Chapter 383: Economic Foundation and Superstructure
"What reactionary rulers? We are the most enlightened rulers," Lucien said.
"Then we must be even better at using these two tools," Joseph replied.
"Joseph, don''t mind these fools, let''s continue our previous topic," Napoleon said.
"Between these two methods, the use of forceful suppression should be handled cautiously. If used, it must be swift, quelling the disorder right at its inception. What do we need to be most wary of in the early stages of disorder? My brothers, the most dangerous sprout of disorder is the organization forming among the lower sses. If someone attempts to organize the lower sses, those without a stake. We need to take immediate measures to dismantle their organization. We can tolerate disorganized riots, but we can never tolerate even peaceful demonstrations if they are organized. Because organization itself signifies real power," Joseph remarked, recalling the sessful experience of a beacon nation in the future.
For a period, the beacon nation was just a "beacon of freedom," not yet a "beacon of democracy." The g of democracy was still waving fiercely in the hands of its most dangerous enemy, the pr bear. Interestingly, the enthusiasts pushing democracy globally weren''t the beacon nation but the honest and reliable kos.
At that time, a group of ck people in the beacon nation, led by a ck pastor, began challenging the nation''s system, demanding democracy. They brought hundreds of thousands of ck and underprivileged white people to peacefully protest at the Lincoln Memorial.
It was indeed a peaceful protest. Despite the presence of hundreds of thousands, not a single scrap of paper was littered—how dangerously organized it was! Much more dangerous than those engaging in violence. Moreover, the ck pastor delivered a speech at the gathering. Although advocating "nonviolent non-cooperation" sounded much kinderpared to "armed seizure of power," it was still revolutionary theory. With theory and organization, how could it not progress further? Thus, the beacon nation promptly took a decapitating measure, instantly gunning down the ck pastor.
After the pastor, there came the "ck Panther Party"—not the one with citizens living a primitive life while portraying themselves as superheroes. They believed in altering the world through prolonged organization and mobilization of the masses. They attempted revolutionary socialism throughmunity programs in the ckmunity, offering free breakfasts to poor kids and political education. Can you believe it? They actually wanted to organize!
How to deal with them? Of course, the old trick, outright decapitation. Soon, the leaders of the ck Panther Party were either riddled with bullets or thrown into jail. Then came protests and riots, but disorganized and undisciplined riots pose limited threat."Once we detect any inclination towards organization, like the textile workers'' union in Britain, especially organized and ideological ones, we must immediately take steps to disband them. This includes direct physical resolution. However, using deceitful means is preferable whenever possible. Napoleon, how can a field never yield any crops no matter what you sow?" Joseph suddenly asked.
"Oh, that''s simple," Napoleon leaned back in his seat, saying, "Just let weeds overrun the field."
"Exactly," Joseph said, ncing at Lucien.
"For this issue, give me a little more time. Maybe I cane up with an answer," Lucien thought, feeling a bit uneasy.
"So, what are weeds? They''re organizations that look like they belong to the workers but are actually our own organizations," Joseph exined. "What''s the characteristic of our factory workers? They can be divided into two types: highly mobile ordinary workers and rtively stable skilled workers. There''s a significant difference between these two.
Firstly, the wages of ordinary workers are considerably low, far less than skilled workers and sometimes even less than farmers. Even the lowest-level skilled workers earn five times more than ordinary workers. As for the top-tier skilled workers, their ie is ten to dozens of times more than ordinary workers.
This results in a distinct lifestyle gap between the two. Skilled workers lead somewhatfortable lives, while ordinary workers barely scrape by. We''ve provided them with an escape valve—North America. One of their life goals is to earn enough for a ship ticket and head to North America.
Ethnically, they differ significantly from skilled workers. Over half of our factory''s ordinary workers hold green cards—foreigners, or ''prospective Frenchmen.''"
When speaking of "prospective Frenchmen," Joseph couldn''t help but smile.
These "prospective Frenchmen" could only be French citizens in Louisiana. The green card they held was proof of passing the "basic French test" and swearing allegiance to France. With this document, they could buynd at a low price and get low-interest loans. However, if they were involved in crimes in France, their qualifications would be revoked, and they''d be deported. So, these "prospective Frenchmen" were generally well-behaved and didn''t dare cause trouble in France. After all, they didn''t n to stay there for long.
"These ''prospective Frenchmen'' are highly mobile. They won''t stay here for long, making it hard for them to establish any organization. Coupled withnguage barriers, legal issues, and the exploitation from their homnds, our exploitation of them isn''t entirely intolerable.
On the other hand, skilled workers are different. They''re rtively stable and might even spend their entire lives in the factory as long as everything''s fine. With decent ies, their lifestyles differ significantly from ordinary workers''. They emotionally lean towards the upper ss rather than the lower ss. Despite realizing we''re exploiting them, they weigh the risk of losing what they have if they start a struggle. They may grumble and protest when we mistreat them, but they won''t rebel. They fear losing what they barely possess now. Therefore, they''re the easiest to bribe and control.
With their prolonged stay in the factory and limited mobility, we''ve established unions based on them. These unions seem to protect workers'' interests but fundamentally safeguard ours. However, not everyone sees it this way.
Now, thisnd is filled with our weeds. It''s extremely tough for those wanting to sow revolutionary seeds here, right? To grow revolutionary crops, they''ll need much more effort. At least, they''ll have to uproot these weeds first. But those skilled workers—or rather, we should call them the worker aristocracy—will think our unions protect them. They''ll then disconnect from the ordinary workers and protect these weeds, causing internal division among the workers. Isn''t this wonderful?"
"This is a part of public opinion maniption," Napoleon nodded. "Indeed, it''s highly enlightening. This is also a part of maniption, right?"
"Absolutely. Apart from this, there should also be intellectual deception," Joseph continued. "A crucial factor for a revolutionary organization to form is having guiding revolutionary thoughts.
Honestly, before the major revolution, the French people''s living conditions weren''t notably worsepared to neighboring countries. Whether Italians, Spaniards, Hignders, Londers, or even Austrians and Prussians, their lives were not better than the French and often worse. Why did the French revolt first rather than the people in these countries? Lucien, can you answer this?"
"Ah, I know this. Because they didn''t have Voltaire and Rousseau," Lucien immediately responded.
"That''s a somewhat correct exnation," Joseph nodded. "Precisely because
they didn''t have Voltaire and Rousseau. Our intelligentsia is ying a critical role in this area. We must control the intelligentsia and ensure they serve our interests. They must make the masses believe our system is the best. So, our intelligentsia must praise our system, while disguising the exploitation and the system''s weaknesses. They should focus on spreading ideas that uphold the system rather than ideas that question or criticize it."
"What if some intellectuals still hold opposing views?" Lucien asked.
"Then, these are true threats. They might even be more dangerous than organized workers. If they have a vast influence and their views spread widely, they could sway public opinion," Joseph said. "We need to watch out for such intellectuals and try to neutralize them through various means—co-optation, marginalization, or even suppression if necessary."
"The superstructure exists not just as a reflection of the economic base but also as a tool to maintain and justify it. In controlling the superstructure, we secure the longevity of our rule," Napoleon summarized. "This chapter concludes our discussions on the economic base and superstructure."