an Exiled Government. Maintaining a group who relies on the monarch for survival would drain even the grandest fortune!
Although Napoleon IV absconded with a substantial amount of money, even vast wealth couldn¡¯t support a dwindling fortune. Especially after tensions in Paris escted, those seeking refuge were endless ¨C young and old, nearing ten thousand in number.
To reject them was to turn away ¡°loyal subjects¡± of the Bonaparte Dynasty, which would be disheartening; but to ept them all, Napoleon IV simply couldn¡¯t afford.
Against this backdrop, not wanting to go bankrupt, Napoleon IV had to makepromises. Only if the new government returned the properties to these supporters and ceased their suppression could he shake off this trouble.
As a clever man, Napoleon IV was well aware that after the emergence of the Continental Alliance, the politicalndscape of Europe had solidified, and a Bonaparte restoration was practically impossible in the short term.
At least not until the ¡°infamy¡± above their heads was removed, no opportunity was relevant to them. Instead of stubbornly resisting to the bitter end and depleting hisst strength, it was better to sell out while he could.
By reaching a politicalpromise, he not only rid himself of a heavy economic burden but also eliminated the ¡°infamy¡± and incidentally bought over some hearts.
An emperor who abdicated for his subordinates to return home safe and keep their estates ¡ª how could he not be revered?
One could imagine that with this maneuver, the cohesion of the Bonaparte flock would rise to a new level, especially returning from the exile, who would remember this kindness.
Even if just for the family¡¯s reputation, for a long time toe, these individuals would support the Bonaparte Dynasty.
Having lost the throne and relegated tost in line for session, the strength of the Bonaparte faction had nevertheless recovered.
If political rebranding could seed, the Bonaparte faction would remain the most powerful political force in France for a long time toe.
There are, of course, pros and cons. In winning over hearts and minds, Napoleon IV also lost a certain portion of the popce. From the moment apromise was reached, the Bonaparte Dynasty positioned itself against the radical avengers.
No matter how justifiable their management was in the eyes of the radicals, this was seen as betrayal. Traitors are detested even more than enemies¡ªit¡¯s possible that right now, these people wish nothing more than to swiftly rid themselves of Napoleon IV.
This was exactly what the Vienna Government wanted to see¡ªthe French were too active; if they weren¡¯t infighting, they¡¯d be causing trouble abroad.
Franz was satisfied with the politicalndscape of Europe and did not wish for another continental war, so it was preferable to keep the French hatred caged.
After much bargaining, Carlos, a Bourbon Dynasty supporter backed by the Vienna Government, became the first in line for session, and Philip, promoted by the Orleans faction, became the second.
On the surface, it seemed the Bourbon Dynasty had won big, possessing both the Spanish and French crowns overnight, returning to their era of peak power.
Unfortunately, this was merely on the surface. Not to mention the already hostile rtionship between the Carlist faction and the Spanish royal family, just the mess that was France alone was headache-inducing.
Times had changed. A few months earlier, the Royalist Party might have unified and gained the recognition of the Anti-French Alliance to restore the monarchy immediately; but that opportunity had long passed. Now, any attempt at restoration might well lead to civil war.
¡
¡°Kill!¡±
¡°Charge!¡±
¡°Ratatat¡¡±
Amidst cries of battle and gunfire, Paris once again plunged into chaos. Once it was confirmed that the Royalist Party had unified and were preparing for restoration, the new government immediately took action, purging the nobility¡¯s power within the city.
¡°Damn it, the phone lines are down too. The enemy clearly nned this, intending to pick us off one by one!¡±
Knowing was one thing, but Count Adrian was powerless against the crisis unfolding before him.
The number of the aristocracy¡¯s private armies in Paris was not insignificant. If they could unite, they would be no match for the Revolutionary Party¡¯s armed forces.
However, reality bore no ¡°ifs.¡± While a united aristocratic private army was formidable, scattered forces were in apletely different situation.
After some preparation and the absorption of released prisoners, what had been a ragtag Revolutionary Army had transformed in strength.
Taking advantage of their numerical superiority, the new government took the initiative to catch the aristocratic private army off guard.
If that were the only issue, the aristocratic private army might still have had a chance to turn the tables. After all, the Revolutionary Armycked not only heavy weaponry but also experienced officers. Even if the soldiers¡¯ quality improved, at most half of their potentialbat effectiveness could be realized.
Unfortunately, human nature isplex, and nobles are no exception. Everyone worried that if they attacked proactively and no one responded, they could face aplete annihtion.
¡°Count, perhaps we should retreat for now? Our strength here is limited, and continuing to hold our ground will only lead to unnecessary casualties.¡±
The housekeeper¡¯s suggestion was undoubtedly the most practical. The nobility residing within the city were a minority; many more preferred to live on their estates.
The Revolutionary Government had the power to purge Paris, but not to conduct a nationwide purge. Once out of this cage, it would be ¡°the sky¡¯s the limit.¡±
With the power of the Aristocratic Group and the support of various European countries, restoration was only a matter of time. No matter how hard the Revolutionary Government tried, it could only be seen as a desperate struggle.
Count Adrian shook his head: ¡°Now is not the time. With just a few hundred of us and our families, we won¡¯t get far. Send someone through the secret passage to contact Marquis Anderson and Count Guteren nearby. We¡¯ll break out together at dusk.¡±
Unlike modern times, European nobility of this era had to take to the battlefield. With the intense warfare across Europe, most of France¡¯s eligible nobility had already facedbat, and Count Adrian was no exception.
Withbat experience, Adrian naturally knew the optimal choice. Communication was cut off, preventing the gathering of all the city¡¯s private armies, but this didn¡¯t stop the military nobility nearby from banding together.
¡°Yes, my lord.¡±
Just as the housekeeper was about to leave, Count Adrian hastily stopped him: ¡°Wait, there¡¯s no need to send anyone. Their situation is likely no better than ours. Even if we sent someone now, we wouldn¡¯t be able to reach them.
Worse, we might even reveal the existence of the secret passage to the enemy. We¡¯ll establish contact with them when we break out at dusk.¡±
It was a gamble, but Count Adrian had no choice. The Revolutionary Army was without artillery; theoretically, the best strategy was to stand firm and await reinforcements.
The problem was that the Aristocratic Group was equally disorganized, and the influential figures were either meeting God or at meetings in Vienna, leaving no one capable of leading the remains.
The battle had been raging for a while, and none of the forces controlled by the Aristocratic Group had appeared on the battlefield. Count Adrian could not help but worry.
If reinforcements didn¡¯t arrive, it would be all over. Since the second revolution, the new government had publicly executed more than a thousand people, with even more killed in secret.
Despite no nobles being executed publicly, plenty had met with ¡°idents,¡± some even of higher ranks than himself. The Royalist Party would not havepromised so quickly had the situation not been so dire.
¡
Chapter 986: 249, Transformation
Chapter 986: Chapter 249, Transformation
Influenced by the sudden change in the Parisian situation, the restoration movement of the Bourbon Dynasty devolved into a civil war, and the political situation on the European Continent became tense once again.
¡°Tense¡± not because of the civil war in France, the primary concern of the nations was the issue of debt. Especially for Belgium, Spain, Russia, and the various impoverished Italian States, this matter was of extraordinary importance.
If it were not for the Bourbon Dynasty¡¯s staunch opposition to Alliance intervention, the Russian Army stationed outside the City of Paris would have charged in long ago. Unable to directly intervene did not mean they couldn¡¯t tilt the bnce.
The Paris Revolutionary Army¡¯s several proactive attacks had all been blocked by the Russian Army under the pretense of military exercises, providing substantial support to the fleeing Aristocratic Private Army.
Not only that, but the prisoners of war released in batches by the Anti-French Alliance were now being prioritized for members of the Royalist Party. As for those unfortunate souls who politically leaned towards the Revolutionary Party or The Republican Government, they could probably look forward to spending a long time behind bars.
The Anti-French Alliance did not want these fellows toe out and hinder the restoration, and the Bourbon Dynasty certainly wouldn¡¯t wee these dissenters. Perhaps they would have a chance to be released when the situation stabilized in the future, but who could ascertain the oues in politics?
Let there be a fight, for since the failure of the European wars, the dissatisfaction among the French popce had been umting. A release of this build-up might even be beneficial.
Based on past experience, every time such emotional release urred, the situation in France would stabilize for a while, which would perfectly allow the Bourbon Dynasty to firmly establish their rule.
Everything was under control, and Franz had no extra time to be distracted by the turmoil outside, as the focus of his work remained on domestic matters.
After an initial period of adjustment, the Holy Roman Empire had finally truly unified, in the real sense of the term. Although blending together had a long way to go, it was enough to intimidate others.
The post-unification data for the Holy Roman Empire was undeniably terrifying. Adding up territories and colonies, the economic volume reached 38.2% of the world total, and the industrial volume amounted to 54.8% of the world total. The Empire¡¯s fiscal revenue surpassed the total of all other European countries, coupled with the world¡¯s first-ranked army and second-ranked navy; it was simply beyond reproach.
In fact, Franz was also stunned by these numbers, at one point thinking it was April Fool¡¯s.
After calming down and carefully reviewing the data, Franz realized these figures were not exaggerated, there was even a great deal of potential left to tap.
The wars on the European Continent had devastated the economies of France, Belgium, and the Italian Area, causing shrinkages in the global economic and industrial totals.
As winners of the war, the Holy Roman Empire not onlypleted national unification but also further seized vast colonies from the French.
The mines, railways, ports, and ntations that the French painstakingly developed on the African Continent had all be war trophies of the Holy Roman Empire. As waves of immigrants flooded in, these treasures were converted into impressive economic figures on paper.
That¡¯s right, these were merely ¡°on paper¡± wealth. To make these assets effective and transform them into real national power still required a considerable amount of time.
The anticipated post-war depression did indeed ur, except the major affected areas were not within the Holy Roman Empire, but in France, Belgium, and Sardinia, where the war had inflicted the most damage.@@novelbin@@
To reduce the pressure of post-war demobilization arrangements and minimize government fiscal expenditures, Franz once again wielded the grand strategy of feudal enfeoffment, seducing meritorious officers and soldiers to emigrate to Africa.
As a generous Emperor,nds, mines, ntations, and non-essential ports were all offered as fiefs by Franz, and some particrly meritorious officers even received an entire city.
To put it bluntly, most of the colonies taken from the French now became private property, and what belonged to the Emperor was either sand or impoverished and remotends no one cared for.
Since it was private property, local development ceased to be an issue. The new cohort of Military Nobility went about calling friends to start their venture.
The government just had to collect somemercial taxes to maintain local administrative operations. Everything else was not a problem; in case of major chaos, Franz pretended not to see.
In short, it was very characteristic of Shinra. Franz could tolerate the great lords on the European Continent, let alone the minor ones on the African Continent.
Besides, with such a vast territory, how else to rule if not in this manner?
It was certainly not about emting British colonial rule.
If they opted for colonial rule, it would be less reliable than the feudal system; at least the feudal system provided a more stable foundation for rule without the constant need to suppress national uprisings.
A nce at the history books will tell you, wherever feudal nobles ruled, there was basically no independence. In contrast, new territories directly governed by the Central Government often experienced upheavals.
As for the future possibility of local nobles gaining too much power, Franz couldn¡¯t be concerned with that anymore. If they grew, at most it would be an autonomous region; the size of the fiefs would limit their ceiling of development.
Cultural norms had already determined that, no matter how powerful the Aristocratic Group grew, they would not likely rebel with the cry ¡°do princes and generals have any innate right to govern?¡± nor would they be likely to send the Emperor to the Guillotine.
ss standing already ensured they would be part of the Royalist Party, the foundation on which they preserved their own status. Even if there were a few rebellious ones, they would be suppressed by the other nobles.
Probably the most injured would be the Central Government; with a bunch of nobles counterbncing, power would be severely limited.
Regardless, the Holy Roman Empire wouldn¡¯t care about this problem, as the Central Government had never been strong since ancient times. The current Vienna Government was already an anomaly, qualified to be called the most authoritative government since the establishment of the Holy Roman Empire.
To continue to strengthen the authority of the Central Government, even if people below didn¡¯t object, Franz would not agree.
Joking aside, if the Cab¡¯s power continued to inte, it would soon be topsy-turvy. Once an influential minister arose, the Emperor would be just a rubber stamp.
¡°`
This was still considered lucky. If they encountered someone who was heavy-handed, they might not even leave a ce for the rubber stamp, taking matters into their own hands and simply turning over the table to be the boss themselves.
Once power lost its checks and bnces, it became a man-eating monster. Countless examples had proven that human nature cannot withstand such tests; loyalty was never as reliable as interest.
Seizing the opportunity presented by the victory in the European wars, Franz directly bolstered the military nobility group, rooting them in the African Continent.
From this moment on, the core that maintained the unity of the Holy Roman Empire shifted to the Emperor. The sub-states and the nobility were loyal to the Emperor precisely because of the Holy Roman Empire, and not the other way around where the Empire existed because of the Emperor.
In other countries, this would certainly stir much discontent. However, the Holy Roman Empire was an exception, as the sub-states and nobility below were beneficiaries of this system; from the beginning, the political system operated in this manner.
What seemed to be definitions with little differences was actually the origin of legal precedent.
Loyalty to the Emperor meant that the princes were on the same level as the Central Government, possessing the highest degree of self-governance; loyalty to the government meant that the Central Government could retract everything they owned at any time.
After decades of turmoil, he finally established the ideal political system in his mind, enduring so many twists and turns that Franz felt physically and mentally exhausted.
Issues like hidden dangers and lingering effects, he didn¡¯t want to deal with them now. Anyway, this world had never been perfect, and the painstakingly managed Holy Roman Empire was also built around the Habsburg dynasty.
If one day the Habsburg dynasty copsed, what did the life or death of the Empire have to do with him? Making wedding dresses for others was not something Franz considered particrly noble.
ording to the current political structure, as long as his descendants didn¡¯t make disastrous mistakes, continuing for a hundred or two hundred years would be no issue. Beyond that¡ªsorry, even transmigrators are not omnipotent.
Upon signing the document in his hand, the unique governing system characteristic of Shinra was officially established. Not only the African Continent, but also the colonies in far-off America and Southeast Asia would replicate this model in the future.
The difference was that in these distant regions, Franz was not yet decided on whether to send a son to be king or to let the nobility y with local autonomy.
Sometimes having too much territory could also be a hassle. For a generation or two, immigrants might still feel a sense of belonging to the nation, but after three to five generations, talking about belonging would simply be nonsense.
Aside from cultural kinship, the remaining factor was interest. With close economic ties and aligned strategic directions, they were as good as family. But if core interests conflicted, splitting off was inevitable.
Looking at the world map on the wall, Franz made up his mind¡ªnot to continue the expansion any further.
He roughly calcted that the Holy Roman Empire had already controlled more territory than Britannia, and it was on the verge of surpassing 40 million square kilometers.
From the current situation, without any effort, as long as Franz didn¡¯t stop it, within ten to eight years, the Empire¡¯s control area would break through 40 million square kilometers.
However, this kind of expansion was meaningless. The benefits brought about by colonial expansion were not enough topensate for the negative political impacts of the expansion.
Times had changed; the days of unimednd being taken by running ships were over. All thends were already divided. To continue expanding meant nothing but strife and conflict, with payoffpletely disproportionate to the investment.
¡°Prime Minister, tell the governors below that we need time to digest our victories. In theing years, unless absolutely necessary, let¡¯s refrain from military expansion.
The belligerent atmosphere in the country has clearly gone a bit overboard recently. We are not warmongers, so let¡¯s not be moring for war at every turn.
The Cab should do a good job in the political education of government officials, teaching them to think more and remember that arrogance is a disy ofck of proper upbringing.
The Foreign Ministry also needs to change its mindset. From now on, we will no longer be bystanders in international affairs; be prepared to act as arbitrators.¡±
It wasn¡¯t that Franz was making a mountain out of a molehill; it was that the current Vienna Government had started to get carried away. Victory hade too easily, blinding many and causing them to be arrogant.
Well, it¡¯s alright for a superpower to be a bit mad, but rulers themselves must always stay clear-headed.
After all this time, even Franz had spotted the problems; it was astonishing that no one at the top of the government had raised them, which was an abnormal sign.
Even if those in charge can be blind, surely someone in their think tanks should have thought of that? If nobody had, what was the point in having them around?
Clearly, this was impossible. It¡¯s normal for one or two people to lose their way, but everyone losing sight was out of the question. There was only one answer¡ªeveryone knew but didn¡¯t ord it enough importance.
No matter the reason, the Emperor had identified an issue, and the Cab hadn¡¯t even realized it¡ªthis was an error.
Prime Minister Carl replied with a bitter expression, ¡°Yes, Your Majesty!¡±
As the Empire¡¯s Prime Minister, being pointed out directly by the Emperor was quite an embarrassing matter. Among previous Prime Ministers of the Holy Roman Empire, incidents like this were rare. Facing such a blow on the eve of retirement deeply affected Carl¡¯s pride.
Of course, that was the extent of it. Politicians have thick skins; even if they were scolded to their faces, they could smile back. A little embarrassment wouldn¡¯t deter Prime Minister Carl.
In a sense, it also reflected the Emperor¡¯s trust in them. In politics, only insiders got directly called out. If issues were found and they still smiled back, that would be the real political disaster.
Chapter 987: 1: A New Era - The Divine Shield Settlement System
Chapter 987: Chapter 1: A New Era ¨C The Divine Shield Settlement System
Politics has always been a matter of moving the entire body by starting with a single hair. What seemed like a mere tap was actually Franz closing the valve of expansion, suppressing the voices of the domestic War Party.
Every coin has two sides. The war on the European Continent was won too easily, the spoils of war too abundant, and most critical was the Emperor¡¯s willingness to share the benefits, leading ¡°fame and fortune lies beneath the horse¡¯s hooves¡± to be the mainstream in society.
Stimted by interest, the whole Empire became unprecedentedly bellicose. Ordinary people wanted to turn their lives around through war, ordinary soldiers sought to cross the threshold into the Nobility with their military merits, and the Nobility themselves aimed to go even further through war.
¡°Men die for wealth, birds die for food.¡±
Thew of survival in nature was vividly demonstrated here. Under the stimulus of interest, everyone had forgotten the risks brought by war.
It was not that no one had discovered the problem, but everyone tacitly pretended not to see it. The reason was very simple¨Cthe copse of France had caused the Vienna Government to lose its sense of crisis.
In everyone¡¯s eyes, without France, the old archenemy, there was no one in the world that could match the Holy Roman Empire.
Even though the Royal Navy was still the world¡¯s first, and the Russians remained robust, their weaknesses were all too clear.
Russia had weak industrial strength and a government so poor it rattled; its economic lifeline was in the Empire¡¯s hands, requiring them to look to Vienna¡¯s face.
Although the British had the world¡¯s number one navy, it was only temporary. Once the Empire decided topete for maritime supremacy, it would be their turn to exit the stage.
If you can¡¯t beat them in quality, beat them in quantity. If the British build one warship, the Empire will build two ¨C two versus one is always a winning strategy.
Having money is this overbearing. With the consolidated Holy Roman Empire, its fiscal revenue surpassed the total of all European countries. As long as the government tightened its belt, ying with both terrestrial and naval power was not an issue.
Regardless of how others might be carried away, Franz certainly was not. Ie and expenditure were proportional. Ordinary people only saw the government¡¯s enormous fiscal ie but overlooked its enormous expenditures.
Had it not been for the adoption of the primitive feudal system, significantly reducing administrative expenses, with the current ie of the Vienna Government, it might not have been able to sustain such a vast Empire.
Keep in mind, due to the war, the Vienna Government had already faced three consecutive years of fiscal deficits. To bnce the budget, the earliest it could achieve this would be the year 1894.
¡°Arge country that loves war will eventually perish.¡±
This holds true in any era. Reality had proven that as long as the scale of war reached a certain level, no matter how abundant the spoils of war, it was a loss in the short term.
The outside world only saw the glory of the victorious countries but did not know the pain behind it. The spoils of war were truly a fortune only when digested; otherwise, they remained figures on paper.
Not only was the government impoverished, but even the pockets of the Nobility were not wealthy, especially the newly risen Military Nobility, who might now have pockets cleaner than their faces.
There was no choice; all the money was thrown into their fiefs. One had to manage and pay for the construction of their own fief, of course.
Not to mention the emerging Nobility, even for the Old Nobility, producing such arge sum of money was not easy.
The construction of a fief was not a one-person affair; everyone not only emptied their own wallets, but many also emptied the wallets of rtives and friends.
Of course, this was also an investment and a very stable one at that. As long as they did not blindly mess around, managing a piece ofnd was definitely not a losing venture.
Now, the only ones probably rich were the capitalists. However, they were shivering at the moment, keeping as low a profile as possible, for fear that the financially desperate Vienna Government would catch them on a criminal charge and confiscate their wealth.
If it were all legal property, there would be no need to hide and pinch, but the capital of these times was bloodstained, and nearly every one of them would be caught upon investigation.
And the Vienna Government loved to y this game; when in need of money, they would initiate an anti-corruption campaign, then incidentally involve a bunch of capitalists, or directly target a few fat sheep for investigation.
Since Franz¡¯s ascension, simr events had urred three times, and each time the capitalists were chives on the chopping board.
Those who jumped the highest died the quickest, especially those fools who went to manipte politics; now, one by one, their graves were overgrown with grass.
It was not Franz¡¯s affair; this was the game between the Aristocratic Group and the bourgeoisie. To ensure their dominant position politically, the Aristocratic Group always suppressed the rise of the bourgeoisie within the rules of the game.
Simr events were not limited to the Holy Roman Empire; almost the entire European Continent saw the two sses in strife.
It was just that the Conservatives in the Holy Roman Empire were much stronger, suffocating the bourgeoisie.@@novelbin@@
Of course, the struggle is the struggle, but it actually has little to do with ordinary people. Even most nobles and small to medium capitalists don¡¯t have the privilege of participating in this game.
Even if you¡¯re a big capitalist, as long as you don¡¯t get involved in politics, you won¡¯t be targeted.
Unfortunately, many people don¡¯t understand this, still dreaming of establishing a strong politicalwork, only to step on the toes of the Aristocratic Group and risk everything.
You live and you learn.
Despite not knowing that the Emperor had drawn a red line for them, crossing which meant death, after enduring enough social beatings, the capitalists still grew wiser.
Most people believed that having too much money courted trouble, which is why the most popr trend was now ¡°wealth concealment¡±, more prevalent in the East than unting wealth.
After sensing the Vienna Government was short on funds, one after another started to feign poverty. Many capitalists would rather stash their money in a basement than let the outside world know they were wealthy.
Holding onto money isn¡¯t a sin: a person has the right to manage their own money. The Vienna Government abides by the rules; legitimate private property is invible, to be managed as one sees fit.
In a sense, the capitalists¡¯ hoarding was also helping the Vienna Government stabilize the currency and get through the fiscal crisis.
Otherwise, with the times of currency oversupply, the value of the Divine Shield would have already been jeopardized. The Franc plummeted drastically, but the simrly oversupplied Divine Shield barely fluctuated at all, which was a miracle.
Insufficient currency cirction wasn¡¯t a problem once the era of paper money arrived. If it wasn¡¯t enough, they would just print more, and as the cirction market for the Divine Shield grew, increasing the cirction of the currency just made sense.
Just like the future US Dor, as long as the market had confidence, Old Te dared to flood the market.
The era of military expansion was over; the age of economic expansion had just begun. As soon as the Vienna Government achieves a short-term goal, it will immediately escape the current fiscal predicament.
By the mid-19th century, the gold standard system was sessively established on the European Continent, with gold being the mainstream method of settling international trade, and both British Pounds and Divine Shield being supplementary to gold settlements.
Besides being known as international currencies, in reality, both Divine Shield and pound sterling weren¡¯t true international currencies ¨C their ability to function as settlement currencies still depended on gold.
Only by transforming the ¡°Gold-Divine Shield system¡± into the ¡°Divine Shield system¡± would the Divine Shield be truly international. At that point, it could emte the future Americans, bing wealthy simply by printing money.
Prime Minister Carl hurriedly advised, ¡°Your Majesty, besides our reputation, the value of the Divine Shield is important because it is tied to gold and can be freely exchanged.
Once it¡¯s decoupled from gold, without the limitation of gold reserves, we could print as much as we want, but the outside world definitely wouldn¡¯t ept it, and we might crash just like the current Franc.¡±
That was an inevitable result. The Shinra Empire¡¯s credibility was solid but not universal adoration.
If the Divine Shield were to decouple from gold, the British would likely take advantage of the situation and push the pound sterling to capture the market.
Seeing the Prime Minister misled by surface issues, Franz shook his head and exined, ¡°This is a long-term goal. In the short term, the Divine Shield naturally cannot decouple from gold.
However, apart from the fixed exchange rate with gold, we can add some more chips, like grain settlements, oil settlements, etc.
In these areas, we have an absolute advantage. If we propose settling directly with Divine Shield, the antipathy of other countries should not be too strong.
First secure the settlement status of the Divine Shield on the European Continent, then gradually expand to the rest of the world, and implement the final step once the overall situation is stable.¡±
Copying homework, who doesn¡¯t know how to do that?
Even though Franz didn¡¯t know the specifics of how the future dor hegemony was established, he was aware of the dor¡¯s mboyant maneuvers of coupling and decoupling with gold.
Since it seeded in the original timeline, then just copy the homework. The small challenges that Americans handled, there¡¯s no reason the Vienna Government wouldn¡¯t be able to manage.
The Americans had their grain dominance, their oil dominance, and the Holy Roman Empire had these things as well ¨C the bargaining chips were evenly matched.
In the short term, promoting the Divine Shield system worldwide was impractical, but it was very promising to implement it throughout the European Continent.
When selling grain, oil, and other monopoly goods, insisting on transactions in Divine Shield would make the European nationsply.
At that time, the European Continent was still the center of the world. Once Divine Shield hegemony was established in Europe, expanding overseas would be much easier.
Chapter 989: 3, New Troubles
Chapter 989: Chapter 3, New Troubles
Economic model changes affected every aspect of life. As the new hegemon of Europe, the activities of the Holy Roman Empire were closely scrutinized.
Even the small steps taken by the Vienna Government, when the new economic policies were implemented, attracted the attention of governments across Europe.
Despite the attention, what kind of economic policy the Holy Roman Empire decided to implement was its own domestic affair and not something others had a say in.
Apart from a few champions of free economics who voiced their opinions, there was no furthermotion. Compared to the changes in the Holy Roman Empire¡¯s economic policy, people were more concerned about the French Civil War and the Franco-Spanish War.
Especially the French Civil War, which was a popr spectacle among the spectators. The war against France had just ended, the hatred had notpletely subsided, and everyone naturally enjoyed watching the enemy¡¯s misfortune.
Ordinary people could enjoy the spectacle, but the governments of the countries could not. If the French Civil War continued, the reparations would be as intangible as the moon reflected in the water or a flower in the mirror.
The Belgian government was the first to lose patience. As the biggest victim of the continental war, Belgium plummeted from a developed nation to poverty-stricken status.
Post-war reconstruction continued, almost all materials had to be purchased from abroad, and national tax revenue was virtually nonexistent. The only ie for the Belgian government now was the war reparations paid by the French.
We were already into the second half of the year, and not far from the settlement date, if the French Civil War didn¡¯t end, this year¡¯s reparations would be jeopardized.
It should be noted that the Belgian government was surviving on debts, all funds for post-war reconstruction came from international loans, every penny was begrudgingly spent as if cut in two, and even the sries of government officials couldn¡¯t be normally disbursed.
Now they were counting on this payment from the French for disbursing sries to public officials, to avoid strikes from the personnel below.
Theoretically, the revolutionaries were besieged in Paris, and the Nobility held the upper hand militarily, so they should have quickly been victorious.
Unfortunately, the French Aristocratic Group was rife with internal conflicts; although the Vienna Government had mediated between the Three Monarchical Parties, it only suppressed the overt conflicts, with underhanded sabotage still urring.
Byparison, the situation for the New Paris Government was much better. Willingly or unwillingly, everyone got on board with the scoundrels, hands stained with blood, with no option but to fight to the death.
Don¡¯t think that just because the Revolutionary Party could escape abroad after every failed uprising, fleeing was easy. In reality, only the upper echelon was sessful in fleeing; ordinary revolutionaries had no means to go into exile.
One side harbored ulterior motives as the Aristocratic Alliance, the other cornered to desperation as Revolutionaries; the fighting power that erupted from both sides naturally was not on the same level. If it weren¡¯t for the Anti-French Alliance backing the Royalist Party from behind, the offensive and defensive positions would have changed long ago.
Despite the support, the Allied Forces did not directly intervene in this civil war. On one hand, it was because Carlos firmly opposed it, while on the other hand, there was a split within the Anti-French Alliance.
Although the performance of the Aristocratic Group was poor, strategically they still held the advantage, as long as they continued the siege, the Royalist Party would eventually oust the enemy.
Apart from a few paupers who were desperate for food, most nations in the Anti-French Alliance were content to watch the French annihte each other.
Although the European wars had severely damaged France, it hadn¡¯t changed the fact that France was a major country. With historical lessons at hand, nobody dared to take France lightly.
Now that the French were preying on each other, draining the nation¡¯s vitality, this was exactly what everyone wanted to see. In a sense, civil wars were the cruelest; regardless of who won or who lost, the strength expended came from one¡¯s own country.
A nce at the history books would reveal that the greatest damage caused by a civil war never urred on the battlefield; it was beyond the battlefield where the most people died.
Although there were no specific casualty statistics, based on changes in France¡¯s grain import statistics, it was possible to estimate a rough number.
ording to data released by the European Grain Export Association, since the outbreak of the French Civil War, the total volume of grain imports had dropped by 27.4 percentpared to the previous month.
The main reason for the decline in total grain import volume was¡ªthe pockets of the French popce were emptied, losing their purchasing power; it was only secondary that grain from outside couldn¡¯t be brought into Paris once it was besieged.
The percentage doesn¡¯t show much, but when converted into concrete numbers, it meant France had millions more people who needed solving the food problem.
Of course, the real data might be different. After all, countless refugees were dying from illness or starvation every day, and as the poption decreased, the food gap naturally lessened.
Against this backdrop, Belgium¡¯s proposal for armed intervention naturally struggled to gain support.
¡
In the Vienna Pce, Emperor Franz, whose conscience was not yet lost, was currently troubled about solving the French refugee crisis.
The assistance of the Continental Alliance was predicated on the sessful restoration of the Bourbon Dynasty. Before the dust settled, no one was willing to risk everything to help the French.
The Vienna Government lending a hand to the French? Even less likely. Hatred was not only prevalent among the French but also deeply ingrained in the hearts of the Shinra popce.
Anyone who supported the French at this time would be at odds with the general Shinra public, particrly those in Luxembourg and the Rhinnd region, where anti-French sentiment was most intense.
In order to consider the feelings of his own people, Franz could not defy the world and provide substantial help to the French.
Of course, this was the official exnation given to the Bourbon Dynasty. Whether or not the French believed it was another matter. Regardless, Franz was indeed worried about the French refugees.
Since the outbreak of the French Civil War, more and more French refugees had crossed the border into Shinra. For survival, refugees clearly could no longer afford to hold onto national and familial hatred.
Deportation was futile; even if they were sent back, they couldn¡¯t find enough food and would return in a few days.
Being arrested and imprisoned did not matter to them; at least the prisons in Shinra provided food, much better than starving. The refugees surrendered themselves to the guards, happy to be taken care of in any way as long as they were fed.
The public¡¯s gaze across Europe was focused on the French Civil War, and naturally, there were many media outlets concerned with the refugee crisis. With international reputation in mind, many extreme measures were no longer usable.
Especially the children that followed, who imed to be orphans whether their parents were with them or not, and refused to leave.
You could deport adults, you could arrest them, but faced with a group of orphans, the guards were powerless. In the end, they had no choice but to support them, turning the military camps on the front lines almost into daycares.
How to deal with these refugees had be the biggest problem facing the Vienna Government.
¡°What, Leopold II wants toe to Vienna?¡±
Belgium was in dire need of repair, and it was the time when the King was needed to stabilize the hearts of the people. Leopold II¡¯s visit to Vienna at this time could certainly not be a simple family visit.
¡°Yes, Your Majesty!¡±
Foreign Minister Weisenberg replied, ¡°The Belgian Foreign Ministry has just sent a telegram, stating that Leopold II has already left from within the nation. He is expected to enter the Empire¡¯s territory tonight and requests that we arrange a special train.¡±
Leopold II was emphatically illustrating what it means to be swift and resolute,ing directly over whether the Vienna Government was willing to receive him or not.
¡°Let the railwaypany arrange the special train, and the Foreign Ministry will carry out the reception work ording to normal protocols. The Royal family will send Maximilian as representative.¡±
(Also known as Maximilian)
No matter what the purpose was, a visitor is a guest, and certain diplomatic courtesies could not be neglected. With nothing else to upy him, Franz decided to give his unfortunate brother something to do.
After all, they were rtives, and there was nothing wrong with having Maximilian receive his own uncle.@@novelbin@@
Frankly, the rtionship among the Franz siblings was not bad. As long as Maximilian didn¡¯te to consult with some national governance n, they were all good brothers.
Unfortunately, the zeal of an idealist is unmatched by ordinary people. Despite the passing years, Maximilian had not abandoned the duties of an Emperor.
Of course, after many years of growth, Maximilian had matured a lotpared to his younger years. This was evident from his meticulously prepared Mexican development strategy.
If he had acted like this thirty years ago, with the support of the Vienna Government, Maximilian would have likely secured his position as Emperor of Mexico by now, at least not easily overthrown by a former president.
But there is no medicine for regret. Times change, and international situations shift. Today¡¯s Mexico is far moreplex than it was thirty years ago; even a sessful restoration would not guarantee a stable reign.
A high-risk, low-return proposition was of no interest to Franz. Rather than wade into the murky waters of Mexico, he would prefer to dethrone the British from their position as maritime superpowers sooner.
Whether it was Australia, New Zend, Canada, or British-Africa, which was not more enticing than Mexico?
A direct annexation was not realistic, but establishing independent sub-states was quite easy, at least easier than dealing with Mexico. These areas had a smaller poption and far lessplex racial tensions than Mexico.
With the reception work arranged, the small interlude hade to an end. As for the true purpose of Leopold II¡¯s visit, Franz was not so curious to find out.
Chapter 990: 4: The Ruthless Leopold II
Chapter 990: Chapter 4: The Ruthless Leopold II
Vienna Grand Hotel, a heartfelt scene unfolded as two unfortunate souls shared their troubles, a sight so poignant that it brought listeners to tears.
Then there was no follow-up, regardless of how much Maximilian wanted to help, it was all in vain.
Over the years, in his efforts to restore his reign, Maximilian had not only exhausted his personal connections but also incurred a mountain of favors owed. Nowadays, his influence on the Vienna Government had waned to almost nothing.
Aside from keeping up appearances, Maximilian, the Exiled Emperor of Mexico, was merely a figurehead. The only use he might have was his high status, which could help in crucial moments by speaking up, though whether it would be effective was uncertain.
Such was the limited assistance that Leopold II was still unwilling to give up. After all, having someone to speak on your behalf was better than no one.
Although Maximilian¡¯s political influence was minimal, he was still able to exert some influence on Franz. The fact that he received hundreds of thousands annually for restoration funds was proof enough.
However, people grow, and although deeply moved and more than willing to assist Belgium, Maximilian was no longer the na?ve youth he once was.
¡°Leopold, I personally suggest that you don¡¯t harbor too much hope. As far as I know, the Vienna Government is facing a deficit again this year.
If you really want to secure funding from Vienna, it would be better to go through private channels for financing. Although the interest rates are a bit higher, politically, the cost would not be as severe.¡±
This was Maximilian¡¯s sincere advice. Assistance, interest-free loans, these were too much to ask for. Now was no longer the era of continental wars, and Belgium¡¯s importance to the Shinra Empire had significantly decreased, and the Vienna Government was not foolish.
If the amount was small, perhaps Belgium could y on its pitiable state to some effect. But now, the funding gap faced by Belgium was enormous, involving significantly greater stakes.
Leopold II was naturally aware of theseplications, but he was out of options. Traditional international financing not only had high interest rates but also came with numerous political strings attached.
Most crucially, the Belgian government had already mortgaged all it could in previous loans and nowcked sufficient coteral. Purely relying on government credibility, financial consortia simply weren¡¯t buying it.
Not just in Vienna, but across all major financial markets in Europe, the Belgian government had borrowed money. Now, anyrge bank or financial firm in Europe was a creditor of the Belgian government.@@novelbin@@
In a bid to gather sufficient funds, repeated mortgaging and deceitful tactics had been rampant in the actions of the Belgian government.
Unfortunately, financial institutions were too shrewd, distrusting the Belgian government¡¯s repayment capabilities; every loan involved a heap of coteral, while the money lent was minimal.
Post-war reconstruction costs had significantly exceeded the budgeted amounts, and normalmercial channels were unworkable, prompting this trip to Vienna by Leopold II.
¡°Maximilian, aren¡¯t you aware of what those vampires are like? Given Belgium¡¯s current situation, do you think it¡¯s possible to obtain a normalmercial loan?¡±
Seeing Leopold II¡¯s helpless expression, Maximilian nodded sympathetically. Being a former emperor, he knew all too well the nature of banks.
¡°Lending an umbre on a sunny day, and taking it back when it rains.¡± This wasn¡¯t just talk; back when he was the Emperor of Mexico, Maximilian faced many difficulties.
What appeared to be very conscientious loans were only meant to deceive themon people, as the real interest rates were always terrifyingly high.
To this day, Maximilian vividly remembered the first time he obtained a loan. He mortgaged silver mines in Mexico and secured a seemingly generous loan.
Publicly, the annual rate was only 2.5%, but in reality, numerous processing fees piled up. Worse still, the loan was disbursed in installments, yet interest was calcted on the total amount, effectively bringing the real interest rate to a staggering 14.62% per year.
Even this was a fair loan facilitated by Napoleon III, who had personallymunicated with the French finance group out of support for him.
If the government hadn¡¯t intervened and banks were left to their own devices, the interest rates would be truly usurious. How high it could go was unknown, but Maximilian had once taken a loan where the principal was halved, and the interest rate was an exorbitant 46.9%, with countless additional conditions.
Of course, Maximilian didn¡¯t entirely suffer from this arrangement. Though the interest rates were high and the conditions numerous, this was a high-risk loan. As the Mexican Empire fell, these debts turned into bad loans.
The legacy effect was that when Maximilian wanted to finance his restoration, there was no longer any bank willing to lend money to the exiled government. Even personal loans under his name were out of the question.
Government debt didn¡¯t equate to emperor¡¯s debt, and there was no joint liability between them. In theory, as a direct descendant of the Habsburg Family, Maximilian remained a prime client in the eyes of banks, and borrowing a hundred and eighty thousand should not be an issue.
Unfortunately, Franz had made his stance clear to the financial world early on, warning that anyone who lent money to Maximilian personally was picking a fight with the Habsburg dynasty.
Capital, being both profit-seeking and fainthearted, meant that no bank would dare to sh with the Habsburg dynasty over slight gains in interest revenue.
Thus, the unsuspecting Maximilian kept facing rejections, mistaking himself as a fallen phoenix, trampled by the vampires in his time of vulnerability.
After hesitating for a moment, Maximilian slowly said, ¡°Leopold, on this matter, all I can do is convey the difficulties your country faces.
Ultimately, the decision still lies with the Vienna Government, so you had better not harbor too much hope. My elder brother seldom interferes in such matters.¡±
Politics is just that realistic; whenever there¡¯s a matter that offends people, it is always the Cab that takes the me, while Emperor Franz generally only appears when everyone is happy.
Based on Maximilian¡¯s understanding of his brother, unless the Belgian government can offer enough benefits in exchange, this act of helping without any clear benefit will most likely not go through.
¡°Thank you!¡±
¡°If the Vienna Government can provide us with the assistance we need, then all international trade settlements of Belgium will henceforth use the Divine Shield,¡± said Leopold II, gritting his teeth.
In a sense, this was also a sell-out of national sovereignty, but Belgium no longer had better options.
With insufficient funds for post-war reconstruction and unable to receive reparations from the French, Belgium had mortgaged everything possible and now had only these few bargaining chips left.
Had it not been for the discovery that the Vienna Government was nning to make the Divine Shield an international settlement currency, Leopold II would not have known that settlement currency could also be traded.
After all, international trade settlements prior to this were mostlypleted using gold, and sometimes silver was used. Using the Divine Shield for settlements was something that happened when countries engaged in trade with the Holy Roman Empire.
Using the Divine Shield for all trade settlements not only meant that Belgium was forsaking gold and silver as settlement options, but it also meant linking its currency directly to the Divine Shield, transitioning from a purely gold-based system to a mix of Divine Shield and gold.
However, since the Divine Shield and gold could freely be exchanged, and their values were rtively stable, the difference between this mixed standard and a pure gold standard was not significant.
Just because the difference is not significant now does not mean it will stay that way in the future. If the Divine Shield were to ever decouple from gold, the situation would take a drastically different turn.
No doubt, these are issues that no one has realized yet. It¡¯s beyond normal consideration to imagine a decoupling of the Divine Shield and gold, and no one knows just how fast the economy will grow such that the production of gold cannot meet the real demand.
Had Leopold II known about these factors, he definitely would not have nonchntly put it forward as a negotiation condition. After all, negotiations had not officially started, and the conditions put forward now could only be considered a show of good faith; the eventual cost would certainly be even greater.
Maximilian nodded, feeling relieved. The currency hegemony struggle between the Divine Shield and the pound sterling had been ongoing for more than a day or two; even he, an exiled emperor far removed from politics, had heard of it.
The current stance of Belgium was not just about economic benefits but more importantly, about a political alliance.
Years ago, the Anglo-Austrian two countries had devised their own settlement systems and had tried to rally European countries. However, the conditions were not yet ripe at that time, and even if there was a leaning towards it, no country dared to dere the use of one country¡¯s currency for all settlements.
If Belgium now stands out, it will be the first country in the world to publicly dere the use of the Divine Shield for all settlements. Just based on this fact alone, it could gain a lot of favor from the Vienna Government.
This is something that, currently, only an impoverished Belgium would dare to pursue. To fully adopt the Divine Shield for settlements is not only politically offensive to the British Government, but it also excludes Belgian goods from the British market.
Whether for face or profit, the London Government cannot possibly ept the Divine Shield as the currency for English-Belgian trade settlements. It¡¯s known that Anglo-Austrian trade is currently primarily settled in gold.
Even though the Vienna Government wanted the Divine Shield to be the international settlement currency, it was not so aggressive; currently, the n was just to make the Divine Shield the internal settlement currency of the Continental Alliance.
Knowing the severe consequences, Leopold II still went ahead with it. The reason was harsh; currently, only Anglo-Austria had the financial power to provide funds to Belgium.
Even though the Vienna Government seemed financially stretched, it was all rtive; squeezing out some funds was still possible.
Moreover, just because the government had no money did not mean it could not produce any funds. After more than a year of buffering, no matter how tense the financial market of the Holy Roman Empire was, it was unlikely that tens of millions of funds could not be produced.
The funds for post-war reconstruction were not to be spent in one day; with eight or nine million for emergency relief, the remaining funds couldpletely wait until next month¡¯s allocation.
The situation in Europe had cleared up, Belgium could no longer afford to be indecisive. If they ran to the British for a loan at this point, that would absolutely be a sign of being fed up with life.
Since he had to be ackey anyway, Leopold II decided to gamble on seizing the topckey position. Although being the topckey was a bit more dangerous due to needing to charge into battle, the benefits were substantial!
Before this, the upper echelons of the Belgian government had also carefully studied the situation.
With the current momentum gathered by the Holy Roman Empire, as long as the Vienna Government did not act rashly, its status as the continental overlord was already secure, and the chances of recing the British as the maritime overlord were also very high.
Given Belgium¡¯s limited influence, if it did not immediately align itself, once other countries took the lead, their value would be lost.
Chapter 222 Trouble Falls from the Sky Montenegro
The sess of the Paris revolution and the ensuing exile of Napoleon IV caused a major political earthquake across the European Continent.
Anyone with a bit of political sense knew that the emergence of a Republican Government at such a time was a disaster for France.
Controlling Paris and controlling France were two different concepts. Without the threat of foreign enemies, the Revolutionary Government could have adopted political measures to unify the nation and gradually purge the Bonapartist elements from the government and military.
Obviously, that was impossible. The Anti-French Alliance would not give them the time needed to integrate the nation. Facing the millions of troops from the Anti-French Alliance, the Paris Revolutionary Government in control of only Paris had no strength to wager.
Strength is the foundation of negotiation, and without sufficient strength, it was pure fantasy for France to hope to preserve its vitality after the war.
In London, upon receiving this sudden bad news, Prime Minister dstone was so furious he flipped his table.
What happened to France no longer concerned him; what was critical was that the timing of the fall of the Bonaparte Dynasty was all wrong.
It was known that they had just recently reached a secret agreement with Napoleon IV involving the purchase of the entire main fleet of the French Navy for eighteen million British Pounds.
Thinking they had gotten a great deal, they didn''t expect that before the ink was dry, the Bonaparte Dynasty would be no more.
With the Bonaparte Dynasty gone, the previous secret treaty naturally went unenforced. This was no longer the era when Britain held supreme sway, even if the London Government wanted topel the Revolutionary Government to continue fulfilling the treaty, they couldn''t use the secret treaty as leverage.
There was no way around it, the treaty contained too much about the Anti-French Alliance. If it were exposed, Britain could no longer operate in Europe.
If that was all, it wouldn''t be such a big deal; they could simply act as if the secret treaty never existed. The problem was the money paid could now not be recovered.
Believing that the French were selling warships to fund their military against Austria, the London Government had promptly paid half the costs even before delivery.
Now there was no talking about it; it had directly be bad debt. Even knowing that the money had ended up in the hands of Napoleon IV, the London Government had no means to publicly demand it back.
Not only could they not im the debt, but they had to think of ways to keep the lid on this issue. Should there be any leaks, not only would their n to acquire French warships fall through, but it would also give their political enemies leverage over their rule-breaking operations.
By regtion, suchrge transactions had to be approved by Parliament. Clearly, such a secret deal was unsuitable to be debated in Parliament, so the dstone Cab had acted first and reportedter.
There had been simr incidents in Britain before. As long as they were sessful, they escaped criticism. Regrettably, dstone''s handling this time had failed.
Once he calmed down, Prime Minister dstone said, "Send someone tomunicate with Napoleon IV immediately. Promise him that as long as he returns the money, we will support his restoration."
With a resigned exnation, Foreign Minister George said, "It''s no use, Prime Minister. We have already sent people to contact Napoleon IV. Currently, he''s in a very bad state, and our people dare not provoke him too much.
To avoid any idents, our people can only talk with the exiled French government. Regrettably, they demand the continuation of the treaty''s terms and immediately issued an order for the Navy to hand over the warships.
Considering that the exiled government has already lost control of the Navy, such a rash order is barely more valuable than waste paper, and we had no choice but to reject it."
Even in his downfall, an emperor remains an emperor. Seeing Napoleon IV on his deathbed, the British representative who came prepared to use harshly was instantly silenced.
Unable to determine whether it was a real illness or a feigned one, the British representative naturally didn''t dare take a risk. There was intense fear that any carelessness might provoke Napoleon IV to his death, cing the me of driving an emperor to his death on their shoulders.
Since Napoleon IV wouldn''t show up, the exiled French government yed dumb. It was clear they didn''t trust the promises of the British Government and were ready to swallow the huge sum of money directly.
Hearing this oue, dstone gritted his teeth and asked, "Are they so sure we wouldn''t dare retaliate? You know, dealing with an exiled government wouldn''t cost much."
Foreign Minister George shook his head and said with a bitter smile, "Prime Minister, the French truly aren''t worried we would take action against them.
Although Napoleon IV is exiled abroad, the roots of the Bonaparte Dynasty haven''t been entirely lost. Because of their hatred, these people should now be considered France''s strongest anti-Austria faction, with Napoleon IV as their natural leader.
Neither the Orleans Dynasty nor the Bourbon Dynasty would oppose Austria at this time. Once the Revolutionary Government surrenders to the Anti-French Alliance, all of France''s anti-Austria forces would gravitate towards them. Stay updated via My Virtual Library Empire
By dealing with them, we would be dissolving France''s internal anti-Austria forces, essentially doing a huge favor for Austria.
At this time, we not only shouldn''t act against them but should find ways to enhance their strength or even support their restoration, lest Europe ends up with a single voice."
From this perspective, as long as the Bonaparte Dynasty continues to oppose Austria, keeping the money in their hands wasn''t too bad."
Knowing he had been conned and not only unable to retaliate but having to increase support, dstone felt the world had gone mad.
However, such was the reality. For the national interest of Britain, the French exiled government had to exist; otherwise, France''s anti-Austria elements wouldn''t have an organization to rally around.
After pondering for a moment, Prime Minister dstone realized,menting, "Napoleon IV has truly good tactics! Without showing his face, he swindled a huge sum from us."
¡
"Since he''s so powerful, why did he go into exile?"
¡
"That''s wrong, there''s a problem with the Paris revolution. The Bonaparte Dynasty isn''t that fragile, it couldn''t have copsed so quickly!"
The troops stationed in Paris were loyalists to Napoleon IV, if they hadn''t been moved away, the Revolutionaries would never have seeded.
It seems we''ve all been yed, the copse of the Bonaparte Dynasty was orchestrated by Napoleon IV himself, and the current Revolutionary Government is just a scapegoat he prepared.
This is bad, the war in Europe is going to end sooner than expected. Napoleon IV will not leave a chance for the Revolutionary Government, the problems are going to start now with the French Army at the frontlines.
There''s no time left, we must immediately negotiate with the Revolutionary Government, to finalize agreements before the French surrender..."
Sure enough, as the most sessful Prime Minister of the 18th century Britannia, dstone gleaned the truth through mere hints and traces.
Knowing is one thing, but Napoleon IV employed an overt strategy. Everyone knew it was a trap, yet they had to jump into it regardless, from the moment the armed uprising began, the Revolutionaries had no way back.
The responsibility for recklessly starting the war was thrown to the bourgeoisie, and the responsibility for defeat was shifted to the Revolutionaries, turning Emperor Napoleon IV instead into a victim.
To the public, there was an eptable exnation: the defeat wasn''t due to the Emperor''s ipetence, but mainly because of traitors. With internal and external troubles bursting simultaneously, it was too much to handle.
As soon as the peace treaty was signed, the public would turn their anger toward the submissively surrendering Revolutionary Government, thus diminishing the former government''s responsibility.
¡
In the face of the overwhelming tide of history, individual power is trivial. While the Paris Congress was still arguing over food problems, the frontline troops had already run out of supplies.
On October 19, 1891, three days after the French Army ran out of supplies, the elderly Marshal Patrice McMahon publicly announced "Your Conspiracy Seeded."
The article recounted the bloody sacrifices made by the frontline French Army to protect their homnd and harshly criticized the Revolutionary Government for treachery and for crippling the army''s logistics to force their surrender.
Following that, he ordered the troops at the frontline toy down their arms and surrender. As if on cue,manders in the south, west, and middle sections of the French Army issued simr promations in session.
Suddenly, France was flooded with announcements, and almost every French general criticized the Paris Revolutionary Government before surrendering, making it seem as if not issuing such statements was out of touch with the times.@@novelbin@@
A devastating blow descended from the sky, crushing the bewildered Paris Revolutionary Government¡ª"treachery and selling out the nation," they indeed nned to do so, but since the armistice negotiations hadn''t even started, what were they selling?
Exnations were futile, Napoleon IV had craftilyid a mine, which had now detonated.
The military unified its stance, adamantly iming that the Revolutionary Government colluded with the Anti-French Alliance to cut off the frontline troops'' food and fodder supply, forcing everyone to surrender to the enemy. The Paris Revolutionary Government didn''t even have the chance to exin.
It wasn''t that the Bonaparte Dynasty had such a strong influence in the army¡ªhad they been able to control the national military, Napoleon IV wouldn''t have needed to go into exile.
Ultimately, it was all for interests, as defeat always needs someone to take responsibility. Particrly for the military after a defeat, one can imagine how difficult the postwar period would be for these generals.
To avoid being spat on by the public, they, like Napoleon IV, needed a scapegoat. And just at that moment, the Paris Revolutionary Government stepped up.
Wanting to take charge was no problem. With a few telegrams, the Paris Revolutionary Government nominally consolidated military power. Being in charge naturally meant providing support; the responsibility originally belonging to the Bonaparte Dynasty now fell on the Revolutionary Government.
Since they had already started nting mines, Napoleon IV naturally wouldn''t leave too much strategic material in Paris, including the food supplies stored along the way, which were either sold or moved away.
By the time the Paris Government took over, it was exactly time to transport supplies to the frontlines. Cartloads of materials, prepared for shipment, were seized by the Revolutionary Army before they could even leave Paris.
If they continued to the frontlines, they themselves would go hungry. Without question, they took priority. This requisition made the me inescapable.
Unable to control local governments, and unable to gather enough food and supplies for the frontlines in a short time, this directly led to the starvation of the frontline troops.
The deed was done, and no matter how the Paris Revolutionary Government exined it, the frontline troops'' starvation was their fault.
Chaos ensued, all over France. As one deration after another was made, the Paris Revolutionary Government was pushed into the storm''s eye.
Initially, students and intellectuals who supported the revolution began to hesitate. Nobility, peasants, and some workers who were already opposed to the revolution now saw the Revolutionary Government even more unfavorably.
Even capitalists who had just been released from prison and were ready to usurp the fruits of the revolution paused their steps, opting to first observe the situation.
There was no choice: the Anti-French Alliance had already attacked. Paris''s strategic position was inherently poor, not only difficult to defend but also close to the frontlines. Once the frontline troops surrendered, Paris would be the new frontline.
Taking control of the central power at this time, without the ability to counter the Anti-French Alliance, would only be asking for trouble.
Chapter 991: 5, Lying Down to Win Tactic
Chapter 991: Chapter 5, Lying Down to Win Tactic
Vienna Pce,
after hearing the news brought by his younger brother, Franz said expressionlessly, ¡°That¡¯s fine, the Cab will handle Belgium¡¯s issues. You don¡¯t need to intervene anymore.
Now that the Franc has plummeted to rock bottom, let your Exiled Government pay off the French debts first and take the opportunity to make a wave in presence!¡±
Without expectations, there can be no disappointment. Franz had never ced faith in Maximilian from the start, so it was natural that he wouldn¡¯t be disappointed.
In some ways, Maximilian¡¯s performance was much better than Franz had expected. Apart from being overly idealistic, he had done quite well in other areas.
After so many years of development,
the Mexican Restitution Organization led by Maximilian had gradually grown and expanded, particrly influential among European students.
In those days, the European Continent was the stronghold of monarchism to begin with, and governments were not sparing in instilling loyalty and patriotism. Maximilian had stirred things up here, and the governments were happy to see its sess.
Putting his capabilities aside for the moment, Maximilian was beyond reproach on a personal moral level. Compared to the warlords inside Mexico, this exiled Emperor left a much better impression on everyone.
Franz had provided considerable assistance in this regard, having misused public resources for personal ends more than once to whitewash this exiled Emperor.
Those Mexican students who could study in Europe were not from ordinary families. As these individualspleted their studies and returned home, the reach of the Restoration Organization extended back into Mexico.
If this situation continued, coupled with support from the Vienna Government, there might actually be a day when Maximilian could feasibly be restored.
Of course, this was just a possibility. Neither the British nor the Americans wanted to see the gs of the Habsburg dynasty flying over Mexico again.
The most critical issue was that Maximiliancked the abilities, and the Restoration Organization did not have sufficient talent to deal with Mexico¡¯splex situation. To restore him would be to send him to hell.
Not to mention that they even missed such a golden opportunity with the devaluation of the Franc, requiring Franz himself to point it out, which showed the caliber of Maximilian¡¯s Restoration Organization.
¡°Franc depreciation¡ªdebt repayment¡ªboost presence!¡±
Awakened by the realization, Maximilian looked at Franz in disbelief. This maneuver was simply beyond his understanding.
Without a doubt, this was shamelessly ying the rogue, and yet the French couldn¡¯t say a thing. The devaluation of the Franc was their own doing and had nothing to do with Maximilian, not a single Franc¡¯s worth of rtion.
Considering the astonishingly low value of the Franc now, one only needed to give a single Divine Shield to the bank to generously say, ¡°Exchange it for Francs to repay the debt, and keep the change.¡±
One Divine Shield per bank, and at most it wouldn¡¯t surpass a hundred Divine Shields for the Mexican Empire to clear its debt to the French people.
Of course, if the loan contract included a use for settlement in Gold, then such a scheme wouldn¡¯t be feasible.
However, that scenario was nearly impossible. Thirty years ago, who could have known France would be in such a state today?
In normal circumstances, even if the Franc depreciated, it would only be a short-term fluctuation, and the extent of depreciation wouldn¡¯t be significant. With the exorbitant interest on loans, any currency fluctuation would still mean a profit.
Any country confident in itself wouldn¡¯t bring up the issue of currency fluctuations when extending international loans. This was the case all over the world, including loans issued by the Holy Roman Empire settled in Divine Shield, rarely raising questions about currency values.
Regardless of the Franc¡¯s depreciation, the Exiled Government taking the initiative to repay debts is a spirit of contract adherence worthy of being recorded grandly. If the Franc depreciated, that was just the French people¡¯s bad luck.
European media certainly wouldn¡¯t miss the chance to grab attention and increase newspaper sales. It cost less than a hundred Divine Shield to be a hot topic, and there was absolutely no reason to pass on such a good opportunity.
¡°Alright, I¡¯ll arrange it right away!¡±
Being impressionable was Maximilian¡¯s most apparent weakness, but his willingness to follow orders was his greatest strength. He would earnestly carry out anything Franzmanded.
If not for this virtue, Franz would have long since washed his hands of it, let alone sponsor an annual sum for the restitution effort.
In fact, the restitution fund wasn¡¯t avable from the beginning. Initially, itpletely depended on Maximilian¡¯s own efforts to solicit donations and support from his parents; it was only after thete 19th century, when Franz¡¯s pockets gradually filled, that this ¡°substantial¡± sponsorship came into being.
¡°Mhm!¡±
¡°Restitution is not an urgent concern. Right now, what you need most is to find talent. Governing a country is never just the Emperor¡¯s affair, you need a team for support.
The Mexico Restitution Organization was too disorganized; its members were a motley crew, almost none of them up to the challenge of governing a country.
Especially for a country asplex as Mexico, the demands on government officials were even higher. This kind of thing couldn¡¯t be rushed; it could only be slowly unearthed by you.
In some ways, discovering and employing talent is the most essential skill a monarch must possess. In this area, you still aren¡¯t doing enough.¡±
Despite hisck of hope for Maximilian¡¯s restoration, Franz certainly wouldn¡¯t say so in front of his brother.
One cannot be without ideals, regardless of whether they are ultimately realized or not, one must have a goal to strive for. If he were to speak in truth, Maximilian would probably be disheartened and fall into despair.
Lying is an art, and it¡¯s one that Franz wasn¡¯t adept at. On the issue of restoration, Franz never offered direct praise, only pointing out problems at the right moments.
Were it not for him serving remotely as the strategic advisor, and Maximilian himself willing to take advice, the Mexican Restoration Organization would have likely disbanded long ago.
What could an exiled emperor rely on tomand loyalty, if not for some means at his disposal?
No matter the guidance, the naturalw that ¡°birds of a feather flock together, and people are known by thepany they keep¡± remained unchanged.
An idealistic leader attracted a group of idealistic followers. Such an organization might do well in propaganda but expecting them to govern was nothing short of ludicrous.
¡
Just as Leopold II¡¯s trip to Vienna was taking ce, the situation in Paris shifted once more.
King Carlos led the Noble Coalition Army, encircling the City of Paris from all sides. To reduce casualties, or perhaps due to internal sabotage, they were forced into a prolonged siege.
No matter how well the New Paris Government performed, the fundamental truth that ¡°humans are iron, and food is steel; one meal missed and hunger strikes¡± couldn¡¯t be changed.
With inbound food supplies cut off and relying solely on its reserves, Paris could clearly not hold out for long.
Contrary to what the new government anticipated, the revolutionary climax did not erupt following the victory of the Paris revolution; instead, the spread of the Bourbon restoration news plunged the revolution into a slump.
It wasn¡¯t that the French people had lost their revolutionary fervor; it was that their stomachs were too hungry to muster the energy for a revolt.
Out of support for the Bourbon Dynasty, the Continental Alliance made a decision: all materials entering France would only be traded with the Bourbon Dynasty.
Simply put, wherever a revolution broke out, that ce would face an economic blockade. Not just the nobility who were anti-revolution from the start, but even the intellectuals, middle ss, workers, originally inclined towards the revolution¡ they now changed their stance en masse.
Whether voluntarily or not didn¡¯t matter. As long as everyone knew that following the Revolutionary Party meant going hungry, no one was willing to join.
Those outside had choices, but the people trapped inside the City of Paris had none. To surrender and leave the city, they¡¯d have to get through a minefield first.
These were all unsolicited donations from international phnthropists, sourced entirely from the war surplus from conflicts across Europe. To prevent these products from being wasted upon expiration, they were all stuffed into the hands of the Noble Coalition Army by the Allied Forces.
Freebies not to be wasted, and to avoid assaults from the city¡¯s garrison, the soon-to-be King Carlos decided on a winning by waiting strategy, ordering a massive minefield to beid outside of Paris.
Safety wasn¡¯t an issue anymore; it¡¯s just that those inside couldn¡¯t get out, and those outside couldn¡¯t get in.
But now, they didn¡¯t need to enter. Once the city ran out of food, the war would end. Such a tactic, aside from dragging out the time a little longer, had almost no downsides.
As for the survival of the city¡¯s inhabitants, they had all beenbeled as rioters, so the nobility naturally didn¡¯t care.
With insufficient food reserves, in order tost longer, the new government had no choice but to implement a rationing system. At first, it went well, with leaders setting an example, everyone was held to the same standard, and no one had anyints.
But as time passed, things changed. There¡¯s always a ck sheep in every group, and the New Paris Government was no exception.
Driven by self-interest, one ck market after another sprung up quietly. As long as you had money, there were virtually no restrictions. Of course, this money did not refer to Francs; the currencies of trade weremodities like gold, silver, jewelry, British Pounds, Divine Shieds, and so on.
The food that ended up in the ck market didn¡¯te out of thin air. The new government was very strict with its granary management, so if bureaucrats wanted to make money, they had to skimp on the ordinary people¡¯s rations.
Human greed knows no bounds; it started with skimming two or three percent. Seeing there weren¡¯t any serious reactions from the public, the amount skimmed grewrger andrger until it exceeded everyone¡¯s limits¡@@novelbin@@
Chapter 992: 6, Gambling
Chapter 992: Chapter 6, Gambling
¡°Gotten it and still not leaving? Don¡¯t block the way here; you¡¯re holding up the line for others to receive their food.¡±
Holding the slightly moldy potato in his hand, the young man couldn¡¯t believe this was his daily ration.
He couldn¡¯t help but ask, ¡°Didn¡¯t we still have a piece of bread yesterday? Howe today there¡¯s only one potato? How are we supposed to survive on this?¡±
The official in charge of handing out food, with disdain, scolded, ¡°Stop wasting words! Why can¡¯t you figure it out yourself? If it weren¡¯t for you bunch of refugees, the city wouldn¡¯t be short of food. Now everyone is suffering hunger because of you. You should be thankful you¡¯re getting anything at all, instead of being picky. Now get lost!¡±
In the face of hunger, the ugliness of human nature was fully exposed. The influx of refugees had harmed the interests of the locals, and although the new government was trying to suppress the tensions between the two sides, the conflicts continued unabated in secret. As the situation deteriorated, these conflicts became increasingly intense.
No matter how the situation in Paris changed, and the government changed hands several times, the middle and lower-level officials were mostly the same people.
Seeing that the new government was about to copse again, the bureaucrats became frantic, willing to do anything for money.
Naturally, it was the iing refugees who were the first to suffer. Since these people had no support, their deaths meant nothing and made them the easiest targets for abuse.
Was the top echelon of the new government really unaware?
Maybe not!
The enemy was too cunning, adopting a siege strategy without even entering the city, leaving the new government with no room to maneuver despite its many ns.
They had originally nned to persuade soldiers from the lower ranks of the Noble Coalition Army, but now they were separated by rows ofndmines, unable to even make contact.
In this context, if the leaders of the new government didn¡¯t want to end up on the guillotine, they had no choice but to stubbornly hold out, waiting for the climax of the revolution to arrive.
With limited food stores in the city, the only way tost longer was to reduce the poption. The bureaucrats¡¯ unchecked actions might not be entirely unwee to those in higher power.
Thinking more darkly, if the refugees didn¡¯t sh with the locals, then the hungry people would direct their hatred toward the new government.
Human greed is limitless. Once they¡¯d tasted the sweetness of embezzling and reselling food, they couldn¡¯t stop. This scene was no surprise.
¡°What? Just one potato? Are they trying to starve us to death?¡±
¡°Just one potato? Could it be that someone has pocketed our rations? A single potato is going to drive us to desperation.¡±
¡°No, I have to get a piece of bread today!¡±
¡
¡°Bang, bang, bang¡¡±
Gunfire sounded, and instantly the scene quieted down. Facing armed soldiers, the unorganized refugees had no courage to resist.
¡°Troublemakers, kill!¡±
¡°The food we give you for free is what we¡¯ve scrimped and saved for ourselves. If anyone is dissatisfied, you can simply not take it; no one is forcing you! If you want relief food, follow the rules. If you can¡¯t eat enough, that¡¯s your problem. How many in Paris can eat their fill right now? Everyone is starving; why should you be any different?¡±
The middle-aged official¡¯s murderous words suppressed the chaos, leaving only pairs of angry eyes behind.
In the adult world, there is no right or wrong, only pros and cons. It was obvious from a nce at the line of refugees, mostly young and strong, that the elderly and weak were seldom seen, and what had happened did not need to be said.
Everyone is trying to survive, and there¡¯s nothing to me ¨C no one is cleaner than anyone else. To survive in this chaotic world, one must be ruthless.
¡
Inside the Presidential Pce, Daniel, as the government leader, was now peering out of the window, his brows filled with endless worries.
The crisis belonging to Paris was just beginning. It was autumn; the main conflict for Paris was food, and soon heating would be another problem.
¡°Without rice, even the cleverest housewife cannot cook.¡± Even racking his brains, Daniel couldn¡¯t find a solution to theck of supplies.
If it had been before the knife was raised against the nobility, there was still a chance forpromise. For an intact Paris, the Bourbon Dynasty would most likely have dealt with them, and securing preferential treatment wouldn¡¯t have been difficult.
But now that was impossible. In the previous purges, the Revolutionary Government had already been stained with the blood of the Aristocratic Group. Surrendering meant certain death; only by stubbornly holding out was there a glimmer of hope for survival.
Despite his unwillingness to admit it, the harsh reality told Daniel that this ¡°sliver of hope¡± was bing increasingly ethereal.
The anticipated climax of the revolution had yet to explode, and Daniel knew that the revolution had failed again. It wasn¡¯t that they hadn¡¯t tried hard enough; the enemy was simply too powerful.
From the moment the Royalist Party reached apromise, the bnce of strength was sealed. The Bourbon Dynasty had the Continental Alliance behind it, while they had nothing backing them.
Even the United States, which had originally been inclined to support them, couldn¡¯t possibly provide assistance at this time under the pressure of the Continental Alliance.
¡°Knock, knock, knock¡¡±
The knocking at the door brought Daniel back to reality; he slowly said, ¡°Come in!¡±
The young man said breathlessly, ¡°Mister Dagnell, our negotiations with the enemy have failed. They refuse to open a passage out of the city for the civilians, citing concerns that we could be disguising ourselves as refugees.¡±
¡°I see!¡±
Daniel replied indifferently, as if it were a minor matter that wasn¡¯t worth worrying about.
This was to be expected. Politics are cruel; with the Bourbon Dynasty¡¯s sessful restoration imminent, they naturally wouldn¡¯t want anyst-minuteplications.
Opening a passage to let refugees leave seems like a minor issue, but it invites trouble. Putting aside the additional millions of mouths to feed, it increases the risk of restoration failure.
Inside the City of Parisy over a million people. Keeping these people in the city, the Revolutionary Government would copse in a few months without lifting a finger. The Bourbon Dynasty could win without struggle.
But if all these people were released, the resource crisis within the city would be solved. With no other option, they¡¯d have to engage the revolutionaries in streetbat.
Not to mention the terrible cost, would the refugees receiving asylum be grateful to the Bourbon Dynasty?
The answer was negative.
Human nature isplex. Perhaps initially, everyone would be grateful. However, this gratitude would notst long, and soon enough, due to dyed resettlement and insufficient supplies, the resentment would grow.
With the revolutionaries¡¯ incitement mixed in, another anti-starvation uprising could break out outside the city. History is not without simr incidents.
If they really had wanted to let the refugees leave, the Revolutionary Government would have done so at the start of the civil war, without waiting until now.
If the Noble Coalition Army arrived and immediately attacked the city, the refugees would be the best cannon fodder to deplete the enemy¡¯s forces.
As an extreme idealist, Daniel saw everything as expendable in the pursuit of the ideal, including his own life and fortune, let alone a bunch of refugees.
After a brief pause, Daniel added, ¡°Ma Lun, notify everyone to initiate the contingency n. At this point, we can¡¯t afford to worry about that anymore.¡±
The young man¡¯s face paled, and he hesitated, ¡°Mister Dagnell, are we really going to do this? The enemy may not be fooled, and if they don¡¯te, then¡¡±
¡°There are no ifs!¡±
¡°Live or die. This is a gamble. If we win, France will be an Ideal Nation free from oppression and exploitation; if we lose¡¡±
At that point, Daniel¡¯s voice trailed off. If they lost the gamble, they would all be dead, and there would be no need to know what would happen next.
¡
¡°Hand over the food, or I¡¯ll kill you!¡±@@novelbin@@
¡°Bang!¡±
The surrounded middle-aged man attacked first. At this point, food was life, and it was necessary to fight to survive.
Scenes like this yed out every day on the streets and alleys of Paris. In the face of hunger, the primal survival of the fittest prevailed.
The police, who were supposed to maintain order, had gradually faded from sight at some point. Outside of officials¡¯ areas and main thoroughfares, their presence was nearly non-existent.
To survive, more and more people began to band together. ck gangs emerged, and rampant crimes such as robbery, rape, and murder became widespread.
The government¡¯s indifference finally ignited public discontent. The anti-starvation movement sprouted from the refugee camps, quickly spreading to the workers and citizens of Paris.
On October 21, 1893, a massive anti-starvation march erupted in Paris, its shouts reaching the ears of Carlos outside the city.
Whether tounch an attack on the city became the focal point of contention among the nobility again.
Chapter 994: 8, Tumor
Chapter 994: Chapter 8, Tumor
The news of another revolution breaking out in Paris spread, and the entire European world was dumbfounded. First, the Revolutionary Party had sealed the fate of the Bonaparte Dynasty, then the radicals within the Revolutionary Party had done the same to the Revolutionary Party¡¯s government, and now it was unclear which party was in the process of unseating the radical government.
If one counted the Royalist Coalition outside the city, France had now be a gathering ce for the various factions of the era. News reports about it wereborious to write, let alone for the ordinary people to understand.
While the general public could enjoy the spectacle, politicians were busy with work. With the situation this chaotic, this year¡¯s war indemnity was certainly not to be expected.
No matter which government came to power, they wouldn¡¯t be able to turn up money in the short term. The countries that had relied on Frenchpensation to subsidize their domestic finances were now thoroughly disappointed.
In the Vienna Pce, Franz, who had just reached apromise with Belgium, was now both troubled and happy. There was no helping it, as the number of peopleing to borrow money had been on the rise.
If it were just ordinarymercial loans, it would be straightforward to refer them to a bank. As long as they could afford the interest and had sufficient coteral, the financial system of the Holy Roman Empire could help them secure financing.
With France¡¯s defeat and Paris¡¯s decline, the financial centers on the European Continent had shifted to a dual dominance of Vienna and Frankfurt.
Finance also needs to be linked to politics. After the end of the wars in Europe, the Anglo-Austrian two countries conducted secret negotiations about the international situation and post-war reconstruction.
The result was, of course, self-evident. Looking at the organizational structure of the Continental Alliance, if the two sides hade to an agreement, Britain would not have been excluded from the alliance.
Without a doubt, it was a pyrrhic conclusion. Excluded from the circle, Britain¡¯s influence on the European Continent had dropped to its lowest point in nearly two hundred years. With some influence still over maritime nations, maind countries no longer took Britain¡¯s opinion into ount.
The Holy Roman Empire had achieved political victory, but suffered a heavy blow in the economic arena. Not only had the financing n in London failed, but even the Divine Shield had faced a run on it, with its value dropping by five points at one point.
Taking a hit without fighting back was not Franz¡¯s style. As the British ran on the Divine Shield, the Vienna Government responded in kind with an assault on the British Pounds.
Both were gold standard countries, and then an amusing scene ensued. On one side, gold was exchanged from Shinra with Divine Shields and transported back to the British Isles, while on the other, gold was exchanged in Britain with Pounds and shipped back to Shinra.
Both were countries withrge gold reserves, and after much back-and-forth, the general popce was left dizzy, with neither side able to best the other.
Of course, this was only on the surface; in reality, the Vienna Government had still taken a loss. With the financing n a failure and a need to stabilize the value of the Divine Shield, the government had to tighten its belt.
Affected by this, the pace of post-war reconstruction in regions such as Alsace and Lorraine was also impaired. If the big brother was having a hard time, it was even worse for the little brothers.
Of course, it wasn¡¯t impossible to secure financing. Although the British Government disapproved of everyone, the UK consortium was still very weing of the god of wealth. It¡¯s just that the interest rates were now a tiny bit higher than usual.
Regardless of whether other countries could ept it, the Vienna Government would rather tighten its belt than borrow high-interest loans from the British.
Hard times are always temporary. Capital chases profit, and no one is willing to give up the big cake that is Europe¡¯s reconstruction. Even if the British Government was not supportive, nothing could stop capitalists from pursuing profit.
Especially the capital that had initially flowed from Europe into the London market, began to flow back to the European Continent, passing through the financial markets of Vienna and Frankfurt, and into post-war reconstruction projects.
Although the money was avable, not just anyone could borrow it. In a sense, in the capital markets, both nations and individuals abide by the principle that ¡°the strong get stronger, and the weak get weaker.¡±
The wealthier the country, the easier it was to borrow money; the poorer the country, the harder it was to secure funding.
The Vienna Government, with its robust family fortunes, naturally was a prime customer in the capital markets, while tragedies befell the destitute Belgium, Sardinia, La, Tuscany, and other countries. Due to insufficient creditworthiness and ack of adequate coteral, they found themselves in a funding dilemma.
Franz was more than willing to disy the magnanimity of a big brother once or twice, but when everyone rushed to borrow money, Franz was troubled.
In fact, this was not the first time these nations had borrowed money. Since the war against France, these younger brothers had essentially been financially supported by the Vienna Government.
You never realize the extent until you do the calctions and then you¡¯re startled. These tiny nations each turned out to be billions in debt. Considering their economic conditions, repaying the loans seemed like a matter for the next century!
If this were the only issue, it wouldn¡¯t be uneptable. With rich political returns, an extended timeframe for capital recovery didn¡¯t pose a significant problem.
The key issue was that economic development needed direction and post-war reconstruction wasn¡¯t just about having money. Although Belgium had suffered severe losses, its industrial foundation remained intact; given the funds, it could quickly recover.
The Italian Area met a real tragedy, however, with no resources or industrial base to speak of. Even developing agriculture was a beaten path, and most crucially, their limitednd couldn¡¯t sustain such a poption.
When they were associated with the French, aside from a small amount of handicraft, they mainly acted as a market for goods and providedbor.
With the copse of the French Empire, this fragile industrial chain also broke down. The Holy Roman Empire only needed a market for its goods, not the excessbor.
No matter how cheap, it was futile. The economy hadn¡¯t yet reached the point where it could create enough jobs, and to let these people in was to invite trouble.
Their only choice was to utilize cheapbor to developbor-intensive industriescking technological content, thus stimting domestic economic growth.
The problem was that it was useless for Franz to know this; the rulers of the various countries needed to understand this themselves,bining it with their actual situations to formte effective economic policies.
However, the world is full of peoplecking self-awareness. Among the seven Italian Sub-States, not one had taken the right path.
One after another, these arrogant individuals believed themselves to be smarter than the rest, following the trends of the times. They dabbled in high-tech like electricity and internalbustion engines right away, and some even dared to embark on cutting-edge projects like airnes and battleships.
Well, that was on Franz. The Vienna Government had long adopted the policy of striving to be a technologically advanced country, and this had now be a societal consensus, influencing the younger brothers as well.
It¡¯s not wrong to say, but technology development also required an industrial base. With no foundation, rushing to the forefront meant courting disaster.
The money they had managed to borrow had been squandered by these overambitious individuals. And Belgium, which had the best industrial base, was the first to pick up the outdated capacities the Vienna Government intended to phase out.
With the younger brothers causing concern, the headache naturally fell upon the elder. Nobody¡¯s money came from a windfall. With the way they were wasting it, billions would disappear before yielding any results.
With so much money at stake, wouldn¡¯t it be better to focus on developing their own country? Only an imbecile would lend it out to be thrown away like chaff.
Good advice often falls on deaf ears, but it doesn¡¯t always have an effect. Franz didn¡¯t think a reminder would awaken this bunch, who had suffered too little from society¡¯s harsh ways, and convince everyone to return to the right path. He naturally wouldn¡¯t engage in such thankless work.
Franz asked, ¡°If we refuse to grant them loans, how big of an impact will it cause?¡±
Foreign Minister Weissenberg replied, ¡°There won¡¯t be much impact diplomatically. The civil war in France is nearing its end, and the situation on the European Continent hasrgely stabilized. A few ripples won¡¯t affect the international dynamics.
Given the current situation of the Italian countries such as Sardinia, La, Modena, Parma, Tuscany, the Papal State, and the Two Sicilies, it¡¯s entirely reasonable to deny them loan assistance.¡±
Nobody has decreed that the leader must always provide for its subordinates. The Vienna Government hasn¡¯t taken anything from these countries; on the contrary, it helped them gain independence and provided substantial financial aid¡ªits support has already been more than enough.
Anyone who feels ungrateful and covets more will have to see if the Empire¡¯s iron fist agrees.
If anyone wants to revolt, they should first ask which country dares to take them in. The current situation in Europe is very clear: Holy Roman Empire¡¯s dominance is unquestioned, and anyone who reaches into this domain must be prepared to have their ws cut off.
Economy Minister Reinhardt noted, ¡°The economic problems are significant. In fact, the capitalist economic market¡¯s supply and demand issues appeared some time ago but were dyed by the European wars.
The current market boom is based on a huge bubble fueled by wartime profits. Any issues could lead to the bubble being burst.
Without loan support, the economy in the Italian Area will copse quickly. It could very likely be the catalyst for sparking the brewing economic crisis.¡±
No one can predict an economic crisis, that is impossible. In fact, prior to every economic crisis, there are always warning signs. The first reaction of those in the know is not to issue a warning but to withdraw in advance.
Indeed, issuing warnings is futile as well. The market always needs someone to take the fall; the bursting of the bubble will inevitably bury arge group of people. What can change is only who gets buried.
A great depression following a major war is simply a naturalw of economics. The reason such a depression hasn¡¯t urred is primarily due to the economic support of the Holy Roman Empire.
However, this supportes with its own risks. Just like a tumor in the body, the longer it remains, the greater the damage it will cause.
There¡¯s no choice; some things must be faced head-on. Having just be the dominant power in Europe, the Vienna Government also needs time to consolidate its position.@@novelbin@@
It just so happened that a covert conflict with the British broke out; if an economic crisis erupted at this time, themanding presence that the Holy Roman Empire had so painstakingly established would be diluted.
Perhaps sensing the danger, the dstone Government wanted to withdrawpletely, not wanting to detonate a crisis toward the end of its term. After a tentative flurry of activity, they decisively pulled back.
After hesitating for a moment, Franz slowly said, ¡°Enough! This was bound to happen eventually; there¡¯s no need to stubbornly resist any longer.
Inform the governments of the various countries that if they wish to obtain loans, they must submit aprehensive economic development n to persuade the banks. We no longer have the ability to provide guarantees for them.¡±
Frankly speaking, Franz was thest person who wanted an economic crisis to ur. As the world¡¯srgest economy, the Holy Roman Empire alone upied half of the capitalist world¡¯s economic share.
Once an economic crisis broke out, the Holy Roman Empire was bound to suffer the heaviest losses. In contrast, those economically backward feudal agricultural nations would be rtively less impacted.
But there was no alternative, relying on the power of the government to dy the outbreak of the crisis also had its limits. No one knew when this cancer would detonate, and rather than waiting for others to do it, it was better to take the initiative and burst it oneself, thus retaining some control.
As for shifting the crisis, that was certainly necessary to do. The problem was that today was different from the past; with the economic volume of the Holy Roman Empire being sorge, even if a shift were made, no one would be capable of taking it on.
As an aftermath of the warfare on the European Continent, it was supposed to have erupted at the end of the war. The fact it had been dragged out until now was already quite an achievement.
Even though the government had intervened in the economy many times, a crisis was still a crisis, and it would not simply vanish with a few administrative orders. In short, Franz had to swallow this bitter fruit.
The only difference this time was that it wasn¡¯t a simple case of overproduction. Rather, it was an imbnce in the development of various industries. Mainly due to war impacts, military-rted industries had developed excessively.
Market self-elimination equaled an economic crisis; the smart ones had already made enough money and had withdrawn from the rted fields. Now, the remaining dreamers, still hoping to strike it rich, were all fantasizing about an esction of either the French civil war or the Japanese and Spanish conflict.
Whether they could make a fortune or not, the war certainly wouldn¡¯t escte. Neither London nor Vienna was prepared for war.
War wasn¡¯t child¡¯s y, and unless forced into a corner, without certainty, who would foolishly dere war on a major power?
As long as the Anglo-Austrian two nations didn¡¯t directly fall out, regardless of how the proxy wars were fought, their scale would not be extensive. It was already difficult enough to help clear inventories, so anyone hoping to profit from war should go home, wash up, and go to sleep!
¡
Foreign Minister Weisenberg: ¡°Your Majesty, although the Japanese and Spanish war is still in a tense state, from the current situation, it appears that the Spaniards have very little hope of victory.
ording to data from the Governor of Southeast Asia, since the outbreak of the war, the Spanish Expeditionary Army has suffered 27,000 casualties, including 3,400 navy personnel; while the Japanese Army has lost 39,000 men, with over 5,700 of them being navy officers and soldiers.
The Spaniards hold the advantage in the exchange ratio, but this advantage is not significant. The Japanese have the geographical advantage, and their military reinforcements are much faster.
If there is no major change on the battlefield and the attrition continues, Spanish defeat is just a matter of time.¡±
The advantage in the exchange ratio was not because the Spanish Army was better inbat, but due to the disparity in weapons and equipment. If we say there is a decade of technological gap between both navies, then the difference innd forces, weaponry, and equipment is an entire era.
To be able to achieve nearly a 1.4:1bat record with a whole era of technological disadvantage in weaponry and equipment, Franz began to suspect whether the Japanese were cheating.
The Spaniards had also done their homework; the Continental Alliance had imposed a material blockade on Japan early on. Even if some smuggled equipment fell into the hands of the Japanese Army, it would not be much.
On this point, Franz had a say, as the navy of the Holy Roman Empire was often patrolling key maritime passages such as the Suez Canal and the Strait of a; most of the smuggled arms ships would have already cooled off halfway through.
Even if they could still obtain equipment from the British, in these days, the leading suppliers ofnd forces¡¯ equipment were Shinra Empire, followed by France. The weaponry of the Lobster Soldiers was indeed not very impressive.
Chapter 995: 9: Mercenaries
Chapter 995: Chapter 9: Mercenaries
¡°Spain¡¯s defeat is not the issue,¡± the strategic importance of the Philippine Inds must not fall into the hands of ambitious Japanese, or else there will be no peace in the region of Southeast Asia.
Even now, the Japanese Government is acting verypliant, even with the Vienna Government openly supporting Spain, they still keep a low profile as if they have no temper at all.
But this is based on a fear of the strong. Now the Holy Roman Empire is powerful, just the military forces in the Southeast Asia region are enough to make them unable to cope, even if they want to be restless, they can¡¯t.
Yet times are changing, the Philippine Inds in the hands of Spaniards, and in the hands of Japanese are two entirely different concepts.
The former is already in decline, even if the Philippines are fertile, that can only contribute a sum of revenue to Spain, which is not of significant help to the national strength.
If it fell into Japanese hands, it would bepletely different. With the resources of the Philippines, coupled with the Japanese hard work and endurance, creating a middle power is entirely feasible, and moreover, one with strongbat abilities.
If it was just these, Franz would not be worrying. After all, the Holy Roman Empire is so abnormal now, even he himself never thought that one day he could create such a vast empire.
The problem is Japan is not a normal country, now restrained by the elders, they are temporarily not going crazy. But the future is uncertain, looking at their actions in the original timeline, it¡¯spletely like a series of films about acting recklessly and asking for trouble.
No one can guarantee that one day the Japanese won¡¯t go mad and set their sights on the Austrian South Seas Region. Franz certainly does not want to make an arduous expedition to the Far East and fight a battle with the Japanese.
A war where losing is disastrous and winning is still disastrous is probably not liked by any sane person. Unless there is certainty of a fatal blow, Franz would notunch such a meaningless war of attrition.
From the perspective of the Holy Roman Empire, it¡¯s best if the Philippine Inds remain in the hands of the Spaniards; at least the Spanish Government would not fantasize aboutpeting with them for dominance over Southeast Asia, nor dare to have any crooked thoughts about the Austrian Southeast Asia region.
¡°Is the Spanish Army really that useless?¡± Prime Minister Carl asked first. As a normal European, he really couldn¡¯t imagine a European Army, fighting against Japanese natives, would actually produce such a poor record.
Without the record-setting low performance of the Italian Army, the current performance of the Spanish Army could be said to be the worst of all European Colonial Empires.
Not to mention a 1:1.4 exchange ratio, even a 1:10 exchange ratio is the performance of a poor student. Normally, it is about onepany chasing after thousands or one battalion being enough to engage in a war of annihtion.
Spain is even the pioneer of colonial warfare, the creator of conquest records. Reminiscent of the era when Spain used 600 men to conquer the Aztec Empire, and 177 men and 62 horses to overthrow the Inca Empire.
Compared with the current performance of the Spanish Army, there cannot be such a huge gap between heaven and hell. Faced with such a concept shock, Prime Minister Carl naturally found it hard to believe.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg exined, ¡°They are more useless than we imagined. However, there were signs of this, as early as the European wars the Spaniards showed problems with their army¡¯s lowbat effectiveness.
They concentrated all the elite troops of the country, nned the campaign carefully, and in the end, they didn¡¯t even defeat the cannon fodder army assembled temporarily by France.
In the Anti-French Alliance, only the armies of the Italian countries hadbat effectiveness that couldpete with them. Now thebat effectiveness they¡¯ve shown should be the lower limit of European armies.¡±
While everyone was criticizing the Spaniards for being useless, no one mentioned that thebat effectiveness of the Japanese Army was formidable. Okay, Franz admitted that nowadays thebat effectiveness of the Japanese Army really can¡¯t be associated with being powerful.
It¡¯s not that the Japanese are not trying, but military funding sets the upper limit of an army¡¯sbat effectiveness. Without firing a few hundred bullets, how could one say they are veterans? Without thousands of bullets, how could one feed an elite?
This applies to infantry, and even more so to artillery. Every qualified artilleryman is trained with shells, and generally, hundreds of shells are indispensable. Even if most are training rounds, that¡¯s still a significant expense.
Moreover, there¡¯s the wear and tear on the cannons; it¡¯s standard practice that training a few gunners results in the scrapping of a cannon.
Not to mention the even higher technical requirements for armored troops and pilots; these are virtually bought with money. Of course, the Japanese don¡¯t have these arms, so there¡¯s no need to consider that.
Apart from ammunition consumption, soldiers¡¯ sries, daily life, and the maintenance of weapons and equipment also represent a significant expense.
If we were to adapt the Sacred Shinra Army standards, the Japanese Army¡¯s small military budget could just about maintain an infantry division, two would be a struggle, not to mention others.
And this difficult situation will continue until they can achieve domestic production of weapons and equipment, reducing the cost of weapons and ammunition, after which it will only slightly improve.
Looking at the original timeline, for a long time, the Japanese Army only maintained a few permanent divisions and often they weren¡¯t even at full strength.
Even with such a reduction in forces, the military budget was still not sufficient. Out of necessity, the Japanese Army practiced bay tactics and then became masters of bay fighting.
But thebat effectiveness brought by sheer courage, although good for bullying poor cannon fodder, if they met real elites, it would be nothing but delivering food.@@novelbin@@
In fact, elite troops are not necessarily daredevils; their real advantage lies in professional proficiency.
¡°`
To put it simply, even hundreds of meters away, his chances of hitting you are around twenty to thirty percent, yet your return fire can only rely on luck.
In modern warfare, on average, it takes several thousand bullets to kill an enemy, and tens of thousands in future wars, which is mostly the aplishment of regr troops. The elites, however, need far fewer rounds to eliminate an enemy.
This very fact ounted for why the Vienna Government¡¯s top echelons did not take thebat capability of the Japanese Army seriously. A country that even had to import its artillery simply had no right to be feared.
¡
Franz interrupted the topic which was veering off intoints, ¡°Whether the Spanish Army is useless or not is irrelevant, the key point is that the British have gotten involved. With the London Government supporting the Japanese, we can¡¯t afford to let Spain lose the war¡ªor at least, they must not lose too miserably.¡±
In international politics, face is sometimes very important, especially for a nascent hegemon.
Although in the Japanese-Spanish war, both the Anglo-Austrian countries were only controlling things from behind the scenes, to many observers, it seemed as if the struggle for hegemony between the Anglo-Austrian powers was continuing.
If Spain suffered a crushing defeat, it would send out a signal to the outside world: in overseaspetition, the Holy Roman Empire is no match for the British.
Even though that¡¯s the truth, the Vienna Government had to stubbornly deny it. In some sense, admitting inferiority to Britannia in overseaspetition meant admitting defeat.
As challengers, we can tolerate failure but cannot admit it. Politics is like that sometimes; one must deceive oneself and others.
Moreover, if we don¡¯t show some real strength to our subordinates, how can we keep them reassured?
Franz didn¡¯t expect Spain to turn the tablespletely, but he would be satisfied if they could fight to a mutually destructive stalemate.
If they couldn¡¯t even manage that, then having Spain lose with dignity was still eptable. After all, a military victory isn¡¯t the only form of victory, the diplomatic struggle could still rewrite the final oue.
As long as the Spaniards showed enough strength, Franz was confident that through diplomatic means, he could pressure the Japanese to withdraw from the Philippine Inds.
¡°Helping the Spanish train their army is toote, if we want to change the situation on the battlefield quickly, then the only choice is to hire mercenaries.
The current problem is that the Spaniards are too poor, they¡¯re already struggling to fund an expeditionary force, they simply don¡¯t have the financial capacity to hire a whole army.
Moreover, the military strength of the Japanese is not too weak, there¡¯s simply no mercenary group in the world that couldplete this task,¡± Prime Minister Carl suggested. The Vienna Government had done something simr before; during the struggle with the British over South Africa, they hid behind the guise of ¡°mercenaries¡±. But they soon found it was pointless and openly campaigned under the g of the Boer Republic Government Army.
The only issue is that the Philippine Inds are not like South Africa. The South African region was one we took for ourselves, where it was proper tomit both men and money; however, the Philippine Inds belong to the Spaniards and for the sake of international reputation, the Vienna Government cannot just seize them.
Who has ever heard of going to war on someone else¡¯s behalf, bringing your own provisions? Even if the Spanish Government has already paid a price, it was only to secure the support of the Vienna Government, not enough topel the Holy Roman Empire itself to join the battle.
Without participation from the Vienna Government, relying just on Spanish capability, even if they were willing to spend money to hire an army for help, they wouldn¡¯t find any mercenaries powerful enough.
Normally, a mercenary band has just over a hundred or so people; those over a thousand members are considered huge teams, and anyrger would be unsustainable.
Theirbat capability varies widely, with the strongest amongst them being able to dominate government armies¡ªthey are the elites among the elite; most other mercenary teams are only good for bullying natives, straight up cannon fodder against a regr army.
They might be suitable for small-scale conflicts, but inrge battles of tens of thousands, or even more than a hundred thousand, a mercenary army of just a few hundred is insufficient.
Franz nodded, ¡°If they don¡¯t have the money, we¡¯ll lend it to them. Let the Spaniards mortgage their colonial revenue. If there¡¯s no strong enough mercenary band internationally, then we¡¯ll just have to create one.
The European wars have just ended not long ago, and there¡¯s still a plethora of ex-servicemen on the European Continent, always some desperadoes willing to live on the edge.
If the numbers are too few, we can recruit from France; they¡¯ve been starving for some time now, I believe there will be those willing to risk their lives to feed their families.
And yes, don¡¯t hire mercenaries from the Italian area. This time it¡¯s to fight in the Philippine Inds, and there¡¯s no pasta there.¡±
If the conditions don¡¯t exist, create them. Whether the mercenaries can defeat the Japanese Army or not, nobody knows, but action is better than inaction.
Rather than watch the Spaniards be defeated, it¡¯s better to try our hardest. After all, it¡¯s the Spaniards who are paying; the Vienna Government just needs to give a little push behind the scenes.
If it¡¯s effective, that¡¯s excellent, and if not, no harm is done; the situation has deteriorated to this point, it can¡¯t get much worse.
And if the n fails, it will be the Spanish Government who will cry, not the Vienna Government; at worst, we lose some face and temporarily stoppeting with the British overseas.
Chapter 996: 10, Bourbon Restoration
Chapter 996: Chapter 10, Bourbon Restoration
The Spanish Government had not yet made a decision, but the civil war in France had alreadye to an end. No matter how hard the New Paris Government tried, they could not conjure up food.
In the grand scheme of things, nothing was more critical than filling one¡¯s belly. Themon people didn¡¯t care about the bigger picture of the Revolutionary Government; if they couldn¡¯t satisfy their hunger today, who would care about tomorrow?
Now, everyone was left with only three choices: first, to obediently ept the rule of the new government and then starve to death; second, to break out and seek a way to survive, potentially avoidingndmines if lucky; third, to rebel and snatch back food from the hands of the Revolutionary Government.
Those who had chosen the first path were mostly dead from hunger, and even if they were not quite dead, they were merely clinging to life; those who had chosen the second path were either blown to bits or had retreated, and the number of those who actually escaped was no greater than the number of wild oxen in Europe.
(Note: The European wild ox has been extinct since 1627.)
In the desperate bid for survival, more and more Parisians were joining the ranks of the Rebel Army. The New Paris Government was already running ragged, with more and more districts falling under the control of the Rebel Army, bringing the situation to its most critical juncture.
Daniel had long lost his past confidence and n; the social beating he received had been too brutal, extinguishing all his illusions.
The intellectuals, students, and loudmouth partisans who had initially supported the new government were now all changing their tune. The more they had supported before, the more hostile they became now, as if they believed the chaos was caused by their own ipetence.
In a way, this seemed somewhat reasonable. Judging from the results, the performance of the new government was indeed unimpressive. But to call them ipetent was truly framing the innocent.
If their only enemy had been the Royalist Party, Daniel¡¯s new government, under his leadership, would have conquered in all directions, and by now, they might have already pacified the entire nation.
Unfortunately, the enemy they faced was the whole of European society, and their radical revolutionary ideas were opposed not just by the Aristocratic Group but also by the bourgeoisie.
Even themon people, who should have been their strongest supporters, stood against them due to their hunger. Looking around, it seemed the entire world was their enemy.
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The roaring sound of gunfire drew closer, each burst a cry from Paris itself. With the enemy fast approaching, the captain of the Guards dutifully reminded, ¡°Mister Dagnell, the first division has copsed, the enemy ising this way, you should leave now!¡±
Clearly, this was not the first time he had urged Daniel to flee. But Daniel¡¯s resolve was firm, and he had persisted until this moment.
¡°Leave, where do you think I can go now?¡±
¡°It¡¯s better to wait here for them than to hide in some corner and eventually be captured by the enemy. Even Robert didn¡¯t run; am I to be worse than a traitor?¡±
It wasn¡¯t easy being a politician; once you get too deeply involved in the role, it bes impossible to step away. Daniel¡¯s current state was a disy of someone too deeply immersed, firmly believing that the unfortunate Robert was a traitor, whereas he himself was the great hero saving the popce from fire and water.
Perhaps he was intentionally deluding himself to avoid waking up to the harsh reality.
After all, the situation was now clear, and whoever came into power would not spare him, the former leader. Wasn¡¯t it he who had first broken the rules of the game?
Not only he, the big boss, couldn¡¯t escape, but his underlings were also unlikely to evade retribution. Yet people always harbor a sliver of hope, and Daniel¡¯s unwillingness to flee did not mean his subordinates wouldn¡¯t run.
Even if they couldn¡¯t leave the city, Paris was vast, and just by ducking into any small corner, one could easily hide. In these chaotic times of war, it wasn¡¯t easy to find a person.
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Just because Carlos had not sent troops to assail the city did not mean he was indifferent to the situation inside. To control the intelligence firsthand, he sent out airships for reconnaissance every day.
Though he couldn¡¯t glean the intricate details, Carlos was quite clear about the broad state of affairs within the city. As soon as the new revolutionary government fell, Carlos would either choose to take over the messy situation or would have to do so regardless of his wishes.
If possible, he would prefer to take overter rather than sooner. Even if it meant dying his ascension, Carlos found that a sacrifice worth making.
It was unavoidable; inheriting the mess one day earlier meant shouldering the heavy burden of relieving the people and restoring the economy one day sooner. Carlos didn¡¯t like shirking responsibility, but the problem was that the mess was too significant; taking it on all at once could very well crush his shoulders.
If there was a shortage of food, then they would buy it; Vienna¡¯s control over food exports was only against the Revolutionary Government, not the Bourbon Dynasty, with the only issue being theck of money in his pocket.
Times were changing, and the cost of restoration was continuously rising. Even with the support of the Aristocratic Group, after forming the Restoration Army and settling arge number of refugees, Carlos¡¯s pockets were already empty.
Borrowing money was undoubtedly another headache-inducing issue. The huge debt of France had already scared away all the international banks.@@novelbin@@
To raise funds, Carlos had initiated a frantic fire sale.
Bonaparte Dynasty¡¯s overseas investments¡ªsold; a series of infrastructure including ports, docks, roads, bridges, parks¡ªsold; state-owned banks and mining enterprises¡ªsold; seized properties of the Rebels¡ªsold¡
In short, as long as an asset could be liquidated, there was nothing that couldn¡¯t be sold. If someone was willing to pay, Carlos likely wouldn¡¯t have minded selling off even the Pce of Versailles.
The most regrettable aspect was that with the current copse of France¡¯s situation, assets that were once priceless could now only be sold at rock-bottom prices.
Rock-bottom prices were necessary because they were short on funds. After all, Carlos had been preupied with just one thingtely: raising money¡ªbuying grain.
Inside the Restoration Armymand center, General Felix reminded, ¡°Your Highness, the sound of gunfire in the city has weakened, it seems the battle is about to end.
The opportunity to capture Paris is imminent, and now we need to organize personnel to clear mines, to open a pathway for the army to pass through.¡±
When mines were beingid, the task was approached with eagerness; but mine clearance was an arduous endeavor. No one could have anticipated the civil unrest in Paris, and whenying mines, they were buried as thoroughly as possible in case the enemy tried to break out.
There wereyers uponyers, a dense minefield both inside and out. Even the soldiers responsible forying the mines had trouble remembering exactly where they had ced them.
It was proven that a mine siege was indeed highly effective, as the city¡¯s defending forces were repeatedly bombed into cries for their fathers and mothers when they attempted to sortie.
Mine clearance, on the other hand, was troublesome work, fraught with high risk¡ªan improper operation couldunch one to the skies.
¡°Organize personnel to excavate slowly, this sort of task can¡¯t be rushed. The city¡¯s food supplies shouldst for a while, we still have time, and if necessary, we can organize airships to drop food into the city.¡±
These were all seemingly noble yet wed ideas, but Carlos articted them without a change in expression.
To excavate slowly might seem a responsible choice for the safety of the soldiers clearing mines, but in reality, it meant postponing the inevitable reception of a mess.
The City of Paris¡¯ food supply was indeed sufficient tost some time, but after enduring this wave of civil war, how many more days it couldst was an unknown.
Moreover, human nature isplex; even if there was food in the city, it was unlikely to be fairly distributed to every individual. The inevitable result would be the privileged continuing to feast, while themon Parisians endured hunger.
Aerial food drops were even more nonsensical; with the few antiquated airships they had at their disposal, they could at most drop a dozen tons of food into the city per day. While this might seem like a significant amount, it was merely a drop in the bucket.
The problem wasn¡¯t a matter of scarcity, but of uneven distribution. If there wasn¡¯t enough food to go around, people would have to fight for it. In a sense, dropping food into the city wasn¡¯t a solution to the problem, but an exacerbation of conflict.
Knowing full well these were wed ideas, Carlos had no choice but to adopt them, as hecked a better option.
As a king in reserve, when the popce was in dire straits, he always had to do something. Even though these measures had severe repercussions, they were initiated with good intentions.
Throughout history, many well-intentioned acts that went awry were eventually forgiven; while those who actually did good were often met with usations of ulterior motives.
Carlos had distinguished himself from numerous candidates, naturally, he was not devoid of political acumen. If he were truly ineffectual, even if the Nobility was willing to ept a useless puppet, the Bourbon Dynasty would not allow him to embarrass the family.
With France¡¯s situation in such disarray, whoever took power, without a ruthless approach, would struggle to secure a foothold.
On the flip side, the more chaotic the situation in Paris, the greater the casualties, the lesser the potential problems he would face upon taking control.
Once the turmoil ended, it was likely that for a considerable time toe, Parisians would tremble at the mention of the Revolutionary Party.
¡
The wheels of history relentlessly moved forward, beyond the sway of individual will. On December 7, 1893, the radical faction¡¯s revolutionary government led by Daniel was extinguished in the overwhelming sea of people¡¯s warfare.
On December 10, Carlos¡¯s Bourbon Dynasty Restoration Group officially took control of Paris. On the 12th, Carlos was crowned king amidst the ruins of the Pce of Versailles, and thus France once again embarked on the Bourbon Era.
The restoration was sessful, yet looking upon the dpidated Pce of Versailles, Carlos, who had reimed the Bourbon throne, found no joy.
The hardship was only just beginning; it wasn¡¯t just the Pce of Versailles thaty in ruins, but all of France needed reconstruction. Resettling refugees, reviving the economy, repaying debts¡ªthese became the three heavy burdens weighing upon Carlos¡¯s shoulders.
Chapter 997: 11: The Stock Market Crash Comes
Chapter 997: Chapter 11: The Stock Market Crash Comes
No matter how hard life was, days had to be lived. Following the simple coronation ceremony, the first decree of Carlos was a major purge.
Now, there were not many good citizens left in the City of Paris. Those who had survived were not to be trifled with, and without an internal cleansing, His Majesty Carlos would not be able to sleep.
The main targets of the purge were naturally the remnants of the Revolutionary Government, including the lower and middle-level bureaucrats who had defected, and the thugs, hoodlums, and violent criminals who took advantage of the chaos in Paris.
¡°Governments flow like water¡ªthe officials are irond.¡±
That no longer applied. There was arge group of nobility supporting the restoration of the Bourbon Dynasty, and the high positions that were vacated were clearly not sufficient to distribute.
The great nobles disdain these insignificant official posts, but that did not mean that the rural nobilitycked interest. Moreover, even if they were not interested personally, there were brothers, sisters, and cousins to be provided for.
After all, the core of the Restoration Nobility Alliance were these individuals, and now that it was time to reward their services, was it too much to ask for Carlos to arrange jobs if he could not provide enough mary rewards?
Then, the bureaucrats who had been seated in their positions for centuries were the unfortunate ones who had been lying low for many years, but had finally be targets.
Without investigation, one would not know, but a check could be shocking. There were rumors from outside like ¡°Napoleon IV has emptied France¡± and ¡°high officials of the Republican Government have drained France,¡± but these were, in fact, proven to be merely rumors.
They were all fugitives, and even if they could embezzle funds and leave, how much could they really take? Those who truly had the power to empty France were still these inconspicuous bureaucrats.
Perhaps one did not take much, but theirrge numbers were overwhelming. If everyone took a share, even a substantial family wealth could be drained by these bureaucrats.
Not to mention, one-third of the immovable properties in Paris had been upied by these bureaucrats. Many factories and businesses also involved their silent shares.
The seized cash and liquid assets were even more plentiful. For example, in the home of a director named Feldo, 200 kilograms of gold, various precious metals and jewels, and hundreds of billions of Francs were found.
Well, Francs aside. The Francs issued by the Republican Government had ten zeros on the highest denominations. Everyone was a billionaire, yet hundreds of billions of Francs had less purchasing power than a few thousand Francs from the past.
However, the difference was that among the seized Francs, there was a substantial amount of lower value currency, clearly from the era of the Bonaparte Dynasty, totaling hundreds of millions of Francs.
Without doubt, this was an unfortunate time to have seized them. What was once a huge sum of money had now turned into mere paper; a loaf of bread cost millions of Francs, and the mountainous pile of small denomination Francs was not even enough for a week¡¯s sustenance for an ordinary person.
It also seemed ridiculous to think about it, even big corrupt figures could not outpace intion¡ªhow ordinary citizens survived was a mystery.
Missing the peak period of wealth to seize property, the numbers seemed grand, but the actual value was significantly reduced.
Carlos was not disappointed, as this was anticipated. Although Francs were worthless, foreign currencies, gold, and jewels were still valuable. All things considered, he had at least tens of millions of Divine Shields, which could alleviate the immediate crisis.
The remaining immovable properties and silent shares in enterprises could not be converted into cash immediately and were difficult to value.
With money came food, and with food, the situation could be stabilized. Compared to the ¡°excellent performance¡± of the previous two administrations, the Bourbon Dynasty that managed to fill bellies, even barely, had be the savior in the eyes of the people.
No one knew how long this gratitude wouldst, but, for the time being, the situation in France had stabilized. ns to restore production were underway, and social order was being normalized.
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Watching the Bourbon Dynasty struggling, Franz breathed a sigh of relief. As long as Carlos could stabilize the situation in France, he was content.
As for the issue of reparations, it was good to have them, but not troubling if absent, for they could be dyed indefinitely. Franz certainly would not press for debts when the French were penniless.
However, good times were always brief. Influenced by the end of the civil war in France, on January 6, 1894, the Vienna Stock Market reached new heights before rapidly plummeting 9 points in the afternoon, with the military sector leading the decline by 21 points.
This was just the beginning. After the market opened the next day, the military-industrial sector once again led the decline, dropping by 19 points by the afternoon close.
In just two days, the military-industrial sector had evaporated 40 percent of its market value, directly dragging the overall market down by 15 points and obliterating tens of billions of Divine Shields¡¯ worth of wealth.
The situation was far from over. After an agonizing weekend, the stock market continued to fall by 3 points when it reopened on Monday, with the military-industrial sector leading the decline by an additional 7 points as some individual stocks even saw a 90 percent evaporation of their market value.
Both being financial centers of the Holy Roman Empire, when the Vienna Stock Market plummeted; Frankfurt could not escape its fate either. At this moment, both were equally unlucky, neither more fortunate than the other.
In January, the stock markets of these two major financial centers were continuously falling. Even if there was an asional rebound, it dropped back again the following day.
By the end of January, the Vienna Stock Market had fallen 34.7 percent from its peak, and Frankfurt was not much better, with the overall market falling by one-third.
The military-industrial sector, which detonated this crisis, was even harder to watch. Companies that were halved included high-performing blue chips, and those with core technology were cut by two-thirds., and ordinarypanies were lucky to retain one-fifth of their market value.
There was no way around it. Military enterprises were fundamentally cyclical stocks that thrived on war dividends; making a profit during peacetime was alreadymendable. The financial statements during wartime were as splendid as they were disastrous post-war.
The current decline was merely a market panic triggered by the end of the civil war in France. Franz was certain that if these military enterprises were to release their financial statements for 1893, their stock prices would plunge further.
The reason was simple:st year, orders from the Shinra military drastically decreased, and the Anti-French Alliance, major importers of weapons, also stopped their purchases.
The much-anticipated civil war in France and the Japanese-Spanish war mainly consumed the inventories umted after the victory of the Anti-French Wars, without bringing in much order for domestic military enterprises.
With no orders came no performance. Almost all military enterprises had carried out majoryoffsst year, which was the biggest negative factor on its own.@@novelbin@@
In fact, military stocks had started their decline at the beginning of the end of the wars in Europe. However, mid-year tensions escted with the imminent Anglo-Austrian conflict and sessive outbreaks of the Japanese-Spanish war and the civil war in France rekindled the market for a time.
Unfortunately, those who caught thisst wave were the unlucky buyers. The main factor causing the stock price crash was the unexpectedly swift end to the civil war in France, preventing the dealers from offloading their holdings. To cut their losses, they had to sell frantically.
As the stock market crashed, the real economy was also in turmoil. Only a minority ofpanies managed to transform in time. Mostpanies still clung to hope, trying to weather through.
With the stock market crash came a wave of difficulties in financing, bankruptcies, and unemployment, which directly disrupted Franz¡¯s good mood.
He had originally thought the economic crisis would be triggered by the bankruptcy of the Italian sub-states¡¯ finances, but the early end of the civil war in France preemptively burst that bubble.
The bubble exceeded the n, and its burst came sooner than scheduled, which was clearly not good news, meaning the Vienna Government¡¯s preparations were still iplete.
There was no way around it; the market was too fragile to endure further turmoil. The military stocks¡¯ bubble burst due to the devastating news of the end of the civil war in France, and Franz could not possibly extend the timeline by stepping in to buy up stocks himself.
Frankly, he had tremendous respect for those brave enough to step in and buy on the first day of the stock market crash. Especially those ying with leveraged buys, these were truly the bravest of the brave, in other words¡ªdoomed.
While he admired them, there was certainly no need to emte them. Once the opening act of the stock market disaster was underway, anyone entering would be devoured.
As a result of the stock market crash, police in all major cities of the Holy Roman Empire had to work overtime. High-rise buildings, bridges, and rivers became key monitoring targets, as the frequency of suicides had risen significantly.
ording to statistics from the Vienna Government, the number of suicides in the Holy Roman Empire in January 1894 had increased by 114.6%pared to the same periodst year, and there were even more attempted suicides.
There was no way around it. The world is this cruel. Since one had chosen to gamble, they had to bear the consequences.
The only constion for Franz was that he wasn¡¯t the only one suffering¡ªthere was a whole group of equally besetpanions.
As thergest economy in the world, once the economy of the Holy Roman Empire had issues, none of the industrial nations globally could escape it.
Chapter 998: 12, The Astute Wilhelm II
Chapter 998: Chapter 12, The Astute Wilhelm II
The bubble was pricked, and as the economic leader, Shinra suffered the greatest loss; as the secondrgest industrial nation in the capitalist world economic system, Britannia¡¯s loss was naturally the secondrgest.
Regardless of whether the two nations were politically opposed, economically they were already tied together. The economic bubble in the Shinra Empire was severe, and Britannia¡¯s economic bubble was not much less.
In fact, the crisis should have erupted after the end of the European wars, but it was suppressed by thebined forces of various parties.
The Vienna Government took measures, and the London Government was not idle. During the dstone Cab¡¯s tenure, Britannia¡¯s foreign strategy nearly copsed entirely, and if economic prosperity also vanished, it was estimated that the British public would tear them apart.
The Cab wanted to safely finish theirst term, and the consortiums needed time to retreat. Both sides came to an agreement, artificially creating the second half of the economic boom.
The economic crisis that should have erupted in 1893 was dragged on until now. If it were not for the crash of the Vienna Stock Market, the crisis would probably have been dyed even further.
Against this backdrop, the newly appointed Prime Minister Robert Cecil was in trouble. Before he could even getfortable, the stock market disaster struck, and the economic crisis was on the verge of exploding.
At that time, Britain practiced free economy, and the government was not to interfere with the market. Of course, that¡¯s easier said than done, as taking it seriously meant defeat.
Not being able to intervene directly in the market did not mean that there would be no intervention at all. In fact, government economic policies and legition were important factors affecting economic development, with the only difference being the extent of the intervention.
Including adjusting tax rates, social relief, uniting consortiums to save the market, andunching foreign wars to divert crises etc., all these were part of government market intervention.
¡°How is it going, has the consortium agreed to intervene in the market?¡±
Prime Minister Robert Cecil couldn¡¯t help but be anxious. Since the economic bubble burst, the London Stock Market followed in the footsteps of the Vienna Stock Market, beginning an unending downward trend.
Unlike the conservative countries of Shinra, where arge number of family businesses tightly held on to their shares and did not go public, Britannia was the most developed country in the financial industry, with almost all enterprises of scale being publicly listedpanies.
Publicpanies could obtain financing more easily, which was conducive to elerating business development; the drawback was that thepanies were affected by stock price fluctuations.
The management style of professional managers appeared very scientific, but thepany¡¯s money was not their own. To obtain higher returns in the short term, thepany management usually adopted more aggressive strategies.
This was fine under normal circumstances, but once the stock price fell significantly and it became difficult for thepany to finance, the aggressive development strategy often led to a break in thepany¡¯s capital chain.
In contrast, unlisted and conservative family businesses preferred to make steady progress. Although the development was slower, the enterprises themselves rarely hadrge debts, and they maintained adequate cash flow most of the time, without the risk of a financial chain breaking.
Most importantly,rge enterprises that did not go public typically were profitable and had strong marketpetitiveness, with inherently strong risk resistance.
Specifically, one could look at Franz¡¯s Royal Consortium, which only listed high-risk tech enterprises, or those with insufficient profitability, unclear development prospects, or enterprises that had reached the industry¡¯s peak potential.
The truly profitable enterprises or those in a fast development phase were all quietly making a fortune below, and only when they reached the industry¡¯s ceiling would it be time to go public and cash in.
All this talk of growing together and sharing together was just deceptive nonsense. Why share when you can hold onto a no-loss, high-return business in your own hands?
Perhaps some enterprises have achieved it, but such enterprises are rare; out of thousands of listedpanies, there are only about a hundred or so. The majority of enterprises, after going public, perform modestly.
Enterprises that can consistently operate steadily, outpace intion, keep up with the national economic growth rate, and avoid sudden defaults, are conscientious enterprises.
If all these high-quality enterprises were to go public, even if the market valuation is low, with the economic scale of the Holy Roman Empire, the financial centers of Vienna and Frankfurt could not possibly be smaller than London.
Against this backdrop, the Holy Roman Empire, which suffered the worst stock market decline, was actually less impacted economically than Britannia.
Economic Minister Aquina shook his head, ¡°Regrettably, they have rejected our proposal. The consortium believes that there is still a bubble in the current stock market, and that it is very risky to step in to boost stock prices now; they need to wait.
If the government really wants them to contribute to saving the market, the consortium has even set conditions, and that is to act jointly with Vienna. They are worried about others profiting from their move.¡±
Prime Minister Robert Cecil frowned and said with irritation, ¡°Wait even longer? If we wait any further, businesses will go bankrupt, and there¡¯ll be nothing left to save. To think they want to jointly intervene with Vienna.
It¡¯s clear what the situation is now. After the wars in Europe, the Holy Roman Empire¡¯s economy has encountered major issues; they are currently in a period of economic adjustment. Even without this stock market crash, they would still have had an economic crisis.
We are different; we are just the unlucky ones dragged into this. If we can¡¯t stabilize the stock market, we¡¯ll have to experience the economic crisis together with them.
Don¡¯t expect the Vienna Government to save the market without dragging everyone down with them. Right now, they would love nothing more than to drag everyone down to share the losses.¡±
Comining is of no use, after all, the London Stock Market isn¡¯t dominated only by British capital but also has contributions from the European Continent.
If a consensus cannot be reached, and the UK consortium steps in to save the market while others seize the opportunity to sell off, then they will be the scapegoats.
Although since the beginning of the year, capital from Europe has started to return, it is only a small portion of their huge volume.
After the outbreak of the Vienna stock market crash, the UK consortium has capitalized on the sit-tight advantage, acting first to strike international capital a heavy blow.
Now, considering the matter of saving the market, they naturally worry about others following suit. If they spend a great deal to drive up stock prices, only for others to take the chance to escape, then they¡¯d be in trouble.
After all, the consortium is not omnipotent. In the treacherous capital market, everyone must be cautious, or else they will eventually be eliminated by the market.
Furthermore, although arge number of corporate bankruptcies are very detrimental to the nation, for the consortium, it is an opportunity for a capital feast. They canpletely take advantage of the restructuring during corporate bankruptcies to acquire high-quality enterprises at bargain prices.@@novelbin@@
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The British Government is not the only one with headaches. In the face of an Empire eager to drag everyone down with it, all capitalist industrial nations are deeply troubled.
In the past, countries used to criticize the Vienna Government for interfering with economic freedom; no need for that now, the oue is even more difficult to ept.
The Vienna Government finally followed the naturalw of the market economy for once, and as a result, everyone has been dragged into an economic crisis.
In fact, Franz is also in a difficult position. If possible, he too would not want an economic crisis to ur at this time. But there is no way around it, the economy of the Holy Roman Empire has unknowingly gone off track.
Especially in the Northern States, the uneven development of industries waspounded by a significant surplus in production capacity. Take, for example, the railway and construction industries, which were two of the hardest hit.
After the war in Europe ended, it was unclear whose idea it was, but several Northern States began engaging in grand infrastructure projects. There was nothing inherently wrong with infrastructure projects; the problem was that they built a whole lot of unnecessary ones.
Railway lines were redundantly constructed, with branch lines even reaching into viges, and there was a proliferation of real estate projects and water conservancy projects that were utterly impractical.
If it weren¡¯t for the economic crisis that erupted and the announcement of bankruptcy by the Kingdom of Prussia, Franz would have had no idea that people could y so high.
In fact, even if he had known in advance, he would have had no way to intervene. The autonomy of the Sub-States was not a joke; how to develop their economies was their own business, with no need to report to the Emperor.
The only silver lining was that the grain harvest in the Northern Germany Region was shortst year. Yes, a grain shortfall at this time was also a silver lining, at least for now.
If there had been a bumper harvest of grain, Franz would have had to consider the problem of agricultural product surplus. After all, following the economic outbreak, the popce would have to tighten their belts, and even for an essential product like grain, sales would decline.
Last year¡¯s grain shortfall in the north at least ensured the stability of the Empire¡¯s agriculture. As for the subsequent impact of the grain shortfall, those were minor issues.
Apart from the impoverished Kingdom of Prussia due to the Prusso-Russian War, the other Northern States had very good economic conditions; otherwise, they wouldn¡¯t have had the money for such extravagance.
Since the outbreak of the economic crisis, besides Wilhelm II personally running to Vienna for help, the other Sub-States had only sent a few telegrams toin about difficulties, while also crying poor and asking for money.
It could be seen that they were still holding on for the time being and didn¡¯t want the Central Government to meddle in their internal economic issues.
Franz liked these kinds of Sub-States that didn¡¯t cause trouble for the Central Government. Who would want to interfere in the affairs of a Sub-State if they weren¡¯t overflowing with boredom and looking for something to do?
No matter if they were courting death, purely in terms of economic development results, these Sub-State governments were performing better than the vast majority of directly governed provinces.
The main problem for the Kingdom of Prussia was the serious historical legacy issues, and the colossal reparations from the war had impacted domestic economic development.
But all in all, the economic recovery was not bad, and although they were a bit behind their neighbors, the per capita ie was still above that of Spain and Russia, and they were about to catch up with pre-war France.
The economic crisis had a significant impact, but it was just beginning and had not yet reached the most difficult time. With the reserves of the Kingdom of Prussia, even if they couldn¡¯t hold on, they wouldn¡¯t be the first to copse.
Especially since the Kingdom of Prussia had announced its bankruptcy suddenly, without any warning whatsoever. Normally, before dering bankruptcy, they should have sought help from the Central Government first.
Even if for the sake of the Empire¡¯s reputation, the Vienna Government would have extended a helping hand as long as the funding shortfall wasn¡¯t toorge.
Yet the reality was the exact opposite. Before the government announced its bankruptcy, there had been no plea for help made to Vienna, as if they were intent on going bankrupt.
After the Berlin Government announced its financial bankruptcy, Wilhelm II only then emerged, running to Vienna with a sob story of poverty, which was obviously not normal.
Times had changed. As a member of the Holy Roman Empire, Prussia now had the ability to bargain with the British.
Franz had every reason to believe that the Prussian Government had deliberately bankrupted itself, and the economic crisis merely provided them with an ¡°excuse for bankruptcy.¡±
Even without this economic crisis, they would have found some other excuse to go bankrupt sooner orter, such as the government¡¯s funding chain breaking, no longer able to pay for construction projects¡
After all, there were many benefits now that the Prussian Government had dered bankruptcy! For domestic economical issues, they could seek help from the Central Government ¨C the Vienna Government could not ignore that; the debt owed to the British that might not even be repaid in the next century could also be reasonably restructured.
In this regard, the Kingdom of Prussia had a history. A year ago, when the ¡°German Federal Government¡± dered bankruptcy, the Berlin Government had followed suit.
Unfortunately, they made a wrong move at thest minute, and the British only epted the transfer of debt from the German Federation. After all, the German Federal Government at the time was a government that would dissolve if the contract wasn¡¯t signed today; to avoid not finding the debtor, the British had to bite the bullet and ept.
It was different for the Kingdom of Prussia. Even if the government dissolved, the King remained, and Wilhelm II couldn¡¯t possibly give up his throne over debt. As long as the nation existed, a new government could be reformed if the current one disappeared, but the debt incurred would not vanish.
Additionally, at that time, the Holy Roman Empire was still in the process of being formed, and without a Central Government to shelter them from the storm, the Berlin Government could not withstand the pressure imposed by the British and caved after securing a few months of debt deferral.
Now, it was different. As long as the Berlin Government had thick enough skin, the British could do nothing to them.
The ¡°coteral¡± for the debt?
No problem, feel free toe and collect it, we guarantee full cooperation.
Tariffs, now collected by the Central Government, should the British think they could take it from the Vienna Government, there would be no issue whatsoever.
The port wharves might be in the hands of the Kingdom of Prussia, but involving territorial sovereignty, that was the business of the Central Government. Negotiations would have to go through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and it was all negotiable so long as the Vienna Government was willing.
The right to mint currency, that too was now with the Central Government. If you want it, negotiate with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as the Prussian Government has no jurisdiction over it anymore.
¡
In short, after the breach of debt agreements, the series of coteral contracts that the Prussian Government had once signed with the British could now not be implemented.
Although these treaties still held legal effect since before the establishment of the Holy Roman Empire, actualizing the terms stipted in these treaties could only be done through negotiations with the Empire¡¯s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
¡°Willfully defaulting¡± and ¡°no money to repay debt¡± are two entirely different concepts. The former is despised by the internationalmunity, while thetter is resolved by simply handing over the coteral.
Now, all Wilhelm II had to do was be willing to lose face, put on a show of willingness to surrender coteral, and then push the problem onto the Vienna Government, and the matter would be done.
Ultimately whether the British concede, or the Vienna Government assumes their debt, those problems no longer need to trouble him.
Knowing it was troublesome, Franz had no choice but to brace himself to take on the situation. Whatever the cause, he as the Imperial Emperor could not allow the nation¡¯s sovereignty to slip away.
At this thought, Franz felt an urge to thrash those keyboard warriors. Who called Wilhelm II stupid? The man¡¯s political maneuvers were sharply on point.
Chapter 999: 13, "Benevolent" People Emerge
Chapter 999: Chapter 13, ¡°Benevolent¡± People Emerge
Once again, it was proven that being the leader was no easy task; at crucial moments, one must take the thunder for their subordinates. The debt between Prussia and the British wasmon knowledge, undeniable by anyone.
¡°Repaying debt is a matter of course.¡±
Even though the political situation had changed, the Kingdom of Prussia as the creditor still existed, and so did the debt. The British were to collect the debt ording to the loan agreement, and no one could dispute that.
Initially, this had little to do with Franz. The debt of the sub-states wasn¡¯t the Central Government¡¯s liability; the Empire wasn¡¯t obligated to bear it for them. Even if the British were to pursue the debt, they couldn¡¯t hold the Vienna Government responsible.
The problem was that the Berlin Government was now ying dead, elevating the ¡°debt issue¡± to a matter of national sovereignty, whichnded the issue squarely on the shoulders of the Vienna Government.
Fulfilling the contract was impossible; if they truly followed the treaty, the people¡¯s saliva alone could drown Vienna.
Paying the money was out of the question; if today they helped the Kingdom of Prussia repay the debt, who knows how many sub-state governments would go bankrupt tomorrow. In the face of interest, politicians¡¯ integrity was always low.
Defaulting was even more unlikely. As a newly emerging hegemon, the Vienna Government had to maintain its international image.
Especially since the Vienna Government had its own debts to collect externally¡ªif they openly disyed helplessness, others couldter use ¡°international custom¡± as an excuse to default.
It¡¯s safe to say the Vienna Government was now pushed into an extremely awkward situation. Wilhelm II had personallye to Vienna for assistance, which likely wasn¡¯t just to seek help but probably more to ¡°seek forgiveness.¡±
With such a mess caused, it was evident they couldn¡¯t leave without making some sort of deal. Even though the sub-states had a high degree of autonomy, the Central Government could still make things difficult for them.
Now, by disying their plight, aside from some embarrassment, the actual losses were minimal. Even if the Vienna Government was intent on settling scores, after this debacle, they no longer had the means to act.
Such were the rules of the game; Prussia had indeed acted hically this time, but with the King himselfing forward to apologize, matters would likely settle down, and pursuing it further would seem overly aggressive.
Rubbing his forehead, Franz asked with concern, ¡°Has the Cab prepared to handle Prussia¡¯s debt issue?¡±
Prime Minister Carl, ¡°The most ideal oue would naturally be for the British to make concessions. Allowing the Prussian Government to dy payments or restructure the debt, with part of it offset by the reparations Prussia received from the anti-France war.@@novelbin@@
Almost impossibly, Britain too was continuing its financial crisis, and the London Government was in dire need of funds. Without significant benefits, they had no reason to ept a deferral of debts.
Debt restructuring was even more troublesome. The situation in the Kingdom of Prussia was still somewhat stable; had it not been for the Berlin Government¡¯s previous failed projects, financial bankruptcy wouldn¡¯t have urred.
France was the real disaster. From the current situation, it would be a Godsend if the Paris Government did not go bankrupt. As for the war reparations, one shouldn¡¯t hold too much hope in the next two or three years.
We had previously tricked the British in the debt issue within the German Federation, and now they would likely ept no form of debt transfer.
Without breaching contracts or sacrificing national sovereignty, the only possibility was to secretly conduct a deal to extract concessions from the British on Prussia¡¯s debt.¡±
While betting on the nation¡¯s fortune could yield great profits, its failure would equally bear a grievous cost. Over the past years, the Kingdom of Prussia had been paying the price for previously gambling on their national fortune.
Even though they emerged as victors from the anti-France war, the reparations they received were still insufficient to fill the previous deficits.
Thinking of this, Franz suddenly understood Wilhelm II¡¯s decision. Without shedding the mountainous ¡°debt,¡± the Kingdom of Prussia would always be at the bottom in the Holy Roman Empire.
Indeed, at the very bottom. Having to pay tens of millions of Divine Shields in reparations each year, the Berlin Government simplycked extra financial power for national construction.
After the re-establishment of the Holy Roman Empire, a major event had urred within the Berlin government: someone proposed converting two divisions of infantry into the Central Army.
There was no other reason, but sheer unaffordability. Handing the army over to the Central Government not only saved money, maintaining Prussia¡¯s security was still ensured by these same people.
In the eyes of government officials, even if the army was retained, themand would be taken by the Central Government anyway. Even if the King still hadmand rights, it had nothing to do with the Berlin Government.
However, this move faced strong opposition from Wilhelm II himself. Themand taken by the Central Government was only during wartime. In peacetime, the highest military officer of the state army was still the King.
Once converted to the Central Army, it was different. Even though the Holy Roman Empire¡¯s constitution stipted that the state monarch was the highest military officer of the local stationed army, those who could trulymand were still the state¡¯s own army.
As for the Central Army, its military expenses were allocated by the Emperor, and its generals appointed by the Emperor. Wilhelm II was not na?ve enough to believe that losing these rights, merely a nominal suprememand, would enable him to control the army.
It seemed inconsequential in normal times, but when something did happen and there was a need to use the army, suddenly finding oneself unable tomand the troops would be disastrous.
In a sense, losing military power meant losing the ability to overturn the table. Subordinates could recklessly bypass the King, simply ying by the rules of the game, and few kings could outy their ministers.
Just look at the numerous sub-states of the Holy Roman Empire; none with any substantial family assets ever gave up their army, including the major nobles vested overseas who, within the legal limits, had formed their own private armies.
ording to datapiled by the Vienna Government, the total military strength of the various state armies + aristocratic private armies in the Holy Roman Empire amounted to about a third of the total number of Empire troops.
If various colonial groups and civilian militias are included, this ratio might well exceed half. In other words, these misceneous armed forces were numerically on par with the Central Army.
This was an inevitable oue; sub-states are a historical issue. If the Vienna Government doesn¡¯t pay attention to appearances, why would anyone bother to follow them?
It goes without saying for aristocratic private armies and civilian colonial militias; without these people, where would the Empire¡¯s coloniese from?
The territories were fought for and won de by de, gun by gun; when it came time to divide the spoils, could they possibly kick these people out?
Even if they were to burn bridges, that would only need to be considered after crossing the river. The territory of the Holy Roman Empire had already exceeded that of any nation in history. If they were to truly implement direct central government control, even if not dragged down by administrative expenditures, they would be killed off by endless rebellions.
Did Franz really want to distribute vast fiefs? It was all out of practical necessity. Without dividing the cake, why would subordinates risk their lives for you?
Just look at the actual results; every major Colonial Empire was troubled by nationalistic rebellions, only the Vienna Government had never been bothered.
In fact, the Holy Roman Empire did not have the most private armies. The most were under the British, only masqueraded aspanies, colonial governments, or dominions.
Simply put, if you opened up a colony, the British Government would authorize you to establish a Colonial Government, for instance, the East India Company.
Of course, whether you could keep it depended on your operational capabilities, or perhaps your domestic political connections.
Direct management, with only the limited number of Lobster Soldiers, could at most govern a Canada. No more than that, any more would be too much to handle.
Everyone was struggling for their rights, and Wilhelm II, having already secured his, naturally was unwilling to give them up. If one were to analyze seriously, it would not be hard to see that the bankruptcy that befell the Berlin Government was the result ofpromises within various factions in Prussia.
After a moment of reflection, Franz shook his head, ¡°Prussia owes the British a huge sum, and even if the London Government were willing topromise, the consortium behind them would not let it rest.
There must be an exchange of interests, but we need to have interests that they would want to exchange. We surely can¡¯t make major strategic concessions just because of debts, can we?
When the Britishe knocking, we¡¯ll talk to them slowly. Try to dy as much as possible, and perhaps when the economic crisis is over, the Kingdom of Prussia will have the funds to pay off the debts.¡±
In the face of interests, morals and such aren¡¯t worth mentioning. The situation is very clear now, to solve the problem is to face dilemmas. If you don¡¯t want to solve the problem, then there are no troubles.
After all, it¡¯s the Kingdom of Prussia that is defaulting, not the Holy Roman Empire. The current debt service contradicts imperialws, but that¡¯s not the responsibility of the Vienna Government.
They might as well let the British take it to the Imperial Court for litigation, let those people in the court deal with the headache. This could be a good opportunity to push the legitors to introduce aw ¡°Prohibiting Local Mortgage Public Rights Debt.¡±
Before this, Franz had already leaked hints, but seeing the strong resistance from the state governments, he had hesitated to propose it. The Prussian debt crisis provided a perfect opportunity.
The definition of ¡°public rights¡± is very broad¡ªstate sovereignty, government fiscal revenues, state-owned assets, even government office buildings can be seen as part of public rights.
Once thew is passed, the state governments seeking loans could not present any coteral, and the only thing left to rely on would be government credibility.
Pure credit loans, that wouldn¡¯t require Franz to worry anymore. Not to mention whether anyone would dare to lend such huge amounts of debt, even if someone did lend and there was a default, it wouldn¡¯t involve state sovereignty.
If they can¡¯t pay back, then they can¡¯t pay back; if they go bankrupt, then they go bankrupt. Nowadays, local government bankruptcies on the European Continent are all toomon. No matter how much they dodge responsibility, they can¡¯t toss it into thep of the Central Government.
¡
The Prussian debt crisis was just a small episode in the global economic crisis ravaging the world, and the people of Europe were too anxious to care about gossip; they were soon going to be without food.
Even if newspapers reported on it, most couldn¡¯t afford to buy one. Amid the sweeping wave of unemployment, what people were most concerned about were job postings.
Taking the Holy Roman Empire as an example, after the full outbreak of the economic crisis, the domestic unemployment rate skyrocketed by five times, and there were signs that it would continue to grow.
That was still a rtively good situation because the empire had a part of the African Continent to relieve pressure. Before the economic crisis, the domestic unemployment rate was very low.
Like previous economic downturns, after this crisis erupted, colonial governments and aristocratic lords still came to the maind to recruit people.
One could see from the newspapers, advertisements for jobs in the colonies were everywhere.
It¡¯s simply ¡°going to work.¡± After so many years of immigration, those who wanted to emigrate had mostly already left, and those remaining either didn¡¯t want to leave their hometowns or couldn¡¯t for some reason.
To keep up with the times, the current recruitment advertisements no longer explicitly required immigration. They only asked for signing long-termbor contracts to work for 5 or 10 years.
After all, time is the best catalyst. After mixing in the colonies for five or ten years, even those who want to leave would have to think thrice about it.
There is no way around it¡ªtreatment. These days, aristocratic lords are all ¡°good people,¡± not only offering high sries but also very ¡°kindhearted,¡± willing to stand up for their staff if problems arise.
They especially liked staff to bring their families along, not only offering free housing but also guaranteeing job cements, and even taking care of children¡¯s education.
Really very ¡°kindhearted.¡± Look at the Empire Orphanage, most have been abandoned, and the few remaining ones house only some physically unwell children, normal orphans have all been adopted by these ¡°kindhearted¡± folks.
Even the recent problem of refugee orphans at the border that troubled the Vienna Government had been solved by these ¡°kindhearted¡± individuals.
After the outbreak of the economic crisis, the activities of these ¡°kindhearted¡± people had expanded from the empire across the whole European Continent. With them around, no one needed to worry about affording to raise children anymore.
In a way, this was also a major bright spot in this economic crisis; fewer people were starving to death. If you¡¯re hungry, you could seek out these ¡°kindhearted¡± people.
Of course, they don¡¯t take just anyone. The ¡°kindhearted¡± are very lenient with children, but they are quite strict with adults.
They don¡¯t take street thugs, those with criminal records, those with ill intentions, those with great resentments towards society, those who bear grudges¡
None of these requirements affected Eves; as an all-around good youth, if he were willing to work in the colonies, he would have at least a hundred employers to choose from.
That¡¯s right, choosing an employer. Nearly all the fief aristocrats of the Holy Roman Empire were short of people, and they had tried all means to increase their workforce.
If they weren¡¯t worried aboutnguage barriers and the detriment to territory management, they might have started poaching internationally.
In fact, agencies specializing in providing immigrants for fief aristocrats had already emerged. If they can¡¯t recruit people locally, they¡¯d try to find a way internationally.
Language barriers were no issue; they could provide training; different dietary habits, everyone¡¯s starving, so who¡¯s picky?
Evenbor skills and obedience could be trained. Some agencies¡¯ trained immigrants could even be directed to do anything.
The only problem was that these trained immigrants were too expensive. Most aristocrats couldn¡¯t afford this high-standard service, and to save costs, they¡¯d rather recruit people themselves.
A straightforward local youth like Eves was exactly the kind of talent everyone weed, so naturally, he had no trouble finding a job.
The problem was that Eves did not want to leave his hometown; he just wanted to find a local job to support his family. Unfortunately, there truly were none.
If it had been before the economic crisis, finding a regr job locally would have been no issue.
Unfortunately, it was during the economic crisis, and most businesses and factories were too busyying off staff to think about hiring.
After flipping through today¡¯s newspaper, Eves finally found a local business recruitment ad in a small corner.
He had not even had time to rejoice when his expression immediately fell. There was no way around it, the recruitment conditions were simply too high.
It required not only a high school education but also professional work experience, both of which he did not have.
Chapter 1000: 14, A Chaotic World
Chapter 1000: Chapter 14, A Chaotic World
Another fruitless day passed, and Eves¡¯s spirits sank even further. For more than five months, there had been no ie, and his pitiful wallet was nearly empty.
To ask his parents for help, setting aside his pathetic pride, the issue was that Eves¡¯s parents were just ordinary people. His grandparents above required assistance, and there were younger brothers and sisters below who needed support.
With the current wave ofyoffs and pay cuts, everyone wished a dor could be stretched into two. The savings of better days became thest safeguard to get through the crisis. Until absolutely necessary, people were reluctant to dip into them.
Unable to lean on his family, Eves returned to his rental room and stared nkly at the world map on the wall.
The map was left behind by thendlord, supposedly given out by businesses to celebrate the victory of the European war. Frankly, judging by the map, the Holy Roman Empire truly seemed imposing.
Excluding areas uninhabitable for humans, the Holy Roman Empire had already upied nearly a quarter of thend and one-twentieth of the sea, bing one of the only two global empires in the world today.
Eves too had once been filled with fervor, dreaming of glory on the battlefield and returning home as a distinguished member of the nobility.
Unfortunately, he was born at the wrong time. By the time Eves enlisted for military service, he caught the tail end of the European war. Before basic training was finished, the French had surrendered.
Not to mention earning battle honors, he didn¡¯t even get the chance to set foot on the battlefield. Hepleted thest few months of his service without incident, then was discharged and went home to look for work.
The dream of nobility shattered, it was of no consequence. The chances for an ordinary person to be a noble were always slim; those who stood out were ¡°blessed by Fortune,¡± and the majority, even given an opportunity, would only end up with a farm at most.@@novelbin@@
Eves felt no envy, truly no envy. With hard work, there was a chance within his lifetime to buy a farm of his own.
Under society¡¯s harsh blows, Eves thought bing a great engineer was quite alright; after all, he had excelled in mechanics courses at school. Clutching his dreams and his discharge pay, he came to this unfamiliar city.
He had believed that with his talents, he could easily join argepany with generous benefits, quickly earning the recognition of a benefactor, thus receiving targeted corporate training, and eventually bing a great engineer.
Reality proved he was overly optimistic. The economic crisis arrived just as he started his career search.
Amidst widespreadyoffs bypanies, it wasn¡¯t about joining argepany with good treatment anymore¡ªEves couldn¡¯t evennd a job washing dishes at a roadside restaurant.
Overseas was such a distant concept. Although airnes had appeared, they were only used in the military, with asional use by some aviation clubs.
Theoretically, there were no issues with using nes to travel between Europe and Africa, but in practice, it was simply unrealistic. Setting aside safety concerns, the high operational costs alone made airlines balk.
All of the Holy Roman Empire¡¯s airlines mainly operated airships, primarily for short or medium-range rapid cargo transport. There were passenger services, but the prices were beyond the reach of regr folks.
Under normal circumstances, the fastest round trip by ship from Europe to the African Continent would take at least a month, with some remote areas requiring half a year for a single journey.
As for further locations like Southeast Asia and America, it goes without saying. If quick, it would take several months¡ªotherwise, a year and a half.
With such long travel distances, the costs were naturally steep. Many people, having left their hometowns, wouldn¡¯t return for decades. It wasn¡¯t that they did not wish to return home; it¡¯s just that the expenses of a round trip amounted to a year¡¯s ie.
Ordinary families couldn¡¯t withstand such an ordeal, especially those with dependent families. To ensure a better life for their loved ones, many had no choice but to set aside their homesickness.
Many immigrants, after leaving Europe, only returned to their hometowns with their entire families in theirter years. There was no other way, only then could they possibly umte enough leave for a free trip home.
The once-in-five-year home leave promised by the colonial government or employers was only for the employee and limited to a single individual. To bring family along, one had to umte enough leave or pay out of pocket.
It wasn¡¯t that better terms couldn¡¯t be offered; the problem was, if you took your whole family and left, the employers also worried you might note back!
Apart from those who made a name for themselves and could return more often, ordinary people¡ªby the time they went back¡ªit was ¡°children meeting as strangers,ughing and asking where the guestes from.¡± The childhood hometown, the fond memories, had all vanished.
Looking at his nearly empty wallet, Eves knew that if he couldn¡¯t find work soon, he would have topromise with life.
Perhaps there was a better life overseas, but the taste of home could never be found again. Once stepping out, family and friends would turn into passersby in life.
That night, Eves was sleepless. Along with him, thousands of unemployed were awake, pondering whether to venture out to make a living, another dilemma on the road of life.
¡
The economic crisis was rampant, making life not only difficult for the people but also for governments worldwide.
The bankruptcy of the Prussian government was just the beginning. By May, the governments of Modena, Parma, and the Two Sicilies followed in insolvency, and by June, Sardinia, La, and Tuscany could no longer hold on, joining the wave of bankruptcy.
In the Italian Area, only the Papal State was left, struggling to persist. Being a religious state, with donations from the faithful, it fared somewhat better than its neighbors.
But that was only marginally better; if the economic crisis continued, and the faithful could no longer donate, the Papal State would likely join the bankruptcy wave.
The copse in the Italian Area was only a beginning. As Franz knew, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, and Switzend, the four remaining governments, were also in dire straits.
Belgium was struggling due to the severe losses in the war; the reconstruction was only halfway done when they were hit by the economic crisis, and to have endured to this point was impressive enough.
Switzend was overextended, borrowing heavily on financial markets to develop newly acquired territories.
When the rain came, the banks suddenly took away their umbre. The finance issues were exposed all at once, and the Swiss government found itself in a predicament. If the projects were abandoned, the initial investment would be wasted; if they continued, the government¡¯s finances couldn¡¯t bear it.
As for Portugal, it was like a misced Husky. With the Republicans and Monarchist faction embroiled in their own affairs, the economic development was neglected.
Unlike other colonial nations, Portugal¡¯s colonies were losing money, and had been doing so for many years.
Don¡¯t ask why they were losing money; they just were. And the losses only grewrger. Interestingly, the more their colonies lost, the more the Portuguese clung to them.
Even when high offers were made to purchase these ¡°inferior¡± assets, they still insisted on holding onto them. The reasons they knew were good enough; there was no need to dere them publicly.
In any case, faced with increasingly high colonial expenses, Portugal became ever more powerless. To maintain their Colonial Empire, the Portuguese racked up huge foreign debts, so high that this small European nation could barely catch its breath.
Spain originally had the most substantial foundation among these nations, but unfortunately, the Philippine War not only drained the Spaniards¡¯ treasury but also tore through their ¡°great power¡± facade.
Though the Philippine War continued, and Spain had not been defeated, the strength they disyed was hardlyparable to that of the great powers.
If Vienna hadn¡¯t repeatedly taken their side, Spain would have copsed long ago. Now, it was less about Spain waging war against Japan, and more about Shinra being a thorn in Japan¡¯s side.
One look at the battlefield situation could tell you everything. The Spanish Fleet, which had suffered heavy losses, had not only been replenished but had even added a battleship to its main force.
The army need not be mentioned; the main forces on the battlefield had now be mercenaries, and it was the former elite of the French Army that was engaging with the Japanese.
Theirbat record spoke for itself. The exchange ratio had gone from 1:1.4 to 1:2.7, aplete qualitative breakthrough.
The Spanish Expeditionary Army, which had originally been knocked about by the Japanese, was gradually gaining the upper hand. And though victory remained distant, the development was at least heading in a favorable direction.
In contrast, Japan, another impoverished empire, was now far more miserable. With British naval support, the navy was no issue, but the army was a different story!
The gap in weapons and equipment could be managed by the British, but that would take time; as for soldier training, that was something the Japanese had to handle themselves.
Originally imitating the French, the Philippines now presented the perfect stage for a battle between teacher and pupil. The Japanese Army wouldn¡¯t have suffered such heavy losses if not for the bane of their expansion.
Not every nation had the capacity to maintain hundreds of thousands of soldiers in a standing army during peacetime; Japan¡¯s standing army divisions were only a few in number, totaling barely a hundred thousand men.
After the outbreak of the Philippine War, their numbers had ballooned to over eight hundred thousand¡ªan increase by a factor of five. They were severely short of officers and veterans.
Evenpensating with the spirit of bushido couldn¡¯t raise professional standards. Soldiers¡¯ uracy told the story: in shooting matches on the battlefield, even the Spanish Army outgunned them, not to mention the French elite.
Their only advantagey in their courage; when it came to risking their lives, they didn¡¯t hesitate. Unfortunately, Japan was so impoverished that soldiers grew up in limiting environments, many thin and pallid, clearlycking nutrition.
With poor nutrition came poor physical stamina. Asians were already at a slight natural disadvantage in bodily fitnesspared to Europeans, and now that gap was even more pronounced.
If not for the jungle to exploit, the Japanese Army, no matter how brave, wouldn¡¯t have held out this long. Yet, the jungle wasn¡¯t omnipotent; if the enemy didn¡¯t enter, they had no advantage.
Unlike the Spanish Army, the mercenaries came to war for money. Each one¡¯s morale soared at the sight of a city, but they balked at the prospect of the jungle.
And then, an interesting scene unfolded. With the help of hundreds of thousands of mercenaries, the Spanish Expeditionary Army captured several cities in the Philippine Inds, but the jungle became off-limits to them.
Mercenaries were reluctant to fight in ces without loot, and the Spanish Army, learning their lesson, were equally unwilling to suffer in the jungle.
Thus, the Japanese Army, which had prepared ambushes in advance, ended up pointlessly feeding mosquitoes in the jungle. Out of necessity, the Japanese resorted to guerri warfare, asionally emerging from the jungle to stage attacks and seize supplies from the enemy.
If the situation didn¡¯t change, it was estimated that within a year or so, the Expeditionary Army could capture all the key towns in the Philippine Inds, and the Japanese forces holding the vast jungle would effectively be guerri squads.
Clearly, this was something the Japanese Government could not tolerate. To win the war, they had already rallied the locals, forming a solid Anti-White Alliance.
However, during the Spanish rule, internal conflicts between Native Tribes were deliberately incited, leaving this grand alliance fraught with internal dangers. Many people suffered from a deep-seated fear of whites¡ªcheering from the sidelines was possible, but actual contributions to the war were a distant prospect.
For the Japanese Government, the military troubles were minor; sacrificing lives was no problem as long as they were willing to die. Their current disadvantage was simply not understanding the rules of the European game.
They hadn¡¯t anticipated that the Spaniards would let mercenaries take the lead and had been caught off guard. Once they caught their breath, things would improve.
Financial troubles, by contrast, were the real problem. The Japanese Government had never had much wealth, and maintaining arge navy while also supporting arge army had long exceeded the limits of their finances.
Even though the Japanese Army reaped considerable rewards in the Philippine Inds, most of the wealth went into individual pockets, leaving only a small part for the government. Clearly, this small portion of spoils was not enough to fund the war.
During peacetime, they could have borrowed foreign debt, but now it wasn¡¯t possible. In times of economic crisis, cash was king¡ªthe banking consortiums were tightening their belts and certainly wouldn¡¯t lend lightly.
Issuing bonds was even less thinkable. The tidal wave of unemployment swept in, and ordinary people relied on their savings to weather the crisis. Who would have spare cash to buy bonds?
¡°Support from the British,¡± just take it as you hear. Not everyone is the iron-headed Louis XVI, bleeding for America¡¯s cause¡ªan event that only happened once in history. It was impossible to expect the British to support at any cost.
Moreover, the London Government was now hardly managing its own troubles. With the world in the throes of an economic crisis, Britannia, as the world¡¯s secondrgest economy, was naturally not exempt.
Perhaps due to an overdeveloped financial sector, as the economic crisis raged, Britannia also faced a financial crisis.
Of course, war wasn¡¯t entirely detrimental. At the very least, this war helped the Japanese Government weather the economic crisis. In contrast to the European world¡¯s Great Depression, Japan¡¯s domestic scene, aside from being thick with gunpowder, was still economically ¡°thriving.¡±
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Chapter 1001: 15, Loss-making Deal
Chapter 1001: Chapter 15, Loss-making Deal
Europe had been struck by a disaster, and naturally, America could not escape its reach. With the booming development of international trade, the economic connections between nations had be increasingly tight.
After the outbreak of the economic crisis, it wasn¡¯t just the downstream manufacturing and retail sectors that suffered heavy losses; middlemen wholesalers and upstream raw material suppliers were likewise unable to escape the impact.
Then, the sales of Argentine beef and soybeans slumped, Chilean copper mines and saltpeter experienced stagnant sales, and the cotton of the United States rotted in the fields¡ªthe United States, being the most advanced in industrialization, naturally suffered the heaviest losses.
There was no way around it. Once the economic crisis erupted, mass dumping began. In this respect, the interests of the Anglo-Austrian two countries were aligned, and this could be considered themon will of the European countries. The American people, fragmented as they were, had no strength to refuse.@@novelbin@@
Not only was the market hit hard, but the most tragic aspect was that British capital, in a critical moment to deal with the domestic crisis, withdrew its investments in the United States.
Strikes, unemployment, and the surge of populism spread like wildfire. Especially the ¡°Free Silver¡± movement of 1892, which further exacerbated the crisis.
The price of silver had been falling for quite some time, and the ¡°Free Silver¡± policy was undoubtedly leading the US Dor down a path of devaluation and intion.
It wasn¡¯t that American people were unaware of the consequences of the ¡°Free Silver¡± policy; they were essentially forced into it. Faced withpetition from European industrial products, American domestic businesses had almost no power to fight back.
To protect the country¡¯s industry, the United States government had no choice but to adopt stimtive policies. As for the side effects that followed, themon people had to pay the price, and the agricultural sector undoubtedly suffered the most.
However, America had already split once, and the powerful agricultural states had mostly followed along with the Alliance; the remaining states, dominated by capital, naturally cared little for these minor issues.
When intion met an economic crisis, the situation became entirely different. The purchasing power of the ordinary people declined, directly leading to a further contraction of the market, and a vicious economic cycle began.
The withdrawal of British capital further intensified the crisis, creating an eerie situation. On one hand, there was severe intion; on the other, there was a shortage of currency in cirction.
The United States of America, with its severe gold reserve shortage, was caught in an economic crisis and, at the same time, a currency crisis.
To cope with the crisis, Democratic President Clevnd, seeking to escape the Great Depression, took decisive measures: issuing government bonds to buy gold.
This opportunity to make a fortune was something bankers would not pass up. On one side, they provided gold for these high-interest bonds; on the other, they exchanged paper money for gold reserves.
With gold moving in and out, the gold remained the same; the reserves hardly increased, and the interest margin had already allowed the bankers to make a killing.
Looking at the intelligence in his hands, Franz seriously doubted whether Clevnd had been bought by the bankers, to bring out such a brainless mary policy.
Doubts aside, this didn¡¯t affect his involvement in getting a piece of the action. The only regret was that the current United States wasn¡¯t very profitable¡ªthe te was too small, too many people were sharing the cake, and as a neer, he got even less.
The profit margin of 680,000 US Dors was the result of a month¡¯s operation by the American branch. To the ordinary person, it was a huge sum, but to Franz, it was just a token amount.
Following this, Franz no longer concerned himself. Any brainless policycked sustainability, and such money-giving policies were no exception. If Clevnd continued ying this way, perhaps the United States government would be crushed by debt even before his term was over.
Regardless of how ridiculous the gold bond policy was, it did not affect Clevnd¡¯s reputation as a ¡°good president.¡± Merely on the grounds that he abolished the so-called ¡°mother of trusts,¡± the McKinley Tariff Act, he must be considered a ¡°good president.¡±
¡
ording to the financial world, if everyone is tied to risk, then it doesn¡¯t count as a risk. The same logic applies here; if all the world¡¯s economies slide together, it can be considered as if there were no slide at all, at least in terms of rtive national power.
Franz had achieved his goal, but he couldn¡¯t be happy about it. After all, one must find a way to weather the economic crisis.
All countries had been dragged into the mess, leaving no opportunity forpetitors to rise opportunely. Strategically, it was a sess, but restoring the economy became even more difficult.
He nced at the world map and said helplessly, ¡°The foreign ministry should prepare to mediate the Japanese and Spanish war; the Spaniards are almost at their limit, and the Japanese aren¡¯t much better off.
If the war continues, it might turn into a war of attrition between us and the British. With the intensity of the Philippine campaign, it could take another three to five years to determine a winner.
A gamble without a foreseeable oue is not worth continuing to waste money on. Now is the best opportunity for a settlement, and I estimate the British aren¡¯t keen to throw their money away either.¡±
A war between two paupers, if allowed to drag on, will ultimately leave the sponsors in trouble. Although the world had not yet reached the point where ¡°the debtor is the lord,¡± when faced with a broke patron, everyone is powerless.
Spain was somewhat better off, with a few wealthy colonies worth some money; Japan was truly impoverished. If they managed to take the Philippine Inds, there mighte a day to repay the debt; if not, British investment would be lost.
The oil yield from soy is twenty percent, from rapeseed thirty-six percent, from sesame forty-five percent, but can you extract oil from chaff?
Putting himself in the shoes of the British Government, Franz also had to consider whether continued investment in Japan was worthwhile.
Using capital to exhaust the enemy¡ªif the opponent was Russia, it might have been feasible, but unfortunately, the adversary this time was the Shinra Empire. Without pouring in billions of British Pounds, not even a ripple could be made.
Even though the British had more substantial capital, the endurance of Shinra was much stronger! A war of attrition tested not only capital but endurance as well.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg frowned and said, ¡°Your Majesty, the key to mediating the Japanese and Spanish war lies with the ownership of the Philippine Inds. With the war having progressed to this point, neither Japanese nor Spaniards are likely to concede easily.
If we opt for apromise and let both countries co-manage the Philippine Inds, the war can end now, but in a few years, they will fight again.
We don¡¯t have that much time to be entangled in this. From the Empire¡¯s perspective, the best course of action is to make Japan back down.
To make the Japanese Government yield, merely our and Spain¡¯s influence will be insufficient, even with the entire Continental Alliance supporting us, it wouldn¡¯t guarantee sess unless the British also support us.
However¡¡±
Franz interrupted, ¡°There is no ¡®however.¡¯ The protagonists of the Philippine war are Japan and Spain, don¡¯t you think we are getting too involved?¡±
At this point, it¡¯s about time for the Spaniards to put some effort into it themselves. No matter how incapable they may seem, as a European country, they couldn¡¯t possibly lose to the Japanese in thepetition for influence in Europe¡¯s public opinion, could they?
Let them mobilize their own influence, create momentum for themselves in Europe, and by the way, portray the Japanese as somewhat more barbaric. That should suffice.
Now, we¡¯re in the midst of an economic crisis, and the British Parliament isn¡¯t just twiddling its thumbs. There are so many eyes watching, where could the London Government get so much funding to support the Japanese?
With the end of the Japanese-Spanish War, the gold-eating beast is gone, and the government¡¯s finances can finally catch a breath. This is very beneficial for the uing economic construction.
War costs money. The Philippine campaign has reached this point, and both the Japanese and Spanish sides need rge amounts of money¡± and ¡°massive supplies.¡± Mere verbal support has lost all meaning.
Once public opinion gets hyped up, and the British Government again funds Japan, the grumbling British public will definitely not let them get away with it.
In the matter of catching the government¡¯s faults, the opposition party is a natural ally of the Spanish Government. Once an issue erupts, they will definitely make trouble in Parliament.
Even if the British Government could suggest consortia to lend money to the Japanese, who would lend to the Japanese Government, recognizing at a nce its inability to repay debts, without security guarantees for the loan?
The Japanese Government, without money, would find it hard not topromise. If they don¡¯t take advantage of the negotiating capital they have now, they¡¯ll be left with nothing to bargain withter.
The only regret is that the Japanese-Spanish War has ended this way, preventing the Holy Roman Empire from maximizing its interests. Purely in terms of investment return, the Vienna Government has virtually made a loss-making deal this time.
However, Franz couldn¡¯t care less about making losses now, with the aim to quickly emerge from the economic crisis. The monthly consumption of over 10 million Divine Shields could create tens of thousands of jobs if used for economic recovery.
After all, the Vienna Government is truly broke now. Not only does the domestic economy need recovery, but they also need to find money to support several subordinates.
The government must exist despite bankruptcy. The debt issue can be set aside for now, but the social order in different countries cannot copse.
Times have changed, and as the ¡°big brother¡± of the Continental Europe, the Holy Roman Empire has be the maintainer of order. The ¡°wonderful¡± era of enjoying turmoil without concern has gone for good.
Prime Minister Carl: ¡°Your Majesty, considering the current special circumstances, the Cab prepares to increase infrastructure investment and to kickstart the Asia-Africa-Europe Circr Railway ahead of schedule, to drive domestic economic recovery through infrastructure industry.
In light of the massive investments required for this project, the Cab ns to split it into several subprojects, and to finance the construction of the segments with higher returns on investment, to reduce cost input.
For the remaining segments with more difficult construction and no visible return on investment, the government will undertake the investment. The main funding will be through bank loans and the issuance of government bonds.
The current situation is very favorable to us. Recently, several European countries, including Russia, Spain, Belgium, Switzend, and others, have borrowed a significant amount of money from us.
The Divine Shield settlement system is firmly established on the European Continent. We happen to be in an economic crisis, and the British are too busy to attend to us.
As long as we can step out of the economic crisis first, Divine Shield will take an absolute upper hand in the battle for currency hegemony.
Once Europe is stable, it will be easy to expand globally. It¡¯s just a matter of buying, buying, buying. Regardless of what national governments think, capitalists are very weing of Divine Shield.¡±
Strategically important but loss-making railways are doomed to be funded only by the government. There¡¯s no way around it, as the trick of cheating capitalists can only be pulled off once. More than thirty years ago, during the domestic railway boom, capitalists were cheated once; now everyone has wised up.
No matter how good a story you tell, if the return on investment isn¡¯t visible, no one will pay attention.
The ¡°Asia-Africa-Europe Circr Railway¡± sounds mighty, but in reality, it¡¯s just so-so. It¡¯s merely linking the existing railways and filling in the missing links.
To expect this railway to ¡°make money¡± might be possible if the Holy Roman Empire¡¯s poption grows four or five times, giving a glimmer of hope.
And this is merely nominally ¡°making money,¡± where operational ie exceeds the operational costs. To recoup the investment cost and earn a substantial return, the poption would have to grow seven or eight times.
Whether this can be achieved in the future is unknown; certainly not within Franz¡¯s lifetime. Losing money isn¡¯t the concern; it¡¯s the value of the loss that matters.
In theory, as long as the Shinra Navy can control the Mediterranean, this strategically significant railway loses all practical value. After all, sea transportation is cheaper; by the time goods have gone around the railway, the merchant ships would have made several round trips.
Looking at the current international situation, the Shinra Navy¡¯s supremacy in the Mediterranean has beenpletely established, even the British can¡¯t shake it.
If the British ever muster the courage to send the Royal Navy¡¯s main force into the Mediterranean, Franz wouldugh in his dreams. The bathtub isn¡¯t a joke, and nobody has decreed naval battles must be fought solely by navies.
As the world¡¯s leading air power, Franz can boldly dere that coastal areas are no-go zones for military ships from all nations.
Whether taking off from the Asia-Africa-Europe Continent or from the Italian Penins, the Shinra Air Force can ensure they don¡¯t get away with it.
Low hit rates are fine; as long as the quantity is high, there will always be gains. If all else fails, Japan¡¯s ¡°Divine Wind¡± squad isn¡¯t bad either.
Apart from airnes in the sky, there are also submarines underwater. Originally, Shinra¡¯s progress in submarine technology was unspectacr. However, this situation improved following the end of the anti-France war.
Having inherited French submarine technology, the Shinra Navy now has its submarine fleets, though it¡¯s a pity the technology hasn¡¯t broken through to allow for open sea operations.
With so many advantages, the Vienna Government¡¯s demand for the ¡°Asia-Africa-Europe Circr Railway¡± naturally isn¡¯t high. If it hadn¡¯t been for the economic crisis, it¡¯s likely the railway wouldn¡¯t have even been approved.
There are no ifs in reality. Since it coincided with the crisis, then the circr railway is to be born. It may be wasteful, but considering the positive implications ofunching the railway, it¡¯s hardly worth mentioning.
After all, recovering the economy is the most pressing task for the Vienna Government at the moment. To emerge from the economic crisis one day earlier, Divine Shield can gain a slight advantage in the struggle for currency hegemony.
Chapter 1002: 16, Painfully Cutting Losses
Chapter 1002: Chapter 16, Painfully Cutting Losses
The government¡¯s method of stimting the economy may have been somewhat crude, but its simplicity and effectiveness prevailed. As soon as the Vienna Government announced the ¡°Ring Railway¡± n, the market reacted.
On April 26, 1894, when the Vienna Stock Market opened, the construction sector surged ahead by opening 7 points higher, at one point even breaking through the 20-point barrier, finally closing with an increase of 11.6% in the sector.
Rted sectors like steel, cement, construction machinery, and banking also followed suit with rebounds.
As a result, the Vienna Stock Market rebounded by 3.62%, marking thergest rebound since the onset of the stock crash.
But there was no follow-up. Ever since the crash began, the Vienna Stock Market had been on a downward trend, with the worst decline reaching 74.3% from its peak, even the rebound only recovered to 30% of the peak values.
With the market plunging so dramatically, one can only imagine the extent to which market confidence copsed. There was no helping it, the free-market economy is just that capricious.
Rtively speaking, the construction and steel sector fared better. As a mature industry, the market¡¯s ceiling was clear for all to see, inherently boasting lower valuations, and with the support ofrge post-war reconstruction projects, it naturally couldn¡¯t fall too far.
After this rebound, it mostly regained three-quarters of its peak value, barely managing to emerge from the crisis.
The real disaster zone of the crash was actually in the emerging tech industries, which,cking solid performance to back them, propped up their market value on just ¡°good stories,¡± and once the bubble was pricked, they fell so hard they were unrecognizable.
Luckily, Franz had disguised himself well, otherwise he wouldn¡¯t dare to show his face right now. Technological progress trulyes at a cost, and relying solely on individual effort was simply too paltry.
In order to elerate the Empire¡¯s technological development, Franz resolutely chose to havepanies go public for fundraising. Scientific research always required luck, which is why there were often multiple research groups for one project.
Shearing a single sheep was terribly inefficient and clearly didn¡¯t meet the needs. But this didn¡¯t trouble Franz, especially since there was no inte around those days, repeating a story several times was of no consequence.
From Vienna to London, in every significant financial market in Europe, there were techpanies publicly listed by the Royal Consortium. Had the overseas markets been more mature, they probably would have turned the five continents into pastures.
Although the shearing may have been harsh,pared to his peers, Franz was definitely a conscientious entrepreneur.
Unlike the winner-takes-all high-techndscape of the future, the industry was just starting out. Just passing one milestone on the track could establish a ¡°greatpany.¡±
The only pity was the sess rate, which was ever so slightly low. In the past thirty years, the Royal Consortium had invested in more than two thousand techpanies going public. A quarter of these had gone bankrupt, seventy percent were still struggling, and only less than five percent were thriving.
Looking at the data, the pitfalls of these high-tech projects were evident. It couldn¡¯t be helped; after all, Franz had been an academic underachiever in his previous life.
Many times, the conception of a project was nothing more than a spur-of-the-moment idea from the Emperor. There was no specific technology involved, and most of the time not even a concept, only the functional requirements were defined.
For instance, a refrigerator that could keep food cold, an air conditioner that could cool and heat, a television set that could y videos, and the unfathomableputer¡
A series of ¡°high-tech¡± projects were proposed by Franz regardless of how far ahead they were of their time, leaving it to scientists to evaluate them. When they couldn¡¯t find a starting point or figure out how to begin, they just packaged the idea and took it public for financing.
Every story is a good one, after all. Every family needs a machine to store food cold, and a machine that can adjust indoor temperatures has enormous market potential.
As to whether or not these can be developed, and when they might be achieved?
Sorry, this is the sacred pursuit of scientific research. As long as it can theoretically be realized, and the story told convinces investors, that¡¯s sufficient.
The ultimate oue was very clear, the more advanced the project, the more tragically it failed. Only a very few lucky ones managed to stand out. Moreover, arge part of thesepanies strayed off course, identally creating by-products that turned profitable.
For instance, they didn¡¯t produce a refrigerator, but instead made a breakthrough in cold storage technology; they couldn¡¯t make a television, but a movie projector came first; air conditioning was nowhere to be seen, yet fan technology was improved¡
The lucky ones were always the minority. The vast majority ofpanies didn¡¯t achieve a technological breakthrough in their main business or sess in a side venture, and could only survive by constantly raising funds.
It was better before the stock market crash. With sessful examples to stir them, investors were rtively lenient toward high-tech enterprises. Many capital consortiums were lured and jumped into the pit.
After all, high-tech enterprises created by the Royal Consortium indeed conducted scientific research. Their financial ounts were clear and transparent. Aside from not making a profit, they were truly conscientious businesses.
After the stock market crash, the true nature of things became tantly obvious. Suddenly, everyone realized what kind ofpanies they had invested in.
Huge sums of money had been poured into thesepanies, which for several years, or even decades, had not turned a profit or were merely maintaining minimal profits. What were they if not garbage?
If it were just that, it could be forgone, as a series of specialized technologies still existed, perhaps one day to be utilized. But the valuation of thesepanies was outrageously high, with price-to-earnings ratios in the hundreds, nothing but a bubble.
In fact, these unprofitable enterprises weren¡¯t losses, they were intentionally manipted by the Royal Consortium. Using other fronts allowed thesepanies to earn some ie on side ventures.
It was only when the hole became too big to patch, or when the research and development team was truly ipetent, that they¡¯d be abandoned and left to go bankrupt.
This month a patent, in a few months another technological breakthrough. The market¡¯s confidence was continuously stimted by an endless stream of positive news. The enterprises¡¯ financing grew more and more, and their market value kept inting.
If not for the stock market crash, this game of hot potato could have continued indefinitely. Until one day, a technological breakthrough urred, leading to another story.
Unfortunately, reality doesn¡¯t deal in ¡°ifs,¡± and now, with the bubble burst, thosepanies without performance to support them naturally plummeted.
A ¡°halving¡± followed by another ¡°halving¡± was just the treatment for the sessful five percent. The overall decline in the tech sector was upwards of eighty percent, with some individual stocks even plummeting by ny-nine point nine percent.@@novelbin@@
If wealth was calcted by market value, after the stock market crash, Franz¡¯s paper wealth had evaporated by at least Eighty Billion Divine Shield, more than the total annual fiscal revenue of all the countries in the worldbined.
The bubble he had blown up had to be swallowed by him as a bitter fruit. Of course, this was only on the surface. A deeper investigation would reveal that since the outbreak of war in Europe, the major shareholders of thesepanies had begun to sell off their shares.
A major shareholder remained a major shareholder, and the portion of shares sold was only a small part of their holdings. Yet, that small part could now buy the entirepany.
Franz, though he had reaped considerable profits, now found no joy in his sess. In the past, he was fleecing others, using their money to finance research¡ªnaturally, it didn¡¯t hurt to burn through funds that weren¡¯t his own.
But now, the situation was different; the market had no financing avable, and these proud high-tech enterprises were on the brink of bankruptcy, about to copse in his hands.
Franz had only two choicesid out before him: either inject his own capital to rescue thesepanies, or act decisively and dispose of these gold-guzzling beasts.
Without a doubt, neither option was appealing. ¡°Investing¡± sounded simple, but in practice, it was a tearful affair.
Keep in mind that this wasn¡¯t just one or twopanies, but thousands needing money. Even with Franz¡¯s considerable personal wealth, such reckless spending could not be sustained.
¡°Acting decisively¡± would indeed incur no short-term losses, but it meant that all his previous efforts were wasted. Moreover, after this lesson, it would not be so easy to spin tales and fleece others in the future.
There was no way out, the stock market crash came too swiftly, and as a major shareholder, he simply could not escape. Even more tragically, during the crash, Franz, out of conscience, missed shorting his own industry.
A single mistake led to eternal regret. Franz, who had missed out on many billions, suddenly found himself a pauper.
After much hesitation, a resigned Franz said, ¡°Prime Minister, find someone to carefully sift through and dere bankruptcy for all thepanies that are seriously in the red and show no results.
For the remainingpanies, we must also cut expenses, reduce research funding, and develop as many profitable side ventures as possible.
The Royal Consortium will, within its capabilities, covertly support these enterprises. As a principle, we prioritize saving our domesticpanies first; as for those overseas, abandon them if we must.
Also, send someone to gradually buy up shares of quality domestic enterprises on the secondary market. The bottom isn¡¯t far now; we should soon see a rebound.¡±
The stock market, once the bubble had burst, was a mess. Compared to the valuations before the crash, which were often dozens or even hundreds of times higher, the current valuations, merely several times as high, seemed much more reasonable.
By acting decisively, cutting some deeply indebtedpanies, Franz¡¯s heart bled as he urgently needed to bottom-fish some quality assets to replenish his holdings.
Prime Minister Mirabelon advised, ¡°Your Majesty, the economic crisis is nearing its end. If we engage in widespread bankruptcy liquidations now, our losses will be immense.
It would be better to let these enterprises transform. When necessary, the consortium can help them to boost performance and share prices, and find an opportunity to pass them off to someone else.¡±
Indeed, this was why the consortium favored ying the financial markets. Running real businesses yielded slow returns, not to mention heavy losses in an economic crisis.
Byparison, ying the financial markets was much easier. An ¡°economic crisis¡± not only presented ¡°danger¡± but also ¡°opportunity.¡±
For the average citizen and business, it was a disastrous crisis, but for the financial consortium, it was a great opportunity.
During a crisis, they could short sell; after a crisis, they could buy low; and after the recovery, they could sell the assets they had acquired and wait for the next cycle of crisis to y again.
In the capitalist world, an economic crisis every dozen years or so, while serving as the market¡¯s self-regtion, also signaled that those behind the scenes saw ripe fruit ready to harvest.
Otherwise, with such evident signs before the outbreak of a major economic crisis, how could everyone have failed to notice?
Franz shook his head, ¡°I think you¡¯ve misunderstood. This economic crisis won¡¯t be over so easily. Although we¡¯re nearing the bottom, the end is still far away.
The most optimistic estimate is that the Empire won¡¯t shake off the Great Depression until next year. As for other countries, it will depend on their individual circumstances. To fully emerge from the crisis, it will take at least two years or more.
The time needed for the market to regain confidence and find new buyers will be even longer. If we don¡¯t shut down these heavily loss-making enterprises, our losses will continue to grow.¡±
Unlike before, this economic crisis had been artificially dyed. Following the normal trajectory of capitalist world economic development, signs of an economic crisis had appeared three years ago, initially in France.
Had it not been for the outbreak of war on the European Continent, the French would have been the first to implode. Perhaps it was the realization of the gravity of the crisis that prompted them to choose war before the bubble burst.
While the war diverted attention from the crisis, it also fermented a new one. If the Continental War had ended and the crisis been allowed to erupt, perhaps it would¡¯ve been weathered within a year or so.
Sadly, for their own interests, the Anglo-Austrian governments took steps to dy the crisis, artificially extending the bull market by more than a year, doubling the market once more and inting the bubble to unimaginable proportions.
The bigger the bubble, the more devastating the destruction after it burst, with the Vienna Stock Market evaporating three-quarters of its value. Other financial markets were simrly affected, with impacts far exceeding those of previous economic crises.
Hearing this dire news, Mirabelon¡¯s face turned ashen. A Great Depressionsting over two years was as destructive as the revolution of 1848.
If the Holy Roman Empire couldn¡¯t lead the way out and drive global economic recovery, there was a real possibility that the European Continent could see a repeat of the revolutions of 1848.
In some ways, the European world of today was even more ripe for revolution than in 1848.
Unemployment sweeping across many nations, deteriorating economic conditions,plex international conflicts, and hatred between European countries¡ªall were breeding grounds for revolutionary ideas.
The French, unwilling to ept defeat, Spain mired in the quagmire of the Philippine War, Portugal, where the Monarchist and Republican factions were at each other¡¯s throats, and the recently independent but still unstable Italian States¡ªall had the foundations for revolutionary outbursts.
The Holy Roman Empire, appearing formidable as the new superpower, was actually at a crossroads. Should a wave of revolution erupt across the Continent, the Vienna Government would face serious troubles.
Especially with a Britannia lurking in the shadows, eager to cause trouble; and a seemingly curbed but still ambitious Tsarist Government.
In this context, if the Royal Consortium didn¡¯t swiftly and painfully cut its losses, there might not even be a chance to do soter.
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